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Center for International Strategic Studies, 2017
Indian Ocean is one of the most talked about oceans in the world today. Its significance is multidimensional: it has the most conflicts in its region and is the busiest conduit of world trade. It has also been the focus of super power rivalry during the Cold War and is gaining renewed attention in recent times as the geostrategic interests of the major world powers re-converge in its waters. With the rising politico-strategic foci on its shores, there is increasing evidence of maritime crime in the Indian Ocean, of late. Though substantially abated, yet piracy in the Horn of Africa and Gulf of Aden coupled with maritime terrorism, drug trafficking and human smuggling are the signs of some serious disturbances to peace and stability in the Ocean, demanding a credible maritime response. The vastness of the Ocean makes it virtually impossible for a single littoral nation to remain successful against these challenges. The changing threat mosaic necessitates a relook at the models of fighting, the threats and the prevailing situation in a diminished maritime security milieu. A paradigm shift from ‘confrontational’ to ‘cooperative’ approach is essential; whereby regional littorals may come together to operate their maritime forces for better preservation of their maritime interests whilst not allowing the extra-regional actors to interfere with the regional settings. This new method may be termed as ‘region-centric multilateral approach’. This would principally mean solving specific difficulties through: using own resources and own operational ways. This approach predicates on the prime cardinal that the extra regional forces pursue an ‘interests-centric’ course, which might not answer the ‘region-specific’ threats and challenges; therefore, region-centric approach becomes the key problem solver in such situations. This study focuses on the major issues in contemporary maritime security, especially in the Indian Ocean, and figures out a way to deal with those. It begins with the description of the Indian Ocean with respect to its significance in global trade and geopolitics thereafter evaluating the oceanic order in terms of various threats of maritime security. After explaining the regional security situation, the study argues for a ‘region-centric’ maritime security model. The study posits that despite several inter-state rifts among the Indian Ocean littoral, the possibility of realizing a region-centric maritime security architecture can be envisaged, as this would be the only framework making region-specific security interests secure. The study suggests that region-specific problems can best be solved by the regional countries themselves as extra-regional nations serve their strategic interests only, and at times, relegating the regional problems to a degree of least significance; and that there always exists a space for cooperation even among the countries with enduring hostility.
Australian Journal of Maritime & Ocean Affairs, 2018
In the recent period, India has emerged as one of the key political and economic players at the global level. In order to make its mark as a major maritime power, it has adopted an ambitious plan of naval modernisation. This brings to the fore the question how successive governments in India have sought to promote the country’s interests. In the recent years, India under the UPA rule played an assertive role in the Indian Ocean region in order to protect its interests and strategic preponderance. India’s Indian Ocean strategy has, among other things, focused on countering the growing Chinese influence among the Indian Ocean littoral countries. Nevertheless, it was seen that the UPA government did not show enough dynamism to formulate a strong Indian Ocean policy. The new government under Prime Minister Modi is seen to pursue an active Indian Ocean policy in pursuit of maritime power and influence. Thus, the paper seeks to study the evolution and variations in the strategies adopted by the UPA and NDA rule towards the Indian Ocean. Among other things, the paper also tries to explore how China figures in India’s strategic ambitions in the sea.
Maritime Affairs, 2019
The Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries are a vital source for India’s energy requirements and home to a large population of Indian workers. Although for quite some time now, India’s strategic influence in the Gulf region has been overshadowed by Pakistan, recent developments seem to present India with an opportunity to expand its influence led by maritime security cooperation. However, the growth of Chinese economic and political influence in the region presents some tough challenges. This paper examines India’s extant security ties with the GCC countries and their relations with China, with an aim to make a relative assessment of India’s strategic influence and discusses the prospects for India’s position in the region.
