Whakama: culturally determined behaviour in the New Zealand Maori

Psychological Medicine, 1990, 20, 433-444 Printed in Great Britain Whakama: culturally determined behaviour in the New Zealand Maori PERMINDER S. SACHDEV1 From the Neuropsychiatric Institute, The Prince Henry Hospital, NSW, Australia SYNOPSIS Whakama is a psychosocial and behavioural construct in the New Zealand Maori which does not have any exact equivalent in Western societies although shame, self-abasement, feeling inferior, inadequate and with self-doubt, shyness, excessive modesty and withdrawal describe some aspects of the concept. It is an important construct in order to understand the interaction of the Maori with each other and with the Caucasian New Zealander, the behaviour of the Maori in cross-cultural settings, and the clinical presentations of some Maori patients. This paper examines some of the meanings of whakama, its various behavioural manifestations and its possible causes. The clinical relevance to psychiatry is emphasized. Waiho ma te whakama e patu! ' Leave him alone he is punished by whakama' (Maori saying) INTRODUCTION The Maori are the indigenous Polynesian people of New Zealand. A comprehensive account of Maori society before and since colonization in the eighteenth century can be obtained from standard works by Best (1924), Buck (1950), Firth (1959) and Metge (1976). The contemporary Maori society is the product of the interaction of a vigorous pre-industrial culture with a dominant and all-encompassing AngloSaxon colonial power. Factors such as intermarriage with the Pakeha (Caucasian New Zealander), rapid urbanization in the last three decades, the general adoption of English as the first language by the young Maori, exposure to a Western education and political system, etc. have greatly transformed the face of Maori society. Although Maori participation in the cultural and political life of New Zealand is significant, they continue to be at the lowest rung of the social ladder, as judged by the socioeconomic, educational, employment and crime figures (DSW Report, 1986). Cultural 1 Address for correspondence: Dr Perminder S. Sachdev, Neuropsychiatric Institute, The Prince Henry Hospital, P.O. Box 233, Matraville, 2036 New South Wales, Australia. constructs of Maori society can therefore be studied only in the context of this massive change that has occurred slowly over two centuries and more rapidly in the last few decades. There are a number of concepts in Maori culture that interest a psychiatrist attempting to understand normal and abnormal behaviour in Maori patients. Two constructs that have received great attention from anthropologists and psychologists are those of mana (power, authority, or prestige) and tapu (religious or ceremonial restriction) (Sachdev, 1989 a). Another construct is whakama which, despite being distinguished by its wide usage in Maori society and the absence of any exact equivalents in the Western societies, has received little scholarly attention (except Metge, 1986). It is an important construct in order to understand the interaction of the Maori with each other and with the Pakeha, the behaviour of the Maori in crosscultural settings, and the clinical presentations of some Maori patients. The behaviours included in this concept are diverse but can be classified into a few categories. These behaviours are usually not considered abnormal by the Maori community but may be so regarded by an outsider. 433 434 P. S. Sachdev METHOD The main source of my information about whakama was the many psychiatric patients and their families seen in Auckland and Dunedin between 1983 and 1987. Where the patients did not directly disclose information, their reactions to questions and discussions were noted. Some case examples are presented to enable the reader to assess the evidence. The concepts were clarified in discussions with kaumatua (Maori elders), records of which were kept in notebooks. I found some useful anthropological (Gudgeon, 1906; Johansen, 1954; Ritchie, 1963, 1976; Metge & Kinlock, 1978), historical (White, 1886-90), mythological (Buck, 1950) and literary descriptions of the construct. After the initial version of this paper had been written, I came across a detailed study of whakama by Metge (1986) which significantly influenced this revised version of the paper. MEANINGS OF THE WORD WHAKAMA The word whakama originates from the Maori root ma meaning 'white or pale', and the causative prefix whaka which when attached to an adjective signifies a beginning of, or approach to, the condition indicated. Whakama, according to Williams' Dictionary of the Maori Language, means as an adjective ' shy or ashamed' and as a noun 'shame, abasement' (Williams, 1975). In actual usage, two major kinds of meanings can be found for the word. (1) It represents the feeling state in a person when he or she has felt dishonoured in the eyes of others because of having failed to honour obligations to kinsfolk or friends, or because of an insult or fall in self-esteem, or the exposure of a sin or other such violation of group rules. The essential aspect is the feeling of shame because of loss of honour in the eyes of other members of the group. Maori history and mythology contain a number of examples. If a man could not serve food to his guests, he felt' weakened by whakama' {ka mate i te whakama) (White, 1887, ii, p. 12). Marama's fields failed because of her sin with a slave and she was made whakama (White, 1889, iv, p. 29). Tama felt whakama because he and his family were poorly dressed at the dance in comparison with Tu-te-koro-punga and his family (Johansen, 1954). The shame resulted not because of the inferiority alone but its revelation. Maui, the mythical hero of many a Maori legend, became whakama not because he caught no fish but because his brothers laughed at his failing (White, 1887, II, p. 63). In addition, whakama results from a charge of impropriety in the eyes of others, irrespective of the presence or absence of guilt. This is illustrated by the legend of Hinetitama (Dawn maiden) who was the first