Not the Queen Šābuhrduxtag but the Goddess Anāhitā: Identification of the Female Figure in the Investiture Scene of Narseh at Naqsh-i Rustam

第 25 回 ヘレニズム〜イスラーム考古学研究 2018 Not the Queen Šābuhrduxtag but the Goddess Anāhitā: Identification of the Female Figure in the Investiture Scene of Narseh at Naqsh-i Rustam シャープールドゥフタク王妃ではなくアナーヒター女神 ̶ナクシェ・ルスタムのナルセー王叙任式図浮彫の女性像の比定̶ Katsumi Tanabe 田辺 勝美 Introductory Remarks The rock-cut relief (Fig. 1) depicting the investiture scene of the Sasanian King of Kings, Narseh (293-302) at Naqsh-i Rustam in southern Iran has been investigated by many scholars since the beginning of the twentieth century CE (Herrmann 1977: 9-11, fig. 2, pls. 8-13). As regards the iconography of this relief, one of a few problems that have not yet gained scholarly consensus is the identification of the female figure (Fig. 2) depicted on the viewer’s rightmost side of the relief. She wears a long-sleeved dress covering both feet, and a mural (turreted) crown (Fig. 3) with three or four two-stepped crenellations resembling the crenellated mural crown of Ahura Mazdā (Ōhrmazd) (Erdmann 1943: 47, 1951: 95, figs. 1, 18; Duchesne-Guillemin 1971: 379; Vanden Berghe 1984: 65, 186, 193, 205, fig. 9, pls. 18, 25, 37; Shenkar 2014: figs. 6-8, 22, 2015: 193-202, figs. 5-12). Ahura Mazdā’s crenellated mural crown derived beyond doubt from that worn by the first Sasanian King of Kings, Ardašīr I (224-242) who adopted the crenellated mural crown of Artaxerxes I (around 200 CE), a Frataraka king of Persis (Göbl 1971: pl. 1-14, 15; Alram/Gyselen 2003: pls. 12-13; Shenkar 2015: 194, 198-200; The New York Sale Auction 37, lots 337, 373). Although her crown is similar in shape to that of Ahura Mazdā, a conspicuous difference from the latter is a decorative band composed of ‘arcade’ or a ‘border of flutes’ added to the lower part (Herrmann 1977: 11, fig. 2, pl. 10). Currently there are two major hypotheses as regards the identification. One of them is to identify the female figure as the Zoroastrian goddess of water, Anāhitā (Arədvī Sūrā Anāhitā). The other is to identify it as the queen of Narseh, Šābuhrduxtag (Shāpuhrdukhtak). The former was put forward by Friedrich Sarre and Ernst Herzfeld in 1911 and since then has widely been followed by almost all the scholars such as Kurt Erdmann, Arthur Christensen, Roman Ghirshman and so forth Fig. 1 Investiture of Narseh, Naqsh-i Rustam (Sarre/Herzfeld 1911: 85-88, figs. 37-42, 1928: - 9 - 第 25 回 ヘレニズム〜イスラーム考古学研究 2018 138, pl. XLIV-19; Erdmann 1943: 61, pl. 27; Christensen 1944: 233, fig. 22 ; Ghirshman 1950: 86, fig. 1, 1962: 176, fig. 218; DuchesneGuillemin 1971: 378; Weber/Wiesehöfer 2010: 89-90, note 1). The second was proposed by A. Shahpur Shahbazi in 1983, followed by Jamsheed K. Choksy, Ursula Weber, Karin MosigWalburg, Josef Wiesehöfer and so forth (Choksy 1989: 132-133; Weber 2010a: 310, 316, 2012: 260, 270-2 84; Mosig-Walburg 2011: 460, 466; Weber/ Wiesehöfer 2010: 111) and seems to be nowadays gaining more support among specialists of Sasanian archaeology and history than the former (Shenkar’ 2013b: 615). However, there are still several scholars who maintain that the female figure is the goddess Anāhitā (Rose 1998: 37-41; Soudavar 2003: 65, figs. 50, 74; Daryaee 2009:13; Daems 2001: 54; Shenkar’ 2013b: 633, 2014: 70-79, figs. 19, 21-27 ; Koulabadi/ Haji/Ataie 2013:151- 141, figs. 13, 16-19; Malekān/ Mohammadifar 2013: 13; Sinisi 2015: 215). Fig. 2 Sasanian female figure (Anāhitā), detail of Fig.1 As for the present author I already attempted to condemn the identification by Shahbazi as wrong and insisted that the female figure is not the queen of Narseh but the goddess Anāhitā in 1986 and 1987 (Tanabe 1986,1987). However, my counter-argument against Shahbazi’s identification was not complete in the light of the progress of research on