MSC ANTHROPOLOGY AND DEVELOPMENT 2011/12 Approaching African peasantry anthropologically Anthropology, peasants and rural development in northern Ivory Coast Candidate number: 62858 Words count: 9984 Abstract: Rural development is a crucial issue for contemporary Sub-Saharan Africa. Although a variety of development strategies have been deployed in the region throughout the years, their outcomes have often been frustrating. The aim of this dissertation is to highlight the areas where social anthropology could contribute in aiding and shaping development strategies. It identifies a central eak ess of u al de elop e t poli ies, a el the isu de sta di g of peasa ts age , a d argues that an anthropological approach could give a better account of it. The dissertation starts by presenting the main theories related to peasantry and their implementation in rural development policies, arguing that these approaches problematically e plo a edu tio ist o eptio of peasa ts age that is defined by either resistance or assimilation to the market system. These approaches are then assessed through the analysis of cotton plantations in Korhogo, northern Ivory Coast. This case exposes the complex interactions between peasants and developers, as well as the dynamics ope ati g i the peasa ts so iet . In order to uncover these dynamics it is necessary to overcome mainstream approaches, focusing on the various agencies of peasants and on their relations to the context. The approaches proposed by Long (2001) and Olivier de Sardan (1988; 2004) constitute useful theoretical tools to achieve this task. Mo eo e , the a e p odu ti el oupled ith “ahli s ; 2000) model of indigenization, which locates lo al a to s age y in the context of globalization. Through the use of these categories, the dissertation describes the complexity of the case study, and emphases the importance of those strategies related to the i te a tio et ee peasa ts age ies a d u al development policies. These findings suggest two areas where anthropology could engage in fruitful dialogue with rural development: the management of common resources and the analysis of local knowledge and practices. Furthermore, if the category of peasants is understood to describe actors located on the boundary between different productions systems, analyses focusing on their interactions with different external inputs could be an important point of view for the study of local o u ities i te a tio s ith glo alizatio p o ess. An anthropological approach to peasantry therefore has both theoretical and practical relevance, and could constitute an important arena for future research to add to and shape the recent interest of mainstream development agencies for rural African development. 2 Table of Contents 1. Introduction .............................................................................................................................. 4 2. African peasants and rural development........................................................................................ 6 2.1 The concept of peasantry ................................................................................................... 6 2.2 The problem of African peasantry ...................................................................................... 8 2.3 African peasants and rural development .......................................................................... 10 3. Cotton plantation and rural development: the case of Senufo peasants ....................................... 13 4 3.1 The Senufo of Korhogo ..................................................................................................... 13 3.2 Cotton in Korhogo: from resistance against colonial imposition to the boom of 1960s ..... 14 3.3 Senufo strategies in the SAP era ....................................................................................... 17 Analysing Senufo development: a pattern for complexity ........................................................ 21 4.1 The complex interaction between Senufo and development ............................................ 21 4.2 Interpreting complexity: from the modernization of indigenous to indigenization of the modernity.................................................................................................................................... 23 4.3 Implications for Anthropology and Development ............................................................. 25 5. Conclusion ................................................................................................................................... 27 6. Bibliography ................................................................................................................................ 29 3 1. Introduction Rural development is a major contemporary issue for Sub-Saharan Africa. The dramatic increase in food prices in the period between 2006 and 2008 harshly affected the livelihood of peasants and changed the economic and social environment of the countryside (IFAD, 2010). Moreover African rural development has generally been regarded as difficult and as generating frustrating and unexpected outcomes (Hyden, 1986; Cooper, 2002; Bates, 2005). As a result, the need to focus on rural development in this region has recently been placed on main-stream development agendas (World Bank, 2007), and the concepts of livelihood, participation and sustainability are being considered key tools for this current wave of intervention (Scoones, 2009). Bearing in mind these key concepts, questions on the nature of the role of peasants in rural development inevitably arise. Can peasants play an active part in rural development or are they confined to the role of target groups for policies that were planned elsewhere? If peasants can indeed be active actors, what could the outcomes of their participation to development policies be? I will argue that a crucial weakness of rural development models lies in their inability to explain peasa ts eha iou , a d that the ai easo fo this sho t o i g is a edu tio ist approach that results in simplifying their scope for agency. Social anthropologists have developed a method focused on the interaction between development agents and rural communities (Olivier de Sardan, 1988, 2004; Long 2001) and a theoretical framework that emphasizes the abilities of local actors to appropriate and re-use in original ways external concepts and practices (Sahlins, 1999; 2000). A critical assessment of peasantry theories and of rural development policies through an anthropological approach could uncover the complex role of peasants in development. In this dissertation I use the term peasants, despite the fact that most of the main development actors, such as the World Bank and the FAO, prefer the terms small-holder farmers. I find the term peasant more adequate for emphasizing the limits of development approaches and the contribution social anthropology could bring to the issue. A crucial aspect of peasantry relies on its location at the border between two commonly juxtaposed types of production systems: peasantry is thus considered a o t a sitio al atego u ities to a ds full i teg ated …) from relatively dispersed, isolated and self-sufficient a ket e o o ies Ellis, ; . This idea of t a sitio arguably tends to result in reducing the scope for agency of peasants because it either views them as 4 being assimilated by or as resisting market economies. Furthermore, the concept of peasantry itself could be seen as underemphasizing the complexity of peasant societies by glossing over arrays of heterogeneous, stratified and conflicting actors and reducing it to a homogenous group expressing a disti ti e internal logi Bernstein, 2001; 6). Despite these limitations, though, I find the term peasantry productive, as it is a heuristically relevant category whose weakness could be turned into strengths. By embracing its duality, the focus could be put on it as a binding and heterogeneous category, rather than as a transitional and homogenous one. When approaching peasantry as a complex ensemble of individuals acting from the boundaries between different socio – economic s ste s, a a th opologi al app oa h ould highlight peasa ts a ilit to deal i a o igi al a ith different inputs and pressures, becoming, in so doing, active social actors. The same approach could also enable a deeper comprehension of the power relations that are at work within peasant societies, and the different agencies and strategies developed within them as a result. As anthropological analysis is grounded on the realities of the field, its workings can be assessed by focusing on a specific case. I found the Senufo cotton plantation in the Korhogo Region, northern Ivory Coast, particularly suitable because of the variety of actions and outcomes that have been experienced by locals over time (Bassett, 2001). My analysis of this case does not claim to be representative of the entire African context, or indeed exhaustive and conclusive. However, it will hopefully outline the main issues related to the topic and suggest a framework with which to tackle it. In the first part of this dissertation I summarize the main models used when working on rural development. I show how they share a common conceptual weakness that make them unfit for u de sta di g peasa ts age . I assess the explanatory abilities of these models in the second part, through the analysis of cotton plantation in northern Ivory Coast. I emphasize the complexity and the variety in this context and I argue, in the last chapter, that this complexity could be better explained through Anthropology analytical tools and related to the broader approach of complexity developed by Sahlins. I then draw some general conclusions and suggestions about fields where this method can be applied. 