BUDAPEST MONOGRAPHS IN EAST ASIAN STUDIES 4 STUDIES IN CHINESE MANUSCRIPTS: FROM THE WARRING STATES PERIOD TO THE 20TH CENTURY EDITED BY IMRE GALAMBOS STUDIES IN CHINESE MANUSCRIPTS: FROM THE WARRING STATES PERIOD TO THE 20TH CENTURY EDITED BY IMRE GALAMBOS INSTITUTE OF EAST ASIAN STUDIES, EÖTVÖS LORÁND UNIVERSITY BUDAPEST 2013 WAS THE PLATFORM S TRA ALWAYS A S TRA? Was the Platform S tra Always a S tra? Studies in the Textual Features of the Platform Scripture Manuscripts from D nhuáng CHRISTOPH ANDERL Among the manuscripts found at D nhuáng 敦煌, there are several copies and fragments of the so-called Platform S tra of the Sixth Patriarch,1 one of the key texts of Chinese Chán Buddhism. This text had a crucial role in creating the image of the ‘Southern School’ of Chán, establishing Huìnéng 慧能/ 能 – described as an illiterate lay person who became enlightened intuitively when he heard the recitation of the Diamond S tra2 – as the Sixth Patriarch. In addition, the s tra was also significant for constructing a transmission lineage of Indian and Chinese patriarchs (based on previ1 2 I want to express my special gratitude to Sam van Schaik and Carmen Meinert for providing many insightful comments on a draft version of the paper. I am also very much indebted to Imre Galambos for his helpful comments and editing suggestions. The illustrations of manuscript S.5475 (i.e. Or.8210/S.5475) are reproduced with kind permission of the British Library. When quoting secondary literature, in order to maintain consistency of presentation, the transcription of terms and proper names have been transferred to pīnyīn; occasionally, additional information such as Chinese characters are provided in square brackets within citations. As Jorgensen (2005: 772) phrases it: “Huìnéng was made an illiterate child of déclassé parents who lived among semi-barbarians in the remote South, yet was still a buddha, rising from obscurity to the rank of an ‘uncrowned king’ like Confucius. In this way Huìnéng simultaneously represented meritocracy and a natural aristocracy of the enlightened. […], access to Huìnéng was through his s tra, the Platform S tra, and transmission approval was by verses.” John McRae (2000: XV) describes the figure of Huìnéng the following way: “By the time of the Platform S tra, interest in factionalist rivalry had passed and the goal was to unify the burgeoning Chán movement under the standard of Huìnéng. Why Huìnéng? Not because he was an important historical figure, or even a well-known teacher. Rather, Huìnéng was an acceptable figurehead for Chinese Chán precisely because of his anonymity. Anything could be attributed to him as long as it would fit under the rubric of subitism.” For a translation of an early biography of Huìnéng in Zǔtáng jí 祖堂 (Collection From the Patriarchs’ Hall, 952 A.D.), see Anderl 2004, vol. 2: 768–787. 121 CHRISTOPH ANDERL ous lineage systems) which has survived nearly unaltered until modern times and became the very basis of Chán/Zen identity. Prior to the discovery of the D nhuáng texts around 1900, only Sòng and Yuán versions of this text were known. In addition, several versions have been discovered in Japanese temple libraries during the 20th century. The discovery of the Platform S tra among the D nhuáng manuscripts triggered a new interest in the text among scholars. For a long period, these studies have been dominated by Japanese researchers, to which a few Western scholars have added their contribution. In recent years, however, Chinese scholars have also shown a growing interest in the Platform scripture, particularly after the discovery of several additional D nhuáng manuscripts with the text in Chinese libraries. Despite the large number of studies published in recent years on the different versions of this scripture, there is still much disagreement concerning the textual development of the text, its authorship, and a series of other questions. The purpose of this paper is to discuss the D nhuáng Platform S tra, with a focus on the Stein manuscript and the lesser known D nbó (an acronym for D nhuáng bówùguǎn 博物館) manuscript kept at the D nhuáng Museum. In addition, I briefly review aspects of recent scholarship on the subject and discuss textual and linguistic features of the D nhuáng texts. I also argue that a thorough philological approach to the text and its structure, in combination with