THOMAS FEARNLEY EN ROUTE: A
19TH-CENTURY ARTIST’S CHOICE OF
DRAWING AND FIXING MATERIALS
Birgit Reissland, Tina Grette Poulsson, Henk van Keulen
and Ineke Joosten
ABSTRACT The National Museum of Art, Architecture and Design (National Museum, Oslo, Norway), owns about 750 drawings
by Thomas Fearnley, a Norwegian romantic landscape painter. Examination of 190 pencil drawings by Fearnley enabled the
identification of the drawing materials he carried on his extensive journeys through Europe. Watermark analysis confirmed that
he bought his papers at local supplies and the results can serve as a basis for the attribution of drawings with unknown date to
certain periods. The constant travelling on foot or in the coach required fixing of the delicate pencil drawings. Analysis using gas
chromatography with mass spectrometry (GC-MS) on samples from two case studies identified milk as the fixative used by Fearnley.
The different ageing behaviours of papers fixed with milk can be attributed to the presence of minute iron-containing particles.
This research shed light on the material choices of itinerant artists in the first half of the 19th century and the ageing of drawings
that were fixed with milk.
Introduction
Thomas Fearnley (1802‒1842) was a Norwegian romantic
artist and gifted landscape painter (Fig. 1). His compatriot,
the famous painter Johan Christian Dahl, described him as
the most talented of his pupils.1 Fearnley was born in 1802
in Frederikshald (today Halden) in Norway, a small town in
the southeast of the country, a few miles from the current
Norwegian–Swedish border. He was a restless soul, an excellent example of an itinerant artist in the early 19th century,
and a cheery companion whose journeys with artist colleagues took him all over Europe. He died in Munich in 1842,
only 39 years old, leaving his Norwegian wife and his newborn son Thomas with an impressive oeuvre of paintings in
oil, plein air oil studies and a large collection of his drawings.
Today, the National Museum of Art, Architecture and
Design in Oslo possesses 757 drawings by Fearnley, including drawings on the verso and in sketchbooks. Nearly all of
them (733) were executed fully or partially in pencil. Many
of these pencil drawings show a disturbing discoloration
that obscures their images, indicative of the application of
a fixative. Attempts to remove the fixative in the 1990s were
unsuccessful, and its nature remained a mystery to paper conservators. In 2013, a joint project was started between the
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Fig. 1 Thomas Fearnley, Self-Portrait with Pipe, 1831, pencil on paper,
218 × 181 mm, The National Museum, Oslo, NG.K&H.B.00757. (Photo:
Andreas Harvik, The National Museum, Oslo.)
THOMAS FEARNLEY EN ROUTE: A 19TH-CEN TURY ARTIST’S CHOICE OF DR AWING AND FIXING MATERIALS
National Museum in Oslo and the Cultural Heritage Agency
of the Netherlands (RCE, Amsterdam), with the aim of identifying the fixative(s) used by Thomas Fearnley.2 This initial
query regarding the fixative grew into a larger project, as the
investigation also shed light on the materials that Fearnley
used to create his pencil drawings. For this study, 190 drawings were examined in detail, covering the entire period of
Fearnley’s career from 1823 to 1841. Two representative
drawings executed in Ramsau, Bavaria, in September 1832
were used as case studies for the identification of the fixative:
St. Sebastian, Ramsau and Tree, Ramsau (Figs 2 and 3).3
Deriving knowledge on Fearnley’s techniques from the
actual artworks was crucial as he has left few written records.
Although some letters do exist, Fearnley was not very fond
of writing, as he revealed in a letter to his artist colleague
Johannes Flintoe in 1830: ‘you know my weak side ... my
damned antipathy to pen and ink’.4
Fig. 2 Thomas Fearnley, St. Sebastian, Ramsau, probably September
1832, pencil on paper, 267 × 295 mm, The National Museum, Oslo,
NG.K&H.A.03480. (Photo: Birgit Reissland, RCE.)
Thomas Fearnley
Thomas Fearnley grew up with his aunt and uncle in Christiania
(today Oslo), where a career path either in the military or in
his uncle’s retail business had been mapped out for him. At
the age of 18, he decided instead to follow his artistic vocation.
He attended art academies in all the Scandinavian countries:
the newly established Royal School of Drawing in Christiania
(1819–21), the renowned Danish Royal Academy of Art in
Copenhagen (1821–23), and the Royal Swedish Academy
of Arts in Stockholm (1823–27). After a four-year period of
residence in Stockholm, Fearnley never spent more than twoand-a-half years in the same place (Fig. 4). In 1829, he set out
on his grand tour, leaving Scandinavia for Dresden – to study
under Johan Christian Dahl – where he became acquainted
with artists such as Caspar David Friedrich, a close friend of
Dahl, and Carl Gustav Carus. After 18 months in Dresden,
Fearnley moved on to Munich, where he spent two happy
years before venturing out on a 700 km walk to Rome. On
the way he visited, among other places, Ramsau, where the
two drawings in question were made. In 1835, he turned back
north, via France to England where he met J.M.W. Turner.
Back in Norway, he married Cecilia Catharine Andresen
(1817–1888), the daughter of his benefactor, in 1840. They
had a son, Thomas, born in Amsterdam in 1841. The family
then moved to Munich, where Fearnley unfortunately contracted typhus and died in January 1842.
Fearnley in his studio and en route
Fig. 3 Thomas Fearnley, Tree, Ramsau, 14 September 1832, pen
and pencil on paper, 343 × 248 mm, The National Museum, Oslo,
NG.K&H.A.03393. (Photo: Birgit Reissland, RCE.)