5 2. African peasants and rural development This section outlines the theoretical framework regarding African peasantry and its relation with rural development. It is divided in three parts: the first presents the main contemporary1 theories about peasantry; the second explores how the concept of peasantry has been applied to Africa; the third explains rural development in Africa and its effect over peasantry. 2.1 The concept of peasantry Peasantry is an ambiguous term, as it encompasses a wide range of realities and it is difficult to define (Isaacman, 1990; 1). A significant effort to turn it into a useful analytical category was carried out by some American anthropologists. K oe e defi es peasa ts as a g oup i pla e et ee u al a d u a life ; a i te ediate . Despite living in rural areas, peasants are inevitably inserted in broader exchange systems together with urban realities. Wolf builds on this definition in order to distinguish peasants from farmers and primitive societies. Fa in the econo i se se , e s ope ate a e te p ise hile the unit of production for peasants is the family (1966; 3). The distinction with primitive societies, on the other hand, is based on the division of surplus: in p i iti e so ieties su pluses a e e ha ged a o g g oups o have to transfer them to a do i a t g oup of ule s oot of Ellis s defi itio of peasa t e e of g oups , hile peasa ts ; – 4). These two differences are at the as a t a sitio al atego ; a d constitute the reasons for its critical position, as peasants have to produce a surplus for the dominant group, but their production system is based on family labour and focuses on su siste e. This dile Wolf s o ds ; a , usi g , makes up the core of peasantry theories, and the ways in which academics tackle it sets up distinct theoretical frameworks. Basing myself on key peasantry analysis texts (Harriss, 1982; Brass, 2000; Bernstein, 2010), I identify two broad ways to approach this dualism: the modernist and the populist2. The former is based on the idea that the pressure exerted on peasants by dominant groups will led them to modify their 1 For reason of space I resumed the debate on peasantry with literature from the 1950s onwards, as it is the most relevant for the scope of this dissertation. 2 I found this distinction more useful in order to focus on agency s issues and to relate peasantry theories to rural development policies than the distinction between formalist and substantivist approaches outlined by Bryceson (2000). 6 behaviour in order to be integrated in broader economic systems. Two different theories share this assumption. The core argument of the modernization theory is that developing countries will pass through the same stages of development that have already been undertaken by developed countries (Rostow, 1960). Therefore they will establish modern value systems and institutions, where production aims at commercialization rather than subsistence (Apter, 1965; 43 – 50). Geertz s o k o Indonesia emphasizes the complexity of the process that moves u al so ieties f o a peasa t-village economy toward a firm-t pe e o o ; . This p o ess is hesita t a d i u s i ed (1963b; 83), as it requires actors to o e o e old attitudes, eliefs a d alues ; . It a be delayed by historical or ecological contingencies, like in Java, where agricultural production increased throughout the colonial period via a strong exploitation of this existing method, without a t a sitio to ; ode is a; , the t a sitio to a . Ho e e , while e og isi g diffe e t ode so iet oad to take-off is e e dou ted (1963b; 4). A similar position is shared by the Marxist framework. Employing Marxist tools, Meillassoux shows that the o solete o ga izatio of peasa t is ai tai ed as lo g as possi le ; as it is the cheapest way to provide food and workforce for the industrial sector. Thus the particular position of peasants results from the needs of capitalist society, which integrates them in the market economy through the exploitation of both their surplus products and the workforce they provide the system with. This lo g a d pai ful (1973; 89) process, which has the effect of destroying peasa ts o ga i ties of solida it similarly to the ; , is des i ed as i es apa le. According to this theory, and ode izatio theo , peasa ts dualis ill e sol ed th ough thei assimilation in the market system. The populist approach is based on the opposite assumption: it refutes the idea that peasants will be necessarily assimilated by the market economy, and identifies an alternative model in the organization of peasant societies. Basing himself on the theory elaborated by Chayanov 3 (1986), which shows that peasa ts e o o stems from different and independent logics than the capitalist ones, Scott outlines the main features of what he defines as the moral economy ; 3) of peasants. In his framework, the need to produce a surplus in subsistence-oriented economic systems is approached not as a contradiction or an imposition, but rather as a strategy. In fact, o side i g the aga ies of the eathe a d the lai s of the outsiders, the peasant household has 3 Cha a o s o k also i spi ed “ahli s a d his domestic mode of production different economic systems alternatives to market economy. 7 odel, which analyses little s ope fo the p ofit a i izatio , and so is fo used o a oidi g the failu e that ill ui hi (1977; 4). Therefore, peasants prefer those institutions and patronage relations which Meillassoux defi ed as o solete ; e ause the allo hi to i i ize the isk of su siste e “ ott, 1977; 55). Despite the fact that these views encapsulate opposing takes on the evolution of peasantry, these approaches share a focus on labour organization and unequal relations with external actors that were implied in Wolf s definition. The next section analyses the particularities related to the application of the category of peasants to the African context. 2.2 The problem of African peasantry The use of the concept of peasantry for analysing Sub-Saharan African societies has been problematic. The first who did field work in Africa were structural-functionalist anthropologists, who defined their societies as primitive and closed. They mainly focused on local social structures, especially on kinship (Fortes, 1945; Radcliff-Brown, 1950), by abstracting them from the context of colonization and considering them as fixed institution. A consequence of this approach was to ignore the interface between subsistence-oriented economies and market societies that constitutes the o e of peasa t . The efo e, peasa ts as e o o i all a d politi all do i ated so ial atego e e o spi uousl a se t f o the lite atu e Isaa a , ; . During the 1950s, anthropologists focused on the interaction between African populations and colonial powers, and on the changes that occurred in relation to it. Worsley (1956) criticized the rigidity of structural-functionalist analysis of kinship, while Gluckman (1958) embarked on a new kind of approach, which became the basis of the Manchester school. This approach overcame the structural-functionalists static descriptions of African societies o fli t a d o fli t esolutio Kupe , ; fo usi g o thei p o esses of and considering their interactions with colonial power. The works of the Manchester school show the