an analysis of its socio-religious context, might enable us to uncover additional information concerning its origin and function. Part I: Sources for the Study of the Platform Sūtra 1.1 The Platform Sūtra Manuscripts from Dūnhuáng 1.1.1 Manuscript S.5475 The Platform S tra in manuscript S.5475 (Or.8210/S.5475) from the British Library was the second identified among the D nhuáng versions of the text. The text is nearly complete, with only three lines missing in the middle portion.3 The manuscript is bound in the form of a booklet consist3 For a description of the context and textual history of this manuscript, see Yampolsky 1967: 89–121 and Schlütter 2007: 386–394. Based on a number of inconsist- 122 WAS THE PLATFORM S TRA ALWAYS A S TRA? ing of 52 pages (including six blank pages: pp. 1, 44, 49–52, and two half-blank pages: pp. 2 and 48).4 Each page is stitched in the middle and typically consists of 14 lines, 7 on each half-page. The text begins on the left half-page of page 2 of the manuscript and the title consists of 3 lines. Characters on the front page are larger than those on subsequent ones (on details of the title, see below). Characters are often vertically not aligned. Each line consists of 19 to 24 full-size characters, but smaller size characters are occasionally inserted in the text. Stanzas (gh t s) are visually distinguished by the insertion of empty spaces between the verses. The manuscript seems to have been copied in a hurry and little consideration was paid to character alignment and spacing, or other aspects of atheistic presentability. It also contains many corrupt passages and a particular system of loan characters.5 Based on these textual features, Chinese scholars have referred to this copy as the ‘bad copy’ (èb n 曓), and contrasted it to the more recently identified D nbó version of this text. The Stein manuscript served as the source text for Philip Yampolsky’s English translation.6 He described the manuscript the following way: “[…] it is highly corrupt, filled with errors, miscopyings, lacunae, superfluous passages and repetitions, inconsistencies, almost every ———— 4 5 6 encies in the text, Schlütter discerns several layers. Inconsistencies can be found in the ‘autobiographical’ section of the text (this will be discussed later in this paper), the description of the monk Shénhuì (the de facto creator of the notion of ‘Southern School of Chán’), the persons who received the transmission of the text, the role of transmission symbols such as Huìnéng’s robe, etc. For a short description of the D nhuáng Platform S tra manuscripts, see also Jorgensen 2005: 596–602. Reference to the Stein manuscript is given according to ‘full’ page-numbers (rather than the folded half-pages), line and character number. For a list of loan and corrupt characters across all extant manuscripts, see Anderl et al. 2012: 33–44. There is a strong influence of contemporary Northwestern dialects in the system of phonetic loans, especially in S.5475. The manuscript was identified by the Japanese scholar Yabuki Keiki 吹庆辉 in 1923 at the British Library. The first facsimile reproduction appeared in Yabuki 1933: 102–103 and is also the source of the Taish edition (T.48, no. 2007: 337a01–345b17; this edition, however, contains many mistakes and misleading punctuation). The Stein manuscript is also the source for the critical edition and translation in Yampolsky 1967. The other D nhuáng manuscripts were rediscovered much later and thus Yampolsky could only use later Sòng versions for correcting and amending the Stein manuscript, particularly the K sh ji version (see below). Yampolsky also structured the text by dividing it into sections introduced in Suzuki and Kuda 1934, as well as the translation of Chan 1963. An edition of the Stein manuscript was also published by Suzuki and Kuda 1934 (in 57 sections) and Ui 1939–1943, vol. 2: 117–172. 