Pluto Journals
THE ABSENT GEOPOLITICS OF PURE CAPITALISM
Author(s): Radhika Desai
Source: World Review of Political Economy, Vol. 1, No. 3 (Fall 2010), pp. 463-484
Published by: Pluto Journals
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41931883
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THE
ABSENT
OF
PURE
GEOPOLITICS
CAPITALISM
RadhikaDesai
ofManitoba.
ofPolitical
Radhika
Studies,
Desai,Professor
University
Pluto
Press.
Future
of
World
Author,
series,
Co-editor,
Capitalism
inIndian
toHindutva
FromCongress
Towards
Ayodhya:
Slouching
: "Social
andSocialism
Politics(2ndrev.ed.,2004);Intellectuals
"
ofDevelopmental
DemocratsandtheLabourParty( 1994),editor
and CulturalNationalisms(2009). Forthcoming:
Capitalist
"
"
anditsCosmopolitan
Myths:
DispellingGlobalization
Geopolitics
and "Empire"
(2011).Email:desair@cc.umanitoba.ca
as
intheearly
20thcentury
ofcapitalist
Marxist
theories
Abstract:
Thefirst
emerged
geopolitics
first
theories
were
also
the
andcombined
ofimperialism
anduneven
theories
They
development.
new
ofimperialism
theintensification
ofcapitalist
While
through
theyexplained
geopolitics.
Marxist
the
revival
of
and
in
national
states
of
and
economics
economies,
politics
interpénétrations
suffers
from
inrecent
decades
world
intheEnglish-speaking
aboutcapitalist
geopolitics
thinking
nation-states.
uncontaminated
of
a pure,
economic,
by
by
politics,
capitalism,
conception
purely
Initthevery
ofstudy
ofcapitalism.
alsoa cosmopolitan
Itis,asa consequence,
object
conception
the
havecometoshare
so many
Marxists
thatitdoesso because
Thisarticle
disappears.
argues
and
of
the
discourses
biases
of
mainstream
"globalization"
byaccepting
thinking
cosmopolitan
revival
ofMarxist
oftherecent
andshowshowthisisso inthecaseoftwopioneers
"empire"
Teschke.
andBenno
Justin
thinking,
Rosenberg
geopolitical
international
relations
Marxism;
nation-states;
geopolitics;
capitalism;
Keywords:
inrecent
decades
aboutcapitalist
MuchoftherevivalofMarxist
geopolitics
thinking
(keyworksincludeRosenberg1994,Teschke2003,Callinicos2009,CRIA 2007)
uncontaminated
ofcapitalism,
froma "pure,"purelyeconomic,conception
suffers
Itis,as a consequencealso a cosmopolitan
conception
bypolitics,bynation-states.
world-wide
ofcapitalism
as a system
ofnecessarily
logicsinwhichtheveryobjectof
interventions
Thisarticleshowshowinthecase oftwopioneering
studydisappears.
byJustin
Rosenberg(1994) andBennoTeschke(2003).
anddistributed
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464
RADHIKA
DESAI
effectsof purecapitalism,Rosenberg
Makingstatesand politicssubordinate
is a farcryfromthatwhichanimatedthefirstMarxist
and Teschke'sthinking
theoriesofcapitalistgeopolitics.Thoughwe knowthemas theearly20thcentury
classical theoriesof imperialism
(Bukharin1917/2003,Hilferding1910/1981,
Hobson1902/1968,
Lenin1916/1978,
andLuxemburg
thesetheories
1913/2003),
ofimperialism
bygivingaccountsofinterpénétration
explainedtheintensification
ofpoliticsandeconomicsinnationalstatesandeconomies.AlongwithBolshevik
ideasaboutunevenandcombined
constituted
the
(UCD), theyarguably
development
relations.
first
theoriesofcapitalist
geopoliticsorinternational
Bourgeoistheories
in
to
them:
Wilsonian
idealism
and
its
famousFourteen
first,
onlyemerged response
as
a
counter
to
Bolshevik
were
demandsforthe
anti-imperialist
points
proposed
andfornationalself-determination
publicconductofdiplomacy
(Mayer1964,Van
derPiji 2009) and,almosttwodecadeslater,an avowedlymoremature"realism"
claimedtoreallyfoundthediscipline(Carr1939).
In contrast
to theaccountsthesetheoriesgave of thecomplexinteraction
of
sharesmuchwith
politicsand economics,recentMarxistgeopoliticalthinking
Inthe1990s,itexaggerated
market
discourse.
oreconomic
"globalization"
integration
of theworldeconomy,and saw politicsas derivative,
that
claimingin particular
rendered
nation-states
irrelevant
(themostthorough
"globalization"
exposéremains
and
Marxistswere
Hirstand Thompson1996/Hirst,
2009).
Thompson Bromley
also takenwiththesucceedingdiscourseof "empire"whichfurther
discounted
thepowerofa "hegemonic"
nation-states'
UnitedStates.
agencybyexaggerating
Whiletherelationship
betweenMarxismand thesediscoursescannotbe treated
here,onemaynotethatinRosenberg'slatercritiqueofglobalization
satisfactorily
2000
and 2005), Marxismemergesas merelya better,
(Rosenberg
theoretically
versionofglobalization
sounderandconceptually
discourse,indeedas
weightier,
theoriginalglobalization
discourse,tobe defendedagainsttheclaimsoflate20th
anti-Marxist
nonand
even
parvenus.
century
A briefoverviewof thecosmopolitanbiases of mainstream
which
thinking
havecometosharecomesnext.Itis followedbya consideration
ofwhatis
Marxists
atstakeinputting
incapitalist
inthe2 1stcentury.
nation-states
centrally
geopolitics
A briefthirdsectionoutlinestheelementsof an alternative
to purecapitalism,
a
moreaccurateconceptionofActuallyExistingCapitalism.Finally,
historically
of
critiquesof Rosenbergand Teschkeshowtheinadequacyofpureconceptions
for
capitalism theorizing
capitalistgeopolitics.
From National to Pure Capitalism
BraudelianWorldSystemsAnalysis(such as Wallerstein1974 and 1980 and
recentMarxistwritingon capitalistgeopolitics
Arrighi1994) notwithstanding,
WorldReview
ofPolitical
Economy
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CAPITALISM
THEABSENT
GEOPOLITICS
OFPURE
465
The latterexplainedthegeopoliticsoftheir
is thefirst
sincetheclassicaltheories.
of capitalismin whichthe
timeas theresultof a newphase in thedevelopment
in particular
and
the
state
took
new
as new
between
forms,
relationship
capital
and
financial
Bukharin
national
between
capitaldeveloped.
relationships
productive
ofcapital"andnation-states
were
hadlabeledtheseprocessesthe"nationalization
central.Not onlydo thenew Marxistaccountsof thelate 20thand early21st
centuries
makeno reference
to theseclassicaltheories,
theyalso ignorethemore
itinhisTheHistory
outlined
ofthe
byUCD. As Trotsky
generalframework
provided
RussianRevolution
ofnationalcapitalist
, ontheonehand,itaccountedforpatterns
in a worldwherecapitalismhadalreadydevelopedelsewhere:
development
a backward
does
to follow
after
theadvanced
countries,
country
Although
compelled
ofhistorically
backward
nations
inthesameorder.
