UNIVERSITÀ CA’ FOSCARI VENEZIA KASKAL Rivista di storia, ambienti e culture del Vicino Oriente Antico Volume 10 2013 LoGisma editore Firenze 2013 UNIVERSITÀ CA’ FOSCARI VENEZIA KASKAL Rivista di storia, ambienti e culture del Vicino Oriente Antico Volume 10 _ 2013 Direzione _ Editorial Board Stefano de Martino, Frederick Mario Fales, Giovanni Battista Lanfranchi, Lucio Milano, Simonetta Ponchia Consiglio scientifico _ Scientific Board Yoram Cohen, Stefano de Martino, Frederick Mario Fales, Francis Joannès, Michael Jursa, Giovanni Battista Lanfranchi, Cécile Michel, Lucio Milano, Simonetta Ponchia, Michael Roaf, Jack M. Sasson Segreteria Scientifica _ Scientific Secretary Paola Corò Composizione _ Typesetting Stefania Ermidoro Editore _ Publisher LoGisma editore – Via Zufolana, 4 – I-50039 Vicchio (Firenze) www.logisma.it Stampa _ Print Press Service Srl – Via Curzio Malaparte, 23 – I-50145 Firenze Distribuzione _ Distribution Orders can be either addressed to the publisher, or to: Casalini Libri s.p.a. _ Via B. da Maiano 3 _ I-50014 Fiesole (Firenze) http://www.casalini.it All articles published in this journal were submitted to peer reviewed evaluation. ISBN 978-88-97530-30-5 ISSN 1971-8608 Stampato nel febbraio 2014 KASKAL Rivista di storia, ambienti e culture del Vicino Oriente Antico Volume 10 (2013) THE ELEVENTH TABLET OF THE ITKALZI RITUAL FROM ŠAPINUWA Stefano de Martino – Leyla Murat – Aygül Süel 1. The tablet Or 90/393 + Or 90/10501 1.1 The tablet Or 90/393 + Or 90/1050, found in Ortaköy/Šapinuwa in the year 1990, comes from building A. It preserves quite entirely the first and the fourth columns; only a few sings of 18 lines of the second column have survived and the third column is completely lost (Fig. 1-2). As the colophon shows this text is part of the “Šapinuwa edition” of the purification itkalzi ritual. The itkalzi tablets from @attuša are also written on four columns, differently from the itkaġi texts (from both @attuša and Šapinuwa) that have only one column per side.2 The first and the fourth columns are in Hurrian, with the exception of the colophon at the end of the fourth column, which is in Hittite. The paragraphs referring to the actions performed by the ritualist are in Hurrian and only some words of the very badly damaged second column are in Hittite (see l. 7’), whilst in the Boğazköy itkalzi texts, such as ChS I/1 5 and 9, there are long descriptive passages written in Hittite, that refer to the rites and the required ritual substances.3 The names of King Tut~aliya II/III – Tašmi-šarri and Queen Tadu-@eba appear in some passages of this tablet, such as in the itkalzi texts found @attuša. According to the ductus our text is an original tablet of the time of this royal couple. 1. We thank Prof. Dr. Gernot Wilhelm and Prof. Dr. Mauro Giorgieri for having read the manuscript of 2. 3. this article and for their comments and suggestions. See Haas 1984, 2. A systematical study of all the itkalzi rituals from @attuša might clear whether also in these texts there were descriptive paragraphs written in Hurrian. 132 Stefano de Martino, Leyla Murat and Aygül Süel Our text Or 90/393 + Or 90/1050 is the 11th tablet of the “Šapinuwa edition” of the itkalzi ritual, as the colophon4 states: “(IV 29-33) Eleventh tablet of the pure water of the itk[alzi], n[ot finished]; [on] this [tablet] the (ritual) tuġalzi .[ and] .. . [ ”. It presumably belongs to the edition consisting in twenty-two tablets that is mentioned in some of the colophons of the itkalzi tablets from @attuša (see ChS I/1 7 IV 5’; ChS I/1 8 IV 12’). As well known, the “edition” of this ritual that comes from Boğazköy was much shorter, that is of only ten tablets, as we read in the colophon of the tenth and last tablet ChS I/1 9 IV 36-39. The colophons of ChS I/1 7 (IV 6’-7’) and 8 (IV 11’-12’) explicitly state that the “edition” of @attuša was reduced from the original one of Šapinuwa (composed of 22 tablets) when it was written down in the city of Zit~ara (Howink ten Cate 1998, 169; Tjerkstra 1999, 174)5. In the two mentioned colophons we read the following sentence: kē TUPPA@I.A apizza ar~a ~ante(-)urauen. V. Haas (1984, 10) suggested translating the Hittite expression ~ante urau- such as “exzerpieren”; this scholar understood it as composed by the adverb ~anti and the verb urau-. The editors of the Hethitisches Wörterbuch (III 13, 173-174) follow Haas’s translation, although they consider such expression as only one word ~anteurai-.6 The meaning of the whole sentence is: “we have written these tablets as a summary of those (Šapinuwa tablets)”. Therefore it is not surprising that our itkalzi tablet found in the archive of Šapinuwa is neither a duplicate nor a parallel of any tablet from @attuša pertaining to this same ritual, but it is a different text, since it belongs to a much longer “edition” than that of the itkalzi ritual preserved in the archives of Boğazköy; apparently there are several differences between the two “editions” of this same ritual, as we can infer from several words and sentences of our tablet (as for example the expression tuġalzi-) that are never documented in the itkalzi texts collected in