Fearnley’s self-portrait Fearnley in his Studio was probably made in 1826 when he was a 24-year-old student in
Stockholm (Fig. 5). Fearnley depicted himself working on a
large painting on a sunny but cold day. He gives us a glimpse
into his artistic environment, including the equipment and
materials he used to create his works of art. On the sideboard
to the left are some plaster cast models, symbols of academic drawing. Behind the oven, his trunk lies on the floor.
Fearnley’s coat, knapsack, pipes and trekking pole hang on
the wall: necessary implements for the study tours he conducted through Norway and Sweden.5 His watercolour paint
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BIRGIT REISSL AND, TINA GRETTE POULSSON, HENK VAN KEULEN AND INEKE JOOSTEN
Fig. 4 Overview of Fearnley’s journeys through Europe: ‘Thomas Fearnley’s Europe, 1802–42.’ Image: Helen Swansbourne. (Originally published in
Sumner and Smith 2012 (cited in note 14), p. 13.) (Image © The Barber Institute and D. Giles Ltd.)
box rests on a chair to the right. The inserted paper label has
a peculiar shape, suggesting that it might be a box made by
the famous British manufacturer and ‘Inventor of Superfine
Water Colours in Cakes’ William Reeves, or his successors
Reeves & Inwood.6 On the trunk rests a wooden board with
a sheet of paper attached to it, already prepared for watercolouring. Leaning against the wall are two portfolios, one
full of paper, and more portfolios lie on the bookshelf to the
right. A map of Europe is prominently displayed on top of the
bookshelf in anticipation of Fearnley’s future travels.
The concept of the grand tour originated in the 17th century for aristocratic young men. It was still popular in the
romantic period, especially among young artists, provided
they could find a travel scholarship. ‘All roads lead to Rome’:
those of the Scandinavian artists, notably the Danish artists
of the Danish Golden Age, led to Rome via the states of the
German Confederation. Lengthy stops at picturesque areas
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were common, and visits to Dresden, Berlin and other artistic centres allowed the travellers to reunite with artist friends,
exchange or acquire new artistic concepts and replenish their
supplies.7 Munich, with its famous artists’ community, was
the common starting point for the journey to Italy. The south
tempted artists with its sites of classical antiquity, southern
light and climate, an authentic culture and beautiful landscapes.8 Hiking in small groups across the Alps to Rome
became very popular, a kind of pilgrimage for 19th-century
artists. The choice to hike was a conscious one: it allowed the
artists to experience nature intimately, was affordable, and
gave them freedom to choose their timing and their route.
Fearnley also travelled via Dresden to Munich, where he
arrived in October 1830. In common with many other artists,
he felt the draw of Italy. On 6 September 1832, at 6 am, he left
Munich with two fellow artists, the Danish artist Wilhelm
Bendz (1804–1832), with whom he studied at the art academy
THOMAS FEARNLEY EN ROUTE: A 19TH-CEN TURY ARTIST’S CHOICE OF DR AWING AND FIXING MATERIALS
Fig. 5 Thomas Fearnley, Fearnley in his Studio, probably 1826, oil on board, 48 × 62 cm, private collection. (Image: O. Væring Eftf. AS.)
in Copenhagen, and Joseph Petzl (1803–1871) from Munich,
whom he first met in Dresden. They must have been a popular
and sociable trio, as about 50 painters gathered for a farewell party the evening before they departed.9 The artists were
more or less the same age: in September 1832, Fearnley was
the oldest at 29 years; Pretzl and Bendz were both 28 years
old. The young artists’ destination on leaving Munich was of
course Italy.
About a week later they arrived in the Bavarian alpine
village of Ramsau. Their suitcases had been sent directly to
Rome, but they each still had almost 20 kg on their backs to
carry across the mountains.10 Their route differed from that
normally taken by German artists.11 They walked through
Ramsau, Gosausee, Villach and Trieste, from where they
reached Venice by boat.12 A drawing by Joseph Petzl, showing Bendz in his travel outfit, reveals how the artists were
equipped on their journey (Fig. 6). The three artists wore a
costume typical for artists crossing the Alps in that period: a
so-called Altdeutscher Rock, sign of a progressive attitude,13
and under it ‘a dark blue overcoat with many pockets and in
addition a pair of trousers of white and blue striped ticking’.14
They also had a cleverly contrived knapsack, equipped with a
device for fixing the painter’s box, pockets for paint bladders,
a foldable stool and an umbrella. On top of Bendz’s knapsack
is a cylindrical box which would have been made of tin and
used to keep the drawing papers clean and dry.
The artists had clement weather in Ramsau and spent
every minute sketching from nature. In letters to his fiancée
Marie, Bendz described the mornings and evenings as bitterly
cold.15 The end of September was rather late for such a trip,
with a cold winter approaching. They moved onto Salzburg
and Gosausee, where Fearnley is known to have made several
sketches. At this point, the weather became cold and wet. The
artists walked up to 14 hours a day and the trek on foot over
the Alps became very strenuous, especially for the somewhat
corpulent Fearnley.16 It should therefore come as no surprise
that there are no known surviving sketches by Fearnley from
the last part of their mountain crossing.
In late October 1832, the three companions reached
Venice, at that time part of the Habsburg empire, where
the three travellers said goodbye to go their separate ways:
Fearnley was determined to carry on until he reached Rome,
whereas Bendz wanted to stay in Venice. Bendz became ill, but
moved on to Vicenza, where he died most likely from typhus
just three weeks after he had parted from his friends. Fearnley
finally arrived in Rome late November 1832 where he settled
for a while, living amongst the Danish and German artistic
community before turning further south.