123 CHRISTOPH ANDERL conceivable kind of mistake. The manuscript itself, then, must be a copy, written hurriedly, perhaps even taken down by ear, of an earlier, probably itself imperfect, version of the Platform S tra. What this earlier version was like we have no way of knowing.”7 Yampolsky dates the copy of the text between 830 and 860, based on an analysis of its calligraphic style.8 The text also employs particular types of phonetic loans which are thought to reflect a Northwestern regional dialect of that period.9 1.1.2 Manuscript D nbó 77 Manuscript D nbó 7710 is presently kept at the D nhuáng City Museum.11 The text is preserved as a 93-page booklet in butterfly binding, which con7 8 9 10 11 Yampolsky 1967: 89. Ibid.: 90. The calligraphic style was analyzed by Akira Fujieda. According to Fujieda, the calligraphic style, the writing tools and the paper are important methods of dating. He analyzed more than five thousand D nhuáng manuscripts and his method of dating seems to be especially accurate for the period of Tibetan occupation (786–846). He also noticed that during this period (and until 860) usually bamboo styli were used instead of brushes (for bibliographic references, see Sørensen 1989: 120, fn. 17; on a similar attempt by Ueyama Daishun to date the Chán manuscripts, see Meinert 2008: 216). For details on the linguistic aspects of the manuscripts, see Anderl et al. 2012. “Textual and phonological evidence suggest that the Stein and Lǚshùn Museum texts are later, probably dating from the Cáo clan administration of the Guīyì [歸 ] army at D nhuáng. The Cáo struggled with the Zh ng [張] for control from 914, and they fell to the Tangut Xīxià state soon after Cáo Yánlù [暰延祿] was assassinated in 1002.” (Jorgensen 2005: 597). References to manuscript D nbó 77 are given according to the page number in the facsimile edition G nsù 1999. The Platform S tra starts on page 94–46 and ends on page 94–87. As in the case of S.5475, the numbering refers to ‘full’ pages and not to the folded half-pages. The D nhuáng Museum (D nhuáng bówùguǎn 敦煌博物館) is situated in the modern city of D nhuáng (presently, a new Museum building is under construction, and the Museum has been closed in 2010). The collection of D nhuáng manuscripts stored at this institution is relatively small (81 items) but contains some important manuscripts. The ca. 700 Chinese D nhuáng scrolls and fragments held in G nsù 甘 Province are scattered among 11 institutions (most importantly, the D nhuáng yánji yuàn 敦煌研究院, i.e. the D nhuáng Academy situated at the site of the Mòg o 莫高 caves; the Academy has 383 items in its collection). Facsimiles were published in 6 volumes under the title G nsù cáng D nhuáng wénxiàn 甘 敦煌文獻 (G nsù 1999). For a history of the manuscripts which remained in G nsù and a discussion on their authenticity, see G nsù 1999: 1–6. 124 WAS THE PLATFORM S TRA ALWAYS A S TRA? tains five texts, three of them authored by Shénhuì 神會 and/or his disciples, plus the Platform S tra and a commentary on the Heart S tra by the Northern School master Jìngjué 淨覺 (683–ca. 750). The manuscript seems to have been in a private collection for some time. A certain Rèn Zǐyí 任子宜 obtained it in 1935 in a temple at Qi nfó sh n 千 山. The text is first mentioned in 1940 by the scholar Xiàng Dá who catalogued it in his Xīzhēng xiǎojì 西 .12 Jorgensen (2008: 596) thinks that the texts were combined into a book in D nhuáng, since at the end of the 8th century a disciple of Shénhuì by the name of Móhēyán 摩訶 (‘Mah y na’) tried to harmonize the teachings of ‘Northern’ and ‘Southern’ Schools. Manuscript P.2045 contains the three Shénhuì texts in the same order and it is generally assumed that the texts were written about the same time, during the period when D nhuáng was under the Tibetan administration.13 Zh u Shàoliáng (1999: 1) points out that the paper of D nbó 77 is not typical for the D nhuáng area but thicker than usual. He suggests that the copy was not produced at D nhuáng but came from a more humid place in the southern region of China.14 ———— 12 13 14 One of the special features of the G nsù mansucripts is their early origin, including many copies dating back to the Northern Dynasties period (Ibid.: 6). As such, they are also of great value for the study of the development of scribal conventions and calligraphic styles. Most of the manuscripts consist of canonical Buddhist s tras (and very few stras or vinaya texts), including some early tantric scriptures, a few apocryphal Buddhist scriptures and the Chán texts on D nbó 77. A few manuscripts include administrative and historical texts (for a list of these texts, see ibid.: 8). In Xiàng Dá 1957. See also F ng Guǎngch ng 2001: 483; the manuscript was eventually given to Lǚ Wéi 呂溦 who published an article on Jìngjué’s commentary to the Heart S tra in Xiàndài fójiào 現 (Lǚ 1961). It is actually not