the volume ChS I/1.7 Only a fuller study of all the itkalzi tablets from Ortaköy will let us know whether a set of tablets of the reduced “edition” was collected also in the archives of Šapinuwa. The tablet ChS I/1 5, the second tablet of the “edition” from @attuša, concerns the rites performed mostly using water; in the fifth tablet (ChS I/1 8) cedar and tamarisk are the employed materia magica; in the tenth tablet (ChS I/1 9) the oil is mentioned (III 55), whilst in the fragment ChS I/1 13 – whose position inside the set of tablets is not known- silver and lapislazuli are the used ritual substances. We can guess that description of the rites with the water spread over, at least, eleven tablets in the “Šapinuwa edition”; in fact, the expression “tablet of the pure water of the itk[alzi] (Or 90/393 + Or 90/1050 IV 29-30)” presumably refers to the ritual substance employed in the rites of the eleventh tablet. 1.2. This ritual is performed on request of Queen Tadu-@eba as it is clearly written in two passages, § 11’’’ l. 2 , § 13’’’ ll. 20-21, where she is called aš~ožikkonni “ritual patron”. Some passages of this 4. 5. 6. 7. This colophon does not find any exact parallel in the colophons of the itkalzi tablets from @attuša; we have to observe that also the colophons of those tablets differ each one from the other concerning the information they give and their formal aspect, see Haas 1975. According to other scholars Zit~ara was not the place where the tablets had been written, but the town where the ritual was performed, see lastly Strauss 2006, 153. So also Tischler 2001, 39. And also in the fragments more recently published in the volume ChS I/8. The Eleventh Tablet of the itkalzi Ritual from Šapinuwa 133 ritual, such as §§ 11’’’ and 12’’’, seem to have the goal of making the body of the queen pure/clean and strong. In § 12’’’, ll. 12-13 we read the following sentence: “may the body, [with] regard to the man/husband [ ] …. (and) ….”; unfortunately the meaning of the two verbal expressions employed in this sentence are not known. Since in the previous line the object of the purification ritual is the queen’s body, we might suppose that also in this passage the body mentioned is that of Tadu-@eba. In this case a relation between the body of the queen and the king, her husband, might be established. We might suppose that the itkalzi ritual was performed on the occasion of the marriage of Tut~aliya – Tašmi-šarri with Tadu-@eba;8 a passage of § 13’’’, the last one before the colophon, can be interpreted as the wish that the king and the queen may love each other and therefore, in our opinion, it supports such a hypothesis. As well known, sexual intercourse was considered a cause of defilement among the Hittites, as in other cultures of the ancient Near East (Moyer 1969, 50-63); it is understandable that in the case of a royal wedding, the purification of the queen’s body might have been considered as strictly necessary in order to reduce the risk of defilement for the king. For that reason, a long and accurate purification ritual might have been required for Tadu-@eba and, since the royal family of this time favored the Hurrian culture and tradition, they chose the Hurrian ritual itkalzi. As we can see from the several verbal forms present in the tablet, this ritual is composed in the first person singular and therefore the described rites are officiated only by one ritualist. Unfortunately the tablet is fragmentary and some parts have gone lost. Moreover, the meaning of many words is not yet known; therefore a full comprehension and translation of this text are impossible. The most frequently employed purifying agents, that are mentioned in our text, are water and oil. The role played by the water in the ritual clearly appears for example in the passage § 4 ll. I 28’29’, where the word tarmani “spring” also occurs (l. 29’). The oil ~ažari is mentioned several time as a cathartic substance: § 2’, ll. 18’, 19’; § 5’ ll. 31’, 32’; § 13’’’ l. 28. The Hurrian word magaldi (§ 2’ ll. 10’, 19’) seems to refer to a kind of bread; therefore bread too was used in our ritual;9 the word šuwali/a “wine (?)” might be recognized in the passage § 3’ l. 27’. Also the expression abalġe that occurs several times in §§ 3’- 4’ might refer to a ritual substance (see the commentary to § 3’). Lastly fire is employed and “incense” (presumably a mixture of aromata) and the “incense” burner of the gods are mentioned in the passage I 14’-15’. 2. The Hurrian Word tuġalzi. As we have already said, the Hurrian word tuġalzi occurs in the colophon (IV 23); in this passage, written in Hittite, such a word presents the Hittite nominative case ending. This same word appears 8. 9. M. Giorgieri (lecture held in Berlin at the workshop “Archival, Scribal and Administrative Spaces among the Hittites”, June 4-5, 2010) already put forward this interpretation of the itkalzi ritual; according to R. Strauss (2006, 186) this ritual aimed to re-establish the ritual purity of the royal couple on the occasion either of the ordination of Tašmi-šarri to the priesthood or of his marriage with Tadu-@eba, see also Hutter 2013, 170. For the use of bread in purification rituals see Haas 2003, 384-385. 