The Dokimasia Painter at Morgantina

Stefan Schmidt – Adrian Stähli (Hrsg.) VASENBILDER IM KULTURTRANSFER Zirkulation und Rezeption griechischer Keramik im Mittelmeerraum VERLAG C.H. BECK Das Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum wird als Vorhaben der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften im Rahmen des Akademienprogramms von der Bundesrepublik Deutschland und vom Freistaat Bayern gefördert. ISBN 978-3-406-62567-1 © Verlag C. H. Beck oHG München 2012 Layout, Repro, Satz, Druck und Bindung: Kösel, Krugzell Gedruckt auf säurefreiem, alterungsbeständigem Papier (hergestellt aus chlorfrei gebleichtem Zellstoff) Printed in Germany www. beck.de Inhalt Vorwort 7 Stefan Schmidt und Adrian Stähli Griechische Vasenbilder als Medium des Kulturtransfers 9 Beat Schweizer Bilder griechischer Tongefäße in Mittelitalien und nördlich der Alpen. Medien der Hellenisierung oder Mediterranisierung, der Akkulturation oder der kulturellen Interaktion, der interkulturellen Kommunikation oder der Konstruktion kultureller Identität? 15 WEGE Filippo Giudice, Rossano Scicolone, Sebastiano Luca Tata Vedere il vaso attico: costruzione del quadro di riferimento delle forme dal 635 al 300 a. C. 27 Martin Langner Kam es auf die Bilder an? Handelskontakte, Verwendungskontexte und lokale Imitationen spätrotfiguriger Vasenbilder aus Athen 35 Liebesverfolgungen in Unteritalien 51 Die Sammlung Feoli. Attische und etruskische Vasen von der «Tenuta di Campomorto» bei Vulci 59 Mario Iozzo Chiusi, Telemaco e il Pittore di Penelope 69 Jenifer Neils The Dokimasia Painter at Morgantina 85 Eleni Manakidou Archaische bemalte Keramik aus Korinth und Athen in Makedonien als Ausdruck lokaler Vorlieben und Bedürfnisse 93 Amazonen in Etrurien. Zur Rezeption attischer Vasenbilder am Beispiel einer Hydria des Polygnotos 103 Thomas Mannack ORTE Irma Wehgartner PERSPEKTIVEN Laura Puritani Françoise-Hélène Massa-Pairault L’Attique et ses héros vus de l’Étrurie. Quelques exemples Victoria Sabetai 113 Looking at Athenian Vases Through the Eyes of the Boeotians: Copies, Adaptations and Local Creations in the Social and Aesthetic Culture of an Attic Neighbour 121 Angelika Schöne-Denkinger Import und Imitation attischer Bilder in Böotien 139 Anna Petrakova Late Attic Red-figure Vases from Burials in the Kerch Area: The Question of Interpretation in Ancient and Modern Contexts 151 Inhalt Othmar Jaeggi Robin Osborne Liste der Autoren Attische Vasen des 4. Jhs. aus Kerč und Umgebung: Fragen zu Gebrauch, Verteilung und Rezeption 165 Polysemy and its Limits: Controlling the Interpretation of Greek Vases in Changing Cultural Contexts 177 187 The Dokimasia Painter at Morgantina Jenifer Neils T his paper shifts our attention from the broad overviews of Greek exports to a case study, focussing on a specific artist, the Athenian late archaic cup painter known as the Dokimasia Painter, and his role in the pottery trade. Not however, the trade with Etruria where the bulk of his pottery was exported, but to Sicily where some atypical pieces, i. e. rare shapes in his repertoire, have been excavated at the central Sicilian site of Morgantina, in the archaic levels at Cittadella.1 An attempt will be made to correlate the career trajectory of this specific painter with shifting market demands in the West. The discovery of two unusual vases, possibly a set, by the Dokimasia Painter in a remote area of central Sicily also raises issues of acculturation in an area not necessarily colonized by the Greeks, but rather used as an emporion where coastal Greeks and Sikels may have worked side by side, as I have argued elsewhere.2 The Dokimasia Painter In the first edition of his lists of Attic red-figure vase painters published in Germany in 1925 Beazley created the “Group of the Berlin Dokimasia Cup”.3 The name vase of this group (not yet a painter) was a kylix from Orvieto, now in Berlin, with youths and horses (Figs. 1. 