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The term, ‘politics of difference’ primarily emerged in the context of identity politics out of the experiences of the subalternity/marginality in the late 1970s. The social movements such as ethnic, women, linguistic, third gender, ecological, peasant, tribal, caste etc, can be constructed through the experiences of those people who are instrumental to articulate their differences in terms of politics, action, ideology, recognition and representation that led to question the hegemony of the agencies. These social movements demand for recognition of their politics and eloquent different forms of resistance against hegemonic subjects/agencies. The ‘idea of recognition’ has been influenced by the philosophical work of Charles Taylor (1992). In his leading essay, ‘The Politics of Recognition’ argued that how people get their identity from being recognized or non-recognized as the subject of the politics of difference. Thus, the identities can be shaped by recognition or non-recognition of the subjective or objective conditions. In epistemology, the ‘Politics of Difference’ refers to the state of “subalternity” that argue condition of subordination brought about by various forms such as political, economic, social, racial, linguistic, geographical/territorial and cultural dominance. The hegemony/power is managed to survive in every corner of the life as Michel Foucault (1976) conceptualized. Who has it and who does not?. Who is gaining it and who is losing it? Power is intimately related to the questions of representation that express the politics of difference by questioning the authority of the text/agency which can exist in different forms. That is why the relationship between subalternity and representation is always problematic when we speak the politics of recognition of the marginal identities in multiculturalism. It is understood as a representation of the marginality shared by a group or community. It means the collective politics of the community while negating the ‘dominant politics’ as James. C Scott (2011) has emphasized in his work, The Art of Not being Governed that the politics of the marginal communities is an art for not being governed rather live in their own cultural world and express dissent in form of non-recognition from the hegemonic agencies. This conference will give a space/platform to the scholars across the world to articulate their marginality or subalternity in different forms of resistance such as region, community, text, agency, gender while corroborating or bringing new debates for understanding the politics of difference. Since the idea of difference or recognition can be constructed through the experiences of marginality this conference will discuss the nature of social or new social movements which are often taking place in every part of the world in diverse forms of resistance or protest. This certainly helps us to understand the paradigm shifts in identity politics that contour the existing scholarship in the present epistemology. However, the experiences of marginalization often overlap. It happens due to idiom of the politics of difference for the recognition. The discourse of dissent does not necessarily begin with clear objectives in terms of the transformation of the society. They often get shaped in the process through the leadership, nature of participation, organization and ideology. Keeping in view of the above discourse this conference is an attempt to explore the diverse ideologies of the social movements, nature of people’s participation and role of organizations as it plays an important role in order to bring a radical social change in the contemporary society. This will certainly discern subaltern voices while negating from ‘dominance’ that led to demand for the recognition or non recognition of their identity.
2019
https://kapital-noviny.sk/what-went-right-is-also-what-went-wrong-identity-politics-between-collectivity-and-individualisation/ "What went right is also what went wrong". Taking a stock of the past fifty years, Bulgarian political theorist Ivan Krastev sums up lucidly what the problem of identity politics is today. The cultural and social revolutions of 1968 and 1970s, he argues, "put the individual at the centre of politics. It was the human rights moment. Basically this was also a major outbreak, a culture of dissent, a culture of basically non-conformism, which was not known before." But, he continues, this has paved the way to negative processes too, namely that this cultural and social revolution "in a certain way destroyed the idea of a collective purpose". Social movements in the West addressed issues such as racism, sexism, and homophobia, which were largely ignored by the Left at the time. They addressed the lived oppressions of marginalised social groups, arming themselves with a new (and long-overdue) conceptual vocabulary with which to voice their demands. They also, quite rightly, highlighted the relevance of privilege, positionality and intersecting oppression. That was identity politics back then, based on collective experiences, naming hitherto unrecognised power structures. These movements have however substantially transformed over the years. Unwittingly, these movements did not (could not) resist co-optations and market-conforming reformulations-aligning with the needs of current forms of capitalism. We would be wrong to equate the identity politics of the Combahee River Collective (1977) with what we witness today in the political practice of social justice activism.