134 Stefano de Martino, Leyla Murat and Aygül Süel also in a Hurrian context in two more passages of our tablet: (I 17’) tuġ=al=zi=ne=va, with the suffix of the dative case, and (IV 3) tuġ=al=zi=ne=ž, with the suffix of the ergative case. The word tuġ=al=zi, that comes from the root tuġ-, can be compared to the term itk=al=zi; in both these words we can recognize the root complement –al- and the noun-formation suffix –zi (Giorgieri 2000, 196, 203; Wilhelm 2004, 104; Wegner 2007, 59). Therefore, we can presume that also tuġalzi, like the word itkalzi “purity”, is an noun derived from the verbal root tuġ-. A verb tuġ-10 is documented in ChS I/1 41 II 45 in the form tuġ=ož=i, with the tense suffix for the preterite. G. Wilhelm (1996, 342) proposed that this same verbal root might be recognized also in the personal name Du~ušmati, documented in the Kültepe tablet kt k/k 4. The verb tuġ=ad-11 (I 31’ tuġ=ad=i=b and I 33’ tuġ=ad=u(w)=(a)ƒƒu) can be connected to this same root tuġ-. The form tuġ=ad=u(w)=(a)ƒƒu can be interpreted as a first prs. sg. negative ergatival form, although it lacks the class marker –i- (but see here the commentary to the text § 1’, l. 3’). The verb tuġ=ad=ož-12 also occurs in a passage of our tablet, IV 1: tuġ=ad=ož=i=l=ae; in this form we can recognize the suffix –i=l=ai, that has a final/purpose meaning. Unfortunately this latter passage is very fragmentary and we lack the second half of each and every line; anyway it is interesting to observe the presence of the noun tuġalzi (IV 3) and of the verb tuġadožilae (IV 1) in the same passage where the ritual patron Tadu-@eba is mentioned. At the end of this same passage there are verbs in the imperative and in the optative expressing the wish that the queen may become strong and, presumably, clean/pure, if the meaning of the verbal root tuġ- is indeed this. Lastly the noun tuġ=ad=om=a=nni (< the verbal root tuġ=ad- + the root complement –om-13 and the derivational suffix a=nni) occurs in the passage II 41’; it might have a concrete meaning and refer to a purifying substance.14 As we have already said, the word tuġalzi is not documented in the itkalzi texts from @attuša. It occurs (tuġalzi=ne=ž ) in the AZU ritual ChS I/2 10 III 9’ in a list of words that the AZU priest “says in Hurrian language” (~urlili memai), such as kangadi, kudimmeni, tuġalzi, dadunušši. We know only the meaning of the word kangadi, a plant that is used in purification rituals.15 In another AZU ritual, ChS I/2 50 III? 14-15 the term tuġalzi occurs in a Hittite context and with the Hittite accusative case ending: LÚAZU ANA BEL SISKUR.SISKUR t[a] tu~alzin para epz[i “the AZU priest holds the . [ ] (and) the tuġalzi forth to the ritual patron”; in this passage tuġalzi seems to refer to either an object or a substance. J. Tischler (1994, 408)16 considered the word tuġolzi as a different spelling of tuġalzi. Since we find several Hurrian “Heilstermini”, some of them ending in -al=zi and others in –ol=zi (Haas _ 10. See now Ricther 2012b, 465. 11. For the root complement –(a)d- , that can be found in several verbs, see Giorgieri 2000, 200 n. 78; Wegner 2007, 88. 12. For this root complement see lastly Wegner 2007, 89. 13. See Giorgieri 2000, 197. 14. For the suffix –a=nni in nouns derived from verbal roots, such as for example am=b=a=nni “Brennholz” < am- “to burn”, see lastly de Martino – Giorgieri 2008, 71 with previous literature. 15. See Haas 1998, 283; 2003, 328-335; Strauss 2006, 101-108. 16. See also Ricther 2012b, 466. The Eleventh Tablet of the itkalzi Ritual from Šapinuwa 135 Wilhelm 1974, 135-136), we prefer to analyze this word such as tuğ=ol=zi.17 The term tuġolzi appears in a passage of the ritual celebrated for the deity NIN.GAL by the queen and the princes (CTH 500) where we read the following sentence (ChS I/9 69 II 11-12) ANA DNIN.GAL…. tu~ulziya šipanti, that can be compared with a similar one (ChS I/1 5 I 22-23), with the difference that the word itkalzi occurs here instead of tuġolzi, where we read that the AZU priest offers six geese and one lamb for @ebat on the occasion of the itkalzi ritual (itkalizya šipanti). In conclusion, in consideration of its strict connection with the word itkalzi, we may suppose that the term tuġalzi also refers to a quality, presumably connected to the concept of cleanliness/purity, that can be obtained through a specific ritual; such a ritual derives its name from this quality. Therefore the meaning of the verbs tuġ-, tuġa=ad-, tuġ=ad=ož- must also belong to this same semantic sphere. Moreover in the Hurro-Hittite texts we find the word tuġalzi and also the term tuġolzi; each of them seems to have also a secondary meaning, referring either to objects or substances employed in purification rituals, as the already quoted texts ChS I/2 50 III? 14-15 and ChS I/9 II 11.12 show. Lastly, tuġalzi occurs as a “Heilsterminus”. 