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Ethical assessment in radioactive waste management: a proposed reflective
equilibrium-based deliberative approach
Matthew Cotton a
a
Manchester Architecture Research Centre, School of Environment and Development, University of
Manchester, Manchester M13 9PL, UK
Online Publication Date: 01 July 2009
To cite this Article Cotton, Matthew(2009)'Ethical assessment in radioactive waste management: a proposed reflective equilibrium-
based deliberative approach',Journal of Risk Research,12:5,603 — 618
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Journal of Risk Research
Vol. 12, No. 5, July 2009, 603–618
Ethical assessment in radioactive waste management: a proposed
reflective equilibrium-based deliberative approach
Matthew Cotton*
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Manchester Architecture Research Centre, School of Environment and Development, University
of Manchester, Oxford Road, Manchester M13 9PL, UK
Radioactive waste management facility siting has often been surrounded by
political controversy. By attempting to overcome accusations of technocracy,
radioactive waste management organisations are reframing the problem in terms
of socio-technical issues requiring the integrative assessment of complex scientific,
political and ethical issues and establishing analytic-deliberative decision-making
processes involving public and stakeholder involvement. One important aspect of
a publicly supportable radioactive waste management strategy is that adequate
ethical assessment is incorporated throughout the process. There are, however,
certain incompatibilities between pluralistic public and stakeholder-led engagement processes and the types of ethical justification stemming from normative
ethical theory and the input of ethical expertise. An evaluation of previous work
on ethics by the UK Committee on Radioactive Waste Management highlights
some of the pitfalls of utilising these types of ‘top-down’ inputs in a primarily
‘bottom-up’ decision-making process. This paper then proposes the development
of a new approach inspired by John Rawls’s concept of ‘reflective equilibrium’, to
better bridge the divide between pluralistic analytic-deliberative decision-making
and ethical assessment.
Keywords: radioactive waste management; analytic-deliberative decision-making;
ethical assessment; reflective equilibrium
Introduction
The long-term management of radioactive wastes is a contentious environmental and
political issue among nuclear power-producing countries. Radioactive wastes are
generated by nuclear power production, fuel reprocessing, industrial applications of
nuclear materials, military activities, research and medicine. This paper concerns the
assessment of the ethical issues inherent to long-term radioactive waste management
(hereafter referred to as RWM) technologies and the challenge of integrating this
assessment into a participatory, analytic-deliberative decision-making process. It
deals with the UK as a RWM case study, specifically examining previous work on
ethics by the Committee on Radioactive Waste Management (CoRWM) in the UK.
It also outlines a proposal for a new research development framework for
participatory ethical assessment inspired by John Rawls’s concept of ‘reflective
equilibrium’, designed to overcome a number of previous shortcomings in this area,
and gives some empirical examples of how such a process could be used in practice,
reporting upon workshops run with participants from communities living in close
proximity to existing UK nuclear facilities.
*Email: matthew.cotton@manchester.ac.uk
ISSN 1366-9877 print/ISSN 1466-4461 online
# 2009 Taylor & Francis
DOI: 10.1080/13669870802519455
http://www.informaworld.com
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M. Cotton
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Socio-technical radioactive waste management
Dealing with highly radioactive and potentially hazardous, end-of-pipe pollutants is
a problem that has dogged political administrations throughout the developed world
(Vari, Reagan-Cirincione, and Mumpower 1994). In the UK for example, a successful
long-term RWM strategy has yet to be implemented despite continuing waste
generation from the first nuclear build in the 1950s. RWM has thus remained an
unresolved environmental and political issue for over five decades. Despite the
continued protracted political conflict, however, significant progress towards a solution
has been made in recent years. In the UK, the Government’s continuing ‘Managing
Radioactive Waste Safely’ (MRWS) programme is an initiative seeking to establish a
legitimate, technically sound and publicly supportable long-term management strategy
(DEFRA, BERR, and Devolved Administrations for Wales and Northern Ireland
2008). This reveals a significant change in approach to previous RWM practices,
reflecting broader changes in the political processes of environmental management,
technology implementation, land-use and decision-making.
Historically, radioactive waste management organisations (RWMOs) internationally have tended to frame RWM in terms of industrial processes and technical
problems; hence there has been an overall tendency to base decision-making
primarily upon the inputs of techno-scientific expertise. Broadly speaking, in the
latter half of the twentieth century, RWM typically involved research into disposal
techniques, followed by siting processes aimed at finding waste locations based
primarily on outcomes that presented the lowest potential risk to the public
(Openshaw, Carver, and Fernie 1989; Easterling and Kunreuther 1995) (using the
term ‘risk’ in a primarily statistical sense). This approach has often caused significant
concern among those communities affected by siting in their local area, alongside
broader societal concerns about how best to manage these wastes whilst maintaining
long-term public safety. Internationally, RWM processes have tended to follow a
familiar pattern – local backlash against ‘technocratic’ siting of waste facilities
leading to a lack of public trust in the institutions involved and the failure of siting
proposals; followed by an adaptation of approach, reframing RWM as a ‘sociotechnical’ policy issue (Flüeler 2006). In light of this, recent RWM decision-making
has involved analytic-deliberative processes (Chilvers 2007) that broaden out RWM
policy-making through the involvement of specialist expertise alongside widespread
public and stakeholder consultation and engagement (Atherton and Poole 2001).