dynamicity and complexity of African societies. Moreover, they highlight the ways in which traditional institutions were not erased, but a ui ed e fu tio s i of these findings, Isaa thei o u til the histo otes that peasa ts as a so ial atego e ai ed all ut i isi le s Af i a e e o se ue tl a e contexts (Sahlins, 2000; 523). While acknowledging the importance ; e e s of i 8 aki g . ‘a ge seconds this conclusion, arguing that ulti ato s had ee dis ussed as t i es e t eated p i a il as a d as politi al a to s athe tha as peasa ts a d e o ial t i al so ieties ; – 314). Therefore since the 1960s the use of the peasant category for analysing rural African realities made it possible to open up e fields of a al sis. At the sa e ti e, the effo t to outli e the pa ti ula featu es of Af i a peasa t ies ‘a ge , ; e i hed the field of peasa ts studies a d highlighted the particularity of the African context. In an effort to pursue the latter, Klein notes how often he found a la k of a ell-defi ed la do e lass a d ge e al lo populatio s de sities , with consequent land availability (1980; 12 – 13). Another aspect of African peasantry emphasized by Bernstein (1979) and Hyden (1986) is the late colonization of Africa and its consequently late inclusion in the global agricultural market. Focusing on African peasants and their peculiarities, scholars carried out different targeted studies especially in the field of land tenure (Reyna, 1988; Berry, 1993). Yet apart from these kinds of work, rural development issues have been usually tackled through broader models, locating peasants in the context of capitalist development and giving a linear view of their changes over time. As a result, Hill argues that the word peasant in development studies and practice is the se a ti su esso of ati e , i o po ati g all its o des e di g, de ogato a d e e a ist o e to e ; . Therefore the breakthrough related to the use of this category did not only result in placing rural Africans in the picture: it also inscribed them in a particular version of history. In this version African populations get access to the possibility of change only when integrated by Europeans in their political systems through colonization (Ellis, 2001; 9 - . While Hill s iti ism of the use of the peasantry category underemphasizes the heuristic importance of this category, the conclusion that African peasantry tends to be defined in relation to capitalist development seems plausible. I summarized the debate on African peasantry by outlining two distinct takes: one is focused on the particular way peasants have been integrated in the market system; the other on their ability to resist assimilation to the capitalist system. The main proponent of the first approach is Bernstein. He shares with Meillassoux (1973; 1986) the conviction that African peasants are fully involved in capitalist markets a d the fo us o o ditio s Be stei , ; the so ial elatio s of p odu tio i spe ifi o ete . Ho e e , he lai s that peasa ts logi of su siste e has ee integrated in the market system in a more complex way than as simple providers of food and workforce. His analysis starts from the olo ial pe iod, he the people s asi eeds th ough the p odu tio the pe et atio of o into si ple o odit atu al e o o , hi h satisfied a d si ple e ha ge of use- alues , as dest o ed elations (1979; 423 - 424). African peasants were then turned odit p odu e s : the p odu ed commodities for the markets but, at the same time, kept o t ol o e the o ga isatio of p odu tio Be stei , ; . This ki d of production could not be defined as capitalist, as it is driven by the logi of su siste e 9 athe tha by the app op iatio a d ealisatio of su plus- alue Be stei , ; , ut it is based on commodity production and exchange. Thus, African peasants are fully involved in markets as p odu e s of su plus- alue , e e hile a ti g a o di g to the logic of subsistence (Bernstein, 1979; 436). Hyden reaches opposite conclusions by emphasizing the capability of African peasants to resist inclusion in the market. Similarly to Bernstein, he begins his analysis from Ta za ia s ase a d otes ho u al s all-holde p odu e s who are independent and non-i teg ated i ash e o o form the backbone of national agricultural production (1980; 10). He relates this to the general inability of African state authorities, dating back to colonial times, to p o ote fu da e tal so ial ha ges , as peasa ts ha e al a s had the oppo tu it to ithd a fo the market and turn to subsistence production (1986; 687 - 689). Therefore in Africa institutions that ould ge e ate e elatio s of p odu tio e e eje ted un-captured by the apitalist s ste ; . Hyden then argues that African peasantry is still a d this is hat akes it u i ue i the u e t glo al o te t (1986; 678). Although based on opposite interpretations of peasa ts i teg atio i glo al a kets, these odels share some basic assumptions. They base their analysis on the duality of peasants, who move between market and subsistence economies. Both give importance to the peculiarities of African social organization. At the same time, they place African peasantry in a global process, defining it in relation with the structures of the capitalist market and the modern state. As in this process rural development policies played a crucial role the next section will directly tackle this topic. 2.3 African peasants and rural development Development is a crucial concept for any analysis focused on peasantry. When viewing peasantry as a transitional category, peasants are constitutively moving between market-oriented and subsistence-oriented production (Ellis, 1988; 5). Thus development policies should explain and address the actions of peasants when moving between these two systems. Furthermore, African peasa ts integration in the market has been the cornerstone of all efforts aimed at developing agricultural production (Bernstein, 1979, 2010). Understanding the effects of this process is hence vital. Mainstream development policies have traditionally been rooted in the modernist approach, which was also shared by both colonial and post-colonial states (Apter, 1965; Bernstein, 1990; Long, 2001). 10 In Africa these kinds of policies arose after decolonization, since Europeans were previously elu ta t to i ple e t fu ds Coope , ; as de elop e talis o odit elatio s de elop e t pla s that ould ha e e tailed the use of et opolita . Afte i depe de ies, post-colonial states started what Bernstein defines poli ies, o ie ted to a ; o e p odu ti e ag i ultu e ased i deepening . In Africa developmentalism has been implemented by states and has been based on export production. National boards were crucial institutions for this drive, as they supplied peasants with credit and technical inputs and bought crops at fixed prices. Bates (2005) explains their double function: they fuelled the production of agricultural commodities, subsidizing technical inputs, while at the sa e ti e, pa i g p odu e s a p i e ell elo o ld a ket p i es (2005; 28), so as to obtain a surplus to invest for industrial development. The works of Bernstein (1979) and Hyden (1986) show that these policies did not erase the uniqueness of African social organization. Despite the changes brought about by commodities production development, the family unit remained the backbone of rural economy. Its flexibility enabled it to adapt to new conditions (Cooper, 2002; 95). This development model was able to guarantee a relative stability and a slow growth until the beginning of the 1970s. An important breakthrough was caused by the global crisis of 1973. This crisis was the beginning of a tough decade that saw raw material prices skyrocketing, whiles those of agricultural commodities progressively plunging. African states were caught unprepared and, in an effort to sustain their economies, fell into debt. Moreover, the emphasis on commodities production and the demographic growth made many countries vulnerable to food insecurity, pushing states to ask support from multilateral agencies (Cooper, 2002; 93 - 99). These events determined the end of state-led development in Africa and the shift to the so-called neoliberal model (Bernstein, 1990; Cooper, 2002, 105 – 118). Multilateral agencies proposed Africa a new strategy. In the so called Berg report (World Bank, 1981), a document that resumes the approach that was emerging during the 1970s and that set the policies for the 1980s, state interference in the market was blamed for the unsatisfactory performances of the economy. The prescribed solution was a set of