3. The Text. Ob. I § 1’ 1’ -š]a {D}IŠTAR-ga-bi{-na-}š[a18 2’ -n]a-{a-}ša it-kal-zi-ni-bi-n[a-ša 3’ -]x-na-a-ša ki-bu-up-pu iš-ta-n[i(-) 4’ ]x DUTU-ki-ni-bi-na-a-ša DA-a-i[-ú(-) DNa-b]ar-bi-na-a-ša DUm-bu DNi-ga-l[u5’ 6’ -n]a-a-ša ~u-ru-uš-ši-bi-na-a-ša [ 7’ -n]a-a-ša ki-bí-pa-a-at iš-ta[-ni(-) 8’ -š]a/-t]a [ __________________________________________________ § 2’ 9’ ] x(-)ga-a-at zi-ip-zi-i~-~a-at-{ta}[(-) ] x [ 10’ ] ma{-kal-ti-}ni-bi-na-a-ša : ki-bi-pa-a-at iš-t[a-ni] 11’ -]la-a-ša šu-ul-la-a-at da-a-ar-ri a-ku-u-ši : 12’ ] iš-ta-ni ta-ra-al-li-bi : iš-te ma-kal-te-ni-bi 13’ ]x iš-ta-ni [t]a-r-al-li-bi ~a-a-i-pa-at 14’ [ iš-ta-ni (?) t]a-ra-al-li[-bi D]INGIRMEŠ-na-še-ni a~-ru-uš-~i-ni 15’ ] né{-e-li} [e]š-šar-ri-ta a~-ra-a-it 17. We thank Prof. Dr. G. Wilhelm for having drawn our attention to the difference between terms composed with the suffixes -al=zi and others ending in –ol=zi. For the root complement –ol- see Giorgieri 2000, 197; Wegner 2007, 88. 18. We would expect here: DIŠTAR-ga-ni-bi-na-ša. 136 Stefano de Martino, Leyla Murat and Aygül Süel 16’ ] x-{u-up-}ti-ib i-ki-ta : in-~a-at 17’ ]x-ni-pa tu-u-~al-zi-ni-pa ka-ar-ši-ib 18’ -]pa-a-at ~a-ša-ra mu-ur-ri-ni-pa 19’ -]x-a-te-ni-pa-a-at ~a-ša-ri ma-kal-ti-ni-pa 20’ -]ta __________________________________________________ § 3’ 21’ a-b]al-~i mar-ta-ma-an-ni ~a-a-i-ib 22’ [šu-u-wa-la-ta i]t-kal-zi-pa-a-at a-bal-~i mar-ta-ma-an-ni 23’ [~a-i-ib šu-u-wa-l]a-ta da-a-ti-ni-pa-a-at a-bal-~i 24’ [mar-ta-ma-an-ni] ~a-i-ib šu-u-wa-la-ta e-li-ni-pa-a-at 25’ [a-ba]l-~i mar-ta-ma-an-ni ~a-a-i-ib šu-u-wa-la-ta 26’ a-bal-~a-at al-lu-ma-a-ta mar-ta-ma-an-ni 27’ ~a-i-ib šu-u-wa-la-ta : __________________________________________________ § 4’ 28’ a-pal-~a-at ku-ut-te-ni ~a-a-u-ši ši-i-ya-at 29’ ga-a-aš-la ú-ni-ib tar-ma-an-ni ka-ši-ni-pa-a-ab/at! 30’ a-ša-aš-ti-ib ma-kal-ti-ni-pa-a-at tu-u-~a-ti-ib 31’ ta-ab-~a-aš-ti-ib : šu-u-ul-li ~a-ša-ar-ra-a-e 32’ {a-}pal-~a-a-i ni-ra-a-e ~a-ša-ar-ra-a-e 33’ tu-u-~a-du-up-pu : i-ša-aš a-pal-~a-a-e DLIŠ/DINGIR-ŠÚ in-~a-ra 34’ na-ak-ku-up-pu DINGIRMEŠ-na-a-ša na-a-i-e-na-a-ša 35’ it-kal-zi-bi-na-a-ša aš-tu-u~-~i-na-a-ša DINGIRMEŠ-na-a-ša 36’ na-a-i-e-na-a-ša __________________________________________________ § 5’ 37’ D@é-pa-ap-ta DMu-šu-un-ni-pa DIŠTAR-ga-pa [ 38’ DNa-bar-bí-ni-ta DA-i-u-ta DUTU-mi-ga-ni-pa 39’ DA-i-u-da DA-i-kal-du-ta {D}U[m-p]u-pa {D} [Ni-ga-lu-pa] 40’ na-a-i-e-ni-pa uš-~u-lu-up-pu p[u41’ tu-u-~a-du-ma-an-ni D@e-pa-a[p42’ DIŠTAR-ga-ta DNa-bar-bi-ni-ta [ 43’ DA-i-ú-pa DA-i-kal-du-pa a[p__________________________________________________ Obv. II § 6’’ 1’ x [ __________________________________________________ § 7’’ 2’ nu x[ The Eleventh Tablet of the itkalzi Ritual from Šapinuwa 3’ nu {ki-}x[ 4’ še-e-ra[(-) 5’ ši-in-a[6’ še-~e-el-l[i__________________________________________________ § 8’’ 7’ nu ma-a-a[n __________________________________________________ § 9’’ 8’ šu-uq-qa-x[ 9’ ši-i-ya[10’ ši-i{-ya}[11’ en-na-x[ 12’ še-~e-el[-li13’ ~u-u-u[m14’ pa-a-i-x[ 15’ e-it[__________________________________________________ § 10’’ 16’ D/DINGIR-x[ 17’ D[ 18’ x [ Rev. IV __________________________________________________ § 11’’’ 1 tu-u-~a-du-ši-la-a-i še-e-r[i(-) 2 aš-~u-ši-ik-ku-un-ni-bi fTa-d[u-~é-ba-bi e-ed-ni(?) 3 i-ti-ta tu-u-~al-zi-ni-iš [ 4 mu-nu-~u-še-la-a-i i-ti-ta [ 5 zi-mi-ta-du-uš pa-ga-am-m[u-uš 6 ga-aš-lu-la-iš DINGIRMEŠ-na-a-ša[(-) __________________________________________________ 12’’’ 7 a-aš-ta-aš-~i-ni u-še-ni zi-m[i-ta-du-uš] 8 pa-ga-am-mu-uš ga-aš-lu-uš : [ 9 zi-mi-ta-du-uš du-up-~a-x[ 10 ti-pa a-aš-te-ni-bi u-še-ni [zi-mi-ta-du-uš (?) ] 11 pa-ga-am-mu-uš ga-aš-lu-uš m[u12 e-ed-ni da-a-~i-pa pu-u-ri-i[t-a-i 13 mu-nu-uš zi-mi-ta-du-uš d[a-]x[ 14 mTa-aš-mi-šar-ri-pa pu-u-ri-ta-a-i t[a-/š[a- 137 138 Stefano de Martino, Leyla Murat and Aygül Süel 15 DINGIRMEŠ-na-a-ša-a-i ti-pa-a-i D@é-bá[t-pa-a-i] 16 D@u-u-te-na-ša-a-i D@u-u-te-el[-lu-u-ra-ša-a-i] 17 te-pu-uš-~a-a-i DIŠTAR-ga-pa-a-i t[e-pu-uš-~a-a-i] 18 DKu-pa-pa<-pa>-a-i te-pu-uš-~a-a-i DINGIRMEŠ[-na-a-ša-a-i] 19 aš-du-u~-~i-na-ša-a-i ti-pu-uš-~a-a{-i} [ __________________________________________________ 13’’’ 20 mu-nu-uš zi-mi-ta-du-uš aš-~u-ši-i[k-ku-un-ni-bi] 21 Ta-du-~é-pa-bi e-ed-ni te[22 pu-u-ri-pa du-i-pa mTa-aš-mi-šar[-ri23 pa-a~-ru-uš mu-nu-uš ti-ša-a-ta [ 24 da-a-~i-pa pu-u-ri-pa da-a-~i a-t[e25 {pu-}u-ri-ta-a-i : mTa-aš{-mi-}šar-ri[26 [fTa-d]u-~é-pa-a-pa fTa-du-~é-pa-a[n(-) 27 [mT]a-aš-mi-šar-ri-pa-a-pa ta-du-ga-r[i-iš (?) 28 [x-]ni-la-a-i i-ti-ta ~a-šar-ri-x[ __________________________________________________ __________________________________________________ § 14’’’ 29 [ ] DUB 11.KAM šu-up-pa-y[a-aš] {it-kal-}[zi-ya-aš] 30 [ ] ú-i-te-na-aš {Ú}[-UL QA-TI ] 31 [ ] nu-uš-ša-an ke-e[-da-ni tup-pí-ya] 32 [ ] tu-u-~al-zi-iš A[ 33 [nu-uš-]{ša-}an ú[-/Ú[-UL 4. Textual Commentary. Obverse §1’ (ll. I 1’-8’) l. 2’: -n]a-{a-}ša it-kal-zi-ni-bi-n[a-ša: we can analyze this expression such as: xxx=n]a=až=(va) (dativ. plural) itkalzi=ne=ve=n(a)=až=(v)a (genitive + the agreement markers, that is the morphemes required by the Suffixaufnahme), “to the [xxx]s of the itkalzi”. l. 3’: ki-bu-up-pu: this same word is documented also in the text ChS I/1 43 – a ritual connected to the itkalzi tablets _ where we read (Rev. III 18’): a-a~-ri gi-pu-up-pu; it is the negative ergatival verbal form in the first person singular kib=u(w)=(a)ƒƒu, although it lacks the indicative class marker –i- (we would expect