Sasanian art carried out since 1990s. What is more, recently it became clear that the investiture scene of Narseh (Fig. 1) was not produced just after he got enthroned in Fig. 3 Mural crown with short 293 CE but made after his defeat by Roman emperor Galerius and laminae worn by the female also the piece-treaty of Nisibis with him in 297/298 CE (Canepa figure, detail of Fig.1 2009: 84; Weber 2012: 224-230). This was clarified by the fact that the flat crown with laminae (hohe Kohlkehle) (Fig. 4) worn by Narseh in his investiture scene is not the first type (Fig. 5) but the second or third type (Fig. 6 ) (Herzfeld 1938:110; Lukonin 1969: pl. XIX, I, IIa, b; Göbl 1971: table V; DeShazo 1993, figs. 1-4; Alram 2008: 27-28, figs. 24-26). The first type consisting of laminae and Fig. 4 Flat crown with laminae of three palmettes or leafy branches of tree was used for his portraits Narseh, detail of Fig.1 (Fig. 7) found from the ruined monument of Pāikūlī that was most probably constructed as soon as Narseh usurped kingship from his nephew, Bahrām III in 293 CE (Herzfeld 1924: vol. I, 7, 9, 10, figs. 6, 7, 10, 12, 1938: 102, 112, figs. 1, 8; Erdmann 1951: 89, 98, 123, fig. 18-Narseh a, b; Weber 2010b; Alram 2012: 280-286, figs. 1, 2, pls. 75-fig. 8a, b, 9a, b, 8081, 83-figs. 22, 23; Weber 2012:186-187, 199-201, figs. 1-4) . The first type decorated with three - 10 - 第 25 回 ヘレニズム〜イスラーム考古学研究 Fig. 5 Portrait of Narseh on silver Fig. 6 Portrait of Narseh on silver coin, private collection, Tokyo coin, the Hirayama Ikuo Silk Road Museum 2018 Fig. 7 Fragment of Narseh’s crown from Pāikūlī, northern Iraq leafy branches of tree apparently alludes to the goddess bringing the waters to the rivers and streams of the earth and ensuring vegetation (Göbl 1960: 44, 1971: 7; Malandra 1983: 119; Piras 2017: 317318; Tanabe 2017: 23-29). The association of Anāhitā with tree or plant is quite reasonable because Anāhitā temples are thought to be built beside lakes, rivers, springs or watercourses which make trees grow (Yašt 5. XXIII. 101: Wolff 1910:178; Trever 1967: 1221-23; Chaumont 1985: 1008). Especially evergreen trees such as cypress, myrtle and pine reverenced as symbols of immortality were regularly planted around Zoroastrian fire-temples (Degener 2005: 31). Needless to say, the worship of Anāhitā is intimately connected with fire-temple as is suggested by the compound word Ādur-Anāhitā (Fire- Anāhitā , Boyce 1985:1008). The flat crown composed of flutes or laminae that are reduced forms of an ‘arcade’ seems to symbolize an enclosure (paradeisos) or a wall within which are raised trees, flowers and so forth by water distributed by Anāhitā. Mtthew P. Canepa regards the laminae as Achaemenid architectural decorative motif ‘cavetto cornice’ but his interpretation is hardly tenable (Canepa 2010: 587). The laminae might be related to another device of ‘volutes’ or ‘undulating ribbon’ decorating the crown (Fig. 8 ) of the Sasanian King of Kings Ohrmezd I (272/3) symbolizing Anāhitā if we believe in Robert Göbl (1962: 30, 1971: 43). Taking into account this new fact, I felt it necessary to supplement my previous argumentation and to definitively prove that the female figure is nothing but the goddess Anāhitā investing Narseh with legitimate kingship (Xvarnah, for details of this word, Lobotsky 1998; Shenkar’ 2013a). 