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BIRGIT REISSL AND, TINA GRETTE POULSSON, HENK VAN KEULEN AND INEKE JOOSTEN
Fig. 6 Joseph Petzl, Wilhelm Ferdinand Bendz, 1832, 15.5 × 9.5 cm,
Det Nationalhistoriske Museum på Frederiksborg Slot. (Photo: Hans
Petersen.)
Fearnley’s papers
The papers Fearnley used for drawing show remarkable variety, ranging from thin, smooth papers of a light colour, to
thicker, rougher papers with a surface texture, some containing coloured fibres. Fearnley used both laid and wove
paper, possibly with a slight preference towards wove with
its uniform surface.17 Sometimes he drew on the wire side,
and sometimes on the felt side. Almost half of the examined
drawings (89) contain a watermark representing papers from
at least 25 different paper mills. Chronological ordering of
the papers with watermarks allowed the reconstruction of
Fearnley’s use of drawing papers, which was certainly influenced by the local availability of artists’ papers, his personal
preferences and the price (Fig 7).18
During his Scandinavian period (1823‒1829), Fearnley
worked predominantly on Honig papers (15 drawings) which
were imported from the Netherlands and made by the different paper mills run by the Honig family in Zaandijk, near
Amsterdam. Watermarks include: ‘C & I HONIG’, ‘J HONIG
& ZOONEN’, ‘HONIG J C & Z’. Just five other papers with
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a watermark were present, three of which could not be
attributed. Two were of English origin: one paper with the
watermark ‘C WILMOTT 1819’, referring to the papermaker Charles Wilmott who ran the Sundridge Mill in Kent,
and one Whatman paper. Since 1805, Whatman paper had
been produced by two competing mills: the first by William
Balston, a master papermaker and former employee of the
Whatmans, who owned the Springfield Mill (watermark: ‘J
Whatman / year’). The second was the Turkey Mill owned by
the Hollingworth brothers (watermark: ‘J Whatman / Turkey
Mill / year’). Both paper mills are located near Maidstone in
Kent. Most Whatman papers used by Fearnley were from the
Turkey Mill.
Fearnley’s move to Dresden in 1829 is clearly evident in his
choice of papers. We see a decline in the Honig papers and
an increase in papers made at local factories such as papers
with the watermark ‘C F A F’, which could be attributed to a
paper mill owned by Carl Friedrich August Fischer, situated
in Bautzen and Obergurk.19 This mill was one of the larger
and more important mills in the kingdom of Saxony, and the
drawing Elbe at Saloppe, Dresden, made on 12 June 1830, was
carried out on such a paper.20 The watermark ‘DRESDEN’ on
the drawing Root of a Tree21 also refers to a paper produced in
the kingdom of Saxony.
Fearnley took the Saxonian paper with him and used it
for drawings during his tour through the Salzburger Land in
August 1830. His arrival in Munich allowed him to replenish
his stocks of paper in the city of the arts. Papers from a paper
mill with a watermark bearing the initials ‘M O’ and another
paper mill with the initials ‘C M’ appear. The presence of
11 papers of the latter mill during the years 1830‒1831 evidences a clear preference for these papers. The two drawings
From Bavaria22 and Landscape, Feldafing23 were executed
in September and October 1830, when Fearnley visited the
mountains. For these drawings he used laid paper from
the local paper mill in Raitenhaslach, close to Burghausen.
From Bavaria shows the watermark ‘Raitenhaslach’, and
Landscape, Feldafing has the corresponding countermark
‘J.E.T.’.
In August 1832, still in Bavaria, Fearnley once more
worked on papers from the established paper mills Honig
and Whatman, which he also used in Italy. In the Alps in
September/October 1832, he worked on papers watermarked
‘M.H’ as well as Whatman papers from the Turkey Mill, probably carried in the tin box on his back. ‘Fratelli Camera’ is
the watermark of an Italian paper and appears on a drawing
made in Palermo on 7 May 1833. In Italy, one paper from the
famous French paper mill Canson was used, as were papers
with the watermark ‘A TS’.
On his journey back north from Italy, Fearnley passed
through Switzerland during the summer of 1835. The drawings Brunnen, Kanton Swyts and Brunnen were made on paper
watermarked ‘E Gruner’.24 We know that the papermaker
Samuel Emanuel Gruner had a paper mill in Berne from
1796 to 1810, and E. Gruner may be from the same papermaking family.25 It is interesting how the different locations of
Fearnley’s voyage manifest themselves in the papers he used.
A comparable pattern can probably be verified for Fearnley’s
THOMAS FEARNLEY EN ROUTE: A 19TH-CEN TURY ARTIST’S CHOICE OF DR AWING AND FIXING MATERIALS
Fig. 7 Map of some of the paper mills that provided paper for Fearnley’s drawings. He used paper from well-known paper mills as well as local mills.
(Image: The Barber Institute and D. Giles Ltd. and Tina Grette Poulsson, The National Museum, Oslo.)
stays in Paris, England, the Netherlands and Munich in the
following years.
Drawing easily en plein air thanks to the
pencil
The invention of the pencil was as revolutionary as the introduction of the paint tube. For drawing en plein air, it freed
the artistic community from the use of dusty pieces of chalk,
charcoal or Cumberland graphite inserted in porte-crayons.
While early wooden pencils had many disadvantages, the
new pencils invented by Nicolas Conté in 1795 had a perfectly uniform consistency and different grades of hardness.