quite clear where the manuscript was kept in the 1960s and 1970s. In 1983 it was ‘rediscovered’ at the D nhuáng Museum by Zh u Shàoliáng 周紹良. The first major study appeared in 1993 (Yáng Zēngwén 1993). See Jorgensen 2002: 399–404 and Jorgensen 2008: 597. Evidence suggests that the two manuscripts were not copied during the same period. Judging from the calligraphic style, Ui Hakuju proposed a rather late date of the Stein copy (around 960; see Jiǎng Z ngfú 2007: 85). These special features of the paper could raise doubts concerning the authenticity of the D nbó copy, however, as far as I know there are no doubts or questions raised in secondary literature concerning the authenticity of the D nbó or Běijīng copies. At other occasions, particularly Prof. Akira Fujieda has raised more general concerns about the authenticity of many manuscripts stored in the Chinese D nhuáng collections; forgeries are often produced with an astonishing degree of mastery. For a more general discussion of D nhuáng forgeries see Susan Whitfield, “The Question of Forgeries” (International Dunhuang Project: http://idp.bl.uk/ education/forgeries/index.a4D). 125 CHRISTOPH ANDERL D nbó 77 countains the following five texts: (1) Pútídámó nánzōng dìng shìfēi lùn 菩提 摩南 定是非論 (Treatise on Determining Right and Wrong Concerning Bodhidharma’s Southern School)15 (2) Nányáng héshàng dùnjiào ji tuō Chánmén zhí liǎo xìng tányǔ 南陽 尚頓 解脫禪門直了性壇語 (The Platform Sayings of Preceptor Nányáng on Directly Understanding the [Buddha-]Nature in the Chán Teaching of Liberation [based on the] Sudden Teaching)16 (3) Nánzōng dìng xiézhèng wǔgēng zhuăn 南 定邪 更轉 (Meditation at the Fifth Night Watch on Determining the Wrong and Right of the Southern School)17 (4) Nánzōng dùnjiào zuì shàng dàshèng móhēbōluómì-jīng Liùzǔ Hùinéng dàshī Shàozhōu Dàfànsì shī fă tánjīng yī juàn 南 頓 最 大 摩 訶波羅蜜經 祖 能大師韶 大梵寺 法壇經 卷18 15 16 17 18 This text by Shénhuì records the polemic attack on the ‘Northern School’ initiated in 732. In fact, this is the first text which uses the labels ‘Northern’ and ‘Southern’ Schools (see McRae 1986: 8). The text is also found in P.2045 and P.3047. This text is also found in P.2045. This text is also preserved in other D nhuáng manuscripts, e.g. BD00018, S.2679, S.4634V, S.4654, S.6923 (verso), P.2045, P.2270, P.2948V. For a useful edition of the Shénhuì material, see Yáng Zēngwén 1996. These texts are also important material for linguists since they contain many examples of Táng colloquialism, vernacular phonetic loans and vernacular syntactic constructions. The Shénhuì texts were originally discovered by the famous Chinese scholar Hú Shì 胡適 during a trip to London and Paris and their publication (Hú Shì 1930) triggered an interest in early Chán, especially among Japanese scholars. Based on Hú Shì’s publication, the Shénhuì texts were revised and translated into French by Jacques Gernet (1949). Jorgensen (2005: 596) thinks that the various texts in D nbó 77 were combined in D nhuáng and reflect an effort to harmonize the ‘Southern’ and ‘Northern’ branches of Chán (see below my alternative view). One driving force behind these efforts was a disciple of Shénhuì by name of Móhēyǎn 摩訶 . According to Jorgensen (2005: 597) P.2045 contains these Shénhuì texts in the same sequence, dating from the time when D nhuáng was under Tibetan administration. There seems to have been an increased interest in Chán during that time and many copies of scriptures were ordered, probably for private libraries: “As the cult of Huìnéng grew, with celebrations of his birthday being fêted from at least 832 onwards, monasteries began to make cheaper copies, and the texts were altered to allow easier comprehension in the local Héxī dialect, which is evident in the Stein copy especially.” (Ibid.: 598). Jorgensen assumes that other versions of the Platform S tra probably existed during the Táng period (for the evidence suggested, see Ibid.: 598). For an analysis of the title of the Platform S tra, see below. 126 WAS THE PLATFORM S TRA ALWAYS A S TRA? (5) Jìngjué zhù Bōr bōluómìduō xīnjīng 凈覺註 波羅蜜多心經 (Commentary on the Prajñ p ramit Hṛdaya S tra by Jìngjué) 19 The first five pages of the manuscript are missing but the remaining part, including the Platform S tra, is complete. It is interesting to note that while the first four texts belong to the ‘Southern’ branch of Chán, the last text is usually connected with the ‘Northern’ School. 