reforms aimed at leading peasants towards fully profit-o ie ted eha iou , hi h ould gua a tee allo atio s Be stei , ; o e effi ie t esou es . Thus, multilateral agencies urged states to cut subsidies and liberalize agriculture markets, binding loan grants to the implementation of the required Structural Adjustment Plan (SAP). This strategy constituted the backbone of rural development throughout the 1980s and 1990s (World Bank, 1981; Scoones, 2009). Its economical outcomes were controversial. The levels of production have generally tended to decrease as the reduction of subsidies for technical inputs and the tight on credit edu ed peasa ts p odu ti it 11 Be stei , , . It also generated tensions over access to resources: to compensate for the fall of productivity, farming areas were expanded, placing more pressure over land and water resources (Reyna, 1987). The neoliberal approach set the theoretical framework for the contemporary debate. A crucial aspect of this approach is the vanishing of peasants. Allen notes that the Berg report (World Bank, a oided the te o i g, p ofit peasants , assu i g a u al Af i a i ha ited a i izi g i di iduals ; a ass of p ope t . Thus the pe ulia ities of the rural African production systems were related to a weakness of the institutional system. By employing the right sets of efo s, peasa ts dualis ould e fi all sol ed th ough thei t a sfo farmers. Bernstein sees in this policy a o e to a ds p i ate glo al e o o easi g o po ate o t ol oth upst ea of fa i g , ith a o se ue t i ; o po ate atio i to modern egulatio of the food a d do st ea – 82). By extending the power of the agribusiness corporation through market deregulation, neoliberal policies harshly affect peasants (2010; 85), who a e pushed to the e o o i spa es fo ag i ultu al pett o odit p odu tio ; . Other criticisms of the neoliberal policies are based on a populist perspective and target development as broader concept. These critics denounce the imposition of a standard institutional set, which homologates any kind of knowledge to a whole range of Western practices. Two app oa hes sha e this assu ptio : o e is ased o Cha a d “ ott s e s 986) emphasis on local knowledge esea h a out the a iet of lo al skills. These s hola s p opose a oe participative approach to development, which sees peasants as active actors and valorises their particular skills and practices. The second comes from post-modern critics of development. They claim that development policies are expanding a hegemonic power that e ases lo al o knowledge and strengthens ode u ities states a ility to control them (Ferguson, 1990; Escobar, 1990). These critics emphasize local knowledge as well, but rather than aiming to improve it through more targeted policies, they look for radical alternatives in the social movements spreading against neoliberalism. These critics affected the development approach and were partially integrated in the neoliberal paradigm through the focus on livelihood, participation and sustainability during the 1990s (Scoones, 2009). The debate on this topic is still open, especially in the light of growing attention to rural development (World Bank, 2007). I nevertheless believe that all these approaches are u de e phasizi g the o ple it of peasa ts eha iou . I the complexity through the case of cotton farming in northern Ivory Coast. 12 e t hapte I e plo e this 3. Cotton plantation and rural development: the case of Senufo peasants This section analyses the complexity of peasants outli es the easo s hi h eha iou th ough a case study. The first part ake “e ufo s ase fit fo this a al sis; the se o d p ese ts the evolution of cotton farming until the 1970s; the third analyses the policies related to the crisis of the 1980s and the main dynamics they engendered. 3.1 The Senufo of Korhogo The Korhogo department is a rural area of northern Ivory Coast, at the border with Mali and Burkina Faso, et ee a d o th latitude. It is lo ated i the sa a ah egio , hich has a dry climate, and food production mainly consists in cereal cultivation. The Senufo are one of the largest populations in the area, and are primarily committed to farming activities. Their peasant identity traditionally distinguishes them from the other inhabitants of the department: the Dyula, a Mandinke group of traders, and the Fulani, nomadic herders (Bassett, 2001; 16 – 20). I found the case of the Senufo particularly suitable to think through this work for two reasons. First, Senufo identity has been related to peasantry since the colonial era, and the policies concerning their development have always been focused on their farming abilities (Holas, 1957; Coulibaly, 1960). Therefore their interactions with colonial and post-colonial authorities represent a good opportunity to assess both the effectiveness of development policies and the conditions and outcomes of eventual resistance to it. Moreover, Senufo were involved in cotton plantation since the pre-colonial era, and cotton is the fittest cash crop for the savannah environment. Thus exportoriented cotton farming has been the cornerstone of all rural development initiatives in Korhogo, coupled with different policies and outcomes (Bassett, 2001). This is the second reason that makes this case relevant. The complex dynamics related to development policies and its changes highlight the complexity of the topic and the role played by local peasants. My analysis focuses on the historical evolution of cotton farming in Korhogo, and is based on the dynamics analysed by scholars at the grassroots level. This case could not be considered as representative of the whole of African peasantry. Moreover, because of the civil war in the Ivory 13 Coast which started in 2002, there is a ten year gap in the literature. As a consequence, the reconstruction of the rural development process presents the main dynamics until the 1990s. However, my purpose is not to outline the central featu es of a a st a t Af i a peasa t , nor is it to directly tackle the issues of the recent food crisis. Rather, I want to propose a method and a theoretical framework that could effectively be applied to African peasant and rural development issues. I think the analysis of this case gives relevant evidence and findings related to these topics. 3.2 Cotton in Korhogo: from resistance against colonial imposition to the boom of 1960s The French described the average Senufo as an e elle t fa er4 Holas, ; a d, as the were already involved in cotton plantation, the exploitation of the Korhogo area for large-scale cotton production seemed like a feasible project. During the 1920s and the 1930s they pushed the Senufo to increase export-oriented production. Although local Senufo authorities were involved in the French administration system, the mobilization of peasants was difficult and rarely did the production levels satisfy go e e t ta gets. Co side i g that the th ee peaks i o espo d to pe iods of heighte ed oe io Bassett, ; otto exports , the la k of olla o atio Senufo peasants appears to be of crucial importance. Bassett explains this resistance via historical factors: the Senufo were already involved in trade relations with Dyula, who used to buy cotton for ea i g a d food fo p i ate o su ptio . He otes that D ula paid highe p i es a d offe ed easie a keti g a a ge e ts tha Eu opea s . Fu the o e, the food t ade e ou aged peasants to neglect cotton in favour of yams and rice when the prices of these foodstuffs were more att a ti e ; – 53). The Senufo, then, optimized their trades with the Dyula and were able to pay the taxes imposed by the colonial government without converting all production into exports. Nevertheless, they could not resist coercion. Thus, when the colonial government forced them, the levels of export-oriented production rose. This situation enabled some peaks in production, but could not lead to a stable growth. As a result, cotton export records were unsatisfactory in the period between 1912 and 1945, while Senufo trade relations with the Dyula survived despite the aggressive French competition (Bassett, 2001; 55). 