... Thedevelopment
nottakethings
leadsnecessarily
toa peculiar
combination
ofdifferent
process.
stagesinthehistoric
On theother,itexploredsomeoftheirgeopoliticalimplications:
Stateshavenoweconomically
ThefactthatGermany
andtheUnited
outstripped
England
On
the
wasmadepossible
the
backwardness
of
their
by very
capitalist
development. other
forthepast
in
the
British
coal
isa paying-up
the
conservative
hand,
industry...
anarchy
1919/1934:
whenEngland
toolongtherôleofcapitalist
26)
(Trotsky
played
pathfinder.
inMarxandEngels'thinking
UCD was foreshadowed
1978),inthe
(Mehringer
aforementioned
accountsof imperialism
(e.g. see Bukharin1917/2003:148), in
theSecondInternational's
on
the
"nationalities
thinking
question"overprevious
in
in explainingtheRussianRevolution,
a revolution
decadesand,morebroadly,
inhistorical
materialist
a "backward"
rather
thanan "advanced"capitalist
country,
of
to makeUCD thebasis ofa Marxistunderstanding
terms.Thoughan ambition
realize
was
announced
on
his
to
geopolitics
by Rosenbergearly (1996)
attempts
it wentin trans-historical
directionswhichhad littleimmediaterelevanceto
understanding
geopoliticsina specifically
capitalistera.RecentMarxistaccounts,
ifonlyto
arecertainly
of
the
unevenness
of
worldcapitalist
cognizant
development,
underline
thepowerandcentrality
oftheWestandtheUS init.However,
theyfailto
forms
ofcombined
intotheirunderstanding
incorporate
development
systematically
it onlyto confineits
of capitalistgeopolitics.If theydo, theyeitherincorporate
to
the
from
as
Teschke
does as we see
it,
significance history,
protecting theory
toderiveitscoremechanisms
froma
below,orthey(e.g. Callinicos2009) attempt
versionofpurecapitalism(Desai forthcoming
2011 fora critique).
In Marx's
Conceptionsof purecapitalismhave no warrantin Marx'swriting.
vision states,bothcolonial and national,were insertedinto,butwere neither
norsubject,to eithertheworldmarketor a singleimperiallogic(fora
reducible,
fullerdiscussionsee Desai 2009a). Thoughlivingin an imperialage,hiswritings
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RADHIKA
DESAI
466
on coloniesorsemi-colonies
were,inmost
clearlyshowthatforhimnation-states
to colonization.Finally,in Marx's
instances,
possibleand desirablealternatives
withother
how thesenationalstatesand theircoloniesinteracted
understanding
the
of
class
and state
statesandtheworldeconomywas determined
by
processes
betweendomesticand foreign
whicharosefromcomplexinteractions
formation
forces(Bagchi2004). Givenall this,it is simplyimplausiblethatMarxwas any
ofglobalization.
Norwas he,as somehaveattempted
to argue,
sortofwr-theorist
in
andtherefore
which
he
a creature
oftheimperial,
inherently
cosmopolitan,
age
to thehistory
and ideas ofhistime
lived(Stedman-Jones
2007). His relationship
anddialectical.
was,to saytheleast,oppositional
Marxists'conceptionof pure capitalismis, ironically,not
Contemporary
different
fromcapitalism'sspontaneous
the
ideologywhichseparates
significantly
economicormarket
this
sphere.Domestically
politicalspherefroma self-regulating
withincapitalism,
contradictendstoeraseanynotionofcontradiction
conception
toovercome(FreemanandCarchedi1996,Kliman
tionswhichstateactionattempts
ithas necessarily
2007,Desai 2010). Internationally,
cosmopolitan
implications
since themarketor economicsphereis takento have no bordersand politics
ratherthanglobal- and historically
it has
remainsnational,and inter-national,
inimperial
British
beendeeplyimplicated
projects.How 19thcentury
imperialism
andfreetradewas cleartoFriedrich
Listeventhen
usedideologiesoffreemarkets
Britishimperialism
(List 1856,see also Semmel1993).Fewjustified19thcentury
1
Acton
862/1
996
and
most
themorally
as cosmopolitan
did)
(as
preferred
politically
easiereconomicvisionof a single,unifiedworldmarketor economybespeaking
whosecosmopolitanism
was just an added
progressand bereftof contradictions,
inAngeli1909).
bonus(exemplified
remainedcentralto imperialprojects
This sortof economiccosmopolitanism
betweenBritain's19thcentury
in the20thcentury
too thoughduringtheinterval
dominanceand theUS's attemptsto imitateit in the20th,it became at once
a
becauseduringthatinterval
moredifficult
and moreurgent.It becamedifficult
transition
albeitlongandcomplex,froman imperialto an international
occurred,
world(Chandler2003, Desai 2009d). It beganwitha phaseduringwhichon the
- theUS,
ofthefirst
one handthestate-led
"combined"development
challengers
andJapan to Britain'sindustrial
supremacy
emerged.Theirarrivalon
Germany
industrial
thegeopoliticalstagereplacedtheeasyascendancyofthefirst
capitalist
the
other
this
interwith
inter
-national
On
hand,
however,
country
competition.
were
means
of
national
was
also
colonies
national
imperial
competition:
competition
intheFirstWorldWarmeantthat
ofthiscompetition
Theculmination
development.
obscuredinter-national
competition.
Duringthe"Thirty
inter-imperial
competition
forces
socialistandnationalist
Years'Crisis"(1914-45)(Mayer1981)thatfollowed,
and
colonialism
combinedto radicallyde-legitimize
imperialism
(Mayer1964)
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THEABSENT
GEOPOLITICS
OFPURE
CAPITALISM
467
thebirthofan international
worldhadtoawaittheendoftheSecondWorld
though
Warwhentheinterests
oftheonecapitalist
itspowermagnified
powerleftstanding,
werealso alignedwithdecolonization.
elsewhere,
bydestruction
ideasbecamemoreurgent
tothistransition,
unlike
because,thanks
Cosmopolitan
19thcentury
Britishdominance,
US imperialambitions
weremorevulnerable
to
fromthenowindependent
nation-states
ofthethird
world
developmental
challenges
as wellas from
thestrongest
formofdevelopmentalism
Communism,
(Lewin2005).
to
it
another
in maintaining
the
US's
theexisting
Or, put
way,
imperialinterest
unevennessof capitalistdevelopmentcould be contestedmoreeasilythanthe
- whether
UK's inthe19thcentury
socialistor
byformsofcombineddevelopment
because
unlike
the
the
US
did
not
exercise
formal
colonial
control.
latter,
capitalist
or deleUrgentthoughcosmopolitanism
mayhave become,de-emphasizing
nationalismamidthegreatestwave of nation-state
creation,a wave
gitimizing
whichforcedeven themightof theUS aftertheSecond WorldWarto go with
theflow,could hardlybe easy.Nationalism'scentrality
to Fascismofferedone
- "thattrivial
of thefewopenings.ArnoldToynbee'srevulsionfornationalism
whichwas...thegreatheresyof moderntimes"(quotedin McNeill
self-worship
1988: 14)- forexample,meantthathe vestedhishopein "civilizations"
instead.
Suchsupra-national
views,especiallywhentheyincludedtheidea ofa transition
froma UK-centered
world"civilization"
to a US-centered
one,as Toynbee'sdid,
servedUS purposeswell.HenryLuce, theeditorof TimeandLife,whofamously
articulated
in a visionof theUS post-war
US imperialaspirations
long-standing
rolewhentheUS entered
theSecondWorldWarin 1941(Luce 1941/1999,
Desai
later
views
to
his
vision
"intellectual
2007a)
employed
Toynbee's
give
respectability,
(McNeill 1988:23) ina majorLifecoverstoryin 1947.
depthandpersuasiveness"
Moregenerally,
US-sponsoredcosmopolitanisms
one-sidedlyemphasizedthe
of
the
of
the
world
undoing
thirty-year-long
fracturing
economythroughtwo
worldwarsand a GreatDepressionunderUS worldleadershipat theexpenseof
theequally,ifnotmore,momentous
realitythatan economicallyand politically
international
worldhademerged.