daughter from the union of Tane and Hineahuone (Earthformed maiden). Tane took Hinetitama for his wife so that the human species might be continued. When Hinetitama found that her husband was also her father, she was overcome with whakama and during the night fled to the Underworld of Rarohenga Case 1. A 30-year-old Maori psychiatric nurse attended a hui (Maori gathering) on the mental health problems of the Maori. Being a mental health professional, he was expected to speak to the meeting as an 'expert'. At the meeting, his authority was challenged by another participant who considered his comments too Western and belonging to the Pakeha. His legitimate response would have been to assert his Maori identity. He was unable to do so because of his poor knowledge of Maori language and his ignorance of his genealogy. Instead of defending himself, he kept quiet and later slid away unnoticed. He did not report to work for three days after the meeting. His friends said he was whakama and ' things will sort out with time'. On return, he reported having been unwell but was reluctant to talk about the problem. (2) Whakama is often used, especially in contemporary Maori society, in the sense of feeling 'inferior, inadequate, diffident and with self-doubt' in uneasy social situations 'outside the range of ordinary events' (Ritchie, 1963, p. 178). This is most clearly evident when a Maori is expected to perform in a Pakeha context which he or she finds alien and threatening. Maori children ' become whakama' in the classroom when the Pakeha teacher asks them questions. Maori youths are whakama in the courtroom where they are expected to defend themselves against charges by the police. In this usage, there is an implication of a feeling of inferiority and an inability to meet the demands of the situation, with subsequent anxiety. Sometimes it may imply nothing more than shyness or modesty. The story is told of Paoa who became whakama when invited into a house full of women (Johansen, 1954, p. 52). It must be accepted that the second usage of Whakama and the New Zealand Maori the word whakama is not totally different from the first in that there is, in both, a common element of the person who is whakama realizing that he or she is in a disadvantaged and inferior position. The person's guilt is not always relevant to the situation. The second meaning is different in not necessarily implying that the person feels dishonoured in his community, the main reference being to an alien and threatening demand which may be common to a large number of Maori. The first meaning, therefore, is closer to the meaning of shame in the English language than the second. The words and phrases commonly used in trying to explain whakama are 'shyness', 'shame', 'embarrassment', 'becoming modesty', 'touching innocence', 'feeling at a disadvantage',' to suffer in comparison',' being conscious of a difference', etc. and all appear to be apt for some situations but, quite evidently, none embodies the concept in its entirety. It is important to understand the interpersonal context of the concept. The unease that is whakama is present because the person evaluates himself to be in a disadvantaged position in the group. Something has generally happened to decrease his mana which has not been restored. The interpersonal context is very important, not only in causing the whakama but also in the course it takes, and its eventual removal or treatment. Since group opinion is very important in Maori society, the significant of whakama as a social phenomenon is not difficult to understand. In classic Maori society, honour in the eyes of fellow-men was an important determinant of behaviour. As Johansen (1954) put it, ' for the Maori, life and honour are one' (p. 52). In addition to an individual being whakama, situations arise in Maori society when a whole group, such as a hapu (sub-tribe) or a iwi (tribe), can be whakama. The basic principles that this ' group whakama' follows are similar to that for 'individual whakama'. Metge (1986, pp. 91-92) refers to some words and colloquialisms that are used by the modern Maori almost synonymously with whakama. The origins of such words as 'waa-ness' and 'shame-ohs' are easy to trace. A synonym puzzling to understand, and probably restricted to a community in the Far North, is 'sa', the origin of which Metge traces to 'shy'. 435 CAUSES OF WHAKAMA There are many different reasons why an individual or group may become whakama and these may be classified as follows. A. Individual whakama The main causes of this are as follows. (z) Awareness of disadvantaged status This is probably the more common cause of whakama. As discussed above, the individual finds himself or herself in a position of disadvatage, either in relation to the Pakeha, or to other Maori. With the Pakeha, the disadvantage is usually in terms of wealth, knowledge, education or power by virtue of position in government. A person may be whakama in the company of those who are more knowledgeable or powerful. Maori children are often whakama at school because of their poor command of English. Maori patients are sometimes whakama in the highly sophisticated modern hospitals. The disadvantage may also occur in the strictly Maori setting. Traditionally, age and seniority of descent produce whakama in others, akin to the kind of deference or respect to these symbols of status. Lack of knowledge of marae (Maori meeting place) etiquette may lead to whakama. Poverty, and an inability to give a koha (gift) or provide hospitality when necessary, may lead to whakama. The disadvantaged position may, on occasion, result from an actual put down (whakaiti i a id) or an insult {whakatakao i a id), especially if the person has been unable to stand up to the person putting him or her down, or retaliate against the person. The overwheming importance of avenging an insult in classic Maori society is borne out by many accounts in history. Utu (reciprocation) was expected even when the insult was unintended, and until that had been done, the Maori was totally preoccupied with the unavenged