4 E elle t ag i ulteu , t a slatio 14 This form of resistance managed to put pressure on French authorities and drove them to take a diffe e t app oa h. This p o ess state i the s … as e ha ed afte Wo ld Wa II. Coope as al ead dimension of life withi its te ito u h t a sfo otes that the olo ial ed a d as a le to o tai k o ledge a out all a d to i te e e i a of the ; – 88). In French Western Africa representatives of indigenous populations were involved in the administration, and so more targeted reforms were implemented. Two changes were decisive for Korhogo: the abolition of forced labour in 1946 and the development of the Ivory Coast southern regions for cocoa and coffee production during the 1950s (Bassett, 2001; 94 – 103). These changes created new opportunities for the Senufo, especially among the youth. The labour of young people in Senufo society was traditionally under the control of the katiolofolo, the Senufo household head, and was focused on the segbo, the collective household field. Furthermore, after poro, the Senufo initiation ritual, youths were expected to be at the disposal of the chief for working in his field (Bassett, 2001; 132 – 136). The colonial authorities strengthened these forms of control, making them more oe i e a d u popula Couli a , olu ta ig a t la ou Hell eg, ; . Thus the ; epla e e t of fo ed local labourers with i the southe egio s pla tatio s o stituted, fo young Senufo, an opportunity to get rid of oppressive constrictions. In this context the institutional reforms implemented by the colonial and post-colonial administration to foster cotton production were successful. The creation of the IRCT (Institute for research in cotton and exotic textiles)5 in 1946 and of the CFDT (French company for the development of textile fibres)6 in 1949 became the basis of these reforms (Bassett, 2001; 104 – 106). These institutions, supported by the government of the Ivory Coast after independence7, acted with the aim of making cotton production profitable for peasants. The CFDT introduced a high harvesting variety of cotton in 1959 called Allen, along with a package of inputs which included credit, pesticide and fertilizer supplies. Moreover, the CFDT became a monopsony on the cotton market and guaranteed an attractive fixed price for this quality of cotton (Bassett, 2001; 104 – 106). Yet the imposition of Allen was a long and coercive process. As Allen could not be intercropped with food crops, many peasants preferred the old seeds. Furthermore, as argued by Peltre-Wurtz (1976) these 5 Institut de Recherches du Coton et des Textiles Exotiques, as translated by Bassett (2001; 88) Compagnie Francaise pour le Developpement des fibres Textiles, as translated by Bassett (2001; 90) 7 In 1974 a national agency was created called the CIDT, Compagnie Ivorienne pour le Developpement des fibres Textiles (Ivory Company for the Development of Textile Fibres, my translation), which is owned by the Ivorian government and works in partnership with the CFDT (Le Roy, 1999; 201). 6 15 new technologies lead to a o e u de i g of ag i ultu al o ks ti e8 hi h e e ha d to bear for peasants, especially in the context of reduced control over the labour of the youth. Senufo resistance to Allen was implemented through uncoordinated acts of sabotage. The reaction of authorities was highly coercive and effectively obliged peasants to farm Allen seeds (Bassett, 2001; 107 – 114). Finally Allen plantations spread: the area under cultivation rose from 2.518 ha in 1963 to 48.000 ha in 1968 and the production was successful throughout the 1960s and 1970s Bassett, ; economic function9 . A o di g to Le ‘o , the i positio ; of this a iet ga e otto , e a li g the de elop e t of a a e a ket-oriented mentality. Following a modernist approach, he concludes that this mentality, along with the effectiveness of new technologies, were the main reasons for the cotton boom (1999; 201 - 203). However, this description does not account for the complexity of the processes involved in this change. People s attitudes towards Allen were not uniform among the Senufo. On the contrary, many among the youth considered the new seeds an opportunity. Through Allen they could increase their income and become emancipated from the control of the elders. Bassett s i te ie s with former development agents reports that they were aware of this generational gap and used to ask youths to start Allen plantations. They knew youths were more motivated and thought that if they had good outcomes using Allen, other peasants would follow their example (2001; 107 – 114). Hence the imposition of mono-cropping cotton was a complex process. Colonial and post-colonial states forced the Senufo to accept it both through incentives and coercion. These pressures came along at the same time as social transformation among the Senufo, which made people s reactions to them heterogeneous. Despite being in a context of general resistance, many Senufo youths accepted the new seeds, partially due to a lack of alternatives, partially because the political changes after World War II gave them more room for manoeuvre and a stronger will for emancipation (Bassett, 2001; 107 – 114). The effectiveness of this technology boosted on-going transformations. The traditional intercropping between food crops and cash crops was no longer possible and the amount of labour required increased and became distributed differently (Peltre-Wurtz, 1976). Therefore the Senufo had to adapt to novel circumstances: they reduced millet plantation, whose harvest overlapped with that of cotton, and replaced it with the more suitable one of rice and maize. The traditional calendar was reshaped, postponing the period for funeral celebration and interpreting flexibly the tiandin, the Senufo traditional rest days. Finally, the introduction of ox- 8 9 Alou disse e t des te ps de t a au ag i ole , Nou elle fo tio e o o i ue , t a slatio . t a slatio . 16 plough, fertilizers and herbicides was accompanied by a reshaping of the rotation of fields, in order to adapt it to the needs of the new technologies (Bassett, 2001; 136 – 143). Cotton plantation spread because of the effective interaction between peasa ts k o ledge a d intentions and external inputs. These changes affected social life. Bassett reports that household heads both pressurized youths not to leave their family and offered them more land for private fields in order to keep their support in the segbo. At the same time, there were revolts of tyolobele, the youths who graduated from the poro, against their chiefs, as the time for farming was becoming scarcer and the imposition to work freely for chiefs more difficult to sustain (2001; 132 - 136). Le Roy summarizes these transformations arguing that chiefs were losing authority on people while keepi g o t ol o e the goods 10 (1982; 70). Forster (1998) emphasizes the increasing social polarization, as not all households had the same abilities to adapt to this new context. The tensions a d o t adi tio s elated to these ha ges e e ged du i g “AP s implementation period, which harshly affected cotton production. 3.3 Senufo strategies in the SAP era Two external factors supported the cotton boom: the high prices of commodities in the global market and the subsided technical inputs, which made investment in cotton profitable. This system worked effectively during the 1970s in all of rural Ivory Coast, and during that period the country was considered a successful development model (World Bank, 1978). Moreover, as the southern region benefited more from commodities export income, in the 1970s President Houphouet-Boigny started a policy of infrastructural investment in the north, in order to reduce the gap between these regions (Le Guen, 2004). Thus cotton revenues and state investment curbed social inequalities and tensions in Korhogo. The downturn of this trend began in the 1980s, when world cotton prices lowered and the state reduced its intervention. Bassett emphasizes two points that affected the Senufo: the tightening of subsidies for inputs and the cutting of prices paid to producers (2001; 147 – 151). These changes were accompanied by the launch of a new seed quality, the GL7, which was expected to improve the productivity and compensate for the reduction of subsidies. According to the World Bank (1981) strategy these reforms should lead peasants to a more efficient use of resources. However, this did not turn out to be the case. The Senufo responded to these measures by slashing the use of technical input in order to cut on expenditures. This reduced, rather than optimized, productivity. 