Evenintherealiststudyofinternational
relations,
whichostensiblyconsideredpower-aggrandizing
nation-states
thefundamental
blocksoftheworldorder,
building
powerwas conceivedinwaysthatleftlittleroom
forpoliticaleconomyanddevelopmentalism.
in
itsideologicalfunctions
Moreover,
theCold Warmeantthatitremainedmoreconcerned
withasserting
andjustifying
US powerthanwithunderstanding
thereal or potentialrole of nation-states
in
capitalist
geopoliticswithanydispassion.
in theimmediate
and particularly
Nevertheless,
post-warperiodnation-states,
their
economicroleinundertaking
forms
ofcombined
wasnotentirely
development,
obscured.Afterall, scoresofnewindependent
stateswerecomingintobeingand
theirdevelopmental
nationalisms
at the
placed nationaleconomicdevelopment
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RADHIKA
DESAI
468
coreoftheirvisions(e.g. Barker2009,Bunton2009,Sarkar2009 andWu2009 all
hadprovedthesuperiority
ofstateintervention
and
inDesai 2009d).Communism
and
War
to
an
extent
as
the
to
force
the
the
Great
ruling
Depression
during
planning
classesofthecapitalistWestto borrowa fewtoolsfromthe"socialists'tool-kit"
offormsofnationaleconomicmanagement.
(Hobsbawm1994:96-7) in a variety
1
the
national
until
Moreover,
970s,
development
projectsandrelateddevelopments
theNon-Alignedmovement
anditsdemandfora
suchas theBandungconference,
theeconomicroleofnation-states.
EconomicOrderunderlined
As
NewInternational
of
the
within
the
literature
on
a consequence,
nation-building earlypost-war
years
thebroader
modernization
(Deutsch1953,Kedourie1960)didnotneglect
paradigm
theworkof Gellner(1964 and 1983) theorizedthe
politicaleconomyentirely,
andTomNairn'spioneering
betweenindustrial
societyandnationalism,
relationship
ofthemateriality
ofnationsintermsof
a Marxistunderstanding
workarticulated
first
edition
unevenandcombineddevelopment
(Nairn1981,
1977).
neoliberal
However,as the1980sopened,as newAnglo-American
governments
in the
and loss of centrality
vowedto undotheircountries'economicstagnation
was announced
as theycutformerly
worlddevelopment
world,andthecrisisofthird
and
to size by imposingStructural
assertivethirdworldgovernments
Adjustment
trendscombinedto pushnation-states,
"lostdecades"on them,threeintellectual
theireconomicandgeopoliticalrole,intothebackground.
First,an unspokenand
insidiousscholarlydivisionof laborbecamewidelyacceptedbetweenthosewho
As
studiednationsandnationalisms
perse andthosewhostudiedpoliticaleconomy.
considered
nation-states
turn"(Jameson1998),theformer
partofa larger"cultural
a
Anderson
for
cultural
artefacts
1983/2006;
(e.g.
critiquesee Desai
primarily
toit(Nimni1991),neglecting
anyconsideration
2009b).Marxistsalso contributed
oftheeconomicroleofnation-states.
Secondly,thestudyof nationalpoliticaleconomy,of whatcame to be called
non-Marxist
the"developmental
state,"becametheobjectofstudyofprogressive
includeAmsden1989,
scholars(majorearlyworksin thisnow vast literature
Hamilton1986,Johnson1982,Wade 1990,White1988,Woo-Cumings1999).
Ironically,theytracedtheirintellectualrootsto none otherthantheRussian
ideas about
(1962) whoseallegedlypioneering
émigréAlexanderGerschenkron
able
to
UCD
forthe
countries
"latedeveloping"
skipstagesmerelyadapted
being
inpure
whoseinvestment
bycontrast,
palate.MostMarxists,
bourgeoisintellectual
to
and
discourses
tended
neoliberal
was
reinforced
globalization
by
capitalism
national
of
economiclogicsoverthe
intertwiningpolitical
privilegecosmopolitan
andeconomiclogicsandavoidedthefield(Bagchi2004 is an important
exception).
in
far
as
continued
to
attract
the
attention
of
so
UCD
Marxists,itwas
Finally,
forsocialistrevolution
inthethird
world(e.g.
confined
toexamining
theprospects
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THEABSENT
GEOPOLITICS
OFPURE
CAPITALISM
469
Löwy 1981).Nairn(1981) was an exceptionwhowas sidelinedamidthe"cultural
turn"in thestudyof nationalism
whichMarxistsseemedto takeas well (Desai
This
that
meant
Marxists
did
notask whatformscombineddevelopment
2009b).
in
take
countries
where
the
class
forcesforsocialismdidnotexistbutthose
might
forcapitalism
Thatquestioncouldhavebeen,but
did,ingreatly
varying
strengths.
did notbecome,thelinkbetweenMarxismand thedevelopment
experiencesof
thevastbulkofthethirdworldwheresocialismwas noton thehistorical
agenda.
Itwouldhaveexpandeda materialist
to class to includenations
analysisconfined
as equallymaterialresultsof unevenand combinedcapitalistdevelopment.
For,
as
Tom
Nairn
the
unevenness
of
is
"the
if,
capitalistdevelopment
pointedout,
mostgrosslymaterialfactaboutmodernhistory"
and thatnationalism
"themost
is in facta by-product
of
notoriously
subjectiveandidealofhistorical
phenomena
themostbrutally
andhopelessly
material
sideofthehistory
ofthelasttwocenturies"
within
class
nations,
(Nairn1981: 335-6),ifas othershavepointedout,inequalities
are dwarfedby inequalitiesbetweenthem,international
inequalities,
inequalities
and theirattempts,
more
(Freeman2004, Milanovič2005), surely,nation-states
andlesssuccessful,
atcombineddevelopment
hadtobe criticalcomponents
ofany
Marxistunderstanding
ofthecapitalist
world,and itsworldorder.
What's at Stake?
Pureandcosmopolitan
of capitalismareparticularly
conceptions
disablingin the
2 1stcentury.
orexercise
WhileUS attempts
toreconstitute
a liberalworldeconomy,
if
were
never
it
not
was
successful,
hegemony,
exactlyaccurate,to see
possible
post-warinstancesof combinednationaldevelopment therecoveryof Western
of thefirst-tier
New Industrializing
Europeand Japanand theindustrialization
Countries(NICs) such as SouthKorea and Taiwan- as occurring,and made
possibleby,theexerciseofUS power(on thelattersee Cumings1987).In thelast
intheemerging
increasedgrowth
andindustrialization
coupleofdecades,however,
can
no
be
that
seen
The
economies,pre-eminently
China,
longer
way.
geopolitical
shiftstheyrepresent,
whichhave been starklyrevealedand acceleratedby the
financial
and economiccrisisandwhichneither
theUS northeWestcan control,
cannotbe comprehended
ofcapitalism.
bythosewhoholdtopureconceptions
Nor are theseshiftsunexpected.Well-known
financier,
GeorgeSoros,could
in January
foretell
2008, whenthefinancialcrisiswas onlybrewingin theform
of a creditcrunch,thatnotonlywas "a recessionin thedevelopedworld...now
moreor less inevitable,
countries
are
China,Indiaand someoftheoil-producing
ina verystrongcountertrend.
the
current
financial
is
crisis
less
to
cause
So,
likely
a globalrecessionthana radicalrealignment
witha relative
oftheglobaleconomy,
declineoftheUS andtheriseofChinaandothercountries
inthedeveloping
world"
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RADHIKA
DESAI
470
(Soros2008). Thecrisiswas notglobal:notinthesensethatall economiessuffered
Norwas itimperialinthe
and inter-dependent.
becausetheywereall inter-linked
was magnified
in the
sense thattheleadingor hegemoniceconomy'ssuffering
restoftheworld.