a form:* kib=i=u(w)=(a)ƒƒu), “I do not put”. As M. Giorgieri showed in a lecture held in Barcelona at the 56th RAI (July 2010) similar verbal forms can be found not only in the Hurrian texts from Boğazköy, but also in the Hurrian tablet (Kp 05/226) found in Kayalıpınar (Wilhelm 2006, 233-236; Wilhelm 2009, 130-133). It might be a peculiarity of the The Eleventh Tablet of the itkalzi Ritual from Šapinuwa 139 Hurrian “dialect” of Anatolia. The verb ke/ib- means “to put” (Giorgieri 2000, 398; Wegner 2007, 263; Richter 2012b, 199-200); for other similar verbal forms see also ultra. iš-ta-n[i- : ištani means “middle” (Wegner 2007, 256). The final part of this word is in the gap; it might be also completed such as: ištan(i)=i=da “in the middle of”, “inside”, but the comparison with the similar passages of ll. I 10’, 12’, 13’ leads us to believe that here there was just ištani. l. 6’ ~u-ru-uš-ši-bi-na-a-ša: ~ur(i)=o=šši=ve=n(a)=až=va. It is the genitive of a noun ~ur(i)=o=šši; the agreement markers tie this word to the previous one, missing in the gap, “to the [xxx]s of the ~urošši”. In the tablet ChS I/1 5 I 24, 28 ~urošše19 means a kind of ritual analogous to the itkalzi (l. 23). According to R. Strauss (2006, 118-119, 175) it might be the same word that is spelled as ~urnišše in the Ammi~atna ritual.20 l. 7’ ki-bi-pa-a-at: we find here again the verb ke/ib- “to put”; it is a potential form in the first person singular: keb=eva=t(ta) (for similar forms see Giorgieri 2000, 237) “I shall put”. The deities mentioned in this paragraph, Šaušga, Šimigi, Aiu, Nabarbi, Umbu-Nikkal, appear often also in the itkalzi-rituals from Boğazköy, such as for example ChS I/1 5 II, 2-11, III 22-30 etc.; see also ultra. § 2’ (ll. 9’-20’) l. 10’: here, such as in other parts of the text and also in the rituals ChS I/1 5 and 6, the Winkelhaken sign is used in order to divide one sentence from the following one; in our transcription we have rendered with the mark “ : ”. For the use of cuneiform signs to indicate a section of a paragraph break see Miller 2012, 98. l. 10’: ma-kal-ti-ni-bi-na-a-ša: magaldi=ne=ve=n(a)=až=(v)a. This word, that we find also in ll. II 12’, 19’, 30’, might be the same one that appears often in Hittite and Hurro-Hittite rituals, in lists of food, (NINDAmakal/nti; CHD 3.2 119: a food made of flour). It is considered a Hurrian term (Giorgieri 2000, 207); according to Th. Richter, 2012b 239, it might come from the verbal root mag“to offer, give a present”. l. 11’: šu-ul-la-at da-a-ar-ri a-ku-u-ši: šull(i)=a=t(ta) (essive + the enclitic 1st sg. personal pronoun) tar(i)=re(<ne) (instrumental-dimensional) ag=ož=i “I have risen the coal from/in the fire”. The word šulli “coal” (Richter 2012b, 411) is documented in the trilingual vocabulary from Ugarit RS 94-2939 (II 15, André Salvini – Salvini 1998, 17). l. 12’: ta-ra-al-li-bi: this word might be analyzed: tar(i)=al/ali(?)=le(<ne)=ve, where –al-/-ali- (?) might be a root complement, presumably not the same suffix –al- that we find usually with verbs (Giorgieri 2000, 196-197; Wegner 2007, 87); in this case it might be connected to the word tari “fire” and its meaning should belong to the same semantic sphere, but we cannot exclude that our term comes from a different word, such as for example tarli (tarl(i)=ne- > taralli). ll. 12’-13’: iš-te ma-kal-te-ni-bi [ ]x iš-ta-ni [t]a-r-al-li-bi ~a-a-i-pa-at: the personal pronoun (1st sg.) ište “I” again clearly shows that the ritual is composed in the first sg. person (see also § 4’ l. 33’ iž=až). ~a-a-i-pa-at is a verbal form: ~a=i=eva=t(ta) “I will take”. 19. See now Ricther 2012b, 173. 20. See also Haas 1998, 221 with more literature. 140 Stefano de Martino, Leyla Murat and Aygül Süel l. 14’: DINGIRMEŠ-na-še-ni a~-ru-uš-~i-ni: en(i)=n(a)=až=(v)e=ne aġr(i)=o/u=š(še)=~e=ne “the incense burner of the gods”. I 15’: šar-ri-ta a~-ra-a-it: šarri=da (directive) aġr(i)=ae=t(ta) (instrumental + the enclitic 1st sg. personal pronoun) “I [ the verb is in the gap of l. 16’ ] with the incense to the (divine) king”. l. 17’: tu-u-~al-zi-ni-pa: tuġ=al=zi=ne=va “for/to the tuġalzi”. On this term see the introduction § 2. ll. 18: ~a-ša-ra mu-ur-ri-ni-pa: ~až=ar(r)=a (hažari “oil” with the essive suffix) murri=ne=va (the word murri is documented in several passages of the itkalzi tablets from Boğazköy such as ChS I/1 6 rev. III 13’, 8 rev. III 12’, 15 rev. IV 20; 16 rev. III 12, 13 etc., but its meaning is unknown) “with the oil for the ….”