Politics of Culture, Identity and Protest in North-East India, 2012
The thesis being proffered in this paper is that in a multi-ethnic, multi-religious, multi-linguistic terrain like India cultures (of tribes/castes/regions) act like individuals. They seek for recognition and assert their identity. In the absence of a legitimate response and acceptance of the identity of the culture (tribe/caste/region) in question there erupt protests and violence, or, conversion, as an outlet and as a renewed assertion and search for recognition of identity. This argument shall be elaborated with special reference to North East and the question of Dalit/Tribe conversion in particular. It is however applicable elsewhere. I Unmasking Protest: A Metaphor for Cultural Identity The approach, however, shall be more theoretical with reference to the happenings in the region providing a key to understand and read the cultural text emerging in the region. Prior to unmasking the politics of culture and identity behind the protests one needs to ask the meta question as to how these categories of assessment came into the scheme when it comes to assessing the Indian reality. The colonial legacy and the post-colonial situation accentuate certain allegiances to norms and paradigms that are implicitly accepted. These are deployed to read the civilizational heritage that has arrived at a crossroads of modernity replacing tradition. The trajectory of Indian modernity, ever since the encounter with European cultures, languages and religions, has been on the ascent in an ever inclusive spiral of reworking the past in new perspectives. The debates that revolved around Anglicization giving way to the debate on westernization and secularization have given supremacy to the present trend of seeing everything through the eyes of globalization. It is within the pervasiveness of western European, educational disciplines of sociology, politics, anthropology and ethnography that today we can afford to make sense of what has happened and is going to happen to our indigenous civilizational growth, developments and history. We are in other words, what others have taught us to see ourselves as. This is the power of globalization. The questions raised today in all probability will sound hollow and purposeless for a generation hence already set on the trajectory of an alternative history, culture and politics with their accompanying developments eventually erasing the memories of the past. This detour provides the horizon against which the critique is to be positioned and read. It is seen in the kind of differential perspectives that surface depending on where one is rooted, and is visible for instance in the way one chooses to use the word 'sanskriti' or 'culture' to refer to what goes on among a people as a consequence of the interactions that keep them in place as individuals, families, networked class, groups and associations etc. Three vivid examples indicate how culture explodes and constitutes the myth of identity and in turn lays the foundation for protest as to assert difference. We shall refer to three such cases: the first is the emergence of the Mizo problem in 1960s lasting a whole twenty years PAGE 8
In the meeting, merging and clashing of representations and identities in everyday encounters we see ‘battles of ideas’ Moscovici (1998) that are consequential for local and national identities, intergroup relations, and construction and contestation of the ways things are, or should be. Hence, following Moscovici, we can say that representations are ‘ways of world-making’ (Moscovici, 1988). It is in these battles for meaning that social identities and social realities are constructed in ways that support or contest the status quo with regard to social relations and, therefore, systems of inclusion, exclusion and power (Duveen, 2001, 2008; Ichheiser, 1949). These acts of social re-presentation are central to social and cultural practices (Jovchelovitch, 2007) for all groups and societies. They carry possibilities for producing competing and so hybrid and polyphasic meanings. The co-existence of competing and contradictory forms of knowledge demands dialogue, debate and sometimes resistance in the process of the ideological construction of realities. There is an everyday politics at stake in processes of identity and representation, particularly in their points of connection. Social representations therefore allow contrary possibilities for extending and limiting social action and, as such can be both contestatory and ideological, as well as being transformed in everyday practices (Duveen, 2001). Augoustinos (2001) suggests that they naturalise and legitimise relations of domination, impose identities (in collusion with dominant discourses) and convey the weight of history. They are thus linked with particular social identities (Howarth, 2002) and underpin power relations and discourses – the politics of the everyday.
Probing the nature of social mobilization of minorities germinating from the CO-VID-19 crisis is the focal point of this paper. While medico-scientific discourses to fight the Pandemic gained ground in Global North, the Global South is still grappling with pseudo-knowledge/occult science narratives. The BJP displayed spectacular political opportunism during this Pandemic by prescribing traditional health practices to gain a hegemonic sway over the masses who became objects in this pedagogical discourse, often coupled with islamophobic propaganda birthed conspiracy theories binarily structured on 'Otherness'. The purpose of this paper is to reveal findings of a self-conducted survey of the social activities of a former squatter colony based in Kolkata to examine subaltern consciousness/agency demonstrated through gaps and fissures of negotiation with power structures. Often alternate translational spaces showed possibilities of articulation from such indeterminacy and dissent. This paper's crux is built on such collective activities like propitiating Corona Devi through religious rituals that draw precedent from similar subaltern community movements during the British Raj to counter epidemics by the worship of 'Sitaladevi/Salabai'. The paper traces historical contingency in subaltern resistance within the domain of conflicting relations between tradition and rationality.
2012
Layout Christian Jakob Price We wish for a donation of 1-3 euro for each copy. n Financial support Sponsored special project of the Austrian official representation of university students and the official representation of university students of the university Vienna Pictures fromtpage and here: Action of the NoLager-Network in the Refugee Camp Bahnsdorf/Brandenburg, 2005 [Photo: Fadl/Umbruch Bildarchiv] Transact A slogan, which expresses our common conviction , that regional, trans-regional and transnational struggles have to be interlinked with each other. Accordingly we are looking for possibilities of a "Crossover", of bridge-buidlings between different sub-movements and between more or less radical leists. We are out for the links between different social realities and struggles-which is for us a central condition in order to tackle the global exploitation divide. Heryby we refer to diverse day-today struggles and social movements, also if these are not (yet) politic...
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