Changes in decision-making context
The shift towards socio-technical framing of RWM necessitates an integrative and
trans-disciplinary approach; combining stakeholder values with techno-scientific
expertise to facilitate the move towards a legitimate, publicly supportable RWM
policy. The supposed outcome of which is an implementation process of siting RWM
facilities that successfully incorporates political, psychological, social and ethical
factors (Kemp 1992; Slovic, Flynn, and Layman 2000; Atherton and Poole 2001)
alongside scientific and technical ones. The reasons for this change are threefold.
First, in many nuclear-producing countries (such as the UK), overall public trust in
science has faltered despite well-publicised technological advances and the
strengthening of societal and environmental protection regulations (O’Neill 2002).
Public distrust in the authority of mainstream science, its relationship to political and
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Journal of Risk Research
605
commercial organisations and the validity of its advice is a problem that besets the
successful implementation of long-term RWM technologies. In recent UK history
for example, an engaged public has challenged techno-scientific authority
following a series of widely publicised controversies – most notably in the wake
of the BSE crisis (Jasanoff 1997), controversy over GM crops (Wynne 2001) and
the disposal of oil rigs (Huxham and Sumner 1999). The relative importance of the
relationship between public trust in institutions (particularly corporations and
scientific authorities) and risk tolerance has been contested (Slovic, Flynn, and
Layman 2000; Sjöberg 2001; Viklund 2003) although one might speculate upon the
fact that countries such as Sweden and Finland that have comparatively high levels
of public trust in nuclear authorities (Eurobarometer 2007) have also made
significant political progress in long-term RWM implementation.
Second, the concept of risk management has undergone significant change in
light of social scientific research. In RWM among other techno-scientific fields, there
has been a tendency towards quantifying risk, statistically modelling the
probabilities of harm to individuals, communities or environments. The sociological
study of risk has tended to broaden that conception however (Warner 1992).
Sociologists, psychologists and philosophers have re-conceptualised risk as a multidimensional construct (Fischhoff, Bostrom, and Quadrel 1993) involving not just
statistical probabilities related to harm and vulnerability but also the wider context
of individuals’ beliefs, attitudes, judgements and feelings, along with broader
cultural, social and ethical values (Jasonoff 1999; Joffe 2003).
Thirdly, as Pellizzoni (2001) remarks, the strategic or ‘elitist’ approaches to
environmental problems characterised by extreme complexity have proved
inadequate. Thus, deliberation on science-based issues has begun to shift away
from the exclusive realm of politicians and experts and hence new participatory
structures are required to enable the decision-making involvement of a wider range
of actors including the public (Irwin and Wynne 1996). In addition, the traditional
theories of democracy that suggest that elected representatives respond to their
constituents’ interests have been subject to significant challenges (Dryzek 1990; Zwart
2007) and arguably democracy has been undergoing a ‘deliberative turn’ whereby one,
‘[sees] the legitimacy of decision-making in terms of the ability or opportunity to
participate in effective deliberation on the part of those subject to collective decisions’
(Dryzek 2000, 4), shifting decision-making from representative or ‘aggregative’ modes
of democratic participation through the act of electoral voting (Gutmann and
Thompson 2004) to a more ‘talk-centric’, deliberative and participatory model of
individual involvement (Chambers 1997). This has resulted in more opportunities for
citizens to participate in the processes of political governance (Rossi 1997) and also a
change in the way that decision-making authorities approach environmental, technoscientific and planning objectives (Herzik and Statham 1993).
These changes are being realised in RWM policy-making by an implicit political
commitment to sustained and inclusive public and stakeholder engagement on socioeconomic, political and ethical issues and the incorporation of diverse values into the
decision-making process (Chilvers, Burgess, and Murlis 2003). Consequently, RWM
has developed around a more participatory decision-making structure, leading to a
rise in the development of new deliberative and inclusionary processes (O’Riordan
and Burgess 1999) to facilitate the incorporation of public and stakeholder values
into environmental policy.