1.1.3 Manuscript BD.48 BD.48 (8024) verso is the manuscript preserved at the National Libary of China (NLC).20 This version of the text is in the form of a scroll, several parts in the beginning are missing and only about one third of the original manuscript is extant. The text is written on the back of an apocryphal s tra, the Wúliàng shòu zōngyào jīng 無 壽 要經. This version of the text was probably produced somewhat later than D nbó 77. BD.48 was already listed by Chén Yuán 陳垣 in his D nhuáng jiéyú lù 敦煌劫餘錄,21 but did not attract any attention. The manuscript was mentioned again by Huáng Yǒngwǔ 黃永武 in 1986 in the catalogue called D nhuáng zuìxīn mùlù 敦煌最 目錄, as well as in publications by the Japanese scholar Tanaka Ry sh 中良昭. There is another copy of the text at the NLC (BD.79, 8958), this fragment, however, only has four and a half lines of text.22 19 20 21 22 Also found in S.4556. The Northern School Master Jìngjué is also the author of one of the earliest Chán transmission texts, the Léngqié shīzī jì 楞 師 (Records of the Teachers and Disciples of the Laṇk [vat ra], P.3436, P.3537, P.3703). Formerly called Běijīng Library 京圖暯館. The shelfmark of the Platform manuscript in the collection is BD04548. Jorgensen (2005: 597) thinks that this manuscript was copied somewhat later than the D nbó manuscript: “It is incomplete, with both ends of the Platform S tra broken off, and it is possible the copyist was confused or was transcribing from a faulty copy. Only about a third of the Platform S tra remains.” For a facsimile reproduction, see Lǐ Shēn and F ng Guǎngch ng 1999: 233–246. In total, 153 lines are extant; in some places, the characters are very condensed. The calligraphy is rather awkward and inconsistent, sometimes even coming close to a xíngsh 暯 style. In the ‘condensed’ parts, there are typically 26 to 29 characters per line, in other parts between 21 and 25. Reprinted in Chén Yuán 2009. The size of the page is 17 cm × 25.3 cm. 10 vertical lines are outlined, but only the first 5 contain text (18/18/17/18/6 characters). For a facsimile reproduction see Lǐ Shēn and F ng Guǎngch ng 1999: 232. 127 CHRISTOPH ANDERL 1.1.4 The Lǚshùn Manuscript This manuscript was preserved at the Lǚshùn 旅順 Museum (Lǚshùn bówùguăn 旅順博物館) near Dàlián 大連 (Liáoníng Province), which previously housed part of the tani Collection.23 In 1954, 620 D nhuáng scrolls were moved from the Dàlián Museum and are now part of the NLC collection. Only nine scrolls remain at the museum together with the bulk of ca. 20,000 fragments from Central Asia (mostly from Turfan and Kharakhoto). In reality, the text on the Lǚshùn manuscript was the first D nhuáng version of the Platform S tra to be discovered. It was originally described as a booklet bound in a butterfly format, consisting of 45 folios, folded into 90 pages. It is the only Platform text which is dated (959), and is probably the most recent copy among the surviving manuscripts.24 Until very recently, only one photograph of the beginning and the end were known.25 These photographs have been taken at Ry koku University when the manuscript was still in Japan. However, in the beginning of 2010 the Chinese press announced the rediscovery of the complete manuscript and an exhibition at the Lǚshùn Museum.26 This rediscovery is sensational and the study of this manuscript will no doubt have a significant impact on our understanding of the D nhuáng versions of the Platform S tra.27 23 24 25 26 27 The D nhuáng manuscripts were collected during the three expeditions to Central Asia organized by tani K zui 大谷 (1876–1948; he participated personally only in the first expedition) between 1902 and 1914. Following a financial scandal which forced him to leave Japan, the items brought back from D nhuáng became dispersed and found their way into various collections in China, Korea and Japan. Important collections include those in the Lǚshùn Museum and Ry koku University, Ky to. Early mention can be already found in Dàgǔ Gu ngruì shì jìtuō jīng mùlù 大谷 氏寄 經目錄 (published between 1914–1916). There is also mention of this version of the Platform S tra in Yè G ngchuò 1926. For bibliographical details, see F ng Guǎngch ng 2001: 481. For facsimile reproductions of the photographs, see for example Zh u Shàoliáng 1997: 106–107. For some photographs of this rediscovered manuscript, see