Othershadseenthiscomingevenearlier.In 2007 theUS economyhadonlyjust
enteredtheeconomicslowdownthatwouldlead to thedefaultson "sub-prime"
mortgagesthattriggeredthe creditcrunchand eventuallythefinancialcrisis
therestof theworld
buta groupof IMF economistswerealreadypronouncing
"decoupled"fromtheUS. (Helblinget al. 2007). Indeed,theirfiguresshowed
thattheadage that"if theUnitedStatessneezestherestof theworldcatchesa
WhileUS recessionswereindeedaccompanied
cold"was alwaysexaggerated.
by
rateselsewhereinthepast,theywerenotonlyless severethan
declinesin growth
halfas severeinEurope,
intheUS butalso highlyvariable,rangingfromroughly
a littleless thanthatin LatinAmerica,and a quarteras severein Asia. Effects
Africa.
of US recessionswereevensmallerin theMiddleEast and Sub-Saharan
inmost
effect
on growth
Andthedownturn
of2007 was having"littlediscernable
othercountries"
(Helblingetal. 2007),notleastbecause"[t]radelinkageswiththe
less important
formanycountries"
and
UnitedStateshavebecomeprogressively
in
domestic
demand
both
advanced
momentum
of
becauseof "thestrengthening
Markets"
economies
otherthantheUnitedStatesandemerging
(Helblingetal. 2007:
financial
crisis
was
In
weeks
after
the
the
121).
triggered
bythecollapseof
early
around
as theinitialshockofthecrisisprovokedadverseeffects
LehmanBrothers,
theworld,therewerelouddenialsofthedecouplingthesis.However,as thecrisis
The US seemedto be developinga bad
woreon,itsveracity
onlybecamestarker.
on its
andEuropeatleasta bad 'flu,butJapanmerelycontinued
case ofpneumonia
while
the
economies
seemed
recent
decades
of
indifferent
emerging
performance
Whiletheircontinuing
is anything
but
tohavegotawaywitha fewsniffles.
growth
comeupagainstaremorelikelytobe domestic
theobstaclestheymight
guaranteed,
andnotglobalorofUS origin(forthecase ofIndia,see Desai 2007b).
ofChinaandotheremerging
On theone hand,itis clearthatthedevelopment
economies,forso longwronglyclaimedas evidenceof globalization(Freeman
andrancounterto thecentralclaimsofthatdiscourse.More
2004), was state-led
liberalworldeconomythathad
theidea thattheUK-dominated
fundamentally,
brokendownin the"ThirtyYears' Crisis"had been recreatedaftertheSecond
- imperial,
WorldWarunderUS hegemonywas dubious.Capitalisteconomies
nationalorcolonial hadalwaysbeendirected
bythestateand,as thenation-state
that
formbecamegeneralized,
remaining
theybecameevenmoredeeplynational,
and
the
decades
of
even
neoliberalism,
"globalization" "empire."On
way
during
theotherhand,whileUS hegemonyis now morewidelyquestioned,themore
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THEABSENT
GEOPOLITICS
OFPURE
CAPITALISM
471
Itis notjust
interesting
questionis whyitwas so widelyaccepteduntilso recently.
thatthedeclineofUS hegemony
was announcedinthe1970s(Kindleberger
1973,
some
that
decline
reversed
a
decade
later
Wallerstein
1974),though
pronounced
1988is theleadingexponent
ofthisview,butforinteresting
(Huntington
latter-day
see PanitchandGindin2004 and2005). In realityideasofUS
Marxistvariations,
hegemonyand of capitalismas a successionof hegemonieswereretrospective
constructs,
havingbeenerectedso as to legitimizeUS actionsin an increasingly
volatileand recalcitrant
to recreatethesupposedlygoldenage
worldas attempts
it had presidedover (Kindleberger1973. This intellectualhistoryis tracedin
Desai forthcoming
2011). Indeed,thestatisticso oftencitedto contestideas of
- thattheUS's shareof realworldGDP mayhave declinedfromits
US decline
post-war
peak of halfof worldGDP to about25 percentof worldGDP by about
- is likelyto be morefullychallenged.On
1970 buthad notbudgedfromthere
theonehand,thetwoperiodswhenthedeclineintheUS's sharewas dramatically
- theearly1980sandthelate1990s- wereperiodswhenUS government
reversed
actionsboostedtheexchangerateof thedollar,statistically
itsnational
inflating
On
the
there
are
reasons
to
believe
the
of
other,
product.
importance theUS in
theworldeconomyhas been statistically
overrecentdecadesmore
exaggerated
"Hedonic"
or
to
the
calculationofUS GDP
systematically.
"quality"adjustments
- have
since 1985 to takeaccountof improvements
in thequalityof products
increasedthevalueofcertaintypesofactivitiesandproductsin theUS economy
(e.g. Islam 2002, Wasshausenand Moulton2006). Whethertheseadjustments
haveanything
torecommend
themintermsofmakingGDP figures
moreaccurate
reflections
oflevelsofproduction
maybe debated.Butone does nothaveto settle
in the
thatissue in orderto recognizethatas longas theUS is theonlycountry
in
worldtomaketheseadjustments,
andbarring
sometentative
forays thatdirection
it
its
relative
size
in
the
world
is,
by UK statistical
agencies,
economyis being
There
is
the
of
how
the
current
crisis
willaffect
the
exaggerated.
separatequestion
sizeableportionof US GDP whichis due to financialand businessservicesand
intellectual
property
rights.
unabletobreakthecosmopolitan
that
Thoughmanycommentators,
assumption
worldcapitalism
neededa hegemon,
tooktheabsenceofa clearsuccessorhegemon
tomeanUS hegemony
a
remained
thepresent
intact,
conjuncture
actuallypresents
not
to
theories
of
US
but
to
the
idea
of
the
evolution
challenge only
hegemony,
very
of capitalismthrough
a successionof hegemonies(Desai 2009c, Desai 2011 and
and
Walter1993).However,
thealternative
worldofcompeting
nationalcapitalisms
is
what
has
been
written
out
of
the
new
possiblycompeting
imperialisms precisely
Marxist
theories
ofcapitalist
basedonpureandcosmopolitan
capitalism.
geopolitics
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472
RADHIKA
DESAI
Actually ExistingCapitalisms
Marxistswho conceiveof capitalismas a pureeconomicsystem
Contemporary
that
Marx's
of purecapitalismin Capital was a heuristic
forget
representation
with
not
to
be
to adapta phrase
device,
equated
anyActuallyExistingCapitalism,
ofRudolphBahro's(1978). Not onlydidthecapitalismof Capitalneverreferto
existednowhere,
as Engelspointedout,confidently
anyrealsystem,
purecapitalism
that
it
also
would
not
be
allowed
since
revolutionaries
wouldnot"let
to,
predicting
itcometo that"(Mandel 1978:68). Notwithstanding
Marx'sstrictures
to German
- itespecially
comradesintheprefacetoCapital- de tefabulanarratur
andall that
didnotexistin England(Anderson1987).