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Ethics and radioactive waste management
Within this multi-faceted socio-technical problem lie a number of significant ethical
issues. Broadly speaking, ethical issues are often among the most influential factors
in risk decision-making contexts, with the most common problems revolving around
the assessment of what is ‘fair’, ‘equitable’ and how this is decided upon (Jaworowski
1999; Shrader-Frechette and Cooke 2004). The case of RWM exemplifies this
importance. Individuals tend to tolerate risks more readily if the risk distribution is
perceived to be fair (Sjöberg and Winroth 1986; Keller and Sarin 1988; Sjöberg and
Torell 1993). Sjöberg and Drottz-Sjöberg’s (2001) survey work around issues of
radioactive waste acceptability, showed that issues around ‘fairness’ in risk siting
came out as being ‘very important’ in a list of 22 separate risk dimensions. Still more
important were the judgements that the risk presented was ‘unnatural’ and that it
could harm children and future generations.
‘Moral sensitivity’ (Vari 1996) is also a key aspect in RWM risk decision-making,
namely, that the ethical issues involved are complex and cannot be applied in a
generic form in all situations but nevertheless must be addressed openly in the
planning process in order to build legitimacy and public support for the proposed
solutions. At the centre of RWM policy-making therefore are two important issues.
First is a political commitment towards widening participation in decision-making to
incorporate stakeholder and public involvement and second is the need for
ontologically valid and transparent ethical justification. It must be noted, however,
that although issues of public acceptability and ethical legitimacy are often related in
a decision-making process, they are by no means synonymous. The popularity of
ideas in public oriented decision-making does not automatically equate with
adequate moral justification (Rawles 2000). Successfully bridging between these two
aspects is an important step for legitimate RWM policy-making and it is therefore
necessary to find ways to address the inherent ethical issues that are compatible with
a participatory, analytic-deliberative decision-making approach.
UK CoRWM’s decision-making process
In the UK example, the options assessment phase of the MRWS process was based
upon the recommendations of the government-appointed CoRWM set-up in 2003.
CoRWM’s remit was to start a RWM options assessment process from a ‘blank
sheet of paper’, critically examining all potentially credible management options
(including the so-called ‘esoteric’ options such as disposal in space, ice sheets or
subduction zones, etc). The membership of this committee was diverse, from areas
including the nuclear industry, ex-Greenpeace and the Chair of the Equal
Opportunities Commission. Each member was appointed upon the basis of their
skills, experience and expertise rather than any specific stakeholder interest. The
committee thus aimed to maintain an ‘arms length’ from industry and government,
helping to ensure accountability and legitimacy (Durant 2007).
CoRWM’s evaluation of RWM options was realised through a comprehensive
programme of public and stakeholder engagement. There were three major rounds
of public and stakeholder engagement, each 12 weeks in duration (labelled here as
PSE1-3). This included an early ‘framing’ round followed by a progressive narrowing
in the range of acceptable management options from a long-list of 15 to a short-list
of four, with each stage being informed by the results of the PSE programme. A
Journal of Risk Research
607
subsequent intensive specialist review followed and then a short-list of options was
chosen involving input from scientific, technological, ethical and social scientific
experts. The use of multi-criteria analysis as a framework for decision-making was
common for much of the specialist input with ‘scoring’ of options done by specialists
and ‘weighting’ by CoRWM following PSE review; although draft recommendations
to government on options were also informed by ‘holistic assessment’ (which
included ethical and environmental issues) (Ball 2006).
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UK CoRWM’s work on ethical issues
UK CoRWM’s evaluation of the RWM problem recognised that ethical considerations would inevitably have an important part to play in its decision-making process.
Their extensive multi-phased PSE programme involved work specifically examining
the ethical issues involved in the decision-making process and the outcome of their
options recommendations to the UK Government. During PSE1, the broad ethical
concerns associated with the scope of the RWM problem were identified. The criteria
that were used in the short-listing of options specifically incorporated the ethical
aspects that had been identified early on in CoRWM’s programme of work. A set of
ethical questions was then proposed and developed for PSE2 which led into a
subsequent option assessment phase (Blowers 2006). CoRWM first underwent a
process of gathering feedback from these events involving roundtables, open
meetings, citizens’ panels and a national stakeholder forum, in addition to a wide
range of written and website responses (ibid.). Also, ethical discussions of the option
assessment specialist panels took place on a range of topic areas including safety,
transport, site security, implementability and environmental and socio-economic
impacts. These factors were key aspects of the multi-criteria decision analysis
(MCDA) process that was undertaken (ibid.). CoRWM’s programme of specialist
ethics and social science input was linked most directly to the holistic analysis stage,
but the MCDA also addressed ethical issues directly and through a process of
‘weighting’, the implementation recommendations drew heavily on ethical input
(Collier 2006).