10 “u les ie s , t a slatio 17 They then reacted to productivity reduction with the extension of farmed surfaces and crop diversification (Bassett, 2001; 151 – 163). Scholars emphasize, as main consequences of these changes, a growing social polarization and tension, related to household ability to strengthen control over land and labour (Forster, 1998; Bassett, 2001, 2002). Land became a crucial social arena where these changes were played out. Among Senufo private land ownership had never existed. The owner of the land are the ilde ess Fo ste , ; eatu e of , and all activities regarding land should be done according to its will. The role of the taarfolo, which Forster translates as ea th p iest ; , is to ediate between the world of these creatures and the human world. Thus, he establishes the areas where and the periods when it is possible to farm and, through appropriate rituals, allow peasants to farm suitable plots of land. The taarfolo used to receive tardan, a symbolic gift, from the user of the land for performing these rituals (Forster, 1998; 104 - 105). The transformations of the 1980s affected this system. Land availability had already been put under pressure because of its use by Fulani herders. Their presence increased since 1960s because of changing climate conditions and the growing cattle-market of the Ivory Coast (Le Guen, 2004; 5 - 8). The extension of farmed surface further contributed to these pressures. A consequence of this was the growing importance of land control, which was used by the traditional elite group as a source of income. The tardan progressively became a regular cash payment (Bassett, Kone, 2008; 14), while the traditional limitations related to growing certain kinds of crops were ignored (Forster, 1998; 111). Thus, the main consequence of growing land competition was to turn the o t ol o e the goods 11 described by Le Roy (1982; 70) into a precious resource for the “e ufo household i o de to aug e t i o es that ha e falle as a esult of st u tu al adjust e t poli ies Bassett, Ko e, ; Another arena where household heads used the crisis to reinforce their authority was . o e s labour. The use of new technologies reduced the importance of physical strength in agricultural labour and so aug e ted o e s possibility to work (Bassett, 2001; 134 – 136). This tendency though was reversed during the cotton crisis. The expansion of farming along with the reduction of inputs made the control over labour a crucial issue for the households. Senufo men implemented several strategies. One was a restrictive interpretation of the traditional farming calendar, which edu ed o e s ti e for cotton farming. Refusing to support them in tasks they could not accomplish alone was another tactic. The traditional land tenure system, which does not allow women entitlement over land, was what gave men the most effective leverage, as they could simply 11 “u les ie s , t a slatio 18 refuse women access to cotton fields registered under their name (Bassett, 2002; 363 – 366). Though women s efforts to defend their role were strong, during the 1990s Bassett reports a d a ati de li e i o e s otto ; , hi h e e sed previous changes. Another consequence of the cotton crisis was the search of alternative kind of production. To this end, social relations with the Dyula in order to implement profitable local trades were once again crucial. Launay (1999) emphasizes the increasing permeability of ethnic divisions between the Senufo and the Dyula as a strategy to access the food market. Ivory Coast trades are traditionally based on Muslim networks, where the Dyula were the predominant, but not exclusive, group. Conversion to Islam then became a suitable strategy for the Senufo in order to gain access to this network and, at the same time, to e efit f o thei ties ith lo al p odu e s Lau a , ; 287). The relations with the Dyula therefore supported the Senufo shift to food production and trade during the cotton crisis, giving them more room for manoeuvre, as had already occurred during the resistance to French rule (Bassett, 2001). Another strategy was the use of the dam basins area for market gardening. During the 1970s governments built several dams in Korhogo in order to have permanent water basins. These basins should have facilitated the Fulani herder settlements. Senufo employed these water reservoirs in order to farm those kinds of crops which were difficult to grow in Korhogo due to water scarcity. These strategies enabled growth in food production throughout the s, ith out o es so eti es spe ta ula i so e illages 12 (Le Guen, 2004; 11), like the fact that Senufo tomatoes and onions were sold even in the Abidjan market, about 500 km fare from Korhogo. A common aspect of these reactions is the lack of coordination among peasants. Different individuals implemented their own strategies to reduce the impact of the SAP. However, even in a context of growing competition and tension, the Senufo were able to implement their most cooperative resistance action against the CIDT. The introduction of GL7 seeds and the reduction of prices in 1991 were strongly opposed. GL7 seeds, even while assuring a better harvest, required more technical inputs and work that the Senufo had to invest in, while the prices offered by the CIDT could not compensate for the national currency devaluation. Thus in December Korhogo peasants organized a strike involving all the department producers, refusing to sell their cotton after harvesting. The strike was effective and pushed for the first time the CIDT to directly negotiate with peasants, which resulted in the renunciation of the GL7 and the modification of cotton prices (Bassett, 2001; 162 – 165). 12 ‘esultat pa fois spe ta ulai es da s e tai s illages , 19 t a slatio . In conclusion, it seems difficult to find a linear interpretation of the “e ufo s eha iou . Follo i g Bassett (2001), I emphasized three main moments: the initial refusal of export-oriented cotton production, when the Senufo had the ability to resist French pressures; then the boom of exportoriented production and its complex relation with the social context; and finally the effects of the SAP, which led the Senufo to tighten their land and labour control and to diversify production. The co ple it of peasa ts age ies a d so ial elatio s, as ell as thei a iet , are the main outcomes of this analysis. The next chapter proposes a model that is able to account for this complexity and for the role the peasant category could play in it. 20 4 Analysing Senufo development: a pattern for complexity This section outlines a method and a theoretical framework for dealing with peasantry complexity and suggests research areas where it could be applied. The first part emphasizes some methodological tools that can account for the Senufo case. The second relates these tools to the broader idea of i dige izatio proposed by Sahlins. The third presents particular topics where a focus on peasantry through this approach could generate productive results. 4.1 The complex interaction between Senufo and development The starting point of peasantry analysis was the dualism it entails between market and subsistence production. This dualism has been confirmed by its application to this African case: peasantry has usually been described through its relations with market, either as un-captured (Hyden, 1986) or as exploited (Bernstein, 1979, 2010). Rural development policies took off from similar assumptions and focused on driving peasants to a complete market-oriented approach, either via state incentives, or via market-led policies. Resistance or assimilation to the market appears then the sole possible hoi e fo peasa ts. Ho e e “e ufo s ase p ese ts a o e o ple situatio . The Senufo avoided being captured by the French during the colonial period. Nevertheless, the backbone of their resistance was not the retirement from the market, as implied by Hyden s theo (1986), or the boycott of modernization policies, as in Scott s odel (1977). Their actions were primarily based on their relation with the Dyula. Pre-colonial trade relations gave the Senufo both motivations and opportunities to resist French pressures. Though unable to resist coercion, they successfully used their networks in order to prevent a total assimilation to French trade. Thus, they chose a kind of market relation that suited them best. Through this resistance they could not overcome the power relations at play, but they were able to handle them in order to obtain better conditions. The main effect of their behaviour gained them more bargaining power after World War II, which pushed state authorities to come up with incentives in order to foster cotton production. The complexity of the switch to market-oriented production has already been explained. Regarding this point, I found that the categories of selection and appropriation used by Olivier de Sardan (1988; 222 – to e plai the logi s ehi