BroadlyspeakingActuallyExistingCapitalismsmaybe seen to departfrom
ofpurecapitalismalongat leastthreebroadlines.First,capitalism
is
conceptions
it
born
amidst
relations
which
everywhere
non-capitalist
productive
onlyslowly,
transforms.
Theselegaciesofthepreand,untiltodayat least,nevercompletely,
modifiesand
capitalistpast- patriarchy,
slavery,caste- capitalismeverywhere
to
use.
Even
the
most
modern
forms
of
remain
structured
capitalism
puts good
them.
and
institutions
are
not
Second,developmental
by
policies
just characterin theriseof all national
isticof "latedevelopment"
buthavebeenindispensable
theearliest(Chang2002,Reinert
2007,andAmsden2007).
capitalisms,
including
and welfaresystemsmodifycapitalisms'
Last,butnotleast,modernregulatory
in waysthat,Polanyi(1944/1985)insisted,
wereunavoidable.Contrary
workings
thatthemostadvancedcapitalisms
to theassumption
are,orat leastapproximate,
not
do
first
and
third
world
bothfeature
inherited
purecapitalisms, only
capitalisms
social
forms
with
the
that
Marx
mechanisms
identified
non-capitalist
interacting
in Capital, first
worldcountries
feature
modernmodifying
welfareandregulatory
formsthatare considerablymorepowerfulthantheircounterparts
in thethird
world.Economichistorian
RobertBrenner
these
forms
more
places
specifically
demandmanagement
andthe"automatic
stabilizers"
ofthewelfare
statewhicheased
andeventually
the"LongDownturn"
whichbeganin
postwarrecessions
prolonged
the1970s- atthecoreofhisaccountofcapitalism
sincethe1970s(Brenner
2006).
Each nationalcapitalismis a distinct
historical
formation
withdistinct
historical
inheritances
and modernregulatory
and welfarestructures
as theliteratures
on
"varietiesofcapitalism"and"worldsofwelfare"andtherangeofdevelopmental
states(e.g. Coates2000,EspingAndersen1990,Haggard1990)testify.
few
Marxists
focusedtheseformsofpoliticalregulation
and
However, post-war
direction
of capitalismand theMarxistscholarship
on capitalistgeopoliticsthat
to revivetheclassicaltradition
finallyemergedin the 1990s was notan attempt
whichplacednationsand nationalcapitalismsat itscore.Ratherittooktheform
of a critiqueof conventional
realistinternational
relations'emphasison thestate
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THEABSENT
GEOPOLITICS
OFPURE
CAPITALISM
473
as thecentralcategory
froma viewpoint
incontrast,
theexistenceof
emphasizing,
a pureandcosmopolitan
capitalisteconomy.
Rosenberg's Empireof Civil Society
Justin
relationsstartedfromthe
Rosenberg'scritiqueof realismin international
that
claim
are
not
constituted
laudably"simple
geopoliticalsystems
independently
of the
of, and cannotbe understoodin isolationfrom,the wider structures
andreproduction
ofsociallife"(1994: 6). He soundlyarguedthat"the
production
consolidationof sovereignty
and its generalization
intoa global states-system
mustimplya concretehistorical
of
social
process
upheavaland transformation."
The realoriginandhistory
ofthemoderninternational
systemof stateshadto be
- of theorigin
in
the
historical
economic
as
as
well
sought
processes
political
andworld-wide
of
of
relations
not
as
realiststended
spread capitalist
production,
todo,ina purely"politicaltheory"
basedon "thediplomatic
between
interchange
states"(Rosenberg1994: 135). ButhowwelldidRosenbergfulfill
pre-constituted
theseself-imposed
requirements?
- itstheory
theoretical
aimedatrealism'sheart
ofsovereignty.
Rosenberg's
critique
realistdefinition,
as
HedleyBull's standard
followingBodin,definedsovereignty
theassertion
of"supremacy
overall otherauthorities
within[a given]territory
and
and"independence
ofoutsideauthorities"
population"
(quotedinRosenberg1994:
betweenthepoliticaland economicspheres
136). It brushedaside theseparation
as liberalnaïveté.Butwhatwas putinitsplace,Rosenberg
was archaic
contended,
and anachronistic.
It was an absolutist
nota capitalistconceptionof sovereignty.
The specificity
ofthelatterrestedon theseparation
oftheeconomicandpolitical,
theprivateandthepublic,in thecapitaliststate.To putclearblue waterbetween
himandliberalfictions,
drewon EllenWood'sMarxistpoliticaltheory
Rosenberg
to arguethattheseparation
ofthepoliticaland theeconomicin capitalismwas a
divisionwithinthepoliticalfunction
itself:
thedifferentiation
incapitalism
oftheeconomic
andthepolitical
a difis,moreprecisely,
ferentiation
ofpolitical
functions
themselves
andtheir
allocation
to
the
separate
private
economic
andthepublic
ofthestate.Thisallocation
reflects
theseparation
sphere
sphere
ofpolitical
functions
concerned
withtheextraction
andappropriation
of
immediately
labour
from
thosewitha moregeneral
communal
thedifferentiation
surplus
purpose...
oftheeconomic
isinfacta differentiation
within
thepolitical
(Wood1981:82,
sphere.
emphasis
added)
Whileabsolutist
overall otherpolitical
sovereignty
merelyassertedsuperiority
authoritiesin a territory,
capitalistsovereigntyrequired,Rosenbergargued,
"a 'purelypolitical'state."Sucha statecontained
no other,
subordinate,
articulating
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RADHIKA
DESAI
474
(or,to putit in Wood's terms,theyhad becomeeconomicor
politicalauthorities
private).Rather,it containedonly"legallyequal individuals"(Rosenberg1994:
of such a "purelypolitical"
138). Ellen Wood had arguedthatthesovereignty
thanabsolutist
anduncompromising"
statewas "evenmoreunlimited
sovereignty
stands
between
the
mediation
individualandthesovereign
"becauseno corporate
which
state"(quotedin Rosenberg1994: 138). This moreabsolutesovereignty
involved"restricting
muchmorecloselywhatis to countas the
was notabsolutist
domainofpolitics"(Rosenberg1994: 138-139).
legitimate
anduncompromising"
this"unlimited
understood
capitalist
sovereignty
Rosenberg
of
over"legallyequal individuals"
byanalogywithMarx'sidea oftheabstraction
in
labors
under
Just
as
labor
different
capitalism.
general,previously
concretely
as an abstraction
"achievespracticaltruth
onlyas a
onlya conceptualabstraction,
ofthemostmodernsociety"(quotedin Rosenberg1994: 146),so
category
...whatdistinguishes
the modernformof geopolitical
poweris not[as in realist
a
of
that
it
is
exercised
units(anarchy
international
relations]
by pluralityindependent
ingeneral),
embodies
relations
of
domination
butthatitnolonger
(which
personalized
ofthedominated),
mediated
canceltheformal
being
impersonal,
bythings.
independence
1994:146)
(Rosenberg
of thestate
This does notmean,as naïve liberalsimagine,thatthesovereignty
itsveryformis a dimensionof class powerbecause
is neutral."On thecontrary,
it entailstheparallel consolidationof privatepoliticalpowerin production"
(Rosenberg1994: 128).