2).4 The subject, as Gustav Körte noted in 1880, is the Athenian official inspection, known as the dokimasia, in this case for the cavalry.5 Beazley described the six cups in this group as influenced by the Brygos Painter and akin to the Briseis Painter. It was only in the first English addition of 1942 that he christened the artist ‘the Dokimasia Painter’ and attributed twenty more cups to him as well as a stamnos with the death of Orpheus.6 By the second edition of Attic Red-figure Vase-painters (1963) the Dokimasia Painter was assigned thirty-seven cups, one skyphos, and two stamnoi as well as an undetermined fragment in Turin.7 Beazley referred to him and some others who were influenced by the Brygos Painter as the “Mild-Brygan Group” implying that they lacked the verve of their master. At this point the artist could be characterized as a competent cup painter, specializing in genre scenes of youths leading horses, hunters, komasts and the occasio- nal athlete. Myth scenes are rare and perhaps for this reason Beazley only reluctantly admitted the cup in Florence with the deeds of Theseus into the painter’s repertoire.8 The majority of his vases with a known provenience come from Etruria. In an addendum to ARV2, Beazley tentatively ascribed “a very large vase” to the Dokimasia Painter, writing: “it may be by the Dokimasia Painter.”9 The large vase to which he was referring is the exceptional calyx krater acquired in 1963 by the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston (Figs. 3. 4).10 It is decorated with two highly dramatic multi-figured murder scenes: the death of Agamemnon on the obverse and that of Aigisthos on the reverse. In the first publication of this vase Emily Vermeule described its appearance thus: “it erupts into his repertoire with the surprise of the Ark at a dinghy regatta.”11 As I shall argue below the new Morgantina krater may perhaps be the intermediate ‘yacht’ bridging the gap, chronological and stylistic, between the Dokimasia Painter’s smaller cups and his magnificent ‘Oresteia’ krater. In his final lists of vases entitled Paralipomena, published posthumously in 1971, Beazley definitively assigned the Boston krater to the Dokimasia Painter. It is now an established masterpiece within his oeuvre, although there have been doubters.12 He also added two more cups and two stamnoi, and shifted some vases from the Brygos Painter.13 Since then the painter’s oeuvre has received more attention for its unusual iconography, notably the dokimasia, than for its style or shapes.14 Some attributions have been challenged, and some further works attributed by Beazley to the Brygos Painter have been reattributed by some scholars to the Dokimasia Painter. Beazley’s lists of vases tend to be organized by subject matter; thus the hunt scenes of the Dokimasia Painter are grouped together, as are those with men and horses. He only occasionally suggested that a work was ‘early’ or ‘late’ in the artist’s career, and in the case of the Dokimasia Painter he made no such notations. Dyfri Williams has suggested a rough chronology for the painter with his earliest surviving work being a cup in the Getty with komasts, followed shortly by a cup also with komos scenes in New York and another with a Dionysiac revel now in 86 Jenifer Neils Figs. 1. 2 Name-vase of the Dokimasia Painter. Attic red-figure kylix, c. 480 B. C., from Orvieto. Berlin, Antikenmuseum F 2296. Figs. 3. 4 Murders of Agamemnon and Aigisthos. Attic red-figure calyx krater by the Dokimasia Painter, c. 470 B. C., provenience unknown. Boston, Museum of Fine Arts 63.1246. THE DOKIMASIA PAINTER AT MORGANTINA the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge.15 His name vase in Berlin (Figs. 1. 2) belongs to his mature phase as does his cup in Florence with the deeds of Theseus. A type-C cup in Copenhagen with a hunt scene is considered very late16 as are the stamnoi which belong to the early classical period. As for shapes, the Dokimasia Painter, specialized in kylikes, mostly type B; however, he did decorate several with lips, including two Acrocups, as well as Type A skyphoi.17 Like his master the Brygos Painter and his colleague the Briseis Painter, the Dokimasia Painter entered a more monumental phase at the end of his career by painting a series of stamnoi.18 The stamnos with horsemen in Oxford and the fragmentary example with an arming scene in Leipzig were loosely associated with some by the Kleophrades Painter by Barbara Philippaki.19 She placed his other two stamnoi depicting the death of Orpheus in the Class of the Late Stamnoi of the Berlin Painter.20 To these Williams would add the stamnos in Edinburgh, attributed by Beazley to a follower