In September 2005, CoRWM held an external ethics workshop, and this was to
be the main vehicle for specialist input on ethical issues (ibid.). It brought together
members of CoRWM and various UK and international specialists. The overall aim
of this workshop was to thoroughly ‘explore the ethical aspects of radioactive waste’
and in doing so to (Blowers 2006):
N
N
N
N
help [members] understand the importance of ethical considerations and how
they may be taken into account
inform and generate discussion on ethical issues to enable CoRWM,
stakeholders and the public to think about the ethical aspects of the different
options for managing radioactive waste
provide an input into the PSE round associated with options assessment and
to reflect on outputs from earlier rounds of PSE
understand how ethics need to be integrated with scientific outputs in a
process of holistic decision-making.
This workshop took the format of a series of presentations and discussions on four
main topics (Blowers 2006):
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M. Cotton
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(1)
(2)
(3)
(4)
in what ways is radioactive waste an ethical issue?
inter-generational equity
intra-generational equity
ethics and the environment.
Following the deliberative process, the expert participants were asked at the end
for their intuitive preference amongst the short-listed options. A report was made
from the workshop outputs along with a video shown to subsequent Citizens’ Panels
(Collier 2006). This initial workshop was followed by two option assessment ‘ethics
sessions’. At the October 2005 London Plenary Session, CoRWM Members
considered the pros and cons of the short-listed options against a set of ethical
tests based on the concepts surfaced at the workshop. The December 2005 London
Plenary Session then considered the options against a set of environmental principles
based in part upon the workshop outputs.
As a result of the specialist input to the options assessment process and the
feedback from the PSE programme, these events (and the feedback that followed)
were a major contributor to the holistic analysis (which was arguably equivalent in
function to the MCDA workshops (Collier 2006)), but were also major inputs to the
work on implementation. From this range of ethical inputs into the process,
CoRWM concluded that ‘all in all, the ethical dimension of decision making has
played an integral role in the CoRWM process’ (Blowers 2006, 4).
Limitations within CoRWM’s ethical deliberation process
In many respects, the ethics programme that CoRWM implemented was highly
successful. Input from the public through the PSE1 phase and then specialist input from
‘ethical experts’ was successfully incorporated into the decision-making process. As a
result, ethics became a serious criterion for the option assessment and questions over
aspects such as intergenerational equity became the primary discriminating factors
between final disposal and long-term storage (Blowers 2006). However, it is important
to recognise and address the limitations of CoRWM’s approach when examining future
RWM processes, both in the implementation phase of UK policy and for analyticdeliberative policy-making in other waste-producing nations.
The first and perhaps most controversial aspect of this critique, is questioning
whether or not expert input into the ethics programme is necessary at all. In complex
socio-technical debates, ethical questions are most often handled by specialised
expert ethics committees or panels. Similar to the CoRWM specialist input, the use
of expert ethics panels has been seen frequently in bioethics fields, for example the
Standing Ethics Committee of the Human Genome Organisation (HUGO), the
Nanoethics Advisory Board to the UK’s Nuffield Council on Bioethics and the Food
Ethics Council. These forums are generally characterised by a group of experts from
diverse fields charged with assessing the ‘ethical impacts’ of proposed technologies;
whether gene therapies, human cloning, novel foods or nano-technologies.
In CoRWM’s case, there was an early stage of wider involvement on the ethical
issues in the PSE1 programme when defining the broad area of work and issues to be
examined. However, when it came to examining specific ethical issues in greater
detail for their holistic assessment and MCDA stages, CoRWM chose to base its
ethical evaluations primarily on the advice of ethics specialists rather than that of
non-expert citizens. One could argue that at the national-level option assessment
Journal of Risk Research
609
stage, this is satisfactory, as deliberative evaluation of RWM options remains
relatively generalised with no specific community or siting procedure under
consideration. Adopting a similar approach towards implementing a long-term
RWM solution, with local-level siting and community involvement, could, however,
become fraught with political difficulties. In the UK, many of the problems
previously experienced by the RWMO Nirex stemmed from the techno-centric
nature of the proposed siting process for RWM facilities, principally based upon the
evaluations of experts (Malone 1991; Rosa and Freudenburg 1993). In light of this
fact, it would be unwise to adopt a similarly expert-driven model for the
consideration of ethical issues in implementing such a siting process, as this
essentially substitutes one form of techno-centrism for another.
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The problem with ethical expertise
CoRWM’s primary workshop tool for ethical assessment involved a ‘top-down’
expert-driven approach. This is meta-ethically contentious, however, as the advice of
experts even when there are a selection of viewpoints, is insufficient to ensure a
balanced judgement (Reber 2006). This is because experts have no special insight
into right and wrong, justice and injustice (Levine 2007). Rawls (1995, 140) argued
that ‘there are no experts: a philosopher has no more authority than other citizens’;
essentially, trained ethicists have no superior competence or knowledge on
normative matters to specially qualify them as moral arbiters (Imwinkelried 2005)
and are thus no more than ‘specialised citizens’ (Fischer 1993) on normative issues.