insult (Hanson & Hanson, 1983). The importance of the insult in causing whakama continues in modern Maori society. Case 2. A 58-year-old Maori man was referred from the coronary intensive care unit for psychiatric assessment. Since his admission two days previously following an acute myocardial infarction, he had spoken very little and had tended to nod his head to most questions. He had no complaints, had normal appetite and slept well. Although his knowledge of PSM 20 436 P. S. Sachdev English was good, it was difficult to engage him in conversation and the reason for his withdrawal from social interaction could not be determined. It was presumed to be a reaction to a life-threatening cardiac illness. The involvement of a Maori social worker gradually brought out the real reason for his behaviour. The efficient and impersonal environment of the ward, the threatening aspects of the multiple monitors he was on, and the business-like contact with the cardiologists had, according to the social worker, made him whakama. He suggested that greater contact with his family, the provision of' Maori food' and detailed explanations of the various monitoring devices would be beneficial. These actions had a marked effect on his responsiveness, and there was no ex.dence for clinical depression on examination. (ii) Conflict and uncertainty In a number of situations, the Maori is whakama because he or she is unsure about the appropriate response or course of action, and is ' afraid of making a fool of myself or 'offending others', or 'seeming conceited'. A Maori attending a predominantly Pakeha gathering, or responding to Pakeha demands, may be in such a situation. A conflict may arise between old and new ways. Praise of a person may produce the same response, for fear that others may consider him whakahiihii (conceited). It has been observed in class-rooms that praise of a Maori child sometimes results in a drop in performance rather than greater effort, and whakama is cited as one possible reason. The same uncertainty, and whakama, can result from demands being made on a person and performance expected of him. (Hi) Acts of commission or omission The more severe whakama results from wrongdoing on the part of the person, even when the act is unintentional. This usually involves contravention of an accepted moral code or other convention, or going against the person's own acknowledged standards of behaviour. Deceit for personal gain, failure to show common courtesy to guests, deliberately insulting someone, and ignoring the protocol of the marae are some examples of such wrong-doing. O'v) Shared whakama An individual can be whakama in order to share the feeling with close friends or next-of-kin. Parents may feel whakama because of some wrong-doing of their children, and vice versa. This occurs in cases where there is a strong sense of shared reputation and responsibility. The sharing of whakama also invokes a strong feeling of empathy and furthers the social bond. B. Group whakama Whole groups, such as a hapu or iwi, can be whakama. Traditionally it occurred when a tribe lost a battle or suffered loss of land for any reason. These days it happens when a particular group is made conscious of its loss of taonga (treasures), facility with the Maori language, or the degree of investment in Maoritanga (Maori cultural values). A group may be whakama because of a slight at a hui, such as not being given a proper welcome or opportunity to speak at the marae. References have been made in Maori gatherings to the whole Maori community being whakama because of its disadvantaged position in the larger society, its poor performance on indices of health and social wellbeing, and its loss of power to the Pakeha. MANIFESTATIONS OF WHAKAMA References to whakama in common usage, and in ethnographic literature, indicate the wide variability in its manifestations. This is quite understandable, given the many possible causes of the phenomenon. The effects of whakama vary from being very mild and hardly noticeable to others, to serious and catastrophic, being likened to a fire which scorches everything else. Whenever it occurs, it is considered a weakening of the person (ka mate i te whakama). The duration of whakama is similarly variable, from a few minutes to many years, unless it is properly dealt with. Whakama has been described to pass from one generation to another when the cause was not properly addressed, e.g. an insult to an elder of a tribe not adequately avenged. The more important manifestations of whakama, especially as they relate to the clinical setting, can be described as follows. 1. Blocking This is perhaps the most common presentation of whakama in modern Maori society, and is a negation of normal activity, a blocking of normal cognitive processes, and a lack of expression of affective responses. The degree of this blocking can vary from 'a silent mouth' (he wahanguu) to ' making himself into a carved figure' (ka whakatekoteko i a ia ko te tangata whakama). The 437 Whakama and the New Zealand Maori person generally switches off, speaking little, appearing dumbfounded, seeming to lose sharpness of intellect, appearing frozen and even wooden {he kanohi tekoteko), and becoming unresponsive. A number of examples of this can be found. The whakama Maori children in the classroom sit quietly and never ask any questions. When questioned by the teacher on any topic, they often stand diffidently, with heads hanging and deadpan looks on their faces, and either do not answer or respond in monosyllables even though they may know the answer. The teacher may see this as an admission of ignorance and may rebuke the child or may judge it to be nervousness and try persuasion which only further exacerbates whakama. The same child, out with friends, is playful and even mischievous and may show sharp intelligence and be quite knowledgeable. The Maori youth appearing in the court will often stand silently, with a stooped posture and lowered eyes, and this is sometimes perceived as an admission of guilt. Or, he may appear surly and may refuse to answer