. l. 19’ ~a-ša-ri ma-kal-ti-ni-pa: ~až=ar(r)=i (absolutive) magaldi=ne=va (dative) “the oil for/to the bread (?) magaldi”. § 3’ l. 21’: a-bal-~i: this word is present five times in this paragraph and occurs also in l. 28’ of the next paragraph. It is documented with the following case suffixes: abalġe (absolutive, l. II 21’, 22’, 23’, 25’), abalġ(e)=a (essive, l. II 26’, 28’), abalġ(e)=ad(a) (directive, l. II 28’) and abalġ(e)=ae (instrumental, l. II 32’, 33’). We find the same word also in the fragment of a Tašmišarri ritual ChS I/8 251 obv. 6’ (abalġa), in the itkalzi ritual ChS I/1 65 II 13’ (and in its parallel text ChS I/1 66, 9’: abalġa) and also in the fragment ChS I/5 145, 4’ (abalġe). It might be analyzed such as ab=al=ġe; I wonder whether it might come from the same root ab- that forms also the word ab=al=ki,21 documented in some Hittite texts (see HW2 I, 164) and interpreted as a locus sacer or a recipient of offerings. A connection to the Hurrian term abi could be supported only if abalġe was indeed a locus sacer, but from our text it seems to be a ritual substance (see II 31’-33’). G. Wilhelm (oral communication) suggests that this word might be connected to the term abli,22 documented in the Mittani Letter (I 85), that according to this scholar might be an adjective referring to some degree of goodness or worth.23 l. 21’: mar-ta-ma-an-ni: such an expression does not occur in the itkalzi tablets collected in the volume ChS I/1. The word mardamanni can be found in ChS I/8 65 rev. 7 (a text where Ebla and @alpa also occur);24 here it is interpreted as referring to the place name Mardaman.25 We are not sure that mardamanni of our Šapinuwa tablet is the same term of the already mentioned text of ChS I/8 65. In the recently published tablets from Qatna there is a word mardade “carpet” (Richter 2012, 85; Richter 2012b, 246) that might come from a root mar- (mar=(a)d=adi), but in this case too we do not have sure elements for connecting this word to the one of our text. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. See now Richter 2012b, 56. Cfr. ~amarġe (~amar=ġe) < ~amri. Differently M. Dietrich – W. Mayer (2010, 235) “Antwort, Gegengeschenk”. Cfr. the Emar text quoted by V. Haas 1994, 389 n. 78. See also DŠuwala URUMardamanġi in some passages of ChS I/3, Wegner 2004, 234. The Eleventh Tablet of the itkalzi Ritual from Šapinuwa 141 In paragraph 3’ we find parallel sentences where the same words are repeated. Excluding the first sentence (ll. 21-22) which is fragmentary, the following three sentence start with the word šu-uwa-la-ta; it might be analyzed such as šuwal(i)=a=t(ta) presumably from the word šuwali (with the essive suffix) “wine” (Laroche 1977, 246; Richter 2012b, 416). In every one of these three sentences, the following word is in the dative: l. 22’ itk=al=zi=va=t(ta); l. 23’ dadi=ne=va=t(ta), from a word dadi, that Th. Richter (2102b, 452) considers a “Opferterminus, Heilsbegriff”; l. 24’ eli=ne=va=t(ta), from the word eli “feast”, although in this case we would expect a form el(i)=le(<ne)=va; all of these words present the enclitic 1st sg. absolutive personal pronoun –t(ta). Immediately after each one of these expressions there are the two already mentioned terms abalġe mardamanni. The following word (ll. 21’, 24’, 27’) is always ~a-a-ib: it can be easily analyzed as an Old Hurrian transitive-non ergatival verbal form (~a=i=b), presumably from the root ~a- “to take”. Verbal forms in –i-ib usually have a 3rd person sg. or pl. subject, but in our passage the enclitic personal pronoun 1st sg. –t(ta) (absolutive) is affixed to the already discussed expressions itk=al=zi=va=t(ta), dadi=ne=va=t(ta), eli=ne=va=t(ta) and it can refer only to the subject of a transitive-non ergatival verbal form. Moreover, as we have already said, our ritual is composed in the 1st. sg. person. As D. Campbell (2007b) wrote, there are other examples of similar verbal forms in =i=b, that agree with subjects either in the first or in the second person, although they are much less frequent. For example, Campbell (2007b, 79) mentioned a passage of ChS I/1 5 rev. 69’ where a verbal form in –i-b agrees with a subject expressed by the enclitic personal pronoun –t(ta), like in our text. In this case abalġe mardamanni (both in the absolutive case) might be a vocative and we might suppose that such a materia magica was evoked during the rite; otherwise these two words might be interpreted as “Heilstermini”. We might propose the following tentative translation: “(ll. 22’-25’) I take the wine for the itkalzi, abalġi mardamanni; I take the wine for the offering (?? = dadi), abalġi mardamanni, I take the wine for the feast (?), abalġi mardamanni”. § 4’ l. 28’: a-pal-~a-at ….. ~a-a-u-ši: we might interpret this sentence as: ab=al=ġ(e)=a=t(ta) (essive + the enclitic personal pronoun 1st sg.) kutte=ne (instrumental-dimensional) ~a=ož=i “I have taken the apalġe from the kutte”. ll. 28’-29’: ši-i-ya-at ga-a-aš-la u-ni-ib: šiy(e)=a=t(ta) (essive < šiye- “water”); kažl=a; a verb kažl“to become strong” is documented in other passages of the itkalzi rituals (Haas 1989, 270); here we have an adjective kažl- (see Laroche 1976, 138) “strong” (in the essive case); un=i=b (from the verb un- “to come”, “to bring”). The whole sentence might be translated such as “I bring the strong(?) water”. l. 29’: tar-ma-an-ni ka-ši-ni-pa-a-ab/ad!26 a-ša-aš-ti-ib: tarman(i)=ne (instrumental-dimensional) “spring”; kaži=ne=va=t(ta): dative of the word kaži “a vessel” + the enclitic personal pronoun 1st 26. Although the cuneiform sign is AB, since the enclitic pronoun 2nd person –p(pa) does not fit the grammatical context, we might suppose that the scribe wrote the wrong sign; we thank Mauro Giorgieri for this suggestion. 