The opinions of expert-ethicists are not necessarily ‘better’ than that of the nonexpert as they have no special access to or monopoly on moral truth. Such ethical
experts may possess technical competence; however normative problems are not
technical questions (Baylis 2000; Imwinkelried 2005). Given the political importance
of ‘fairness’ (both procedurally in terms of institutional input in the decision-making
process and outcome-based in terms of risk/benefit distribution, etc.), one must
question whether an ethical expert or range of experts can adequately represent or
incorporate the diversity of moral values and viewpoints that a potential RWM
facility host community may hold. One possibility is that this kind of approach
would lead to criticisms of a new kind of ‘ethical technocracy’ that mirrors previous
science-centred RWM policies, and hence generates a similar backlash against the
RWMO trying to base its decisions upon the input of ethical experts.
This ‘ethical techno-centrism’ problem is compounded by the contentious
relationship between the ‘top-down’ and ‘bottom-up’ aspects of decision-making.
The top-down/bottom-up dichotomy is evident in two senses. First, the term topdown has been used thus far to refer to the control of decision-making processes over
RWM facility siting based primarily upon expert input. Such top-down decisionmaking contrasts with the deliberative, bottom-up and citizen-led participatory
model that RWMOs have adopted to alleviate the political problems involved in
facility siting. However, ‘top-down’ could also refer to the application of normative
ethical theories, primarily the dominant deontological, utilitarian and justice-based
frameworks prevalent in ethical analysis. These tend to be general, universalising
normative rule-based models that stand in contrast to ‘bottom-up’ situation and
context specific moral judgements – the kind that could be expressed in pluralistic
deliberative and inclusionary processes. The difficulty in developing an ethically
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M. Cotton
informed RWM strategy lies in successfully balancing both of these complex and
conflicting aspects. Public and stakeholder engagement in planning long-term RWM
is a political priority. One could therefore contend that neither a single ethical theory
approach nor a multitudinous set of ethical theory approaches could satisfactorily
provide a practical solution to the problems presented. Despite the commitment to
incorporating diverse values and viewpoints, decision-makers are also charged with
finding some metric or standard by which to measure the validity of expressed ethical
values (Fabre and Miller 2003). Hence, there remains a fundamental tension between
these two aspects of ethical assessment.
The roots of this problem lie in the ‘applied ethics’ tradition. As philosophers began
to realise the seriousness of environmental challenges, they tended to turn to standard
ethical theories and principles for guidance – and as the need arose, applied the theories
to practical matters (Des Jardins 1997). This implied that ethics had a negative and
conservative function in dealing with environmental problems such as RWM (ibid.).
The problem with this approach is that the means to finding a set of clear, justifiable
and ethically informed decisions on RWM cannot be reached by simply applying a
theoretical framework with a universal set of ethical values in order to find a de facto
solution. This is because the competition between ethical frameworks generates
philosophical and political controversy, primarily due to the fact that ethical theories
tend to be ‘reductionist’, taking one aspect of morality to be the whole of morality
(Kaler 1999). The adoption of one normative framework cannot encompass all moral
perspectives and hence would present a challenge to deliberative decision-making
processes. The use of universalising ethical theories as ‘applied tools’ could potentially
add social and political difficulties to an already protracted policy issue. It would
therefore be unwise to present solutions to controversial social and technological issues
such as radioactive waste siting, by utilising and adopting universalising and
controversial ethical theories (Condit 1987; Kaiser 2004).
The tension between ethical analysis and deliberative decision-making lies in the
perceived role of negotiation, consensus building and the pragmatic value of theory in
each. In stakeholder and public engagement processes, the emphasis is on the practical
implications of negotiation between and (in some cases) consensus building among
participants. Encouraging conflicting and antagonistic groups to accept compromise,
consensus and mutual support is dependent upon this negotiation process between the
involved parties, to reach agreements or at the very least, clarify the terms of their
disputes with the hope of moving towards more consensual agreements in the future.
Traditional normative and applied ethics are to some extent incompatible with this
approach. In ‘traditional’ normative ethical analysis, negotiation is at the very least
undesirable. One of the central elements of a negotiation process involves convincing
others to accept the accuracy or reality of information that will influence their decision.
To normative ethics which is based primarily in metaphysics, ethical maxims are
general and often applied universally; negotiation is therefore at best considered
inappropriate and at worst, counterintuitive to the search for objective ethical truth.
Ethicists are therefore often reluctant to rely upon the negotiation skills of individuals
to provide adequate justification for ethical claims.