Contemporary artists embraced the newly manufactured
pencils. It is therefore not surprising that the majority of
Fearnley’s drawings were carried out in pencil – for an itinerant landscape painter who mainly sketched outdoors,
pencils were small, light and easy to transport. Mechanical
pencils were patented in England in 1822‒23 by Hawkins and
Mordan. They were very common from the 1830s onwards
and were known as Mordan’s ‘ever-pointed pencils’ because
they did not need regular sharpening.26 Taking a closer look
at Fearnley’s drawings, it seems likely that he used pencils
of different hardnesses to create depth. Starting with light
lines using pencils of a hard grade to outline the drawing, he
added the darkest lines last, applying them with a soft pencil.
This is common practice for experienced draughtsmen. In a
few instances, Fearnley highlighted his pencil drawings with
white chalk or gouache. In other drawings – for instance Tree,
Ramsau (Fig. 3) – he combined pencil with other media such
as pen and ink. Occasionally he applied locally thin washes or
diluted watercolour, pastel, charcoal or black chalk. However,
pure pencil drawings constitute the majority of the drawings
in the collection of the National Museum.
Pencil drawings, especially those executed with a soft
pencil, smudge easily. How would such drawings respond
to transport while coiled up in a cylindrical tin box during
hiking for weeks in the mountains, or rubbing against each
other within portfolios during long carriage rides?
Protecting the drawings with a fixative
Fearnley used fixatives on his pencil drawings during his
entire career, on loose sheets as well as in sketchbooks. About
100 drawings exhibit the presence of a fixative in daylight
while some more drawings contain a fixative that is only visible in UV radiation. The fixative was applied quickly with a
brush, to preserve the soft and fragile pencil lines. In most
cases it covers the drawing only, not the whole sheet (Fig. 8).
Often the brush has missed parts of the drawing or covers
large areas of untouched paper. Traces of the brush and droplets of fixative that sometimes lie outside of the fixed area can
be discerned under ultraviolet (UV) radiation (Fig. 9).
The fixative has been instrumental in preserving many of
Fearnley’s drawings. In some cases where it does not cover all
of the pencil lines, the unfixed areas have been almost erased
(Fig. 10). However, over time the fixative in many of the
drawings has deteriorated severely and in the 1990s, several
attempts were made to remove it. Upon examining the fixed
drawings, an intriguing discovery was made: while the fixative
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BIRGIT REISSL AND, TINA GRETTE POULSSON, HENK VAN KEULEN AND INEKE JOOSTEN
Fig. 8 UV photograph of Thomas Fearnley, St. Sebastian, Ramsau: the fixative (with a brighter fluorescence) was applied with a brush in the areas of
pencil only, omitting the upper part of the church spire. (Photo: Aafke Weller.)
on 73 drawings has discoloured, on 17 drawings the fixative
seems to have protected the paper. Thorough examination
showed that in the latter case a thin layer was present on the
surface of the drawing (Fig. 11). Such a controversial ageing
behaviour was expected to be the result of the use of two
different fixatives. To investigate this hypothesis two representative drawings were chosen: St. Sebastian, Ramsau with
a discoloured fixative (Fig. 2) and Tree, Ramsau, the paper of
which has been protected by the fixative (Fig. 3). Both drawings were created mid-September 1832 during a week’s stay at
Ramsau, just before crossing the Alps towards Italy.
The fixative on both drawings shows a comparable whitish fluorescence under UV radiation (Figs 8 and 9). Initial
microchemical tests were carried out on minute samples of
both drawings.27 The results were negative for starch (Lugol’s
solution) in areas both with and without fixative, and positive
for protein (amido black) in areas where the fixative had been
applied. In situ X-ray fluorescence (XRF) identified a greater
88
amount of calcium (Ca) in areas with fixative. The results
of gas chromatography-mass spectrometry (GC-MS) were
unexpected. In contrast to the initial hypothesis that different
fixatives had been used, the chromatograms of the fixatives
of the two drawings were quite comparable. Their interpretation was complex (Fig. 12): aspartic acid and phosphate were
abundantly present; the absence of arabinose, rhamnose and
hydroxyproline excluded gum arabic; the absence of hydroxyproline indicated that animal glue, gelatine or isinglass were
not used as a fixative; and finally the chromatograms did not
match egg white.
At this stage, source research offered valuable information. The question of how to protect delicate pencil drawings
was discussed in several sources contemporary to Fearnley.28
Besides isinglass, another ingredient frequently referred
to as a fixative is milk. Skimmed milk was preferable to
avoid greasing the paper, or a mixture of milk and water. It
could be applied in different ways – by brushing it over the
THOMAS FEARNLEY EN ROUTE: A 19TH-CEN TURY ARTIST’S CHOICE OF DR AWING AND FIXING MATERIALS
pencil drawing, by soaking the drawing, or as described by
MacKenzie (1829): ‘Lay the drawing flat, upon the surface of
the milk; then taking it up fast, hang it, by one corner, till it
drains and dries.’29 The use of milk was already common practice for protecting drawings created with black chalk,30 and
Gainsborough (1727–1788) employed milk as part of a complex technique to fix his watercolours.31
Since milk was not (yet) included in the GC-MS reference
database of the RCE, no match was obtained during the initial
testing phase. When reinterpreting the GC-MS results taking
into account milk as a potential fixative, the results made
perfect sense. Milk consists of casein (which explains the
presence of phosphate, calcium and amino acids) and whey
(a colloidal suspension of soluble proteins and milk sugar
so-called lactose, a di-sugar of galactose and glucose, which
accounts for the presence of sugars). However for a positive
identification of milk, the height of the galactose and glucose
peaks must match but this was not the case. The substrate,
aged paper, also contains glucose. However, after subtraction
of the blank (paper), the peaks still did not match; the glucose peak was now lower than that of galactose. Experimental
verification was required.32 The variation in peak height was
explained by the different response of casein and whey during
application onto a paper surface.