questions which may be taken to mean that he is unrepentant. Whakama may in fact be the more appropriate explanation for these behaviours. Similar behaviour occurs in a number of other situations and may be responsible for the Maori being unable to obtain suitable jobs, enter Pakeha clubs and organizations, or otherwise participate in some mainstream activities (Ritchie, 1963). Maori children score at a lower level on tests of ' intelligence' than do Pakeha children and, of the many explanations offered (Harker, 1973), one is that the children are whakama in the testing situation and perform poorly. Another observation made by psychologists is the rapid fall in performance in Maori children as the test difficulty increases, as was reported by Ritchie (1956) for the Otis test. This behaviour can partly be explained on the basis of anxiety leading to inhibition of performance when severe. Restlessness, stereotyped movements such as twirling of fingers, picking on clothes, scratching, nervous laughter, and such behavioural manifestations of anxiety are sometimes observed in whakama. However, features like hyperalertness, sweating, tremors of the hands and an anxious facial expression are not seen. This is the reason that the behavioural manifestations of whakama is best referred to as 'blocking'. It is as if both volition and cognition are blocked and cannot be unblocked without removal of the person to a non-threatening situation. Kraepelin tried to explain similar phenomena on the basis of psychic mechanisms of effort and counter-effort, idea and counter-idea: every effort leads to a counter-effort and every idea to a counter-idea, one feeding into the other so that restriction of behaviour and thinking results (Jaspers, 1963, p. 184). The behaviour usually subsides when the person is removed from the situation that made him or her whakama, but while the person is in the same situation, threatening, pressurizing, cajoling or persuading have little effect and may even make matters worse. 2. Withdrawal Withdrawal from friends and relatives occurs in the context of whakama usually when it results from being insulted, dishonoured, humbled, criticized, or otherwise belittled in the eyes of other Maori, such as after the exposure of a wrong-doing. The person removes himself or herself from social contact, renounces usual activities and may lie in bed or sit alone all day, not engaging in anything productive and not facing other people. In some cases, the person may be reduced to virtual immobility. He cuts off communication with others by turning his back, looking away, covering his face with his hands, or physically moving away. Sleep and appetite are usually not disturbed (see Case 3). The behavioural syndrome of withdrawal may be confused with psychiatric disorders, especially schizophreniform illness and depression. When it occurs in a non-traditional setting, a psychiatric admission may result. However, it differs from schizophreniform disorder in lacking the classical thought disorder and perceptual symptoms. Motor disorders associated with schizophrenia like posturization, catalepsy, holding of saliva, ambitendence, etc. are also lacking. The person generally continues to eat and sleep. Bizarre behaviour is not noticed. Although the person may seem depressed to a cross-cultural observer, the expression is more correctly vacant or deadpan and the biological symptoms of depression are lacking. The course of the syndrome, of course, separates it from both psychiatric disorders in that it ends rather abruptly without medical intervention, and mostly with no residual symptoms. Ritchie (1976) described culturally determined behav16-2 438 P. S. Sachdev iour in the Maori which he called 'time out'. According to him, when a person felt distressed, he or she might declare himself sick, withdraw from all duties and be treated by family and friends as a convalescent, until he or she felt well again and elected to resume ordinary life. He considered this to be a form of sociotherapy in response to stress. Withdrawal of whakama may well serve a similar function. Withdrawal gives an opportunity to the person to return to the group with a renewed social vigour and acceptance, leaving the past behind. year later did not reveal the recurrence of any psychiatric problem. 3. Dark intestines Early ethnographers often referred to an affective state which the Maori called pouri te ngakau (dark intestines, or dark heart). It was a state of heightened tension and constant brooding due to unavenged affronts. These could sometimes lead to depressed or sombre moods. Gudgeon (1906, p. 163) referred to this in his accounts and said that it could lead to 'madness'. Cruise Case 3. S., a 20-year-old Maori university student in (1823, pp. 221-222) referred to an example of Dunedin, was admitted to the psychiatry ward on the Wheety who suffered from an indignity at the request of his flatmates. They reported that since his hands of the local people who threatened to kill failure in the examination two weeks before ad- him, and ' the indignity seemed to prey upon his mission, he had become very withdrawn and lay in mind for a long time; and he told us that bed all day, not taking interest in personal hygiene or however distant the period might be, still he food unless strongly persuaded. The presentation in would one day or other take ample revenge for the ward was of a tall and muscular young man with the insult that had been offered to him'. The a vacant expression on his face who lay in bed and Maori often took gloominess and solemnity as a made no attempt to get up or cooperate with the sign of this state which was called whakamomori interview. He did not show any rigidity, waxy (Williams, 1975) which meant 'being desperate'. flexibility, posturization, holding of saliva, or any Whakamomori can therefore be considered an stereotypic behaviour or mannerisms. He did get out emotional state which may be a manifestation of of bed to go to the toilet but made no other moves. He did not resist physical examination. During the day, whakama. This