1 Shahbazi’s Identification The basis of Shahbazi’s identification consists of the following four points. The first is that the height of the female is shorter than that of Narseh because his corymbos is depicted quite big and tall (p. 256). The shorter female is, according to Shahbazi, subordinate to Narseh and therefore she cannot be a goddess who is superior to human being. However, without a corymbos the height of the female is almost same as that of Narseh. Furthermore, Ahura Mazdā is sometimes depicted shorter than Ardašīr I in his other investiture scenes at Firuzabad (Tang-i ab) and Naqsh-i Rustam (Vanden Berghe 1984: 185-6, pls. 17, 18). - 11 - 第 25 回 Fig. 8 Portrait of Ohrmezd I on silver coin, the State Hermitage Museum ヘレニズム〜イスラーム考古学研究 Fig. 9 Rev. of the coin of Bahrām II, private collection 2018 Fig. 10 Female (Anāhitā) bust, Darabgird, southeastern Iran What is more, in Sasanian investiture scenes, Ahura Mazdā confronts the Sasanian King of Kings followed by heir-apparent, prince, queen and dignitary (Vanden Berghe 1984: 65, 185, fig. 9, pl. 17; Shenkar 2014: figs. 5, 6). Therefore, we can assume that in the investiture scene of Narseh (Fig. 1), Narseh does confront a deity, i.e., the goddess Anāhitā rather than his queen. Shahbazi’ second assertion is that the left hand of the female (Fig. 2) is intentionally concealed inside a sewn sleeve (pp. 257, 262-263, figs.1-4). However, this is not the etiquette adopted by the queen before the Sasanian King of Kings but she wears simply a long sleeved garment that was used by the Iranian-Central Asiatic peoples (Scythian, Parthian and Kushan etc.) in order to protect hands from the severely cold climate (Santoro 2005: 285, 292, figs. 1-13). What is more, the image (Fig. 9) of another Šābuhrduxtag, queen of the Sasanian King of Kings, Bahrām II (276-293) struck on the reverse of the silver coin issued by this Sasanian King of Kings shows the left hand that is not covered by long sleeve (Choksy 1989: 122-124, pl. 10-1, 3, 5, 6). Her left arm bends slightly angularly as exactly as that of the female figure in the investiture scene of Narseh (Figs. 1, 2). Such a bending might be a conventional formula to be adopted by Sasanian artists at least in the third century CE. In the Young Avesta (Yašt 5, Ābān Yašt) Anāhitā is described as wearing a coat with long sleeves (Malandra 1983: 129; Skjaervø 2011: 62). Therefore, this left hand gesture of the relevant female figure does not mean that she is inferior to Narseh in social standing. Eventually she is not likely Narseh’s queen Šābuhrduxtag. The third point is the status of Šābuhrduxtag, queen of Narseh in Sasanian royal genealogy. Undoubtedly in the Šābuhr I’s Inscription of Ka‘ba-i Zardušt at Naqsh-i Rustam, Šābuhrduxtag is mentioned as queen of the Sakas, because her husband Narseh was king of the Sakas (Mariq 1965:60; Huyse 1999: Band I, 50). However, she is not direct descendant of Šābuhr I but a daughter of Pērōz, a younger brother of Šābuhr I (Mariq 1965: 75). Shahbazi highly estimated her rank as the forth prominent lady in Sasanian court and regarded her as a pillar of authority in the royal family (pp. 265-268). Consequently, Shahbazi, supposing that Šābuhrduxtag is a princess of immense political influence and Narseh shared his kingship with his queen, concluded that the investiture scene of Narseh (Fig. 1) represents a joint sovereignty of Narseh and his queen. - 12 - 第 25 回 ヘレニズム〜イスラーム考古学研究 2018 Fig. 12 Façade of the Larger Grotte of Taq-i Bustan, north-western Iran Fig. 11 Rock-cut relief and a female bust, Darabgird However, there is no textual or historical basis for such an assumption. Furthermore, he did not pay any attention to the beribboned diadem. This motif does not symbolize a joint rulership nor shared sovereignty but the divine and legitimate kingship (Xvarnah) to be endowed by a deity such as Ahura Mazdā and Anāhitā as far as Sasanian royal iconography is concerned (Erdmann 1942: 210; Tanabe 1896:113, -117, figs. 15c, 16, 1987: 119, 123-126, figs. 17, 18). Shahbazi’s fourth assertion is that the female bust (Fig.10) sculpted on the rock just below the victory relief of Ardašīr I or his successor Šābuhr I, Sasanian King of Kings (242-272) at Darabgird (Fig. 11) is Šābuhrduxtag, queen of Narseh. This figure apparently wears the same type of crown as