As is known from cheese production, milk is pH sensitive and in an acid environment (pH 4.5) the casein proteins
coagulate and separate from the whey. Applying milk to a
mildly acidic paper surface will cause the same reaction. As
a result, a layer of casein is formed, while the whey spreads
within the paper. During drying, the water evaporates and
part of the whey remains in the paper. Casein is insoluble
in most solvents commonly used in paper conservation,
hence the fixative on Fearnley’s drawings was reported to
be insoluble.
The suggestion that Fearnley used milk as a fixative is
feasible. We can easily imagine Fearnley and his travelling companions strolling around Ramsau, one of the most
picturesque villages in Bavaria at the foot of high Alpine
mountains. They were surrounded by nature, farmers
and, most importantly, cows. When Fearnley sketched the
tree and the prominent church of St. Sebastian during the
week in Ramsau, milk was indeed a logical solution to fix
his drawings – it was cheap, readily available and easy to
apply. However, a final question remained: why would milk,
applied in the same week, at the same place, react so differently on both papers?
Two papers: so similar and yet so different
The papers used in both St. Sebastian, Ramsau and Tree,
Ramsau were handmade. They are wove papers, a paper quality introduced by the British papermaker James Whatman the
Elder around the mid-18th century. Wove papers were much
appreciated by printers, watercolourists and other artists for
their uniform paper surface, undisturbed by the chain and
wire lines of a papermaker’s mould. Unfortunately, neither
Fig. 9 UV photograph of Thomas Fearnley, Tree, Ramsau: drips of the
fixative (fluorescing areas) are visible along the right edge. (Photo: Aafke
Weller.)
Fig. 10 Detail from Thomas Fearnley, Deciduous Tree, Haga, 1825, pencil
on paper, 420 × 318 mm, NG.K&H.A.03381: in the centre, where no
fixative was applied, the pencil lines are visibly lighter than in those areas
where the fixative protected the lines. (Photo: Tina Grette Poulsson, The
National Museum, Oslo.)
of the two papers have a watermark. To identify them therefore the papers were compared visually to drawing papers of
known origin used by Fearnley in the period 1830–32. The
surface texture of the felt and the wire side, paper colour and
thickness of the paper of the St. Sebastian, Ramsau drawing closely matched other papers watermarked ‘M.H’ but the
mill that produced paper with this watermark has yet to be
identified. Fearnley drew on two other ‘M.H’ papers on 19
September and 3 October 1832. Obviously he had taken a
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BIRGIT REISSL AND, TINA GRETTE POULSSON, HENK VAN KEULEN AND INEKE JOOSTEN
Fig. 11 Thomas Fearnley, Tree, Ramsau: raking light photograph showing how the fixative formed a layer on the
paper’s surface. (Photo: Tina Grette Poulsson.)
Fig. 12 Thomas Fearnley, Tree, Ramsau: GC-MS chromatogram from a surface scrape sample of fixative.
(Image: RCE Amsterdam.)
small stock of ‘M.H’ papers with him on the hiking tour and
still used this paper in 1835 while travelling through Italy.
The paper of the drawing Tree, Ramsau matched a Whatman
paper produced by the Turkey Mill in Kent. Fearnley used
that paper on two drawings made on 19 August 1832, shortly
before starting the hiking tour. The paper of the Tree, Ramsau
drawing has a homogeneous brownish discoloration,33 contrary to the paper of St. Sebastian, Ramsau.
The UV images of both drawings confirm that the fixative
did not penetrate to the verso of the paper: the versos just show
a few fluorescent splashes and drip marks from the fixative
indicating that the papers were well sized. GC-MS identified
90
animal glue as the sizing agent in both cases. Fibre analysis confirmed that both papers are rag papers, consisting of a mixture
of linen and hemp fibres that were prepared in a Hollander
beater. In general, the fibres of both papers were relatively
short: the fibres of the drawing Tree, Ramsau appeared to be
quite fibrillated, and some cotton fibres may have been added
as well. Smalt was used for paper blueing. Scanning electron
microscopy with energy-dispersive X-ray analysis (SEM-EDX)
revealed that both papers contained chlorine, suggesting
that both paper mills practised the relatively new chlorinebleaching technique. Yet, this still could not explain the different appearance and ageing behaviour of both papers.
THOMAS FEARNLEY EN ROUTE: A 19TH-CEN TURY ARTIST’S CHOICE OF DR AWING AND FIXING MATERIALS
Fig. 13 Thomas Fearnley, Tree, Ramsau: SEM image of particles on paper (left) and EDX spectrum of an iron-containing particle in the paper (right).
(Image: RCE, Amsterdam.)
While the entire composition was astonishingly comparable, one difference was identified: while both papers contained
minuscule particles (maximum diameter 25 μm) within the
paper fibres, these differed in composition. In the case of St.
Sebastian, Ramsau, the particles consist of gypsum, a reaction product formed during the ageing of paper. The paper
of the Tree, Ramsau drawing shows a more varied mixture of
particles, mainly consisting of clay or gypsum. A few particles
in Tree, Ramsau have a high iron content (Fig. 13) and this is
the determining factor, although the following explanation is
to be regarded as hypothetical rather than factual since it has
not yet been experimentally verified.
The combination of iron and an oxidising bleach such
as chlorine is known to cause severe deterioration. While
invisible initially, the reaction between iron and the oxidising agent causes the paper to degrade and change colour to a
darker yellowish-brown tone in the long term.34 In the case of
Tree, Ramsau, this reaction probably occurred – the paper is
homogeneously discoloured due to the fact that the paper mill
(probably the Whatman Turkey mill) used iron-contaminated
clay as filler during paper production. The milk protected the
paper locally from discoloration.35 In the case of the drawing
St. Sebastian, Ramsau, the paper mill (most likely M.H) used
an uncontaminated clay filler. The paper retained its colour,
but the milk layer itself discoloured.