state often led to desperate acts he either lay curled up with his face buried in the like suicide if the revenge could not be obtained. These accounts bring us to the examination of pillow or stared at the ceiling. He slept normally at feeling states associated with whakama. Like the night. His mother flew in the following day from a town behaviours, the emotions associated vary in the in the Bay of Plenty, North Island. She was a middle- intensity of the experience and the manner of aged, heavily built Maori woman, who was extremely their display. The emotion may, in mild cases, be polite and courteous to the staff and seemed to have a shyness, an embarrassment or a feeling of had a very close relationship with her son. She had uncertainty. It may be a feeling of shame at been divorced from her husband for 5 years and had letting oneself or one's group down, or anxiety two younger children to look after. She hugged her caused by high expectations. In serious cases, it son for a long time and then sat by him holding his may be intense fear, hurt or depression. The hand and crying, but made no attempt to make him emotional state accompanies the behavioural talk. She told the doctor that she knew what was response, but since the person who is whakama wrong, and that it was not a mental illness but a mate generally does not talk about it, it has to be maori (Maori sickness) and did not think her son should stay in the ward. She requested discharge so inferred from the behaviour. that he could be taken to a tohunga (Maori spiritual healer) in the North Island. When asked about what she thought the illness really was, she replied that she was no expert in these matters, but it was probably whakama because of his failure in the examination which he would consider as having let his mother down. Further course of events was unclear until she wrote a note to the doctor two months later that he was well and going back to resume his studies. No psychiatric treatment had been given and she said that all he needed was 'building up'. Follow-up one 4. Flight An individual who feels dishonoured or falls in the eyes of the community may be unable to face anyone and may run away from the group, either never to come back or to come back only for utu (retribution) or after having regained his honour and mana. There are many examples of this in Maori history and mythology. As is to be expected, this response is not usually of clinical Whakama and the New Zealand Maori interest. Johansen (1954) narrates the story of Mahanga whakerere kai, whakerere waka {Mahanga who abandoned food and canoe). Mahanga drummed people together to drag his canoe to the water and provided them with food. By ill luck the canoe was shattered. He became whakama and started off at once, never to return. Hinetitama, the primal mother already alluded to, ran away to the Underworld after she became whakama. Running away is an extreme response and is often an admission of guilt, although in some cases it may be a method of avoiding further confrontation and possibly greater loss of mana. The flight is typically quiet and unannounced. 5. Suicide Whakama may lead to suicide although this is not a common outcome. The story is told of Te Aohuruhuru who committed suicide because her modesty was violated. Te Aohuruhuru was a beautiful young woman married to an older man. One night he woke up and found her sleeping partly uncovered and looking very beautiful. He increased the strength of the fire so that she became more restless in her sleep and further uncovered herself. Her husband then called some other old men to admire her in her sleep. When Te Aohuruhuru found out about this in the morning, she became very embarrassed and went and jumped from a rock into the sea in sight of her husband who was in a boat. She had avenged her indignity. The rock from which she jumped is called Te-Rerenga-o-Te-Aohuruhuru (literally, the place where Te Aohuruhuru jumped). In a society that places so much importance on honour, this response is understandable. It can again not be said, in the absence of any literature on the subject, how important this is in modern times although a number of my Maori informants attest to its continuing importance. TREATMENT OF WHAKAMA Since whakama occurs in a social context and is an interpersonal phenomenon, society has an interest in helping the person to return to the fold. In mild cases, this happens quite spontaneously, the individual himself mustering the resources to overcome the whakama. In severe cases, help of others is usually necessary. If 439 whakama is ignored, it can become chronic and affect the individual's feelings and behaviour for years. The response of others to this behaviour is interesting. It is recognized as whakama and not considered a mental illness, although the person suffering from it is considered to be weak and vulnerable. The strategy used for the management of whakama depends to a large degree upon the cause. The person is usually left alone, as the renunciation of social contact is considered punishment enough for whatever caused the whakama, evidenced by the proverb: waiho ma te whakama e patu (leave him alone; he is punished by whakama). He or she is, however, not neglected and the basic needs are met. Others wait for the person to terminate this withdrawal, following which the resumption of normal activities and social contact are actively encouraged. In some cases, others may realize that whakama was caused by undue criticism, excessive humility, or failure for which the person could not be held responsible. In such cases, efforts are made to build up the selfesteem of the person and elders of the tribe may be involved in this. The termination of the behaviour is nevertheless a voluntary decision, although it is influenced by the perceived response of others. If the person has committed a transgression, adequate compensation is usually in demand. The mechanism of utu (retribution) operated in classic Maori society. In modern times, this takes the form of suitable punishment, which is decided by a kaumatua or the