that of the female figure (Figs.1, 2), but there is no good reason why only the bust of Šābuhrduxtag was depicted alone at such a remote place from Naqsh-i Rustam. This female bust is more likely that of Anāhitā because she is the goddess of waters and therefore her bust was reasonably sculpted on the rock below which still exist springs and a pond (Vanden Berghe 1978: 136-137, pls. I-V). The same holds true of the Larger Grotte of Taq-i Bustan (Fig. 12) within which is depicted a standing image of Anāhitā. Just beside the grotte is a crack of spring from which pure water was abundantly gushing out when I made a research there in 1976. Eugène Flandin also reported in 1851 that un large ruisseau qu’ alimentent plusieurs sources jaillisant au même lieu, et qui vont se mêler au Karasou, après avoir arrosé la plaine et fourni aux besoins d’un petit village qui est dans le voisinage (Flandin 1851: 1; Flandin /Coste 1851/54: pls. 2-3). Therefore, his identification as Šābuhrduxtag must be discarded. Another good evidence to refute Shahbazi’s assumption can be found in the standing goddess struck on the reverse (Fig. 13) of the drachm issued by Ohrmezd I, who is depicted wearing a similar mural crown with one or two-stepped crenellations (Shenkar 2014: fig. 19). She cannot be other than the goddess Anāhitā holding a spear as was already identified by Robert Göbl, notwithstanding the fact that Rika Gyselen is too much cautious to identify her as Anāhitā (Göbl 1971: 19, pl. 3-38, table IV; Gyselen 2010b: 78, fig. 17, 2012a: 128, 135, 142-143, type 1a/1(1)). If the ‘volutes’ or ‘undulating ribbon’ of the crown of Ohrmezd I (Fig. 8) is related to Anāhitā as Göbl implies, the goddess on the - 13 - 第 25 回 ヘレニズム〜イスラーム考古学研究 Fig.13 Viewer’s right: Goddess Anāhitā standing on the reverse of Hormezd I silver coin, the State Hermitage Museum 2018 Fig. 14 Enthroned Anāhitā under arch on the reverse of Ardashir I Kushanshah’s bronze coin, author’s collection Fig. 15 Enthroned Anāhitā under arch, drawing by E. Herzfeld reverse (Fig. 13) must be Anāhitā. This possibility also rejects Shahbazi’s identification. Furthermore, one of the big drawbacks of Shahbazi’s and his followers’ identifications and interpretations is not to take into consideration the Kushano-Sasanian evidence for the crown-types of the goddess Anāhitā. Therefore in the next section I will investigate the images depicted on the reverses of a gold dinar and a few bronze coins issued by three Kushano-Sasanian kings (Great Kushanshahs). In any case, Shahbazi’s interpretation was recently justly and perfectly rejected by the four Iranian scholars through convincing arguments (Koulabadi et al. 2013:139-141). 2 Anāhitā of the Kushano-Sasanian Coins The Kushano-Sasanian kings ruled the area lying to the north–east of Sasanian Persia including Margiana, Bactria, Kapishi, Kabul, Gandhara, and Ariana around modern Heart. They issued gold, silver and bronze coins (Herzfeld 1930; Bivar 1956; Lukonin 1967, 1969:136, pl. XI-7, 8; Brunner 1974; Carter 1985; Cribb 1990; Jongewad/ Cribb/Donovan 2015: 197-226). The genealogy of the Kushano-Sasanian kings is as follows: Unidentified Kushanshah (?, 230 CE) or Ardashir I Kushanshah Ardashir I Kushanshah (230-245 CE) [Ardashir II (?) Kushanshah or Ardashir I Kushanshah or unidentified Kushanshah] Peroz I Kushanshah (245-270 CE) Hormuzd I Kushanshah (270-300 CE) Hormuzd II Kushanshah (300-303 CE) Peroz II Kushanshah (303-330 CE) Varahran Kushanshah (330-365 CE) Unfortunately, the absolute chronology of these kings is not established. Roughly speaking, the Kushano-Sasanians existed from the mid third to the mid fourth century CE less than one hundred - 14 - 第 25 回 ヘレニズム〜イスラーム考古学研究 2018 years (Brunner 1974; Carter 1985: 223, 266-277; Cribb 1990, 2007, 2015; Schindel 2012). This period corresponds to the