142 Stefano de Martino, Leyla Murat and Aygül Süel sg. ; až=ašt27=i=b (the meaning of this verb is not yet known; see now Richter 2012b, 51): “I ….. from the spring for/into the kazi vessel”. ll. 30’-31’: ma-kal-ti-ni-pa-a-at tu-u-~a-ti-ib ta-ab-~a-aš-ti-ib: magaldi=ne=va=t(ta) tuġ=ad=i=b tap~=ašt=i=b “for/to the bread maġaldi I ….28 (and) ….”. ll. 31’-33’: for the word šulli “coal”, see §2’ I 11’. The following words, ~až=ar(r)=ae ap=al=ġ(e)=ae nir(i)=ae ~až=ar(r)=ae, are all in the instrumental case; the verbal expression tuġ=ad=u(w)=(a)ƒƒu is the first prs. sg. of the negative ergatival form of a verb tu~=ad- (on this verb see the introduction), although it lacks the class marker –i-(but see § 1’, l. 3’). The whole sentence might be translated: “I do not …. the coal by means of oil, abalġe, good oil”. From this passage we can deduce that abalġe was a substance employed in purification rituals. ll. 33’-34’: ap=al=ġ(e)=ae (instrumental); in~a=ra (comitative of a word e/in~a), this word occurs also in ChS I/1 5 III 6; 17 II 11’; 27 I 11’, 13’, 14’; its meaning is not yet known; nakk=u(w)=(a)ƒƒu, the 1st sg. person of the negative ergatival form of a verb nakk- “to release”). ll. 34’-36’: en(i)=na=až=(v)a na=i=n(a)=až=(v)a (both dative pl.); the latter word is documented as an attribute/apposition of eni also in ChS I/1 6 II 7, 10, 15; according to G. Wilhem (oral communication) this term might be linked to the expression naya that appears in several feminine personal names of Nuzi (Gelb – Purves – MacRae 1943, 237) such as, for example, @ašunna (see Wilhelm 1998b, 123, < ~až=o=n “the goddess Naya listened to him”). itk=al=zi=ve=n(a)=až=va (genitive sg. + the agreement markers of the Suffixaufnahme) ašt(i)=o~~e=n(a)=až=va en(i)=n(a)=až=va na=i=n(a)=až=(v)a (all dative pl.). The whole sentence means: “to the gods nai, to the feminine deities nai of the itkalzi”; it is not clear whether such a sentence refers to the previous lines, although it comes after the verbal form nakkuƒƒu, or if it is logically connected to divine names (in dative and directive) of the following paragraph. § 5’ ll. 37’-40’: D@ebat=(v)a (with a metathesis > @e-pa-ap-ta), DMužuni=va, DŠavoška=va (all in dative); DNabarbi=ni=da, DAiu=da (both in the directive case); DŠimiga=ne=va (dative); DAiu=da, DAikaldu=da (both directive); DUmbu=va (dative); na=i=ne=va (dative sg. presumably in agreement with the last divine name ); we underline here the use of both cases, dative and directive, in the same passage; uš~=ol= u(w)= (a)ƒƒu, this verbal form lacks the class marker –i- (see also for example kibuppu , obv. 3’, and tu~aduƒƒu , obv. 33’); the meaning of the verb uš~=ol- is not yet known. ll. 41’-43’: for the word tuġadumanni see the introduction § 2. D@ebabt=(v)a, DŠavoška=da, DNabarbi=da, DAiu=va, DAikaldu=va. 27. For this morpheme see Wegner 2007, 88-89. 28. For the verb tuġ- see the introduction. The Eleventh Tablet of the itkalzi Ritual from Šapinuwa 143 Rev. IV § 11’’’ l. 1 tu-u-~a-du-ši-la-a-i: we might recognize here a verbal from tuġ=ad=ož=i=l=ae (tuġ- = verbal root; -ad- = root complement; -ož- root complement;29 i=l=ae, suffix with a final meaning) from a verb tuġadož- (see the Introduction § 2.). The position of this expression at the beginning of the sentence is anomalous, but it might be due to the emphatic value laid on this word. ll. 2-3 aš-~u-ši-ik-ku-un-ni-bi fTa-d[u-~é-ba-bi e-ed-ni (??)]: aš~=ož=i=kk(i)=o=nni=ve fTadu~eba=ve [ed(i)=ne] “[the body] of the ritual patron Tadu~eba”. We advance the hypothesis that the gap might have contained the word ed(i)=ne “body, person” that we find in ll. IV 20-21 in a similar context. l. 3 i-ti-ta tu-~al-zi-ni-iš: ed(i)=i=da (“for herself/concerning her person”); tuġ=al=zi=ne=ž (ergative); the transitive verb syntactically and logically connected to this expression is in the gap. l. 4. mu-nu-~u-še-la-a-i: mun=oġ=ož=i=l=ae: it might be another –ilae form of a verb mun=oġ=ož- from a root mun- that is documented in this same text in the expression munuš in ll. IV 13, 20, 23; see also munuži in the text ChS I/1 47 rev? 6’; 48 9’ (see Ricther 2012b, 253). ll. 5-6: zi-mi-ta-du-uš pa-ga-am-m[u-uš …….. ] ga-aš-lu-la-iš DINGIRMEŠ-na-a-ša[(-): zim=t=ad=o=ž is an imperative in the 3rd sg. person from a root zim- + two root complements -t(see Wegner 2007, 89) and -ad- (see Wegner 2007, 88); the meaning of this verb is unknown. The imperative suffix -o=ž is more often used for the 3rd pl. person, but in the Bo. Hurrian texts it is also documented for the 3rd sg. person (see Giorgieri 235; Wegner 2007, 138). The following word ƒag=am=o=ž also is an imperative form; in one of the Qatna letters (TT 3, Unt. Rd. 18) a verb ƒag=an- is documented, that Th. Richter (2012a, 56; 2012b, 290) translates “vertreiben” (see also Richter 2005, 118 “to displace”). We cannot say whether it is the same verb we find in this passage of our text. In the ritual ChS I/1 49 II 18 there is the noun pa-ak-mar-ri-bi (ƒag=(a)m=ar=ne=ve) that is presumably connected to the same root of the verb ƒag=am- of our Šapinuwa tablet. kašl=o=l=ae=ž is an optative verbal form (see Giorgieri 200, 238; Wegner 2007, 112) from the verb kašl- “to be strong”, “to become strong” (Haas 1989, 270) that is documented for example also in the itkalzi Ritual ChS I/1 9 IV 31. en(i)=n(a)=až=va “for the gods”. The whole sentence, that finds parallel in some passages of the itkalzi rituals from @attuša (see Haas 1989, 270-271), expresses the wish that Tadu~eba may ….., ….. and become strong in front of the deities. § 12’’’ IV 7-8: a-aš-ta-aš-~i-ni u-še-ni zi-m[i-ta-du-uš] pa-ga-am-mu-uš ga-aš-lu-uš: ašt(i)=a=aš(še)=~e “feminine; of a woman” (see de Martino – Giorgieri 2008, 139); uže=ni: according to Wegner (2007, 177) uži might mean “flesh” (see now also Richter 2012b, 504); here it is followed by the individualizing suffix; zim=t=ad=o=ž ƒag=am=o=ž kašl=ož are imperative verbal forms. The whole expression might be translated such as: “may the flesh of the woman ….., ….. (and) become strong!”