local community and may be a reprimand or an actual fine in cash or kind. After adequate punishment has been meted out, the person is forgiven and gradually drawn back into the social network, the past misdemeanour being forgotten. In cases where wrong-doing is not involved, the community supports the individual and, with the feeling of aroha (affectionate regard), helps re-establish contact. The causes are again taken into consideration, and reassurance provided if found necessary. The process is generally gradual, the person being allowed to set his or her own pace for overcoming the problem. Whakama may, in some cases, leave a mark on the personality of the person in the form of nervousness and loss of confidence. This may start a vicious cycle of poor performance and 440 P. S. Sachdev further whakama. Proper management, therefore, is important for long-term prognosis. Case 4. M., a 16-year-old Maori youth, came to the attention of the adolescent psychiatric services in Auckland after he was found wandering the streets at night and was picked up by the police. On interrogation by the police officer, he 'just hung his head' and made only a few grunts, not divulging his name and address. An admission to the adolescent psychiatric unit followed. On examination, he presented as a small and lean lad, who sat huddled up in a chair with his head stooped forward and eyes fixed on the ground. He did not speak but would sometimes nod his head in response to a question. He still did not give any information about his background but told his name and age. He did not seem to be in discomfort but became obviously distressed and jittery when pressure was brought upon him to tell more. There were no significant autonomic symptoms of anxiety. In the ward, he kept to himself and stayed in his bed unless he was persuaded to join the other children in the playroom where he again sat quietly and did not participate. He ate and slept normally and no other abnormal behaviour was noted. He seemed aloof rather than depressed and there were no episodes of crying. He would run away from the ward, only to return after a few hours on his own but in a dishevelled state, and therefore had to be kept under close watch. It was only after a week in hospital that a Maori nurse was able to get the information from him that his family lived in Rotorua. They were contacted and through them an aunt in Auckland became involved in his management. This aunt took up the role of liaising between the patient and the ward staff and taking M. with her on weekends. Information emerged only slowly. M.'s father was a manual labourer who drank excessively and could become aggressive when drunk. His mother had a part-time cleaning job and was an affectionate and passive woman. Three older sisters had all left home. The parents were bilingual, often speaking Maori at home, and were actively involved in the local Maori affairs and the marae. M. was an average student and had been quite well behaved until recently when he had been associating with some other boys his age who were 'up to no good'. The reason why he left home was not clear. The aunt contacted a well-respected Maori elder who thought that M. was whakama and the reason for this needed to be found. They agreed to let him be in hospital till the doctors were sure that any serious psychiatric disorder was ruled out. No definitive feature of schizophreniform illness or depression were observed and a tentative diagnosis of 'Adjustment Disorder with Withdrawal' was made. M. gradually increased his participation in the ward activities and started relating with other patients. He also appeared more relaxed and responsive to what was going on around him. He was still unresponsive during the interviews with the medical staff who found interviewing him a very frustrating experience. It was suggested that he became extremely whakama when seen by the doctors. He was much more forthcoming with his aunt who requested that he be discharged to live with her till things were sorted out, which was agreed. On follow-up a few weeks later, his aunt reported that he had told them what the problem had been. He had, along with some of his friends, broken into a store and stolen beer just prior to running away from home. No charges had been brought. The elder felt that his having confessed and having been forgiven by his family would lead to recovery. A month later, he went back to his parents and was reportedly 'his usual self. IS WHAKAMA A CULTURE-BOUND SYNDROME? The concept of culture-bound syndromes (CBS) is shrouded in controversy (Simon & Hughes, 1985) with some commentators stating that all illnesses are in fact culture bound (Simon, 1987). For the purpose of this discussion, I will use a recent definition of CBS by Prince and TchengLaroche (1987): 'a CBS is a collection of signs and symptoms (excluding notions of cause) which is restricted to a limited number of cultures, primarily by reason of certain of their psychosocial features'. Whakama does not qualify for a status as a CBS on the first count; it is not a collection of signs and symptoms in the form of a syndrome but, on the other hand, has a large behavioural repertoire. The behaviour may be recognized as depression, withdrawal, aggressiveness or adjustment disorder from an etic viewpoint. It is not recognized as abnormal or aberrant within the culture; it therefore does not have a clear illness status. The clinical presentation of whakama is usually a result of a different and perhaps inappropriate construction by individuals from a different culture. It may, in such cases, be labelled an illness and a psychiatric diagnosis applied. A non-Maori psychiatrist should be aware of this when dealing with psychiatrically ill Maori patients. The common thread in the phenomena that comprise whakama is the explanatory model used by the culture with which it has its unique relationship. It must be mentioned here that whakama is not exclusive to the New Zealand Maori but is Whakama and the New Zealand Maori common in the rest of Polynesia. Similar behaviour has been described in the Cook Island Maori, Samoans and Niueans (McEwen, 1974, p. 13). The Samoan counterpart is called musu where individuals become withdrawn and sometimes sulky and morose (Gluckman, 1977) in response to problems not dissimilar to the ones responsible for whakama. Instead of a CBS, whakama is more appropriately seen as a culturally determined behavioural repertoire with well developed notions of causality, consequences and ways of management. It is also an important psychological construct to explain such behaviours. WHAKAMA AND THE ROLE OF SHAME IN SOCIETY As already stated, exact equivalents of whakama do not exist in Western societies. 