http://blog.sina.com.cn (2010-01-28 17: 05: 51) where several low-resolution pictures were published. For a press release, see, for example, http://www.chinareviewnews.com from January 30, 2010. Unfortunately, I have not been able to see a copy of the manuscript since only a few pictures have been published in the Chinese press. According to the available information, the manuscript is in the form of a stitched booklet in butterfly binding, containing 52 full and 105 folded pages. Prior to the discovery, it was assumed that it consisted of 45 full pages – folded into 90 half-pages (Jorgensen 2005: 597). The copy of the text is dated with Xiǎndé wǔ nián yĭwèi suì 128 WAS THE PLATFORM S TRA ALWAYS A S TRA? 1.2 Later Editions of the Platform Sūtra28 1.2.1 The Huìxīn Edition This is the earliest version that had been known prior to the discovery of the D nhuáng texts. The Huìxīn 昔 edition is usually dated to 967 (5th year of the Qi ndé 乾德 era) and introduces the title Liùzǔ tánjīng 祖 壇經 (Yanagida 1976). The text is divided into two fascicles. The original version is not extant and only indirectly known through versions discovered in Japanese monastery libraries. This version of the Platform S tra is attributed to the monk Huìxīn 昔.29 It was printed in the 23rd year of the Shàoxìng 紹 era (1153) and is also referred to as the Cháo Zǐjàn 昶子健 version.30 It was transmitted to Japan, where one of its related versions survives at the K sh ji 聖寺 Monastery.31 The Huìxīn version ———— 28 29 30 31 顯德 曑歲 (‘yǐwèi year of the 5th year of the Xiǎndé era’). This is probably a mistake for 顯德 , the 6th year of the Xiǎndé era which is A.D. 959. In addition, the manuscript includes another text, the apocryphal Dà biàn xiézhèng jīng 大 邪 經. A special feature of this manuscript version concerns the punctuation marks added in red ink. According to a press release at http://www.gg-art.com (January 29, 2010), the manuscript is one of the items taken by the tani expedition from D nhuáng. During the 1950s, when objects from the museum were moved by the Department of Cultural Objects, the scroll became lost. When the collection at Lǚshùn Museum was re-examined in 2003, the manuscript was actually photographed but nobody recognized it as being of particular value. In December 2009 it was ‘rediscovered’ and, following an evaluation by a group of scholars, its authenticity was confirmed. Originally, the Lǚshùn manuscript had been the first copy of the Platform S tra recognized as early as 1912, long before it was transferred to the Lǚshùn Museum. For a more thorough discussion of these later editions, see Schlütter 2007: 394– 405. Here, only a brief overview is provided in order to place the D nhuáng manuscripts in a historical context. He was a resident of the Huìjìn Monastery, situated at Mt. Luóxiù 羅 in Yǒngzh u 邕 . According to Schlütter 2007: 386, this edition was also the basis of the longer versions of the text, with amendments from the Jǐngdé chuándēng lù 晙德傳 錄 (Record of the Transmission of the Lamp from the Jǐngdé Era, 1004). In addition, the Koryǒ 高麗 print from 1207 is also based on this version. According to Yampolsky, the Huìxīn edition is known from a handwritten preface (copied in 1599 by the monk Ry nen) to the K sh ji edition (which is in turn based on the Gozan 山 edition, stemming from the Northern Sòng edition of 1153). In the preface, Huìxīn states that “the text was obscure, and students, first taking it up with great expectations, soon came to despise the work. Therefore he revised it, dividing it into eleven sections and two juàn.” (Yampolsky 1967: 99– 129 CHRISTOPH ANDERL is also the basis for other editions discovered in Japanese temples, including the Tenneiji 寺, Daij ji 大 寺32 and Shinfukuji 真福寺 editions. There has been much discussion concerning the sources behind the Huìxīn edition, since Huìxīn states that he used an ‘old edition’ (gǔb n 曓) which he characterizes as fán 繁, the exact meaning of which is still ardently discussed among scholars (on this term, see below).33 1.2.2 The Qìsōng Edition This refers to the edition produced by Qìs ng 契嵩 beween 1054 and 1056 (the Zhìhé era during Rénz ng’s 仁 reign). He changed the title to Liùzǔ dàshī fǎbǎo tánjīng Cáoqī yuánb n 溪大師法 壇經暰溪原曓 (The Platform S tra of the Dharma Treasure of the Great Master Cáoqī – the Original Cáoqī Edition), usually referred to as Cáoqī yuánběn 暰溪 ———— 32 33 