of Makron; it shows wrestlers and trainers and belongs to the same class of Late Berlin Painter stamnoi.21 As for absolute dates Vermeule notoriously dated the Boston vase post-458 B. C., the date of the production of Aeschylus’ Oresteia. She claimed that the Dokimasia Painter’s adoption of the net-cloak for Agamemnon must derive from the play. Other scholars have subsequently argued that a date in the 450s is too late for the Dokimasia Painter and that the tradition of Agamemnon being caught up in a robe must pre-date the playwright. The destruction date of archaic Morgantina, 459 B. C., would support this earlier chronology, as the vases must have been made and transported considerably before that time. While this summation of the Dokimasia’ Painter’s oeuvre may not constitute a complete artistic personality, one can see a logical and hence credible trajectory. He begins his career as a cup painter in the shadow of the Brygos Painter; his earliest output features the wild komos in the manner of his older colleague. He hits his stride with a new, more dignified subject, men and horses, and perhaps earns a reputation, or market niche, for these scenes on cups. Later he branches out to more complex mythological scenes and larger shapes like the stamnos, perhaps under the influence of the Berlin Painter and Kleophrades workshops. His masterpiece is the Boston calyx-krater, thus far a singleton in his otherwise consistent output. Let us now turn to two specific vases, the skyphos and the calyx krater from Morgantina, to determine how they fit into the painter’s oeuvre. 87 The Morgantina Vases Although far from the thriving Greek cities of the Sicilian coast, the archaic settlement at ancient Morgantina has produced an intriguing array of imported Greek pottery ranging from a volute krater by the Pioneer painter Euthymides to a fragment of a Panathenaic prize amphora.22 The majority of the imported wares are from Corinth, Lakonia and Athens, with black-figure and black-glaze predominating among the last.23 According to ancient sources the site was destroyed by the Sikel leader Duketios in 459 B. C., and a burned layer at the site supports the literary evidence. The fragmentary red-figure calyx krater here published for the first time since its excavation in 1957 and a skyphos by the same painter must have constituted the latest imports to the archaic site before its final destruction and abandonment. Both vases were found at the northwest section of the upper plateau of Cittadella, the site of the archaic occupation. The fragmentary skyphos was excavated in 1960 in a test trench and was published in the preliminary report of that year where it was incorrectly identified as a kylix (Fig. 5).24 Beazley then attributed it to his Dokimasia Painter; wrongly assuming that it was a kylix, he placed it in his list of vases by this artist directly after the fragmentary kylix from Cerveteri in Leipzig (T 3600) which it so closely resembles.25 Both depict a male dressed in a petasos, chiton and chlamys, clasped at the right shoulder, leading a horse to the right, while glancing back. And both in turn resemble the painter’s name-vase in Berlin (Figs. 1. 2). Typical of this painter is the dilute shading on the brim of the petasos and the careful rendering of the horses’ physical features such as the withers and the teeth. Normally beardless youths are leading the horses and they usually carry two spears as the youth on the Leipzig cup does. Hence the bearded man on the Morgantina skyphos must be someone exceptional, possibly a hipparch, like the only two bearded cavalry men on the Parthenon frieze who have been identified as cavalry officers or hipparchs.26 Some further skyphos fragments found at the same time and in the same test trench, were given another inventory number but surely belong to this vase (Fig. 6).27 Only feet and pairs of spears remain, and these may have belonged to youths marching behind the hipparch. (The fragment with the feet could belong to either side.) Diagonal pairs of spears are a common motif on the painter’s cups with horsemen.28 Thus far, this is only the second extant skyphos attributed to this artist who is best known as a painter of kylikes. The other is a fragmentary vase from Adria that shows a youth in a petasos throwing a rock at a boar.29 However, his older colleague, the Brygos Painter, decorated skyphoi in addition to the more usual cup shapes. 