reigning years of Sasanian King of Kings from Ohrmezd I to Šābuhr II (309-379) who issued Kushano-Sasanian type bronze coins inscribed ŠABORO (Šābuhr) in Greek cursive script in Gandhara (Jongeward/ Cribb/Donovan 2015: 224-225, coin 2404). Simply for reference, I entered relevant dates following the absolute dating by Joe Cribb (Cribb 2007: 84; Jongeward/ Cribb/Donovan 2015: 197). The earliest Kushano-Sasanian bronze coin was issued by Ardashir I Kushanshah on the reverse of which is depicted a goddess wearing a mural crown sitting framed by an arched shrine or under aedicula (Fig. 14). Her crown seems to be decorated with one or two-stepped crenellations (Shenkar 2014: fig. 26, the British Museum collection). She holds a beribboned diadem (symbol of legitimate kingship or Xvarnah) in the right hand while a spear or scepter in the left hand. Around the goddess is struck two Pahlavi inscriptions from 17 o’clock to 14 o’clock and 11 to 7 o’clock: both in an anti-clock direction, but it is almost illegible on this example in the possession of the present author. On the reverse (Fig.15) of the Kushanshah Ardashir I’s bronze coin owned by Herzfeld, the inscription to the viewer’s left is clearly written Anahita while the Pahlavi characters to the right are not deciphered by him (Herzfeld 1930: 30, 41, fig.21, pl. I-3a~d, table Ii-3b). On a bronze coin of this king housed in the State Hermitage Museum remains clearly the relevant Pahlavi inscriptions (Lukonin 1967: 24, fig. 3, 1969: pl. XI-8). Unfortunately, the right-side words are struck clearly but are not deciphered by Vladimir Grigor’evich Lukonin. However, we can read the left-side words as anahita at least. Furthermore, another good bronze coin issued by Ardashir I Kushanshah that is illustrated by Fabrizio Sinisi, the left part of the inscription runs roughly from 11 o’clock to 7 o’clock in an anti-clockwise direction with the words ’n’ḥyt MR‘T’ (Anahita Mrota=Anāhitā b’nwky=Lady Anāhitā) (Sinisi 2015: 204, fig. I-d). Unfortunately, the right- side inscription is also illegible as well as the State Hermitage example. It is beyond doubt that Sinisi’s decipherment of the above-quoted inscription is easily accepted to be correct if we look at the fig.1d illustrated at page 201 of his article. As Herzfeld correctly deciphered, the left-side inscription runs apparently anahita while the other inscription starting from the 8 o’clock downwards can be deciphered as mrota. Furthermore, according to Joe Cribb, the inscription of the Ardashir I Kushanshah’s bronze coin housed in the American Numismatic Society is partially legible as … anahyt mrwta ([…Lady Anāhitā] (Jongeward/ Cribb/Donovan 2015: 203-204, coin no. 2146). The next example of the Kushano-Sasanian Anāhitā image can be seen on the reverse of the bronze coin (Fig. 16) issued by Ardashir II (?) Kushanshah or Ardashir I Kushnshah or unidentified Kushanshah in the Aman ur Rahman’s collection (Schindel 2009:12, figs.1, 2; Loeschner 2010:12, figs.1,2; Shenkar 2014: fig.27; Sinisi 2015: 203, fig.1b; Cribb 2015: 202, coin no. 2140-41, but unidentified king). The long Pahlavi inscription surrounds along a king and a female deity both standing, but unfortunately is hardly legible. However, According to Cribb, it is deciphered as anahyt[y ]mrwta [Lady Anāhitā] / kwsan mlka mlwy mlka […Kushan king Merv king] (Jongeward/ - 15 - 第 25 回 ヘレニズム〜イスラーム考古学研究 2018 Fig. 16 Viewer’s right: Anāhitā standing, Fig. 17 Anāhitā’s bust on altar, two reverses of Hormuzd II Kushanshah’s bronze coins, author’s collection rev. of a bronze coin of unidentified Kushano-Sasanian king or Ardashir I or II Kushanshah, Aman ur Rahman collection Cribb/Donovan 2015: 202, coin nos. 2140-2141). The mural crown worn by Anāhitā (Figs. 13, 14, 15, 16) depicted on the coins of Ohrmezd I, Ardashir I or II (?) or unidentified