Therewere at least threeproblemswithRosenberg'scritique.First,while
of theeconomicandthepoliticalwas
Woodinsistedthattheapparentseparation
withinthepoliticalrealmin orderto pointto
reallyan internaldifferentiation
in
capitalism'sspecificity havingsuchan economicrealm,she did notprovide
betweenthetwowhichRosenbergneededto makehiscase
thecleardemarcation
classwas never,and
theruleofthecapitalist
againstrealism.Giventhatinreality,
ofpoliticaland economic,giventhat
couldnotbe, based on anystrictseparation
neatdistinction
didnotobtaininanyActuallyExisting
theconceptually
Capitalism,
she wenton in herown laterwork,to blurthedistinctions
(Wood 1999).At best
sucha separation
betweenpoliticalandeconomichadbeenideologically
powerful
whichendedintheFirstWorldWar.
inthe19thcentury
age of"liberalcapitalism"
statesaftertheSecondWorldWar,it
But,giventheriseofwelfareandregulatory
Whereoncemany
was writing.
was evenideologically
datedbythetimeRosenberg
fromtheidea oftheseparation
actionsofcapitaliststatescouldderivelegitimacy
ofthepoliticalfromtheeconomic,fewcouldanylonger.
theliberalconception
oftheseparation
couldonlyresorttobringing
Rosenberg
in
the
and
the
economic
the
back
door.
of political
through
Bourgeoisruleworked
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THEABSENT
GEOPOLITICS
OFPURE
CAPITALISM
475
to"consolidate
merely
private
politicalpowerinproduction"
(Rosenberg1994:128)
to sortouttherest,he argued.
leavingeconomicor "pure"capitalistcompetition
But,in fact,italwaysdid muchmore,including
usingpoliticalandpublicmeans
to
secure
economic
or
actorsand
privateends- ofparticular
routinely
particular
atworstandofactorsandinterests
thecapitalist
interests
whoseclaimtorepresent
at best.ButRosenbergarguedthat
class or societyas a wholewas leastcontested
thecapitaliststate"is notinvolvedin regulating
civilsociety"(Rosenberg1994:
raisestaxesandimplements
127),whilethestate"frameslaws,upholdscontracts,
ofthesphereofproduction":
policiesdesignedtopromotethedevelopment
intothatother
realm
ofpolitical
Noneofthese...needinvolve
thestatemoving
command,
over
the
of
the
of
process surplus
namely privatised
sphere production,
bytaking
itsdirect
extraction
itself.
Whereitdoesdo this,forexamplebyextending
ownership
It
thatthesovereign
character
ofitsrulediminishes.
itcanfind
nationalization,
through
are
nolonger
standsoveragainst
civilsociety.
Industrial
disputes immediately
political
Theappropriation
ofthesurplus
becomes
anobjectofpublic
struggle
"political"
disputes.
theproductive
thanprivate
within
within
thestaterather
corporations
political
struggle
thepublic
of
oftheworkplace
becomes
ofcivilsociety.
Theprivate
despotism
despotism
thestate.(Rosenberg
1994:127-128)
todemarcate
thepurely
ofhisattempt
ThatRosenberg
isdiscomfited
bythedubiety
Is thecapitalist
is clearfromhis ambiguities.
politicalsphereof statesovereignty
oralso
statetorefrain
merelyfrom"takingovertheprocessofsurplusextraction"
ofhisviewis towardsa "light-touch"
from"regulating
civilsociety"?Butthethrust
state."Inthisview,anystatedoing
state,ifnotexactlya "night-watchman
regulation
ofitssovereignty.
As an example,Rosenberg
morefacesa diminution
pointedtothe
in 1978-79.Itwas anunsustainable
British
statedidduring
theWinter
ofDiscontent
oftheprivatepolitical
situation
andhadto end,anddid endwiththe"restoration
(Rosenberg
sphereandoftheclass powerofcapitalin thissphereofproduction"
of Margaret
1994: 128) thatcamewiththeelectionof theneoliberalgovernment
Thatcher.
The implication
thatneoliberalism
restored
to capitalismwas
normalcy
it
both
and
treated
thelong-term
Historically
problematic historically conceptually.
whichdevelopmental,
andwelfarestatesincreasingly
regulatory
processesthrough
incapitalist
national
intervened
as
old
as
eachactuallyexisting
economies,
processes
as
normal.
as
anomalies
and
the
briefer
neoliberal
period
Conceptually,
capitalism,
to all therhetoric
of
ittookneoliberalism
fartoo muchat itsownword.Contrary
freemarkets
and smallstates,therealityofneoliberalpolicyrarelyapproximated
theseideas (Hay 2008; on thelimitsof neoliberalsuccessin thecase of Britain,
see MarshandRhodes1989).
ContraRosenberg,
the
no clearlinerunsbetween"policiesdesignedtopromote
ofthesphereofproduction"
and "theprocessof surplusextraction
development
anddistributed
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476
RADHIKA
DESAI
itself."Notonlynationalization
buta wholerangeofactivities
thatcapitalist
states
have historically
undertaken
betweenpolicingand centralbanking imperial
macro-economicmanagement,
infrastructure
expansion,protection,
building,
of
of
selected
industrial
industries,
provision utilities,
encouragement
regulation,
andthecultivation
ofparticular
theregulation
skills,nottomention
publiceducation
- are difficult
and suppression
of tradeunions
to containon anyone side of the
dividepostulated
ofthe
And,torepeat,norwas thisinterpénétration
byRosenberg.
and
a
the
economic
feature
of
"late
as somewouldhaveit:
political
development"
it.Theorists
lateandearlydevelopers
featured
ofdevelopmental
stateshaveamassed
evidenceon thisthatis simplytoovastto be ignored.
A secondproblemconcernstheanalogybetweenthepoliticalrelationship
ofthe
statetotheindividual
andMarx'sideaofabstract
labor.Thelatter
capitalist
maybe a
usefulheuristic
devicetolaybarethedirection
inwhicha capitalist
tends;it
economy
is notanaccuratedescription
ofanyparticular
laborforce.Inreality
laborforcesare
structured
formsofdomination
invariably
alongconcreteandfarfromimpersonal
skilllevelsetc.whichare legallyvalidatedand
includinggender,race,ethnicity,
and
regulatedby thestateand implicatedin processesof capitalistproduction
in
that
cannot
be
reduced
to
residues.Thisimplies
reproductionways
pre-capitalist
thatthesovereignty
ofno actuallyexisting
statecanresidesolelyinlegal
capitalist
citizensfreefromrelations
ofpersonaldependence.
A variety
poweroverindividual
of stateand social institutions
sustainformsof personaldependence,
qualifying
thefreedomof freelabor.Whilein underdeveloped
capitalistcountriesgroups
formsof
insufficiently
separatedfrompre-capitalist
mooringsor non-capitalist
extraction
be
more
at
in
least
the
forms
of
and
numerous,
surplus
may
patriarchy
racialdiscrimination,
either.