100). The second preface to the K sh ji edition dates from 1153 and is attributed to Cháo Zǐjiàn 昶子健. This edition is possibly part of the manuscript dated to 1031 and which had been copied by Cháojiǒng 昶迥 (Wényuán 文元) from the Huìxīn version (Ibid.: 100). This edition is another version going back to the Northern Sòng (the preface states that it is based on the second printing from 1116). It is similar to the K sh ji text but less polished and contains more errors. The preface is written by Cúnzh ng 中. Some researchers assume that the Daij ji edition is identical with the Huìxīn edition: “I am inclined to believe, and this again is purely speculation, that both the Daij ji and K sh ji texts represent edited versions of Huìxīn’s manuscript edition of 967. […] There is, apart from the differences already alluded to, one significant place where the two texts are at variance: this is in the theory of the twenty-eight Indian Patriarchs. The K sh ji text, with certain changes, follows largely the version found in the D nhuáng manuscript. The Daij ji version, on the other hand, is based on the Bǎolín zhuàn [ 林傳 dating from 801]. […] Thus what had been a text of comparatively small distribution became available to all branches of the sect and to the Sòng literati in general by virtue of Huìxīn’s edition. The Daij ji version may then represent the text as adopted by one of the Chán schools which derived ultimately from the schools of Nányuè [南嶽] and Qīngyuán [清原], and the K sh ji text may well represent the text as taken up by the Sòng literati, among whom a refined copy of the text was more important than such details as the accuracy of the transmission of the then accepted patriarchal tradition” (Yampolsky 1967: 101–104). For an overview of doctrinal differences between the D nhuáng manuscripts and the Huìxīn version, see Jorgensen 2005: 600. Jorgensen also thinks that the Fǎbǎo jì tánjīng mentioned by the Japanese pilgrim Ennin 仁 (and supposedly transmitted to Korea in 826) might have been an earlier version of the Huìxīn stemmata of the text. 130 WAS THE PLATFORM S TRA ALWAYS A S TRA? 原曓 (Yanagida 1976). The Qìs ng edition itself is not extant but seems to be a version of the text between the Huìxīn and the Northern Sòng versions (upon which the K sh ji and Daij ji versions were based).34 The text is in one fascicle, subdivided into 20 pǐn , consisting of ca. 20,000 characters, as contrasted to the ca. 12,000 characters in the D nhuáng manuscripts, and the ca. 14,000 characters in the Huìxīn version. 1.2.3 The Kōshōji Edition The edition is preserved at the K sh ji temple 聖寺, Ky to, and was discovered in the 1930s. This version of the text is mostly based on the Huìxīn edition, and is much longer than the D nhuáng manuscripts discussed above.35 1.2.4 The Zōngbǎo Edition The Z ngbǎo edition dates from 1291 and has the title Liùzǔ dàshī fǎbǎo tánjīng 祖大師法 壇經 (The Dharma Treasure Platform S tra of the Sixth Patriarch).36 Z ngbǎo states in his postface that he had compared and revised three previous versions of the Platform S tra.37 The text was published in Southern China, independent of the Déyì 德異 edition (see below). This largely expanded version of the original Platform S tra 34 35 36 37 On details of the history of this edition, see Yampolsky 1967: 104–106. Qìs ng’s edition seems to have been the basis for the enlarged Yuán Dynasty editions (1290 and 1291): “These two editions are very similar, and have obviously been based on the same work, which must be presumed to have been Qìs ng’s missing text, or possibly a later revision of it. The two Yuán editions are greatly expanded, and include much new material not previously associated with the Platform S tra. Thus Qìs ng’s version, which is listed as being in three juàn, must also be presumed to have been an enlarged text” (Ibid.: 106). On the K sh ji, see Ui 1939–1943, vol. 2: 113; reproduced photolitographically by Suzuki 1938; for an edited and comparative version see Suzuki and Kuda 1934. There is also a facsimile reproduction from 1933, Ky to (Rokuso dankyō 祖壇經). The K sh ji version is also the basis of the edition of Nakagawa Taka (1976), heavily annotated and including translations into classical and modern Japanese. This edition is not divided into fascicles and is the source text for the Taish edition (T.48, no. 2008: 245–265). It has been translated into English in Luk 1962: 15–102, and more recently in McRae 2000. For the postface, see T.48, no. 2008: 364c9–365a4. 