Reflective equilibrium
The proposed solution to this dichotomy is the adoption of a reflective equilibrium
inspired approach to ethical deliberation within a public and stakeholder
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611
engagement-led decision-making framework. Reflective equilibrium originally stems
from Goodman’s (1955) work on ‘justification by balance’, validating the rules of
inference in inductive or deductive logic by bringing them into reflective equilibrium
with what one judges to be acceptable inferences in a broad range of particular cases.
This approach was later introduced to moral theory by John Rawls, however, by
applying it as a complementary theory to the Original Position in his work ‘A
Theory of Justice’ (1999).
The method of reflective equilibrium involves an individual working back and
forth between considered judgements about specific instances or particular cases, the
normative (often ethical theory-based) principles or moral rules that are believed to
govern them and the theoretical considerations believed to be relevant in accepting
these considered judgements, principles, or rules, and revising any of these elements
wherever necessary in order to achieve an acceptable coherence among them
(Scanlon 2002; Cohen 2004). The reflective equilibrium is therefore the end-point of
a deliberative process in which one reflects upon and revises their beliefs about an
area of moral inquiry. In practical terms, the process of reflective equilibrium
involves the specification, reciprocal weighing, testing, revising and balancing of
principles, rules, background theories, and particular judgements (McCarthy 2003).
Reflective equilibrium involves the use of top-down and bottom-up terminology,
by balancing between the bottom-up judgements and intuitions that individuals
attribute to ethical issues and principles that are theory driven, based on metaphysics and hence top-down in nature. It has been developed as a methodological
instrument in order to obtain a coherent ethical theory that is sensitive to the ‘facts’
of moral life (Burg and van Willigenburg 1998) as opposed to traditional applied
ethics which essentially tries to ‘plug facts into principles’ (Daniels 1996) by taking
(in this case) the ‘real world’ issue of RWM and then applying theory in a manner
much like applied science or mathematics. Reflective equilibrium’s flat-structured,
coherentist position by contrast, reveals the relationship between principles, theories
and judgements as one that must balance according to the relevance of principles to
inform the case and the specificities of the case to contextualise the principle. This is
the reflective aspect, thinking about what judgement a principle might require and
about what principle could accommodate a particular judgement or stance on a
particular issue, considering variations on the particular case, ‘testing’ the principle
against them and then refining and specifying the principle to accommodate
judgements about these variations. One might also revise certain cases if the initial
views do not fit with the principles they grow inclined to accept (Daniels 1996). As
Daniels argues, such a revision may constitute a moral surprise or discovery (ibid.),
implying that it is a learning process as much as an analytical one. By synthesising new
moral positions, one can allow an element of creativity into the moral evaluations,
rather than the negative or conservative tendencies of applying top-down normative
ethical theories through an applied ethics framework, hence improving the compatibility between ethical evaluation and participatory decision-making.
The theoretical model of reflective equilibrium could potentially be transposed
from individual moral deliberations to group ones, pragmatically ‘functionalising’ it
as a practical stakeholder and community engagement tool or analytic-deliberative
method. It is proposed that reflective equilibrium could form the basis of a new
analytic-deliberative decision-support procedure that coherently and systematically
applies principles grounded in ethical theory-based perspectives that have been
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M. Cotton
developed within a community of expertise (the analytic part), with the communicative, dialogic and reflective aspects of public and stakeholder formulated moral
judgements (the deliberative part). It could therefore prove a useful tool for the
consideration of ethical issues in a real world decision-problem such as RWM.
Such an approach has inherent similarities to existing analytic-deliberative
methods, such as deliberative mapping (Burgess et al. 2007) or citizens’ juries
(Fishkin 1995) for example. However, each existing analytic-deliberative method has a
specific structure involving different types of information provision, participant
numbers and balance, i.e. they tend to have proprietary formats not immediately
compatible with this type of ethical deliberation. The ‘functionalisation’ of reflective
equilibrium should therefore involve the development of a more generic format. One
potential solution is to formulate a reflective equilibrium-based public and stakeholder
engagement ‘workshop’, i.e. a forum bringing together a group of non-expert
participants for a discussion (or series of discussions) in which they work intensively
on the issue of RWM ethics. Such a process would combine elements of qualitative
research, brainstorming and problem solving. The advantage of such an approach is
that it allows time to explore the attitudes, values and beliefs of participants and also
provide them with information and arguments in order to reach an informed position
(White 2003). Such a workshop has the advantage of being both familiar to existing
stakeholder participants engaged in existing RWM processes and also flexible enough
to be integrated into a broader public and stakeholder engagement programme. The
workshop structure could be utilised in the context of locally controlled decisionsupport processes, consistent with the ‘partnership approach’ proposed in the recent
White Paper on implementing geological disposal in the UK (DEFRA, BERR, and
Devolved Administrations for Wales and Northern Ireland 2008). The application of
the reflective equilibrium-based procedure as part of this analytic-deliberative
workshop would involve three primary stages: first, the elicitation and recording of
moral judgements, second, selection of relevant moral principles and third, critical
reflection upon both moral judgements and ethical principles to form a coherent
balance of ‘reflective judgements’ and context-situated principles. It must be noted that
ideally this process is an iterative one. Participants engaged in the reflective equilibrium
could begin either with their judgements or principles and go through a continual
revision process to achieve a coherent balance. Such a procedure facilitates competent
ethical evaluation by stakeholders or members of affected radioactive waste site
communities, without recourse to complex theory or the input or arbitration of experts.