88 Jenifer Neils Figs. 5. 6 Procession of horse and spear-bearers. Attic red-figue skyphos fragments by the Dokimasia Painter, c. 460 B. C., from Morgantina. Aidone, Museo di Morgantina 60 – 1008/1009. As J.-J. Maffre has noted, red-figure skyphoi are relatively rare before the advent of the Pan, Penelope, Lewis and Penthesilea Painters in the mid-fifth century.30 There are only three late archaic painters who produced more than ten: the Brygos Painter (16), Douris (17), and the Triptolemos Painter (12). The majority of these skyphoi are the smaller shape, Type B known as the glaux. The rarer skyphoi proper with two horizontal handles (Type A) often bear exception imagery, such as the famous Iris skyphos by the Kleophrades Painter in Florence, the Ransom of Hektor on the Brygos Painter’s cup in Vienna, or Makron’s Abduction of Helen skyphos in Boston and his Triptolemos cup in London, to name only a few.31 Clearly this larger format vase with vertical walls offered cup painters a better layout for their more ambitious compositions. The second vase from Morgantina (Figs. 7. 8), attributable to this painter, is much more anomalous, and has a long history of coming to light. On May 8th, 1957, the Princeton professor in charge of the Morgantina excavation, Erik Sjoqvist, digging on the upper plateau, found various red-figure vertical wall fragments which he associated with a large black-glaze skyphos handle. On the same day and in the same location he found two rim fragments of a red-figure calyx-krater. The finds were catalogued separately as were some other miscellaneous fragments, and none of the sherds was ever published with the exception of the rim fragments which I published in 1997 at a conference on Attic pottery found in Sicily.32 At the time I tentatively attributed the calyx krater to Euthymides or the Kleophrades Painter on the basis of Figs. 7. 8 Dionysos with maenad; woman and man. Attic red-figure calyx krater by the Dokimasia Painter, c. 460 B. C., from Morgantina. Aidone, Museo di Morgantina 57 – 1489/1490. Reconstruction: JoAnn Boscarino. THE DOKIMASIA PAINTER AT MORGANTINA the vertical tendrils projecting from the palmettes, which contrast for instance with those of Euphronios which project horizontally. Later sorting through the non-inventoried sherd boxes resulted in the discovery of more krater fragments bearing the same distinctive firing pattern, a mottled orange where the slip was applied too thinly: one with the head of a woman in profile to right and another with the frontal leg of a man. Eventually it occurred to me that the so-called ‘skyphos’ fragments were too thick (even though skyphoi can reach krater-sized proportions),33 and could in fact be wall fragments of a calyx krater. I, therefore, removed the skyphos handle from the group, and have now assembled thirteen fragments pertaining to what is a medium-sized calyx krater. As reconstructed in a profile drawing by JoAnn Boscarino using the Boston krater as a template, the vase is 37 cm in diameter and hypothetically 36.5 cm in height.34 As reconstructed, the obverse of the krater depicts a maenad wearing an ivy wreath moving to the right with her arm outstretched. She follows the figure of Dionysos, also wreathed, moving to the right but looking back at the maenad and with his arm outstretched just below and parallel to hers. Both wear chitons with chlamydes over their arms. The traces of two letters in added red before the maenad’s face ]ΛΟ[ may indicate the word ΚΑΛΟΣ. The reverse of the vase is less well preserved but thus far consists of a woman’s head wearing a fillet to right and a man’s leg, posed frontally and wearing a mantle with a black border. It could represent a warrior’s departure, as illustrated for example on a stamnos by the Berlin Painter formerly in Castle Ashby.35 Precedents for the Dionysiac subject matter on the obverse can be seen on the fragmentary cup formerly in the Castle Ashby collection which depicts a seated Dionysos with maenads.36 Another cup newly acquired by the Fitzwilliam Museum and attributed to this painter also depicts Dionysos on one side and a maenad on the other, as does one in the Louvre.37 Thus the subject is