A closer look at the collection revealed that two more
Whatman papers as well as one Canson and one van Gelder
paper have a lighter area where the fixative was applied.36 It
is probable that these paper mills also used the detrimental
combination of chlorine bleach and iron-contaminated filler
material. Further examples revealing a comparable phenomenon of contradictory discoloration in the presence of
milk include a series of world-famous pencil drawings by
Vincent van Gogh, where it is known from his letters that
he poured generous quantities of milk over them. In his case
the purpose was not to fix them but to reduce the gloss of
the shiny pencil lines.37 It would be interesting to collect and
share information on drawings on which milk was used as a
fixative.
landscapes and the most important European art centres
of his time. His itinerant life is reflected in the choice of his
materials. For drawing outdoors his choice was particularly
pragmatic: pencils of different hardness grades and papers
of different origin. Besides using papers from well-established mills such as Honig and Whatman, easily available in
cities with art academies, he also purchased paper of local
origin. His delicate pencil drawings also had to be protected
from the rigours of transportation for which he chose cheap
and widely available milk. However, as a result of ageing,
the appearance of the papers and fixative has changed in
different ways. The use of an iron-containing clay filler in
combination with a 19th-century chlorine bleach employed
in the paper mill (probably the Whatman Turkey mill)
caused that paper to discolour homogeneously whereas the
applied milk protected the fixed areas from discoloration. In
the other case, a paper, most likely from the M.H mill, did
not contain iron particles and remained unaffected but the
applied milk discoloured. It would be beneficial to verify if
other drawing papers on which milk was added as a fixative
and protected against discoloration all show a higher content of iron and chlorine.
Experimental appendix
Visual examination
The drawings were examined under different light sources:
ambient light, raking light, transmitted light, and UV
radiation.
Microchemical tests
Amido black 10B: amino acid staining diazo dye used to
stain for protein, A8181-1EA, (Sigma). Lugol’s solution:
iodine-potassium iodide (I2KI), reagent for starch detection,
available from pharmacies.
Conclusions
XRF
The life of the Norwegian landscape painter Thomas Fearnley
was short but blessed: he was able to visit the most beautiful
X-ray fluorescence, handheld Niton XL3t XRF (Thermo
Scientific).
91
BIRGIT REISSL AND, TINA GRETTE POULSSON, HENK VAN KEULEN AND INEKE JOOSTEN
GC-MS
Notes
Thermo Scientific Focus GC system, equipped with a ISQ
mass spectrometer. The sample material was extracted with
5% ammonia and hydrolysed with trifluoroacetic acid (TFA),
and analysed as meth-oxim-trimethylsilyl derivatives, split
injection on a SLB5ms 20 m column with internal diameter
0.18 mm, a film thickness of 0.18 μm, temperature range of
80–280 °C, with norleucine and the methylester of stearic
acid (FA-C18) as internal standards.
1. E. Haverkamp, ‘Thomas Fearnley’, in ‘Nature’s Way’: Romantic
Landscapes from Norway, Oil Studies, Watercolours and
Drawings by Johan Christian Dahl (1788‒1857) and Thomas
Fearnley (1802‒1842), exh. cat., Manchester, Cambridge and
Oslo, 1993, p. 22.
2. The RCE is well known for more than 50 years of expertise in
the field of art technological and scientific study of heritage,
including art on paper. Heritage institutes without specialist
laboratory facilities are always welcome to approach the RCE.
Relevant problems can be solved with joint research projects.
3. Thomas Fearnley, St. Sebastian, Ramsau, probably September
1832, pencil on paper, 267 × 295 mm, inv. no. NG.K&H.A.03480,
and Thomas Fearnley, Tree, Ramsau, 14 September 1832, pencil,
pen and ink on paper, 343 × 248 mm, inv. no. NG.K&H.A.0339.
4. T. Fearnley to Johannes Flintoe, Dresden, 15 June 1830, National
Library of Norway, Brevs. 1: Voksende samling. Arkivsignatur:
Brevs. 1 / 446: http://urn.nb.no/URN:NBN:no-nb_digi
manus_143997.
5. S. Willoch, and H. Alsvik, ‘Thomas Fearnleys tegninger. Fra
reiser ute og hjemme 1824–1840’, in Gyldendal norsk forlag,
Oslo, 1952, p. 12.
6. According to Vyki Sparkes, Curator of Social and Working
History at the London Museum, the museum possesses four
paint boxes with a label of this particular shape from William
Reeves and/or Reeves & Inwood. One of the boxes contains
pigs’ bladders of oil colour; the other three contain watercolour cakes. Inwood sold the premises to the Driver family by
1816, and subsequently Driver & Shaw advertised as successors
to Reeves & Inwood. Whether Driver & Shaw used the same
advertising label inside their boxes is not known. Considering
that Fearnley started his artistic carrier in 1819, this box could
possibly be one from Reeves & Inwood. The label inter alia
advertises Reeves as the ‘Inventor of Superfine Water Colours
in Cakes’.
7. K.L. Grand, ‘Rejsebilleder – Turist i Arkadien? / Travel images
– A Tourist in Arkadien?’, in K. Lykke Grand, L. Pennington
and A.M. Thomsen (eds), Gold: Treasures from the Danish
Golden Age, Aarhuis, 2013, p. 212. PDF available at: http://pure.
au.dk/portal/files/85563798/4_KLG_Rejsebilleder_Turist_i_
Arkadien_GULD_publiceret.pdf.