'Shame', 'selfabasement', 'feeling inferior, inadequate and with self-doubt', 'shyness' and 'excessive modesty', all describe some aspects of the concept. These various emotions have been considered to be part of a shame-family (Lewis, 1971). They are complex feelings and psychological states with their semantic range being influenced by the culture in which they occur. The English, for example, are accustomed to distinguish between mortification, embarrassment, humiliation, modesty and shyness (Epstein, 1984). These feeling states share common characteristics: they all involve some negative evaluation of the self (Lewis, 1971), they are painful although the intensity and duration of this pain may vary, they occur in the public arena, their impact is felt most strongly upon exposure of the person's transgression or error, and they often involve aggression which may be directed toward self or less commonly outwards. Although in the subsequent discussion I will use the word 'shame' to denote this family of emotions, this is not to deny the complexity of the linguistic dimension of the concept. Even within the closely related cultures of Western Europe, exact equivalents do not necessarily exist. The French use honte and pudeur, and the German schande and sham, for the English shame (Epstein, 1984). All societies have certain norms or rules, the violation of which may lead to shame. The relative importance of shame as a social sanction varies with the culture. Some anthropologists 441 have argued for the differentiation between shame and guilt cultures (Benedict, 1934; Ausubel, 1955), depending upon whether the predominant sanctions in society are external or internal. North American and Western European cultures emphasize guilt as part of the Judaeo-Christian ethic. The Polynesian, Melanesian and the Japanese societies, among others, emphasize shame. In the Japanese society, especially prior to the influx of Western influence, an act of bringing shame upon the self or one's family was perhaps the greatest of indignities (Benedict, 1946). Marsella et al. (1974), in their study of Hawaiian students, found that Caucasian-Americans rated shame 'more low, weak, and dull' than Chinese- and Japanese-Americans, thereby concluding that shame was less clearly understood by the Caucasians. Malinowski (1926) provided evidence of the power of shame in Melanesian society. An example is the well known account of the Trobriand youth Kima'i who committed suicide by jumping from a coconut tree after his violation of the taboo on sexual relations within the clan had been brought to public attention. Hogbin (1947) provided excellent accounts of the role of maya in the Busama of New Guinea. The power of whakama in Maori culture argue for its importance as an instrument of social control. Since the effect of not measuring up to one's own or other people's expectations is so painful, individuals strive to avoid such a predicament, thereby contributing to social order and growth. Whakama is, however, only one of the instruments for this purpose. Elsewhere (Sachdev, 1989 a) I have presented the case for two other ethnopsychological constructs, mana and tapu, as mechanisms of social control. Whakama is in fact linked with mana (prestige or influence), as the loss of the latter often resulted in whakama. Shame and status have a similar link in other cultures. In societies with much concern for matters of personal status, shame is usually paired with honour, ostensibly as a mechanism of control of the powerful (Peristiany, 1966). Why is there a relative importance of shame in Maori culture? Before discussing this, one has to consider the not uncommon overlap between shame and guilt, which makes the dichotomy between shame and guilt cultures seem an oversimplification. Freud (1961), in Civilization 442 P. S. Sachdev and its Discontents, distinguished two types of guilt: the historically primary type of guilt which was essentially a reaction to the fear of external authority, and a secondary type of guilt due to the fear of internalized authority. Freud, therefore, attributed guilt to cultures that were later identified by anthropologists as being 'shame cultures'. Guilt has been regarded as a perpetuation of shame (Heller, 1985) and the two are therefore not always distinct in their origins. Darwin (1872) included both in the same family of emotions, thus recognizing a certain commonality in their origin and expression. Benedict (1946) described Japanese shame as 'being in debt'; the German word for guilt, schuld, literally means 'being in debt'. This again serves to emphasize common roots for the two emotions. What then distinguishes the two, and what implications does it have for our understanding of culture? Transgression of moral, ethical or religious codes can cause both shame and guilt, but shame becomes manifest only when others have observed the deed and have knowledge of it, whereas guilt can be independent of the judgment of others. This interpersonal dimension of shame may be its most important characteristic. Shame can also result from actions with no moral implications, the 'nonmoral shame' (Ausubel, 1955). A good example of this is the shame elicited by praise in the presence of others. In a society which is closely knit and has an external authority ever vigilant on moral matters, shame is of great importance for the execution of this authority. In a society with greater emphasis on