d peasa ts a tio s ould gi e a ette a ou t of “e ufo 21 behaviours. Many youths selected new technology on their way to emancipation and appropriated it, thereby reshaping the organisation of fields in order to make them suitable for their needs. Quoti g Lo g, the e e a le to p o ess i fo atio a d st ategize ; , adapti g thei abilities to new opportunities. Thus the complex whole of social changes was part of this intricate egotiatio p o ess a o g ultiple atio alities, desi es, apa ities a d p a ti es ; whose final outcome was the Senufo shift toward export-oriented production. The capacity to appropriate external inputs is crucial also in the Senufo s reactions to the SAP. The use of the da s asi s described by Le Guen (2004) shows their creative abilities: they started a new kind of production cycle by appropriating resources deployed for other purposes. The same manipulative attitudes could explain their relation to traditional rule. During the 1960, the Senufo manipulated it on order to accommodate a holida s calendar with new seeds tasks. In the 1980s, household heads reshaped it in order to take advantage of growing land competition and compensate for the edu tio of otto s i o e by rent-seeking. Therefore the flexible nature of traditional land tenure is not an intrinsic qualitative aspect but, as argued by Berry (1993) and Peters (2004), it is a o se ue e of peasa ts so ieties d a i it . The tenure system is an expression of social relations, and their appropriation by individuals for different purposes is part of the process of social struggle. The switch from the tardan to land-lending described by Forster (1998) and Bassett (2008) could be considered an outcome of this process, and the analysis of the local socio-economic context is necessary for its comprehension. This manipulation was also part of the strategies related to labour control. This process, as well as the switch to food production, could support Be stei s pett o odit p odu tio model. According to him, the policies implemented during the 1980s had the purpose to increase o po ate o t ol ; o e fa i g a d push peasa t towards the provision of cheap petty commodities. Thus the Senufo production diversification and labour squeeze could be explained as a consequence of pressures from the global market system. However, Bernstein s model overlooks i po ta t i te al d a i s a d i te tio s. Bassett s i te ie s i Ko hogo sho that the tightening of labour control was not only a reaction to external pressures, but was also a strategy to reaffirm e s control over women. Furthermore, different researches (Coulibaly, 1960; Launay, 1999; Bassett, 2001) emphasize that food production has traditionally been a strategic resource for the Senufo. It enabled them to resist French pressures and offered an alternative source of income during market crises. These agencies and knowledge, necessarily grounded in this context, would be ignored by analyses based on abstract models. 22 Bernstein s model has the merit of relating different contexts dynamics to global policies (Harriss, 2000). However, when assessing these issues from a deductive approach it is not possible to account for the grounded agencies and the knowledge employed on the field, which could crucially affect life in a particular context. Therefore, the heterogeneous attitudes of the Senufo, which moved across different kinds of markets appropriating diverse techniques and trades, would be absent in such an a al sis. These aspe ts eed hat ‘e a alls a i du ti e app oa h , ased o a e pi i al a al sis of the lo al le el (1988; 2). This approach can allow scholars to understand the contextual agencies of social actors and effectively interpret their behaviours. Through this method, anthropologists could explain the strategic use peasants make of their position across market and subsistence production, and could relate it to broader trends. A limitation of this method seems to be the difficulty to generate general knowledge that is applicable in different contexts. The next section outlines a theoretical framework to tackle this problem. 4.2 Interpreting complexity: from the modernization of indigenous to indigenization of the modernity The main finding of the Senufo case analysis lies in its complexity. Following Olivier de Sardan (1988) and Long (2001), I explained this comple it ide tif i g as the o e sto e of peasa ts age their ability to combine internal and external inputs, due to their location at the boundaries of different production systems. This ability to deal with different inputs constitutes the basis of peasa ts a ti e pa ti ipatio i u al de elop e t. I thi k that this a ilit ould e i teg ated i the processes of indigenization described by Sahlins. Through this category, Sahlins explains the way ode it s tools a d i stitutio s a e ela o ated different social actors on local levels, and how e te alities a e i se ted i lo al o figu atio , tu i g the hat the ee ; i to so ethi g diffe e t f o . The a ilit of peasa ts to appropriate external inputs could be effectively interpreted through this framework and related to the broader indigenization process that occurs with modern inputs in different local context. “ahli s s app oa h is useful e ause it refutes both the evolutionism of the modernization model and the populist assumption that o e , a ket, a d the elatio s of o odit p odu tio a e i o pati le ith the o ga izatio s of the so- alled t aditio al so ieties (2000; 516). O the o t a , it assu es that thei e pe ie es of capitalism is mediated by the habitus of a i dige ous fo of life “ahli s, 2000; 519). Through this p o ess e te al i puts a ui e i dige ous logi s, i telligi ilities a d effe ts e o i g, as a esult, pa t of the lo al o “ahli s, ; u ities ultu al o de . This p o ess makes local 23 a to s a le to i te a t age ; ith e te al i puts, as . The efo e, lo al o ithout ultu al o de the e is neither history nor u ities age should ot e edu ed to esista e against modernization or assimilation to it, but should be instead explored within its contextual complexity. Through this approach, market and subsistence, as well as resistance and assimilation, could be viewed as options in a continuum, rather than abstract models, that peasants adapt to and enact from their grounded context. Though its fo us o lo al a to s age ould lead this approach to the same weakness of populist approaches, on the contrary it overcomes those limits. In fact, the limit I found in the main populist approaches is related to what Olivier de Sardan calls ideological populism, that is a o a ti e phasis o metis as fo isio ; of peasa ts k o ledge and agencies. Chambers s o e d a i a d up-to-date lo al k o ledge s of k o ledge e edded i lo al e pe ie e ; a d “ ott s o ept of ; implicitly assume these knowledge as separate and more efficient tha the a st a t k o ledge deplo ed its technical age ies ; . A si ila cultures, hi h a e e essa il iti al o the state a d eak ess ould e att i uted to Es o a s hybrid t a sg essi e a d hu o ous of ode ity (1995; 219). These approaches define social actors and their skills and agencies as necessarily isolated or opposed to external inputs, and in so doing they undervalue these a to s atte pt to o de the a o di g to thei o s ste of the o ld “ahli s, 2000; 506). This process could be understood through Olivier de Sardan methodological populism, st ategies … ithout commenting on their value o Appl i g this odel to Af i a hi h o side s peasa t k o ledge a d alidit 2004; 9). u al de elop e t is useful i highlighti g the o ple it of peasa ts behaviour. In fact, the processes of selection and appropriation are strategies that interact with development policies and adapt their inputs in a suitable way. Thus rural development could be described as an original process through which different actors combine a bundle of inputs in various ways and with heterogeneous purposes. Acknowledging these multiple purposes and p o esses e a les the o p ehe sio of peasa ts the various roles they can play. I o ple k o ledge a d age ies, highlighti g this f a e o k, peasa ts lo atio a oss the a ket a d subsistence realms gives them a specific role, as they are able to interact with diverse inputs. This is h I fou d peasa t s dualis a added heu isti alue athe tha a li it: a a al sis of it through the idea of indigenization gives us access to a relevant spectrum of original and otherwise possibly unnoticed processes. The last paragraph suggests some areas for the application of these ideas. 