8. Ibid., pp. 213–214. Grand emphasises that artists of the period
of the Danish Golden Age were the last travellers to experience
a relatively ‘authentic’ southern sphere in Italy before mid-19th
century tourism changed the country and its folk culture irrevocably.
9. A. Johansen, ‘Michael Raffenbergs uddrag af Wilhelm Bendz’
rejsebreve’, in Wilhelm Bendz. Et ungt kunstnerliv 1804‒1832,
exh. cat., Copenhagen, Den Hirschsprungske Samling, 1996, p.
225.
10. E. Johansson, Wilhelm Bendz, Copenhagen, Spektrum/Forum
Publishers, 1995, p. 152.
11. The typical route passed through Salzburg, Innsbruck,
Brenner, Bozen, Trento, Rovereto and Verona; see L. Richter,
Lebenserinnerungen eines deutschen Malers, Leipzig, Hesse
und Becker Verlag, 1909, pp. 116‒147.
12. Johansen 1996 (cited in note 9).
13. E.M. Schneider, Herkunft und Verbreitungsformen der
‘Deutschen Nationaltracht der Befreiungskriege’ als Ausdruck
politischer Gesinnung, unpublished dissertation, Rheinische
Friedrich-Wilhelms Universität Bonn, Philosophische Fakultät,
2002. Available at: http://www.burschenschaftsgeschichte.de/
pdf/eva_maria_schneider_deutsch_nationaltracht_01.pdf
14. A. Sumner and G. Smith (eds), In Front of Nature: The European
Polarisation microscopy of paper fibre samples
Trinocular Zeiss Axio Lab.A1 transmitted light microscope
equipped with polarisation filters and a rotary stage. Samples
were prepared on ultrasonically cleaned standard Super
Frost slides, mounted in 50:50 water:glycerine and covered
with a 20 × 20 mm coverglass. The samples were examined
under cross-polarisation and a retarder (λ) plate in the light
path. Z-stack images were produced with a Canon EOS 50D
camera and Photoshop CS6 software.
SEM-EDX
Carried out with a JEOL5910LV in low-vacuum mode, at 30
Pa pressure and 20 kV, using a Thermo Scientific SDD EDX
detector and analysed with NSS7 software.
Acknowledgements
We would like to thank Trine Nordkvelle, Møyfrid Tveit, Bodil
Sørensen and Frode Haverkamp (curators/senior curators, National
Museum, Oslo) for general advice. Vyki Sparkes (Curator of Social
and Working History, Museum of London) kindly replied to our query
concerning the Reeves paint boxes. We extend our gratitude to Aafke
Weller (P.I. student, paper conservation, University of Amsterdam)
for taking the UV images, Paul Messier (UV Innovations, Boston)
for providing the Target-UV and UV-Gray chart, Bas van Velzen
(teacher of paper conservation, University of Amsterdam) for carrying
out the paper fibre analysis, and Niels Højmark Andersen (senior
engineer, University of Oslo) for performing Raman spectroscopy.
We acknowledge Kit Ming Wong (student, RCE, Amsterdam
/ Hogeschool Leiden) for conducting the GC-MS analysis. For
supporting our watermark analysis we thank Peter Bower (paper
historian, England), Dr Georg Dietz (paper historian, Dresden),
Andrea Lothe (paper historian, Deutsche Nationalbibliothek, Leipzig),
Dr Henk Porck (paper historian, The Netherlands) and Emanuel
Wenger (Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Vienna). The
Bernstein Watermark Database was of great value to our research. Mr
Heemskerk (organic farmer, Warmond) and Femke Coevert (paper
conservator, Rijksmuseum Amsterdam) helped by providing organic
milk for our experiments. We would also like to thank Sarah Anne
Beattie (assistant curator, Barber Institute of Fine Arts, Birmingham)
for aid with obtaining the rights to use the map of Fearnley’s Europe. We
are also indebted to our colleague Kari Greve (Head of Conservation,
National Museum, Oslo).
92
THOMAS FEARNLEY EN ROUTE: A 19TH-CEN TURY ARTIST’S CHOICE OF DR AWING AND FIXING MATERIALS
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.
25.
26.
27.
28.
29.
30.
31.
32.
Landscapes of Thomas Fearnley, London, D. Giles Ltd, 2012,
pp. 93–95.
Johansen 1996 (cited in note 9), p. 225.
Ibid., p. 226.
The 190 papers examined consisted of 81 laid and 107 wove
papers. The texture of two papers was not determined.
Watermark research helps to establish the age of a paper and
its origin, and can provide information on the artist’s preferences. Identifying watermarks on drawings is complex. Unlike
writing or printing paper, drawing papers often do not contain
a watermark at all, or show only incomplete watermarks (or
countermarks) as artists frequently cut their paper to a certain
format. Describing a watermark is just the first step in identifying the paper mill. If only initials, a decorative mark or an
incomplete watermark are present, watermark analysis is complicated. Unlike manuscripts or letters, drawings often remain
undated and therefore only a few drawing papers are currently
included in watermark databases; see also A.-G. Rischel, ‘A
technical study of 19th-century papers used by Danish artists’,
in this volume, pp. 65–71.
Amtlicher Bericht über die allgemeine Deutsche GewerbeAusstellung zu Berlin im Jahre 1844, Dritter und letzter Teil,
Berlin, Verlag von K. Reimarus, 1845, pp. 132–133.
Thomas Fearnley, Elben et Saloppen, 12 June 1830, pencil on
paper, 255 × 463 mm, inv no. NG.K&H.A.03773.
Thomas Fearnley, Root of a Tree, 1829–1830, pencil on paper,
inv no. NG.K&H.A.03732.