individualism, and where interpersonal contact is reduced and less powerful in determining behaviour, internalization of the moral code is necessary for moral judgement to prevail. Shame does seem to be a powerful force in Maori society, which values interdependence over autonomy and individuality, altruism over egoism, and the sensual over the intellectual (Marsden, 1981), and in which the well-being of the group is considered more important than that of the individual (Sachdev, 19896). Behaviour within the group is determined by the mana a person possesses which in turn obeys a set of rules and guidelines (Bowden, 1979; Sachdev, 1989 a). The response of whakama aids the observance of these unwritten rules. It is not surprising that the Maori manifest similar behaviours when dealing with a different culture, even though these behaviours are considered maladaptive by the latter. An examination of the development pattern of the Maori can help us understand the role of whakama in the life of the individual and the group. The indulgence and permissiveness of Maori parents provide a very gratifying and non-threatening early environment for the Maori child (Ritchie, 1963). The permissiveness is in contrast with the 'disciplined' love of the Pakeha parents, and not too distinct from developmental patterns of the Japanese (Doi, 1973) and Indian (Neki, 1976) children. Following the indulgence of the first two to three years, the Maori child is then left to his or her own devices ' to mature like old wine' (Ritchie, 1963, p. 131), with older siblings acting as surrogate parents to the best of their abilities. The child, consequently, grows up in the world of children, finding security in his or her peers. One result of this is that the child becomes somewhat wary or whakama (shy) of adults, and this behaviour generalizes to anything alien. The other consequence is that the Maori child tests his or her behaviour against that of the peers and older siblings. These values, quite understandably, often belong to a child's world. Although the older siblings can at times be harsh, they do not curtail personal liberty to any great extent. Nor do they inculcate guilt. The superego development is, as a result, not primarily an internalization of the parental superego as in the Pakeha but a slow process of maturation over a prolonged period of time progressing well into the latency years. Since the control in the peer group is by group pressure, behaviour that would shame a child has greater injunctions against it. It can be argued that the internal controls over socially unacceptable behaviour that develop are weak and continued group controls remain necessary. As the Maori adolescent grows into junior adulthood, the role of the peer group weakens and he or she enters the adult world. Here, he or she is assigned a low status in a society that respects age and experience. The obligations are to the extended family, and community roles are assigned. The need for external moral authority remains and the structure of the society makes whakama effective. This is not to say that the Maori do not feel guilty. As in other cultures, both shame and guilt are operative. An outside observer is Whakama and the New Zealand Maori perhaps more likely to notice shame, which is 'written on the face', than guilt which is often felt secretly and individually. The development perspective of whakama raises the issue of its importance to self-identity. Earlier examples show that whakama may result from not measuring up to self-imposed standards. Its experience also entails an acute awareness of the self, and a constant evaluation of one's roles and obligations. This again is not peculiar to Maori culture as shame in response to the loss of ego-ideal has been extensively discussed in psychoanalytic literature (Lynd, 1958). It has been suggested (Todd, 1936; Hogbin, 1947; Tomkins, 1964; Epstein, 1984) that shame is more important in societies with undeveloped judicial systems. The judicial system in New Zealand is, in fact, very much a Western tradition. Which form of social control mechanism gains precedence in a society, and at what period in its history, however, remains uncertain. It could well be that judicial injunctions become necessary in a society in which changes result in a reduced effectiveness of shame or guilt mechanisms. Conversely, the growth of judicial powers perhaps makes other processes less effective, resulting in their waning influence. Most people would agree that the significance of whakama has reduced considerably in modern Maori society. This change can partly be attributed to the demographic change that has occurred in the last few decades, with massive urban migration and detribalization of the community (Sachdev, 1989 c). Alongside this, the rates of incarceration of the Maori have steadfastly increased (DSW Report 1986; Sachdev, 1989 c) and with it the impact of the Pakeha judicial system on the Maori. The judicial system itself is two-centuries-old in New Zealand; it is arguably the structural change in society, and the consequent ineffectiveness of traditional social control processes, that has increased its role. Although the judicial system does punish the offender, it is not manifestly effective in deterring a large number of Maori, thereby suggesting that its Western ethos has not adapted itself to Maori society. Modern community leaders recognize this aberration and there have been moves to reinstate traditional forms of control, with close involvement of the Maori community. In these measures, due 443 regard is being given to the demographic and structural realities of modern Maori society (Pomare & de Boer, 1988). CONCLUSION This paper has examined the Maori concept of whakama from a medical-psychological viewpoint. The importance of the concept for the physician or psychiatrist dealing with Maori patients is highlighted. The concept has sociological, other ethnopsychological and historical dimensions which have been briefly mentioned and which need systematic study. 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