GWADAR PORT AS AN ECONOMIC BRIDGE OF ASIA: PROSPECTS AND CHALLENGES, 2014
Pakistan has built a port at the south western city of Gwadar on the mouth of the oil rich Persian Gulf. The importance of Gwadar Port is manifold as it is not only going to play pivotal role in Pakistan’s economy but will influence the economy of neighbouring countries like China, Iran and Central Asia etc. Gwadar project will generate thousands of jobs for the local people due to which there will be revolution in creation of numerous job opportunities in the entire country. The progress will be on different levels i.e. individual and family, city and society, province, country and the region at large. The volume of expected trade is interpolated through trade trends of the areas, surrounding the Gwadar Port and evaluation of its economic potential. The envisaged trade forecast of Gwadar Port is based on the potential transit cargo of Western China, Afghanistan, flow of natural resources from Central Asia, trans-shipment cargo and the domestic import and export. The development of industries, trade and business in adjoining areas are some of the spins-offs of the port, which require appropriate policies to accrue maximum benefits. Pakistan is focusing on the immense potential of Gwadar Port. It will act as great energy centre and a multi-regional trade hub. Pakistan’s Sea Lines of Communications will be much safer from the threat of potential enemy of Pakistan ie India. In the times of naval blockade, it can provide strategic depth to Pakistan Navy in the shape of an alternate base. Its effective use will help Pakistan in keeping a watchful eye on the vital international shipping routes and can prevent the country from being surprised. Its existence addresses the strategic concerns that have hampered the progress in the past. However no port can flourish until conditions like viable government policies, political stability, law and order situation, development of infrastructure and identification of profitable areas are fulfilled. The purposes of this study are to highlight the geo-strategic significance of the port, identify its real potentials, and interests and roles of internal, regional and extra regional stakeholders. The important area of the study is the Chinese’s efforts in its construction and operating to the extent that US and key regional players are watching the Chinese involvement with suspicion. In a situation when US can request military basing rights at the Gwadar port to handle some future turbulent situation in the region. This eventuality would require Pakistan to strike a balance between a time-tested friend and US. The choice is obvious but can face tough time if Pakistan does not come up to the US expectations.
Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS)
The Indian Ocean offers the “global commons” the sea lanes of communication that connects the East with the West. These SLOCs nurtures the global economic world by providing for a classical instance of ‘multilateral maritime matrix,’ whereby merchant ships are manufactured in one country, maintained and owned by another, underwritten by third, registered in fourth and crewed by subjects of another. In this regard, the strategic and commercial concerns of nation-states extends from its immediate maritime borders to the protection of chokepoints where merchandise is most vulnerable to array of contemporary security threats. The third largest ocean, since the cessation of bipolar hostilities after the end of the Cold War, has been integrated to global market economics to a critical extent whereby any interruptions to the established trade networks is likely to have a ‘shockwave effect’. The Indian Ocean is presaged to continue as a ‘central shipment pathway’ for regional and inter-cont...
Perspectives (Centre for Strategic and Contemporary Research, Islamabad), 2019
Pakistan cannot rely on China alone to ensure freedom of navigation in the Indian Ocean. Islamabad will have to scrap its irrational policy of thinking within the confines of North Arabian Sea and switch to maritime security policymaking from a continental perspective.
2018
This thesis assesses India’s maritime strategy and critically examines its efficacy and sustainability including India’s ambitions to be the “net security provider” for the region.” It seeks to answer the question, whether or not the extant maritime strategy would help India maintain its balance of power with respect to China, and recommends complementary actions and alternate strategic options for India to fulfill its goals in the Indian Ocean. The first part of the thesis examines the entire range of strategic maritime threats and challenges posed to India by the evolving Indian Ocean security environment of the twenty-first century. These include the non-traditional threats such as piracy, maritime terrorism and illegal fishing as well as traditional threats posed by India’s hostile neighbours, China and Pakistan. Subsequently, it looks at how India’s foreign policy has shaped its maritime doctrine and strategy, and examines the stated objectives of India’s maritime strategy that...
Sasakawa Peace Foundation's Policy Recommendations by the Quadripartite Commission on the Indian Ocean Regional Security: Appendix, 2018
DEFENCE AND SECURITY JOURNAL, Sri Lanka, 2019
Journal of The Indian Ocean Region, 2010
Naval War College Review , 2020
IPRI Journal, 2010
Carnegie Papers, 2018
China's Belt and Road Vision: Geoeconomics and Geopolitics, 2020
Capacity Building for Maritime Security: The Western Indian Ocean Experience, 2020
A NEW GULF SECURITY ARCHITECTURE: PROSPECTS AND CHALLENGES FOR AN ASIAN ROLE, 2014
Pakistan Social Sciences Review
Proceedings, 2007