not new in the painter’s repertoire but the two-figure composition is simpler and more early classical in tone. The closest stylistic parallels for the facial features of Dionysos and the head of the woman can be found, however not in kylikes of the Dokimasia Painter, but in larger shapes. A fragment of a column krater in the J. Paul Getty Museum attributed to the Dokimasia Painter by Michael Padgett shows close similarities in the bearded god’s face to the Morgantina Dionysos and to the two images of Aigisthos from opposite sides of the calyx krater in Boston.38 The head of the woman wearing a stephane with leaves resembles that of Klytemnestra on the reverse of the Boston vase. In terms of drapery the black border of Aigisthos’ robe which falls to mid-calf echoes the man’s cloak from 89 the reverse of the Morgantina krater. The billowing skirt of Dionysos with its rippling edge can be paralleled by the chitons of the women on the Boston vase. Although the palmettes have turned on their side, and the meander on the cul is slightly different, the striding poses of the figures, their outstretched arms and full, swinging drapery can all be paralleled on the Morgantina fragments. The Boston krater is larger, measuring 51 cm in height and diameter, and has ten figures in all – a true tour de force, and highly unusual for this so-called “Mild Brygan”. However the Morgantina krater now provides a less abrupt transition from the more generic cups to the extraordinary Boston krater. Consequences of the Morgantina Vases In this context it is worth reconsidering another large vase that at least one scholar has assigned to the Dokimasia Painter, namely the unique kalathoid psykter in Munich (Figs. 9. 10).39 Although Beazley eventually assigned it to the ‘very late’ phase of the Brygos Painter, Martin Robertson thought that it might be by the Dokimasia Painter.40 The hooked drapery folds of Sappho’s himation certainly resemble those of Elektra’s cloak, although the facial type of the bard is rather different. The striking three-quarter view of the poet’s face was tried out earlier and less successfully on a wrestler on the Dokimasia Painter’s stamnos in Edinburgh.41 It is the other side of this vase, however, so rarely illustrated, that might have served as inspiration for the Dokimasia Painter when he decorated the Morgantina krater. Here a wreathed Dionysos quietly confronts a wreathed maenad in a twofigure composition that may have appeared too static on any other shape – hence the outstretched arms and movement more in keeping with the shape of the krater. This unusual vase was discovered in a tomb in Agrigento, and was probably a special commission by a colonial Greek, given its unique shape and subject matter.42 The distribution of the Dokimasia’s Painter’s vases makes for interesting speculation regarding trade and patronage. Nearly all of his cups with a known provenance come from Etruria, especially Adria. However, there are now possibly three of his later vases, none of them kylikes, from Sicily. Because numerous lekythoi by the Brygos Painter come from tombs at Gela, there were established trade routes for this workshop in coastal Sicily. However, the fact that two vases attributable to the Dokimasia Painter have been found far to the center of the island is noteworthy. Were they rejects by the coastal cities, or special commissions?43 Claire Lyons has noted a preference for Dionysiac imagery among the Attic vases deposited in the archaic Sikel chamber tombs of Cittadella.44 Might this large krater with Dionysos and a maenad have been ship- 90 Jenifer Neils Figs. 9. 10 Alkaios and Sappho; Dionysos and maenad. Attic red-figure kalathos-psykyer attributed to the Brygos Painter (Beazley) and the Dokimasia Painter (Robertson), c. 460 B. C., from Agrigento. Munich, Antikensammlung 2416. ped inland to satisfy the local penchant for such winerelated themes? There is also a clear Morgantine predisposition for the skyphos as a drinking vessel, as demonstrated by the large number of black-figure and black-glaze examples found at the site.45 The combination of cup and krater is a frequent one in Greek burials in Sicily raising the possibility that these two vases by the Dokimasia Painter constituted a ‘set’ which might have been purchased as such for a future