Thomas Fearnley, From Bavaria, 20 September 1830, wash and
pencil on paper, 420 × 310 mm, inv. no. NG.K&H.A.03570.
Landscape, Feldafing, 12 October 1830, pencil on paper, 306 ×
424 mm, inv. no. NG.K&H.A.03706
Thomas Fearnley, Brunnen, Kanton Swytz, 26 June 1835,
pencil on paper, 277 × 443 mm, inv. no. NG.K&H.A.03240
and Thomas Fearnley, Brunnen, 27 June 1835, pencil on paper,
NG.K&H.A.03235.
P. Bower, Turner’s Papers: A Study of the Manufacture, Selection
and Use of his Drawing Papers 1787–1820, London, Tate Gallery,
1990, p. 84.
L. Herbert (ed.), ‘Mechanical pencil’, in The Engineer’s and
Mechanics Encyclopaedia, vol. 2, 1836, pp. 284–285.
For detailed information, see the experimental appendix.
C. Hayter, Hayter’s Introduction to Perspective, Drawing, and
Painting, 3rd edn, London, 1820, pp. 169‒170; C. Humphrys (tr.)
and A. Müller (ed.), Der englische Zeichenmeister. Oder die neuesten Methoden, Erfindungen und Verbesserungen im Zeichnen,
Tuschen, Coloriren, Malen und Farbenbereiten [...] Ein nützliches Handbüchlein für angehende und geübtere Zeichner,
Gottfried Basse, Quedlingburg and Leipzig, 1832, p. 37.
C. Mackenzie, Mackenzie’s Five Thousand Receipts in All the
Useful and Domestic Arts, Philadelphia, James Kay Jnr. and
Brother, 1829, p. 54.
Humphrys and Müller 1832 (cited in note 28), p. 37
J. Weir, ‘Eggs, milk and fish: a practical investigation of
artists’ use of fixatives’, The Book and Paper Group Annual 26,
American Institute of Conservation, 2007, p. 134.
Experiments with organic, skimmed milk applied on three
different historic papers from the Honig paper mill and three
standard model papers demonstrated that the whey migrated into the papers where it remained even after drying. The
samples of the original drawings were taken by scraping off the
fixative on top of the paper surface therefore only components
33.
34.
35.
36.
37.
present on the surface were analysed, not the whey part with
its high amount of glucose. This explains the different peak
heights.
The Whatman papers used for printing and subsequent handcolouring of the famous book The Birds of America by James
Audubon (1827‒1838) are contemporaneous to Fearnley’s
papers and also originate from the Turkey Mill. They are reported by Steiner to have ‘a stronger tendency to go yellow or beige’:
B. Steiner, Audubon Art Prints: A Collector’s Guide to Every
Edition, Columbia, University of South Carolina Press, 2003, p.
29.
The cause is depolymerisation of cellulose due to autocatalytic oxidation triggered by iron ions which act as radicals.
Conjugated groups are formed that cause discoloration of
paper; see L. Niehus, U. Henniges, M. Horsky, T. Prohaska, A.
Potthast and I. Brueckle, ‘Reducing risks of hydrogen peroxide
bleaching in presence of iron ions in paper’, Restaurator 33,
2012, p. 3. A homogeneous distribution of iron particles in the
paper causes a homogeneous discoloration – only in specific
cases can a locally high iron concentration lead to local discoloration; see M. Kraan, F. Ligterink, B. Reissland, B. van Beek,
B. van Velzen, I. Joosten and P. Hallebeek, ‘A million brown
spots after conservation: untangling the cause-effect chain’, in
S. Jaques (ed.), The Institute of Conservation (ICON), Edinburgh
Conference Papers, 2007, pp. 59‒66.
Casein has been suggested as an inhibitor of iron-catalysed oxidation (preliminary project on iron-gall inks, RCE Amsterdam
in cooperation with Walter Castelijns, Rotterdam Archives,
1998/99, unpublished). Alternatively it could be an optical effect
caused by the whitish layer developing on top of the paper surface.
Drawings with the watermark ‘Whatman’ NG.K&H.A.03384
and NG.K&H.A.03412; with the watermark ‘Canson’
NG.K&H.A.03222; and with the watermark ‘Van Gelder’
NG.K&H.A.03253.
He describes the method in his letters to his brother Theo van
Gogh on 14 April 1882 (letter 217) and on 1 May 1882 (letter
222); see ‘Vincent van Gogh: the Letters’: http://vangoghletters.
org. Both the Van Gogh Museum in Amsterdam and the
Kroeller Mueller Museum in Otterloo possess drawings with
such a different discoloration pattern. No research has yet been
done to verify the presence of milk and explain the differing
behaviour of Van Gogh’s drawing papers.
Authors’ addresses
• Birgit Reissland, Cultural Heritage Agency of The Netherlands
(RCE), Amsterdam, The Netherlands (B.Reissland@
cultureelerfgoed.nl)
• Tina Grette Poulsson, The National Museum of Art,
Architecture and Design, Oslo, Norway (tina.poulsson@
nasjonalmuseet.no)
• Henk van Keulen, Cultural Heritage Agency of The Netherlands
(RCE), Amsterdam, The Netherlands (H.van.Keulen@
cultureelerfgoed.nl)
• Ineke Joosten, Cultural Heritage Agency of The Netherlands
(RCE), Amsterdam, The Netherlands (I.Joosten@
cultureelerfgoed.nl)
93
STUDYING THE EUROPEAN
VISUAL ARTS 1800–1850
Paintings, Sculpture, Interiors and Art on Paper
CATS Proceedings, III, 2016
Edited by Joyce H. Townsend and Abbie Vandivere
Archetype
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