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Journal of the History of Philosophy, 2005
The first of three projected parts on Montaigne's religious politics, this essay presents the text of the profession of faith Montaigne made in 1562. I analyze this profession with respect to theological issues in the 1540s, religious conflict in the 1560s, and Montaigne's place in the political landscape of Bordeaux's Parlement.
The objective of this paper is to formulate a broad concept of “authority”, whose correspondence with the institution of the contingent “other” to whom Derrida claims to grant an unconditioned sacrifice shows the dangerous lack of effective political difference between Derrida’s attitude and the attitudes, such as dialectics, he intends to deconstruct. Authority is here understood as any structure of forces whose power is actively recognized as cogent or legitimate. This is due to the fact that accepting such a power is seen as coincident with the preferable way to fulfill perceived needs and desires or, in other words, to fulfill a perceived naturalness. This preferable attempt of fulfillment is mostly accompanied by a compromise among different individuals’ naturalness - also in the sense to reach the lesser evil by subordinating oneself to a violent individual-authority. Such a definition causes a paradox in the interpretation of Derrida’s ethical move. In fact, it can be employed to describe the unconditioned openness to the Other’s claims as a doing justice to any singularity’s naturalness and as the recognition of each of these singularities as a self-legitimized authority, regardless of the features of previous and other authorities. But the structure of the formation of any authority is better described through Derrida’s very interpretation of Foucault’s History of Madness and Hegel’s construction of the Absolute. In the first case, the ultimate authority who silences madness can do that, paradoxically, only at the cost of recognizing the always “present” unpredictable effects of madness itself. In other words, any authority is an awareness of naturalness which is intelligible despite – or, maybe, thank to – the possibility of losing its sense due to unpredictable contingency. Similarly, any Hegelian act of reciprocal recognition of self-consciousnesses suffers the aporia whereby one can recognize her own desires and the other’s desires only in function of certain existent social institutions, which do not necessarily let each individual’s potentialities stand out. As can be drawn from the semiological analysis of The Pit and the Pyramid, the arbitrariness of “linguistic” institutions always leaves a remainder which compromises absolutism. The formation of the Other, being itself an awareness of a certain naturalness in function of certain institutions, does not escape this overall structure and the shortcomings linked to unpredictable contingency and arbitrariness. Rather than relying on the ideality of an authority, I propose a logic of maximization of reciprocal bargaining power in order to optimize reciprocal recognition and fulfillment of desires. Reciprocal bargaining power can be interpreted as the basic structure of intersubjective agreements founded on what can be defined as an impulse toward reciprocal attraction - explained by the recognition of reciprocal utility. While Derrida’s proposal is more likely to limit an evaluation to what stands out in a certain moment as the solution to a problem perceived by a certain authority, to take into account the intersubjective structure I suggested may help to investigate whether there may be an even better overall allocation of instruments and potentialities.
This article seeks to show that, in Montesquieu‘s writings, legal philosophy remains critically dependent on political philosophy . The Judge‘s role varies depending on various forms of government; and despotism serves as a foil to those forms of judicial power that are not fatal to freedom. The reflexion on the attribution and limitation of the power to judge (I) as well as the modalities of judgment (II) cannot be separated from the critique of absolutism. While Montesquieu does not employ satire (as Voltaire is much more willing to do), and while he removed all reference to the lettres de cachet, his criticism of the rise of power of royal justice must not be downplayed. As a former magistrate, Conseiller à la Cour (Counsellor to the Court) then Président à mortier of the Parlement of Bordeaux (1714-1726) where he heard criminal cases in La Tournelle (the chamber responsible for criminal investigations) for eleven years, Montesquieu had the opportunity to closely observe the judicial hearings and practices of his time and examine their effects on the freedom of French subjects. The Spirit of Laws thus offers a reflection on the conditions for political freedom, to which the examination of the power to judge remains subordinate.
Verbum, 2014
This essay argues that the main instrument Montaigne, 16th-century French thinker and writer, used for creating a "new ontology, " as Nicola Panichi calls it (2004, 278), was language and a special style of writing. He, first of all, created-or revived from the Antiquity-a new genre most suitable for a new discourse, and christened it essai. Then he applied a method known in humanist schools of the Renaissance as ultraquem partem to relativise all previous thought. Finally, he employed a thorough, frank examination of his own behaviour, habits and preferences, adorned with Latin sentences, to promote self-analysis as a path to personal contentment. This article applies the theory of Bakhtin, a 20th-century Russian philosopher and sociolinguist, especially his essay "Discourse in the Novel" ("Слово в романе"), in the analysis of the peculiarity of Montaigne's composition and its purposefulness in expressing at that time dangerous, but already prevalent worldview. Since battling medieval Christian thought was the paramount assignment of his endeavour, the quotes are mostly taken from Montaigne's only essay-and by far the longest in the three-volume collection-entirely dedicated to religion, "Apologie de Raimond Sebond. "
A study of the tension among private and public personae in Montaigne's Essais. This close reading of "De mesnager sa volonté" argues that what lays at the heart of Montaigne's political anthropology is his recognition of the impossibility to cohere his ontological, epistemological, and political thought and actions. The recognition of these various dissonant attributes of of his person(s)/mask(s) lays at the heart of his realist, perhaps even "negative" in the technical sense, of his political anthropology, which has relevance to later liberal conception of politics.
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