. 29. See lastly Wegner 2007, 89. 144 Stefano de Martino, Leyla Murat and Aygül Süel IV 10-11: ti-pa a-š-te-ni-bi u-še-ni [zi-mi-ta-du-uš (?)] pa-ga-am-mu-uš ga-aš-lu-uš: tiv(e)=a (essive < tive “word”); ašti=ne=ve (genitive); uže=ni: “may the flesh of the woman ….., ….., (and) become strong by means of the word!”. IV 12-13: e-ed-ni da-a-~i-pa pu-u-ri[-ta-a-i……] mu-nu-uš zi-mi-ta-du-uš: ed(i)=ni (for the individualizing suffix with the word edi see Giorgieri 1998, 75 n. 12; 1999, 238-239 n. 60) “the body”; taġe=va (dative) “for the husband”; pu-u-ri[-ta-a-i: we propose to complete this fragmentary word in such a way by comparison with the passage IV 14. The analysis of the form is not easy; the expression fur(i)=i=da “ with regard to” is well documented and it governs the dative, but here we face with a different form, that we might explain as ƒuri + the root complement –(a)d- and the instrumental case suffix ae; we might advance the hypothesis that the meaning and the function of ƒuridae could be similar to those of ƒurida. mun=o=ž and zim=t=ad=o=ž are both imperative in the 3rd. sg. person; the verb mun- can be compared with munoġožilae of IV 4. The meaning of this whole sentence is: “may the body, [with] regard to the man/husband, ….. (and) ….. !”. IV 14-20: mTa-aš-mi-šar-ri-pa pu-u-ri-ta-a-i t[a-/š[a-……….] DINGIRMEŠ-na-a-ša-a-i ti-pa-a-i D@é-b[at-pa-a-i] D@u-u-te-na-ša-a-i D@u-u-te-el[-lu-u-ra-na-ša-a-i] te-pu-uš-~a-a-i DIŠTAR-ga-pa-a-i t[e-pu-uš-~a-a-i] DKu-pa-pa<-pa>-a-i te-pu-uš-~a-a-i DINGIRMEŠ[-na-a-ša-a-i] aš-du-u~-~i-na-ša-a-i ti-pu-uš-~a-a{-i} mu-nu-uš zi-mi-ta-du-uš: Tašmišarri=va (dative); ƒuri=(a)d=ae; en(i)=n(a)=až=ae (for *en(i)=n(a)=až=e=n(e)=ae, see Wilhelm 1998a, 179, also for this special form of Suffixaufnahme) tiv(e)=ae; D@ebat=v(e)=ae, D@utena=až=ae, D@utellura=až=ae; tiv=uš~=(i)=ae (for this word see Giorgieri 1998, 78 n. 20; Wilhelm 2005, 178 n. 17); DŠavoška=v(e)=ae tiv=uš~=(i)=ae; DKubaba=v(e)=ae (the scribe has omitted the last sign PA, presumably because the sequence Ku-papa-pa- has confused him when copying from another tablet) tiv=uš~=(i)=ae; en(i)=n(a)=až=ae ašt(i)=o~~e=n(a)=až=ae tiv=uš~=(i)=ae; mun=o=ž zim=t=ad=o=ž although these two verbal forms are written in the following paragraph (but the paragraph horizontal line is interrupted and this might mean that the scribe, realizing that he was wrong, stopped drawing it), we believe that they conclude the sentence of these lines: “With regard to Tašmišarri.. [ ] may he mun- (and) zimitad by means of the word of the gods, by means of the word of @eb[at], of the deities @utena, @utel[lura]; [by means of the] w[ord] of Šavošga, by means of the word of Kubaba, by means of the word of the feminine deities”. § 13’’’ IV 20-21: aš-~u-ši-i[k-ku-un-ni-bi] fTa-du-~é-pa-bi e-ed-ni: aš~=ož=i=kk(i)=o=nni=ve fTadu~eba=ve ed(i)=ne “the body of the ritual patron Tadu~eba”. IV 22: pu-u-ri-pa du-i-pa: ƒur(i)=i=va “to/for her eye”, tu(e)=i=va “to/for her tue”, or analogously to the passage IV 24 “regarding/in front of her tue” . Concerning a Hurrian word tue/tuve see Röseler 1999, 399 n. 26; Richter 2012b, 465. IV 23: pa-a~-ru-uš mu-nu-uš ti-ša-a-ta: ƒa~r=o=ž mun=o=ž “may she/he be good (and) mun-”; tiža=da “for the hearth”. IV 24: da-a-~i-pa pu-u-ri-pa: taġe=va ƒur(i)=i=va “regarding / in front of (her) husband”; ƒur(i)=i=va might have here a function similar to ƒur(i)=i=da, see Campbell 2007a, 171 n. 98. IV 25-27: mTa-aš-mi-šar-ri[(-) ] [fTa-d]u-~é-pa-a-pa fTa-du-~é-pa-a[n(-) ] [mT]a-aš-mišar-ri-pa-a-pa ta-du-ga-r[i-iš (???): mTašmišarri [ ] fTadu~eba=va=ƒƒa fTadu~eba=a[n ] The Eleventh Tablet of the itkalzi Ritual from Šapinuwa 145 mTašmišarri=va=ƒƒa tad=ugar=i=ž “May you love each other, Tašmišarri [ ] concerning Tadu~eba and Tadu~eba [ ] concerning Tašmišarri” ; in the Mittani Letter the verb tad=ugarrequires a subject in the absolutive case, whilst the loved person occurs in the comitative case (see Giorgieri 2004); differently here we do not find the comitative, but the dative: fTadu~eba=va and mTašmišarri=va; we wonder whether this might be explained such as another peculiarity of the Hurrian “dialect” of Anatolia. BIBLIOGRAPHY André Salvini B. – Salvini M. 1998, “Un nouveau vocabulaire trilingue sumérien-akkadien-hourrite de Ras Shamra”, Studies on the Civilization and Cultures of Nuzi and the Hurrians 9, 3-40. 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