Kushanshah is crenellated by three or four merlons (battlements). This fact reminds us of the mural crown worn by Anāhitā (Fig.3). According to Prods Oktor Skjaervø’s translation of the Young Avesta 5, Anāhitā is described as wearing a golden (mural) crown with eight crenellations (Skjaervø 2011: 63). Therefore, the female figure (Fig. 2) wearing a crenellated mural crown (Fig. 3) can be identified as Anāhitā. On the other hand, on the reverse of the two bronze coins (Fig. 17 ) issued by Hormuzd II Kushanshah now in the present author’s collection is struck a bust of female figure emerging from a fire-altar. The Pahlavi inscription is quite clearly visible. To the viewer’s right coin the inscription runs from 4.30 o’clock in an anti-clock-wise direction anahita (or anahit zy). To the viewer’s left coin the inscription runs from 7 to 9 o’clock mrota (mrwta). These two bronze coins prove beyond doubt that this female bust represents the goddess ‘Anāhitā the Lady’ (Yongeward/ Cribb 2015: 217, coin 2338, pl.79-2338; Sinisti 2015: 211, fig. 11-b). However, this Anāhitā does not wear a mural crown but a flat crown and holds a beribboned diadem (symbol of legitimate kingship or Xvarnah) in the right hand while a spear in the left hand. Next, the gold dinar issued by Hormuzd II Kushanshah in Balkh (?) also depicts Anāhitā enthroned holding a beribboned diadem and a bow (Fig. 18). In her front stands Hormuzd II Kushanshah offering something to the bird or bird-shaped altar standing between them. She wears the same flat crown as on the above-mentioned bronze coin (Fig. 17). The Pahlavi inscription struck around both figures and to the viewer’s right is written anahit zy mrota (Anāhitā the Lady) (Cribb 1990:184-185, pl. I-5). The epithet mrota is attested in the inscriptions of Kirdir at Sar Mashhad and Naqsh-i Rustam (Ka‘ba-i Zardušt) , and also of Narseh from the Pāikūlī monument (Skjaervø 1983: 35, 112; Gignoux 1991: 41, 46, 59, 69). They must have been inscribed in the late third century CE during the reigns of Bahrām II (276-293) and Narseh (293~ 294). - 16 - 第 25 回 ヘレニズム〜イスラーム考古学研究 Fig. 18 Viewer’s right : Anāhitā standing, rev. of Hormuzd II Kushanshah’s gold coin, the British Museum 2018 Fig. 19 Bust of Bahrm III, silver cup from Sargveshi, Georgia Taking into account all the above-quoted inscriptions relevant to Anāhitā, the cult of this goddess was prevailing among the Kushano-Sasanians. Therefore, the female deity wearing a mural crown or a flat crown is beyond doubt the goddess Anāhitā. In passing, the female figure depicted on the reverse (Fig. 9) of Bahrām II has been regarded as Anāhitā by some scholars (Choksy 1989: 126-133, pl. 10-1, 5, 6, 7; Gyselen 2010b: 71), but it is not the goddess but his queen Šābuhrduxtag, a daughter of the King of Mēšān (Mesene), Šābuhr, and a granddaughter of Šābuhr I (Mariq 1965: 60-62, 75; Rose 1998: 42; Gyselen 2010a: 207-210, figs. 25-28 ). She holds a ring or diadem in the right hand. However, that diadem lacks a fluttering ribbon. Therefore, such a ring or diadem symbolizes not divine kingship but a royal status or position given by King of Kings to queen and heir-apparent as is demonstrated by the heir-apparent (Fig. 19) of Bahrām II depicted on the silver gilt cup excavated from Sargveshi, Georgia (Lukonin 1961: pls. XIII-XV, 1979: tab. 2-1, tab.4-4, figs. 22-23; Harper/Meyers 1981: pl. 2; Tanabe 1991: 13, 20, figs. 7, 13). In this connection, I must mention that in principle, the crown of queen or wife of the Sasanian King of Kings is decorated with ram’s horns (Fig. 20) or head of horse, boar or falcon that is incarnation of the god Verethragna or Xvarnah (Wolff 1910: 259-261; Haussig 1986:458; Tanabe 1993: 32-35, 80-83, figs. 69-83; Vanden Berghe/Overlaet 1993: 211, pl. 65; Demange 2006:207, cat.156; Gyselen 2012b: 226-227, figs. 8a, b; Daryaee 2015: 44-48 : Shenkar 2014: 132; Dmitriev 2017: 113-115, 117-118, figs.1-2; Maksymiuk 2018: 22-25, figs. 3-5). Eventually, the female figure (Figs. 2, 3) who does not wear this type of crown is not the queen of Narseh, Šābuhrduxtag. The remaining problem is the reason why the Kushano-Sasanian goddess Anāhitā wears two kinds of crown (Shenkar 2014: 75-79). 