A specific structure is needed in order to make a reflective equilibrium-style
approach operable within a deliberative process. A deliberative workshop must
therefore have a number of key features. First, a convenor/facilitator requires a series
of tools or methodological techniques in order to stimulate participant discussion of
moral judgements. There are a variety of methods that could fit such a purpose. The
adaptation of established techniques for eliciting, constructing and clarifying
individuals’ affective judgements and values could provide a useful starting point.
Approaches such as image-based (Satterfield 2001; Harper 2002) or narrative-based
(Shanahan, Pelstring, and McComas 1999) elicitation techniques have been
successfully used to encourage interviewees to discuss a broad range of values and
judgements. Thus, elements of such techniques could potentially be employed to suit
the needs of facilitated group deliberative processes. Second, a list of suitable ethical
principles need to be defined through group deliberation in order to provide the
Journal of Risk Research
613
evaluation criteria against which these judgements are to be critically revised. By
applying the range of identified principles to the judgements elicited through group
deliberation and subsequent reflection upon the context of the principles in relation
to the case, the outputs would be a series of ‘considered’ judgements that are
coherent with a set of adapted principles that are in turn case-specific and relevant to
RWM. Finally, the outputs of the reflective equilibrium-based workshop must then
be formulated into a series of ethically informed policy options or alternatives, by
reflecting upon the practical implications of their implementation. Thus, the more
abstract elements of ethical deliberation are pragmatically re-contextualised within
the political, social and techno-scientific context of RWM decision-making.
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Some empirical examples
To illustrate how a reflective equilibrium-based analytic-deliberative approach could
work in practice, it is necessary to sketch out some empirical examples drawn from
deliberations among local stakeholders. Further details of participant recruitment,
methodological tools used and workshop structure can be found in Cotton (2008). A
brief summary of the methodology along with some examples is detailed, however, in
the following section.
A series of small-scale (8–11 participants) workshops were run with volunteers
living in communities close to current nuclear facilities. Through facilitated group
deliberation, a variety of context relevant judgements and ethical principles were
formulated, discussed and recorded by participants (on different coloured sticky
notes, one colour for principles and another for judgements) and arranged in
conceptually contiguous groups. These were then joined together with arrows and
labels to create a visual map of the discussion as it progressed, in a manner similar to
conceptual mapping techniques (Novak 1990).
To give a practical example, during discussions in a workshop in Leiston (a
community close to the Sizewell power station), the principle of honesty was raised in
relation to the role of scientific and technical expertise in the decision-making process.
This principle was interpreted as a commitment to open and transparent communication of scientific information between technical experts and radioactive waste facility
host communities. This was judged to be a key factor in establishing trust in the relevant
techno-scientific authorities involved. Honesty was also discussed in relation to
scrutinising sources of scientific funding and the influence of institutional affiliation on
the objectivity of the technical advice given to decision-makers and local communities,
i.e. participants expressed concern that nuclear industry scientists were more prone to
dishonesty than governmental, NGO or academic scientists (although it was
acknowledged that this was not a strict rule). Related to honest scientific dialogue
was the principle of fairness. It was judged that ongoing research into new RWM
solutions was necessary (in spite of current government policy towards a geological
disposal) as it was argued that future generations would benefit from increased choice if
and when future technologies progressed, potentially offering better radiological
protection than current technologies. Participants therefore judged that technical
specialists should continue research into novel RWM options in spite of any associated
economic costs in the short term.
In contrast to the fairness principle was the principle of autonomy applied in
reference to techno-scientific expertise. Some judged that too much information
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614
M. Cotton
around risk issues was available to the public, causing unnecessary moral panic
(controversies over BSE in cattle and the MMR vaccine were mentioned) and hence an
irrational public over-reaction to radioactive waste facility sites. Some expressed that
‘ignorance is bliss’ and that honesty does not automatically mean telling the public
everything, as scientific information can be misconstrued. Autonomy (as it was applied
in this instance) therefore entailed greater decision-making control for technical
authorities and was ethically justified on the grounds that they have ‘professional
objectivity’, i.e. RWM is a value-laden political decision and some participants asserted
that more objectively rational decision-making would counter the (inherent) dishonesty
of politicians or the comparative irrationality of the public.