24 4.3 Implications for Anthropology and Development Peasa ts a ilit to o igi all a t o the ou da et ee diffe e t p odu tio s s ste s ould e used to critically revise some of the assumptions underlying rural development policies. The findings of this dissertation may point to the areas where social anthropology could provide a critical contribution in the recent wave of interest towards rural development in Sub-Saharan Africa. My ai is to fo us espe iall o those issues he e the o p ehe sio of peasa ts age ies ould e an added value for the implementation of policies. This will hopefully ultimately contribute in making the collaboration between anthropology and rural development more fruitful. The last World Bank (2007) report on agriculture marks the start of a new focus on rural development. It e og izes th ee diffe e t u a ized ; t pe to a othe a d ; o es f o . The o lds, o e ag i ultu e ased, o e t a sfo the assu ptio of a e olutio a fa es , o e ou t ai st ateg fo de elopi g u al a eas is the i p o e e t of the p odu ti it , p ofita ilit a d sustai a ilit of s allholde fa between market-o ie ted fa path … f o i g, o e e s, hose i g ; o petiti e ess should e i hose li elihood a d food se u it , distinguishing eased, a d su siste e should e gua a teed ; . Although the peasantry category is not used, the dichotomy that is set up between profit and subsistence markets is implicit in the two categories of farmers. This framework sets the conditions to drive farmers towards more profitable attitudes. It shows, then, the weakness in interpreting the complexity of peasa ts ehaviours and intentions that was hypothesized in the introduction to this dissertation. Moving from the observations made in previous sections, I identify two areas where an anthropological approach could be effectively applied to overcome these limits. The first is common resources management. According to the World Bank (2007) effective development policies should prioritize and secure the access to most productive actors, in order to make them able to foster agricultural production. Thus, an efficient la d p odu ti it as ell as a ess to i igatio s ste s ; a ket ould i p o e . Ho e e , the a al sis of the “e ufo case emphasizes the bundle of relations and strategies that regulate land access and deployment. Control over land and the use of its resources are related to a set of dynamic practices embedded within their social life. Consequently, focusing on it just as a tool for the increase of productivity would not effectively regulate it. As argued by the FAO on its Land tenure studies, it is necessary to o side the ulti-di e sio al app oa h of peasa t o u ities ; . ‘ega di g this poi t, Ostner (1990) showed that local communities tend to develop their own approaches for managing 25 common resources, arguing that they are more effective and sustainable than standardized modern practices, as they are targeted to specific contexts. I think that land tenure and water management could be effectively tackled with this approach. This paper shows that the Senufo implemented a system which enabled them to manage their resources. Moreover, this system was progressively adapted to meet new needs, through the complex process of struggles and negotiations described in chapter 3. An anthropological approach could highlight these dynamics, as well as their social and political implications, leading to more targeted policies. A second aspect is that of knowledge and technology. The World Bank emphasizes the lack of investment by African governments in rural development and the need to improve farmer s tools (2007; 14). When looking at the Senufo case though, the main issues appear to be different. Bassett noted that their main curb before the 1960s agricultural boom was not a lack of technology, but its i teg atio i a p odu tio s ste app op iate to situatio ; . The “e ufo s a ilit to appropriate and adapt new technology was crucial and the outcomes original, as shown by the ha ges i the fields otatio o the use of the da s asi s fo a ket ga de i g. The e e also able to refuse those innovations that they recognized as unfit, such as the GL7 seeds. Chambers (1997) al ead st essed the i po ta e of peasa ts k o ledge fo u al de elop e t. Building on this, anthropology could emphasize the dynamicity of these knowledge systems as well as the o ple a the a e p odu ed … a d egotiated a oss opposi g ie s Mosse, ; .I both these areas, the recognition of local processes of indigenization and the construction of development policies over them could be keys for developing successful approaches. Finally, the focus on peasants and their creative abilities could also improve the tools of anthropologists in approaching issues related to contemporary globalization. In fact, the duality embodied by peasants makes them a p i ileged i do i to o ple it , uoti g Ca dea ; 179), to assess the effects of global fluxes of knowledge and goods in local contexts. Their roles make them particularly fit in processing external inputs, contributing to the huge process of cultural creation defined as indigenization. Thus, analyses based on peasantry and their various and original reactions to rural development policies, which can vary from the radical social movements described by Escobar (1995) to the original elaboration over market-economy models, can constitute an important arena for tackling the heterogeneous processes of creation and transformation of cultures related to the complex interactions globalization is triggering. 26 5. Conclusion The main purpose of this dissertation was to think through the role of peasants in rural development. I started off with the hypothesis that the main rural development models were not able to account for the o ple it of peasa ts eha iou . I also proposed that peasantry could become a heuristic tool, as focusing on it through an anthropological approach could emphasize the pa ti ula ities of peasa t s oles and overcome the limitations of mainstream development models. I based my argument on the historical reconstruction of a particular case study, that of the Senufo of the Korhogo region. Certain aspects of this case enabled me to highlight the weaknesses in models related to rural development. A o o aspe t of peasa ts studies a d u al de elop e t poli ies is to lo ate peasa ts behaviours among actions of resistance or acceptance of the market. However, the attitudes of the Senufo on this point and their strategies have never been univocal. Furthermore, the analysis showed that behind the label Senufo peasants there are different social actors engaged in complex relations with other actors who could have conflicting strategies and intentions. An ethnographic approach enabled the comprehension of the multiple agencies and intensions as well as the complex outcomes of their interactions. I therefore found that an anthropological contribution to rural development must be strongly elated to peasa ts age a al sis. Through an anthropological approach, I unpicked and explained the active role peasants could play in rural development. In fact, their location across different production systems gives them access to several inputs and resources. These inputs and the pressures related to them represent at the same time a constraint and an opportunity. Thus, their ability to originally handle it sets the possibility, as well as the limits, of their role. Moreover, as peasa ts so ieties ould e e hete oge eous, the a s i puts a e e ei ed a d used a e a ied and strongly related to the context. The recognition of this complexity could lead to a deadlock: in order to formulate policies or analyse processes, scholars need some analytical tools to achieve a broader explanation and more general conclusions. Approaches based on the interaction of actors and on their ability to appropriate and manipulate different inputs (Long, 2001; Olivier de Sardan, 2004) seem to be more effective in achieving this task. “ahli s s f a e o k of i dige izatio allows then to relate these particular practices to the broader process of culture creation and transformation. A targeted approach of a 27 particular context employing these tools can give an effective overview of complexity, as the analysis of the Senufo case showed. Thus an anthropological approach could give useful outcomes both for theoretical and practical matters. I put forward common resources management and local knowledge as possible overlapping topics, where Anthropology could have a fruitful dialogue with rural development. 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