burial. What this case study demonstrates is that late in his career a late archaic Attic cup painter shifted his production in dramatic ways – decorating new and larger shapes (skyphoi, stamnoi, calyx kraters, possibly a kalathoid psykter), in some cases with distinctive imagery (murders of Orpheus, Aigisthos, Agamemnon, and ‘portraits’ of Alkaios and Sappho), and in an elegant, early classical style. Rather than exporting his vases exclusively to Etruria, he now distributes to markets in Sicily. While some scholars have speculated that the reason behind these dramatic changes was the Dokimasia Painter’s move to the workshop of the Berlin Painter,46 this scenario seems less likely given the Kleophradean palmettes on the rim of the Morgantina krater. One could speculate that in this period of great prosperity in Sicily, with tyrants winning chariot races at the crown games and commissioning odes from Pindar, many prominent vase painters in Athens were adapting their wares or inventing new iconography for these sophisticated and wealthy new markets. Whether the Morgantina vases constitute special imports or not, they were among the latest to arrive at the site just before its destruction by the Sikel leader Duketios in 459 B. C. Dating of the larger vases by the Dokimasia Painter goes as late as 460 (or even 458 if one accepts the hypothesis of Vermeule that the Boston krater was inspired by Aischylos’ trilogy), and so the krater was fairly new when it was smashed to pieces. Perhaps the owner of this matched set was in his cups so to speak, enjoying the fruits of Dionysos, and was taken unawares by the Sikel insurrection. PHOTO CREDITS Figs. 1. 2 Photos: J. Laurentius, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Antikensammlung. Figs. 3. 4 Photos: Boston, Museum of Fine Arts. Figs. 5 – 8 Photos: Morgantina excavations. Figs. 9. 10 Photos: R. Kühling, Staatliche Antikensammlungen und Glyptothek, München THE DOKIMASIA PAINTER AT MORGANTINA ABBREVIATIONS AttV BA J. D. Beazley, Attische Vasenmaler des rotfigurigen Stils (Tübingen 1925) Beazley Archive Database NOTES 1 For an overview of Morgantina see B. Tsakirgis, Morgantina: A Greek Town in Central Sicily, Acta Hyperborea 6, 1995, 123 – 147. 2 For the argument that archaic Morgantina was a trading post or emporion see J. Neils, City versus Cemetery: The Imported Pottery of Archaic Morgantina, in: B. Schmaltz – M. Söldner (eds.), Griechische Keramik im kulturellen Kontext (Münster 2003) 46 – 48. 3 AttV 193, 1 – 6. 4 Berlin, Antikenmuseum 2296: BA 204 483. 5 G. Körte, Dokimasie der attischen Reiterei, AZ 38, 1880, 177 – 181. G. Bugh has since questioned these scenes as official state inspections and has suggested that they represent preliminaries to a festival or procession. See idem, The Horsemen of Athens (Princeton 1988) 14 – 18. 6 ARV1 271–272. 7 ARV2 412 – 414 and 1652. 8 Florence, Museo archeologico 70 800: BA 204 507. In ARV1 272 Beazley stated that the cup was probably by the Dokimasia Painter “imitating, as he is wont, the Brygos Painter.” In ARV2 413, 25 he included it in his list of works by the painter. I warmly thank Mario Iozzo for showing me the vases and fragments by the Dokimasia Painter in the storerooms of the Florence museum. 9 ARV2 1652. 10 Boston, Museum of Fine Arts 63.1246: BA 275 233. 11 E. T. Vermeule, The Boston Oresteia Krater, AJA 70, 1966, 1–22. 12 Chiefly D. Williams, CVA British Museum 9, 69: “The Boston calyx-krater is very different and surely by the Brygos Painter himself.” 13 Paralipomena 372 – 373, 11bis (Berlin 2309), 11ter (Copenhagen 3880), and 25bis (ex-Castle Ashby). 14 H. Cahn, Dokimasia, RA 1973, 3 – 22, and ibid. in: E. Böhr – W. Martini (eds.), Studien zu Mythologie und Vasenmalerei (Mainz 1986); F. Lissarrague, L’autre guerrier. Archers, peltastes, cavaliers dans l’imagerie attique (Paris 1990), 217. 15 See Williams loc. cit. (n. 12) 65. Malibu, J. Paul Getty Museum 82.AE.121: listed twice in BA as 28 783 and 204 494. New York, Metropolitan Museum 06.1021.188: BA 204 497. Cambridge, Fitzwilliam Museum GR 1.2004: BA 275 965. 16 Copenhagen, National Museum 6327: BA 204 498. 17 Acrocups: Amherst College 1962.74: BA 275 229; and Berlin 2309: BAr 203 944. Skyphos: Adria B609: BA 204 515. 