In another workshop run in the Hartlepool area, the principles of fairness and
autonomy were discussed in relation to the ‘agenda setting’ power of British Energy
in site consultations in the local area. Some participants who had been to the site
consultation stakeholder meetings commented on how the meeting agenda was set
by the director of British Energy, not the stakeholders, and judged that this was set
up ‘too far down the line’ to be fair to local communities. The recorded judgements
illustrated that previous stakeholder consultations failed to empower local
stakeholders and most agreed them to be public relations exercises that failed to
relinquish any decision-making control to the community. It was suggested that this
undermined confidence in any stakeholder consultations, when such previous
experiences were shown to be expensive, time consuming and ultimately having no
impact upon decision-making.
A related problem was the short-termism of political decision-making around 4–
5-year election cycles. It was suggested that there was no guarantee that a locally
controlled decision-making process would be upheld by subsequent political
administrations if power changed hands to new governing bodies (hence the
principle of autonomy was further discussed). Local autonomy in the decisionmaking process was also perceived as difficult to uphold because of challenges in
defining who should have a say (whether it would be local representatives, elected
officials or community groups), and where the boundaries lay in their decisionmaking jurisdiction. Some questioned the geographic borders of decision-making
involvement, i.e. that neighbouring communities such as Middlesbrough, or
Billingham should be involved, whereas others questioned how such decisions could
be arbitrated between local communities if conflicting interests emerged.
Both examples show the mapping of conflicting ethical positions emerging through
deliberation using the reflective equilibrium based approach. The facilitated discussions
revealed to participants how contrasting principles and judgements resulted in
divergent conclusions and hence opportunities for novel moral decision-making
options. It is argued here, that where contrasts among judgements and principles occur,
participants coherently related one to the other in a manner that is theoretically
informed, sensitive to technical, political and socio-economic facts, is based upon
participant-formulated judgements (and hence bottom-up) and is grounded in rational
deliberation among those (potentially) affected by the decision-making outcome.
Conclusions
This paper proposes that a reflective equilibrium-based approach could be adopted
as the conceptual basis for a pragmatic ‘tool’ or decision-support procedure to
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Journal of Risk Research
615
structure deliberation and reflection upon the ethical issues inherent in RWM facility
implementation. Instead of relying upon the critical expertise of professional ethicists to
decipher the moral issues and assess a course of action, the tools for critically reflecting
upon ethics can be placed in the hands of those involved in or affected by the RWM
process itself, thus alleviating the problem of ‘technocratisation’ resulting from primary
reliance upon expert input and theory-driven assessments. This would make ethical
deliberation more amenable to democratic accountability and local decision-making
control. A reflective equilibrium-based approach is coherentist and hence sensitive to
diversity of moral values as it does not arbitrarily ascribe greater ‘weight’ to any
particular normative perspective. This has potential in bridging between the two kinds
of top-down and bottom-up incompatibility previously mentioned. By harnessing the
reflective equilibrium-inspired approach in a deliberative forum, intuitive, affect-laden
moral values can be critically reviewed and justified in light of established theorygrounded principles. As such, one pragmatically treats moral principles as conceptual
tools to illustrate ethical issues, provide a framework for stakeholder-led ethical
assessment and allow opportunities for innovative ethical reasoning and the
consideration of a range of values and perspectives.
In conclusion, however, one must assess the potential limitations of a reflective
equilibrium approach. It could potentially be utilised as a ‘decision-support’ tool for
RWM, providing the means for scoping, deliberating and evaluating the ethical
implications of long-term RWM by critically and transparently assessing the relationship
between judgements, intuitions, principles and non-ethical contextual factors. However,
this alone does not provide the necessary steps to turn coherentist moral deliberation into
an ‘ethically informed’ decision and as such is solely a dialogic rather than a ‘decisionmaking’ tool. A reflective equilibrium-based approach could thus become one tool
within a ‘toolbox’ (Kaiser et al. 2004) of techniques designed for eliciting and evaluating
the ethical issues, judgements and principles and weighting ethical criteria. What one
could gain by utilising the outputs from this deliberative reflective equilibrium-style tool
is a critically evaluated conceptual ‘map’ of the issues, judgements and principles
involved. Therefore, although it could be used as a technique to generate a detailed and
structured representation of the issues, it requires the use of further techniques and
procedures to integrate this critical information into the broader framework of sociotechnical decision-making over the long-term management of radioactive wastes.
Acknowledgements
This paper reports on PhD research funded by the Economic and Social Research Council and
UK Nirex Ltd. I would like to thank Peter Simmons at the University of East Anglia for
commentary on an early draft of this paper. I would also like to thank Alan Bond at UEA,
Elizabeth Atherton at the NDA and the reviewers for their helpful comments.
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