And in
theyare notabsentfromadvancedcountries
thelatter,
modernformsofwelfare,
educationandregulation,
including
regulation
ofmigrants,
createandmaintain
formsofprivilegeandsubordination
inthelabor
forcewhichrenderita farcryfroma freelabormarket
in abstract
labor.
relations'assumption
Finally,Rosenbergalso challengedrealistinternational
of plurality,
of the international
anarchyand contestation
system.To thishe
a
and
of
the
counterposedputativeunity singularity
capitalistworldeconomy.In
thisview,notonlywas Cold War-induced
never
settledor accepted
(and
entirely
eventhen)harmony
statesnaturalized,
was
amongadvancedcapitalist
imperialism
assumedtooperateeconomically,
andwithlittlepossibility
ofstate-led
challenges
to it. A singleworldcapitalisteconomymightco-existwitha multiplicity
of
nation-states
butit also drainsthemof significance
or agency.WhentheThird
Worlddemandfora New International
EconomicOrder(NIEO) threatened
to
"the
of
from
the
which
enabled
economics,
challenge separation politics
separation
theprivate
dimension
oftherelationship
betweenWestern
andThirdWorldsocieties
to countas non-political"
(Rosenberg1994: 132),itwas defeatedby IMF policy
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THEABSENT
GEOPOLITICS
OFPURE
CAPITALISM
477
a fuller
thaneversubordination
which"registered
Adjustment)
packages(Structural
to privateeconomicmechanismsthroughtheIMF" (1994: 133). This, like the
was treatedby Rosenbergas a returnto normalcy.For
onsetof neoliberalism,
the
him, specifically
capitalist"idiomof geopoliticalpower"was "theempireof
of [politicalandeconomic]spheres
theresultof"thedifferentiation
civilsociety,"
for
enhancement
of
the
structural
[which]provided
precondition a simultaneous
of social
territorial
definition
ofpolitiesandyetdeepeningofmaterialintegration
acrossborders"(1994: 134-135). It leftlittleroomon theone hand
reproduction
forthevariety
ofnon-economic
waysinwhichprojectsandpoliciescouldandwere
foractionsof Westernstateswhichcontravened
theseparation
stillprosecuted,
ofpoliticsand economics.On theotherhand,itfailedto recognizethecentrality
of
to challengegivendistributions
of state-led,politicallyorganized,attempts
in
the
world.
NIEO
have
and
failed,
economic,
may
relatedlypolitical,power
thatBritishindustrial,
economicand
butit was preciselythrough
suchattempts
inthelate19thcentury
cametobe challenged
bydevelopmental
politicalsupremacy
statesof thenewlyindustrializing
countries(NICs) of thetime- pre-eminently
suchformsof combined
theUS, Germanyand Japan.Laterin the20thcentury,
wereseentohaveemergedonlyundertheshadowsoftheCold War,
development
andtherefore
without
(butsee VanderPiji 2006) but,by
geopoliticalsignificance
theemerging
and
three
decades
ofneoliberalism,
the21stcentury,
despite against
of
a shiftinthecenterofgravity
China,hadengineered
economies,pre-eminently
ofdevelopmental
states
ofthisnewgeneration
theworldeconomy.
Theemergence
is something
Rosenberg'sgeopoliticsofpurecapitalismcannotcognize,letalone
ofcapitalism
leaveslittleroom
explain.Indeed,ironically,
Rosenberg's
conception
foranygeopolitics,
and forthatmatter,
politics,undercapitalism.
Teschke's Own Myths
in thepureand cosmopolitan
The depthof contemporary
Marxists'investment
of
can
be
from
Benno
Teschke's critiqueand
conception capitalism
gauged
elaboration
of Rosenberg'swork.Thoughhe lightedon preciselythethemesthat
couldhavecontested
themtoanall-too-limited
it,heemployed
purpose.Rosenberg's
that
the
realist
tradition
was
unconcerned
with
argument
distinguishing
capitalism
fromabsolutism,
failedtoaccountfortheseparation
ofthepoliticalandeconomic
betweenpre-capitalist
and capitalistformsof
spheresand assumedcontinuity
hada criticalimplication
whichTeschkesoughtto elaborate.Realists
sovereignty
datedtherise of moderninternational
relationsfromthe 1648
conventionally
of
Teschke
However,
treaty Westphalia.
pointedout,Westphaliaonly"expressed
with
and codifiedthesocial and geopoliticalrelationsof absolutistsovereignty,"
absolutist
Franceas itsmostpowerful
i.e. capitalist,
modern,
signatory.
Specifically
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478
RADHIKA
DESAI
relations
couldonlyemergewithEngland's1688GloriousRevolution.
international
Onlyoncethisfirst
fullycapitaliststatewas created,whenitadopted"a newpostandparliamentary
foreign
policy- the"bluewater"policy- [which]
revolutionary
ofeconomicandpoliticalpowerinBritain,
was linkedtothereorganization
and.. .
ofgeo-political
brokewithpre-capitalist
couldmodern
accumulation,"
imperatives
international
relations
be
said
to
have
2003:
(Teschke
11).
begun
capitalist
Teschkeinsisted
that"Modernity
And1688wasonlya beginning.
isnota structure
buta process"(Teschke2003: 41). As we haveseen,Rosenberg
setouttore-think
in
relations
but
international
ended
historically
capitalism's
up thetheoretical
his
of
schematism
Teschke
requiredby
pureconception capitalism.In contrast
notonlysoughtto give"a dynamicaccountoftheco-development
ofcapitalism,
themodernstateand themodernstates-system"
(Teschke2003: 40) butcame a
theall-too-neat
lotcloserto achievingit.Andhe didso byabandoning
separation
betweenthepoliticalandtheeconomicwhichRosenberg's
purecapitalism
required
himtopostulate.
Teschkepositeda prolonged
betweencapitalist
modernity
periodofcoexistence
worldfromwhichitnecessarily
Thisalreadymeant
andthepre-capitalist
emerged.
an intermeshing
of thepoliticaland theeconomicin societiesthathad become
toTeschke,thepersistence
ofpre-capMoreover,
tendentially
capitalist.
according
He conceptualized
the
italistresidueswas nottheonlyreasonfortheintermeshing.
in
one
modernization
of
Britain,
country,
putting
pressures
development capitalism
on thepre-capitalist
stateswithinitsambit.Placed at an economicand political
fromabove"
disadvantage
theyrespondedbyengagingin a seriesof"revolutions
and
its
Such
to introduce
capitalism, speedup development.
"counter-strategies"
to latedevelopers.
mixedthepoliticalandtheeconomicbutthatwas notconfined
backonBritain,
so as to"soil"theassumption
thatitscapitalistTheiractionsreacted
fromthislogic
liberalculture(Teschke2003: 41) enjoyeda "pristine"
immunity
as somesuchas Woodhadargued(Wood 1992) andotherssuchas Gerschenkron
had longimplied.RatherBritainwas "fromthefirst
draggedintoan international
The
thatinflected
herdomesticpoliticsand long-term
environment
development.
distortions
weremutual"(Teschke2003: 266).
hadthemerit
ofgivinga central
Teschke
's argument
placetonational
development
in capitalistgeopolitics.
i.e. formsofcombineddevelopment,
strategies,
inTheCommunist
theexpansion
ofcapitalism
was
MarxandEngels
Contra
Manifesto,
in
or
civil
which
the
forces
of
the
market
notaneconomic
transnationalising
process
states,driven
bythelogicofcheap
pre-capitalist
societysurreptitiously
penetrated
a universal
worldmarket.
Itwasa political
commodities
thateventually
and,
perfected
in
which
state
classes
had
to
countera fortiori,
pre-capitalist
design
process
geopolitical
todefend
their
inaninternational
environment
which
ofreproduction
position
strategies
WorldReview
ofPolitical
Economy
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THEABSENT
GEOPOLITICS
OFPURE
CAPITALISM
479
andcoercive
Moreoften
thannot,itwasheavy
putthemataneconomic
disadvantage.
and
the
that
battered
down
construction
andreconstrucwalls,
artillery
pre-capitalist
tionofthesewallsrequired
newstatestrategies
ofmodernisation.
2003:265)
(Teschke
ofnationalandstate-led
However,forTeschke,thecentrality
capitalist
geopolitical
to a long
dynamicdidnotextendto moderncapitalistgeopolitics.Itwas confined
a
three
centuries
of
modernization
of
states
and
(forEurope
long)process
capitalist
theirinternational
relations.
relations
were"notmodern
but
Duringit,international
accumulation
(Teschke2003: 12) andtheriseandspreadofcapitalist
modernizing"
was "geopolitically
mediated"(2003: 264), thatis,boundup withthespecifically
absolutist
accumulation.