18 For a different chronology based on the stamnoi, see C. IslerKerényi, Stamnoi (Lugano 1976) 64. She accepts the date of 458 B. C. for the Boston krater. 19 Oxford 1965.121: BA 201 516; and Leipzig: BA 204 523. See B. Philippaki, The Attic Stamnos (Oxford 1967) 55. 20 Zurich, University 3477: BA 275 230; and Basel, Antikenmuseum BS1411: BA 275 231; CVA Basel 4 pl. 2. See Philippaki loc. cit. 42 and 153. 21 Edinburgh 1881.44.26: BA 210 082. See Williams loc. cit. (n. 12) 69. 22 For a description of archaic Morgantina see C. Lyons, The Archaic Cemeteries. Morgantina Studies V (Princeton 1996); C. Antonaccio, Urbanism at Archaic Morgantina, Acta Hyperborea 7, 1997, 167 – 193. For the Euthymides krater see J. Neils, The Euthymides Krater from Morgantina, AJA 99, 1995, 427 – 444. 91 23 For a brief overview see J. Neils, Attic Vases from Morgantina, in: Vasi attici ed altre ceramiche coeve in Sicilia 2 (Catania 1996) 173 – 178. 24 Aidone Museum inv. 60 – 1008: BA 275 228. See AJA 65, 1961, 281 pl. 95 fig. 15. 25 Leipzig ARV2 1651, 2bis. 26 J. Neils, The Parthenon Frieze (Cambridge 2001) 136. 27 Aidone Museum inv. 60 – 1009. 28 Males with two spears: Florence, Museo archeologico PD 56: BA 204 488; Gravisca 73.404: BAr 24 135; Leipzig, Antikenmuseum T3600: BAr 204 484; Malibu, J. Paul Getty Museum 82.AE.42: BAr 28 780. 29 Adria B609: BAr 204 515; F. Wiel-Marin, La ceramica attica di Adria, La Famiglia Bocchi e l’archeologia (Padua 2005) 212 – 213, no. 721. 30 J.-J. Maffre, Fragments inédits de skyphoi attique à figures rouges des années 480, Kolloquium Amsterdam (1984) 113. 31 J. Boardman, Athenian Red Figure Vases: The Archaic Period (London 1975) figs. 139. 248. 308. 309. 32 Neils (supra n. 23). 33 Cf. for instance the Polygnotan skyphos in Toledo (82.88) which measures 30 cm in height and 33.2 cm in diameter. See CVA Toledo 2 pls. 84 – 87. 34 For the shape of the calyx krater, see S. Frank, Attische Kelchkratere (Frankfurt 1990). 35 New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art 1988.40: BA 201 960. 36 London market: BA 203 915. 37 Paris, Louvre G159: BA 204 508. 38 Malibu, J. Paul Getty Museum 86.AE.207: unpublished. 39 Munich 2416: BA 204 129. 40 M. Robertson, The Art of Vase-painting in Classical Athens (Cambridge 1992) 118. In AttV 184, Beazley stated that he did not agree with Furtwängler’s attribution of the kalathos to the Brygos Painter, and Beazley’s handwritten labels on the photographs of the kalathos in the Beazley Archive were erased so thoroughly that it is not possible to read his original attribution; to the right of the erasures he wrote: “Brygos Ptr. late”. I thank Donna Kurtz and Thomas Mannack of the Beazley Archive for allowing me to study this material. 41 Supra n. 21. 42 As argued by J. de la Genière, Vases attiques à Agrigente au temps de Bacchylide et de Pindare, CRAI 1995, 1009 – 1011. For another possible scenario see M. Bell, The Motya Charioteer and Pindar’s ‘Isthmian 2’, MAAR 40, 1995, 1–44. 43 J. de la Genière has argued for special commissions of Attic red-figure kraters of the first half of the fifth century at Agrigento; see loc. cit, 1007 – 1021. 44 Lyons loc. cit. (n. 22) 31. 45 See J. St. P. Walsh and C. Antonaccio, Athenian Pottery, Metal Vessels, and Local Taste at Morgantina, 110th Annual Meeting Abstracts, Archaeological Institute of America: Annual Meeting Abstracts 32 (Boston 2009) 11. 46 See, for example A. J. N. W. Prag, The Oresteia (Warminster 1985) 105: “There has been much speculation by all who have written about it [the Boston krater] as to why he should have suddenly turned to so large and unexpected a shape. If as the Orpheus stamnoi indicate he had moved to the Berlin Painter’s workshop, perhaps specifically because this was one where large vases were produced, then the appearance of this krater is less surprising. The immediate stimulus might be no more than a special order from, say, a radical supporter of Ephialtes, who would appreciate the reference to the tyrannicides. That the Dokimasia Painter was not well practised at the shape was evident from a detailed examination, and of course such a suggestion does not rule out the possibility, indeed the likelihood, of artistic influence from a source like free painting, or the certainty of iconographic connections with for instance the Orpheus/Linos tradition, for this or any other of the late group of vases.”