3 Transformation of the Crown-types of the Kushano-Sasanian Anāhitā . The transformation of the crowns worn by Anāhitā can be better understood when we take into consideration crowns adopted by Sasanian King of Kings. The oldest mural crown with three stepped crenellations was applied to Anāhitā depicted on the reverse of Ohrmezd I’s silver drachm (Fig.13) - 17 - 第 25 回 ヘレニズム〜イスラーム考古学研究 Fig. 20 Seal of the Queen of Šābuhr III, Yazdan-FriyŠābuhr, sardonyx, 4.4 x 3.4 cm, Bibliothèqhe Nationale de France, Paris 2018 Fig. 21 Arcade crown of Šābuhr III, drawing by E. Herzfeld issued around 272/3 CE, a female bust (Fig.10) at Darabgird and in the investiture scene of Narseh (Fig. 3). The shape of so-called flat arcade crown is attested for the first time in the portraits of the Sasanian King of Kings, Narseh (Figs. 4-6). Except this example, it is only Šābuhr III (383-388), Sasanian King of Kings that employed a flat arcade crown (Fig. 21) in his coin portraits. Inside each arch of this type of crown is depicted a palmette or leafy branch of tree (Herzfeld 1938: 110, fig. 6; Erdmann 1951: fig.1). This floral motif may symbolize the garden watered by canal or source related to Anāhitā. The arcade crown or Anāhitā crown featuring a walled and enclosed garden is applied to Anāhitā (Fig. 22) depicted in the upper register of the Larger Grotto at Taq-i Bustan (Fig. 11) investing the Sasanian King of Kings, Husraw II (591-628) or his descendant with a beribboned ring (Herzfeld 1938: 110-112, figs.1, 3, 6 ; Erdmann 1951: 98, figs. 1, 18; Göbl 1960: figs.13, 14, 21, 27). The alteration from mural to arcade crown seems to have taken place from the Sasanian King of Kings, Ohrmezd II (303-309) through Šābuhr II to Šābuhr III in the fourth century CE. The flat crown (Figs. 17, 18) worn by Anāhitā on the reverse of Hormuzd II Kushanshah corresponds to the flat crown decorated with trees or branches (Figs. 5, 21) worn by Narseh and Šābuhr III. Therefore, Hormuzd II Kushanshah can be dated from the period between these two Sasanian Kings of Kings, i.e., from the fourth century CE. If Šābuhr II annexed the KushanoSasanian kingdom around 350-60 CE, the reigning years of Hormuzd II Kushanshah might have been the first half of the fourth century CE (Bivar 1969: 51-52, 1979: 327-328, 332; Brunner 1974: 159; Cribb 1992: 163,171; Schindel 2005: 232-235). Even if Hormuzd II Kushanshah was ousted from Bactria by the Chionites or Huns in 350 CE or soon afterwards, the same holds true of his reigning years (Sims-Williams 2010: 90). ４ Investiture Scene of Narseh at Bishapur There are known two rock-cut reliefs which are related to the investiture of Narseh. The first one is the equestrian investiture scene (Fig. 23) that was in fact made by Bahrām I in 273-276 CE (Herrmann/ Howell 1981: 11-14, 18-20, pls. 8-14). This is confirmed by the Pahlavi inscription engraved behind - 18 - 第 25 回 Fig. 22 Arcade crown of Anāhitā, Taq-i Bustan ヘレニズム〜イスラーム考古学研究 2018 Fig. 23 Equestrian investiture of Bahrm I (Narseh), Bishapur the king’s back (MacKenzie 1981:15-16, text fig.1, fig. 2, pl.14). After Narseh got victory over Bahrām III and Bahnām in 293 CE, he engraved his own name just on the name of Bahrām I (Fig. 24) and sculpted the corpus of Bahnām or Bahrām III below the hooves of the horse on which ‘Narseh’ is riding (MacKenzie 1981: text fig. 1, fig. 2, pl. 15 ; Weber 2006/7: 175, 187, 190-195, figs. 6-9, 2012: 199-201, 273-284, figs. 3-4 ). His blasphemous alteration