Thustheintermeshing
ofpoliticsand
logicof territorial
economicshadan end- lastingfrom"1688 totheFirstWorldWarforEurope,and
beyondfortherestoftheworld"(Teschke2003: 12) and ithadno partin mature
moderncapitalismand itsgeopolitics.Therewas no indication
thatthecontours
ofthismodernity,
onceachieved,wereanydifferent
fromRosenberg'sviewofthe
neatdivisionbetweenprivateandpublicin capitalism.
For Teschke,therefore,modern, as opposed to modernizingcapitalism,
was sulliedneitherby politicalinterference
norby its nation-state
form.The
latterwas as irrelevant
to theformeras it was relianton it. Indeed,thereis a
"structural
interrelation
andfunctional
betweena territorially
divided
compatibility
anda private,
transnational
worldmarket"
states-system
(Teschke2003: 40) butno
theoretically
necessarylink:
neither
causedtheterritorially
dividedstates-system
norrequired
a
Capitalism
foritsreproductionasjustin
states-system
though,
Rosenberg
argues
1994),
(Rosenberg
itiseminently
with
it.
as
a
of
differentia
compatible
Capitalism's
specifica system surplus
inthehistorically
consists
factthatthecapitalcircuits
of
appropriation
unprecedented
theworld
market
caninprinciple
function
Asa
without
onpolitical
infringing
sovereignty.
can
leave
territories
intact.
Contracts
are
in
rule,
concluded,
capitalism
political
principle,
between
actorsinthepre-political
ofglobalcivilsociety.
then,
private
sphere
Capitalism,
isthecondition
ofpossibility
fortheuniversalization
oftheprinciple
ofnational
selfdetermination.
2003:266-267,emphasis
(Teschke
added)
Teschkeopenedthedoortounderstanding
theroleofdevelopmental
Thus,though
stateshistorically,
he negatedtheirsignificance
forcapitalismtheoretically,
just
as Rosenberghad. The pluralityof nation-states
existedbecause theywerethe
outofwhichcapitalism
geopolitical
integument
emergedandtheycouldexist(and
therefore
did exist- therewas a certainelisionhere)becausetheywereinconseof capital.Politics,nation-states
and geopoliticswere
quentialfortheoperations
subordinate
effects
of a pureand cosmopolitan
capitalisteconomy.Whilemessy
historical
ordomestic
ofpurecapitalism's
reality
mayfeature
imperial
infringements
WRPE1.3Produced
anddistributed
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480
RADHIKA
DESAI
and mayplaya role in theconclusionof contracts,
purelypoliticalsovereignty,
sincecapitalism
remained
, i.e. "theoretically,"
theywerenotnecessaryinprinciple
and
unsullied.
pure
of thecapitalism'sdominant
How close Teschkecame to theself-conception
worldorder.Since"thekey
powersis clearfromhisaccountofthepost-communist
idea ofmoderninternational
relationsis no longerthewar-assisted
accumulation
of globalcapital'scrisis
of territories,
butthemultilateral
politicalmanagement
the
of
the
the
and
states,"
regulation
world-economy
by leadingcapitalist
potential
runbetweenstatesthatare lockedoutofthe
"themajorlinesof military
conflict
worldmarketand thosethatreproducethepoliticalconditionof theopenworld
ofcollective
backedupbytheprinciple
market,
(Teschke2003:266-267).
security."
andthe"newimperialism"
hadalreadybegun,
aftertheWaron Terrorism
Writing
one freeof itspre-capitalist
Teschkeendorsedoftheidea thatmaturecapitalism,
wouldfeature
a plurality
ofstatesdrainedofthe
residuesmodern/zwg
imperatives,
theyhad duringthecenturies-long
politicaland geopoliticalsignificance
process
wouldoccurwithstates"lockedoutof
ofmodernization
andthattheonlyconflicts
theworldmarket"
(Iran?NorthKorea?Syria?).Thiscouldhavebeenuttered
bya
thegeopolitical
moresophisticated
Bush Jr.ideologueand cannotaccommodate
Theserunbetweenadvancedindustrial
tensions
whichthepresent
crisisis revealing.
betweenthemandtheemerging
economiesandon otherlines,andthey
countries,
ofglobalcapital's
concernnothing
lessthan"themultilateral
politicalmanagement
oftheworld-economy."
Itshowsthattheseareno
crisispotential
andtheregulation
states"alone.Andtheydwarfanyconflicts
for"theleadingcapitalist
longermatters
andthosethatreproduce
the
between"statesthatarelockedoutoftheworldmarket
oftheopenworldmarket,
backedupbytheprinciple
ofcollective
politicalcondition
the
of
the
countries
to
the"open
commitment
Indeed,
leadingcapitalist
security."
- whether
in goodsor money(it had neverbeenparticularly
worldmarket"
open
forlabor)- has also cometobe questioned.
Conclusion
Attheendofthe2 1stcentury's
first
decade,theworldstandspoisedatthecuspofa
with
theworldfacedintheearly
shift
majorgeopolitical comparable theconjuncture
ofefforts
atcombined
20thcentury.
Now as thenitis poweredbyan intensification
in
when
contrast
to
those
times
Marxists
brilliant
However,
produced
development.
the
of
their
time
to
of
the
historical
of
comprehend
analyses
development
capitalism
theories
thegeopoliticalshiftsof theirtime,and in doingthis,producedthefirst
of capitalistinternational
relations,contemporary
Marxists,captiveas theyare
of conceptions
of purecapitalism,
are ill-equippedto comprehend
contemporary
WorldReview
ofPolitical
Economy
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OFPURE
CAPITALISM
THEABSENT
GEOPOLITICS
481
inthisveinremainfocusedonderiving
shifts.
Evenlaterinterventions
geopolitical
ofcapitalism
froma moreorlesspureconception
(e.g.Callinicos2009).
geopolitics
worldthatis heraldedby the shiftfromthe G7 (or G3 or
The multi-polar
worldfinancialand economiccrisesis certainly
Gl) to theG20 in thecurrent
Afterall, thereare largegainsand
one whichcontainsthepotentialforconflict.
than
morenumerous
which
lossesbeingmadebypowerful
are,
moreover,
agents
also
the
in
20th
were
the
However, contemporary
conjuncture
early
century.
they
whichmake armedconflictless rational.On theone
represents
developments
thantheyusedtobe when
anditsrewardsless attractive
hand,itscostsaregreater
faced
warfare
of
industrialized
poorlyarmednativepopulations
powerscapable
whether
lands.On theother,greater
indistant
popularparticipation,
pre-capitalist
conflict
include
that
the
costs
of
or
also
means
informally
democratic
not,
society
the
Neither
losses
of
domestic
negates possibility
development
legitimacy.
potential
willnot
butone maysafelysay thatthedriversofconflict
ofgeopoliticalconflict
onthe
i.e. purecapitalism,
ofcapitalist
orotherwise
be theachievement
modernity,
and
benefits
of
with
the
costs
factors
to
do
as
other
of
its
expected
part
protagonists
also
suchconflict
to individual
powers.At thesametime,thepresentconjuncture
thanks
tothegreater
forinternational
contains
thepotential
dispersalof
cooperation
andheralds.Thesepotentials
andfinancial
economic,military
poweritrepresents,
need to be assessed and exploitedto the fullestby Marxists,and progressive
forces.Thatcannotbe done on thebasis of a pureconceptionof capitalismand
its"requirements."
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