and falsification of his brother’s name in the Pahlavi inscription of Bahrām I might have been done for ‘damnatio memoriae’ of Bahrām I (Weber 2006/7: 187, 193-195, fig. 9; Weber/Wiesehöfer 2010: 92-93, 102-104,106-107, 122, fig. 3) but he paid dearly for that act after five years. As something like a divine punishment upon Narseh, he was bitterly defeated in the battle with the Roman emperor Galerius, and eventually his queen and his family were captured by the Roman army (Christensen 1944: 233 ; Schippmann 1990: 30; Weber 2012: 224-249). Galerius’ victory over Narseh was sculpted on the Arch of Galerius (Fig. 25) at Thessaloniki completed in 303 CE (Canepa 202009: 83-99, figs. 12-18 ). This event means that Narseh lost his Xvarnah invested by Ahura Mazdā (Fig. 23) through his wrong deed and defeat (Erdmann 1942: 210-211, 1943: 47, 50 ; Weber 2010a: 312, 2012:154, 210, 228, 236, 252, 282, 284 ; Weber/Wiesehöfer 2010: 109-112). As the crown symbolizes the royal Xvarnah, Narseh attempted to discard the old crown (Fig. 5) and adopt a new crown (Figs. 4, 6) in order to bring back to him and his descendants the lost Xvarnah or legitimacy of kingship (Göbl 1971: 10; Abka‘iKhavari 2000: 41, 67; Mosig-Walburg 2011: 459). After the humiliating piece-treaty with the Roman emperor, his queen, his harem and family returned to him, and he might have thought it necessary to make another rock-cut relief of authentic investiture in order to show his legitimate kingship regained. This is, in my opinion, the main reason why he made the investiture scene (Fig.1) at Naqsh-i Rustam quite near to Istakhr (Iṣtaḫr) where Anāhitā Temple existed since the time of Sāsān or Pābag, ancestors of the Sasanian dynasty. As the Xvarnah invested to him by Ahura Mazdā had already been lost, this time he asked for Anāhitā’s favour because he had been a fervent adherent of Anāhitā since he was the viceroy of Armenia where the cult of Anāhitā seems to have been continuously flourishing (Chaumont 1985:1007; Shenkar - 19 - 第 25 回 ヘレニズム〜イスラーム考古学研究 2018 Fig. 24 Part of Bahrām I’s and Narseh’s inscription, detail of Fig. 23 Fig. 25 Victory Arch of Galerius, Thessaloniki, northern Greece 2014:19-20). As Anāhitā replaced Apam Napāt, Son of Waters who had taken possession of Xvarnah that left the King Yima, she could endow Narseh with Xvarnah just like the goddess (Figs. 12, 22) holding a pitcher and a beribboned diadem depicted in the Larger Grotto of Taq-i Bustan. Concluding Remarks From the above argumentation, I conclude that the female figure (Fig. 2) in the investiture scene of Narseh (Fig. 1) at Naqsh-i Rustam is nothing but the goddess Anāhitā. The identification proposed by Shahbazi followed by Choksy, Mosig-Walburg, Weber, Wiesehöfer and others is beside the mark and is not tenable at all. Consequently, all the iconographical interpretations deduced from the identification of the female figure as Šābuhrduxtag such as ‘Narseh sharing his kingship with his queen’ (Shahbazi 1983: 266, 268), ‘legitimate sovereignty of Narseh and his descendants supported by the marriage of Narseh with Šābuhrduxtag’ (Mosig-Walburg 2011: 466) must be discarded. 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Sources of Illustrations Figs. 1~6, 11, 12, 14, 17, 21, 22, 23 author’s photos Fig. 7 Herzfeld 1938, p. 112, fig. 8 Figs. 8, 13 Courtesy of Dr. A. Nikitin, the State Hermitage Museum Fig. 9 The New York Sale Auction 37, 2016, Lot 448. Fig.10 Vanden Berghe 1978, pl. III Fig.11 internet: Flicr. David Dorren Fig.15 Herzfeld 1930, p. 30, fig. 21 - 25 - 第 25 回 ヘレニズム〜イスラーム考古学研究 Fig.16 Shenkar 2014, fig. 27 Fig.18 Courtesy of the British Museum Fig.19 Courtesy of Prof. Sh. Takahama Fig.20 Demange 2006, cat. 156 Fig.21 Herzfeld 1938, p. 102, fig. I Fig.24 Herrmann and Howell 1981, text fig. 1 Fig.25 Internet: Holidayify - 26 - 2018