131 CHRISTOPH ANDERL became the most popular one, and was integrated into the Míng Buddhist canon (together with the preface of the Déyì edition). 1.2.5 The Déyì Edition The Déyì 德異 edition is another printed version from Yuán times, dating from the 27th year of the Zhìyuán 元 era (1290), and it represents the basis for a Koryǒ print from 1300.38 This edition is closely related to the Qìs ng edition. Although the Déyì and Z ngbǎo prints appeared nearly simultaneously, they do not seem to be based on each other but rather share a common source.39 1.2.6 The Xīxià Editions The extant parts of the Xīxià 西夏 edition can be found in Shǐ Jīnb 1993. In 1929, more than 100 manuscripts from the Xīxià Buddhist canon were discovered at Běijīng University, including 5 pages of the Platform S tra.40 In addition to the above versions of the Platform S tra, we have references to other versions that are no longer extant, for example in the lists made by the Japanese pilgrims Ennin 仁 (in 847)41 and Enchin 珍 (in 854, 857 and 859).42 38 39 40 41 42 See Gen En’y 1935: 1–63. There is another reprint from Míng times (the 7th year of the chénghuà era, i.e. 1471), the printing was actually done at Cáoqī. Other reprints were made in 1573, 1616 and 1652. The Qìs ng, Z ngbǎo and Déyì versions all consist of ca. 20,000 Chinese characters. It appears that Déyì used a version in the stemmata of the Huìxīn edition, in addition to a version of the Qìs ng edition: “Both Yuán editions divide the text into ten sections; there are certain differences within the sections, and the titles given to each section are at variance. […] The chief difference in the two Yuán texts lies in the amount of supplementary material that is attached. Déyì includes only his preface and the one attributed to Făhǎi. The Z ngbăo edition contains Déyì’s preface, Qìs ng’s words in praise of the Platform S tra, Făhăi’s preface, the texts of various inscriptions, and Z ngbǎo’s postface” (Yampolsky 1967: 107). A translation into modern Chinese and reproductions of photographs was published in Luó Fúchéng 1932. For facsimile reproductions of the 5 fragments found at the Běijīng University, see Lǐ Shēn and F ng Guǎngch ng 1999: 250–252. The text is referred to as Cáoqī-sh n dì-Liùzǔ Huìnéng dàshī shuō jiànxìng dùnjiào zhí liǎo chéng Fó juédìng wúyí fǎbǎo-jì tánjīng 暰溪山第 祖 能大師說 見性頓 直了 決定無疑法 檀(=壇)經 (T.55, no. 2167: 1083b8). Referred to as Cáoqī-sh n dì-Liùzǔ Huìnéng dàshī tánjīng 暰谿(= 溪)山第 祖 能大師壇經 (T.55, no. 1095a19); Cáoqī Néng dàshī tánjīng 暰(= )溪能大師 132 WAS THE PLATFORM S TRA ALWAYS A S TRA? 1.3 Notes on the Relationship between the Different Versions 1.3 of the Platform Texts In recent years, several controversies concerning the relationship between the D nhuáng manuscripts and the later editions have re-emerged. Eversince the discovery of the D nhuáng texts, one of the central issues discussed among scholars was the question whether the D nhuáng Platform S tras were the earliest versions of this text. Another concern is whether there is an ‘Urtext’ from which all the other versions derive, or whether several versions circulated simultaneously. All the extant D nhuáng copies seem to belong to the same text family. However, there is much disagreement whether these copies are already expanded or different versions of an earlier Platform S tra. Other frequently discussed questions are the authorship of the Platform S tra and its relationship to the monk Shénhuì. As for the sequence of the copies, Zh u Shàoliáng (1999: 5) thinks that the Běijīng manuscript is the earliest copy (also based on features of the paper) and that it was produced in D nhuáng. The remaining three copies belong to the same stemmata of texts and are all interrelated. Zh u Shàoliáng also argues that the discrepancies with the Huìxīn version are the result of the interpolation of later material, as well as the misunderstanding of many passages of the D nhuáng versions, rather than of the existence of an earlier version of the Platform S tra known to Huìxīn (for a more thorough discussion of some of these differences, see below). Ui Hakuju (1996) assumes that there was an original version of the Platform S tra from ca. 714, written immediately after Huìnéng’s death, which reflected his teachings as recorded by Fǎhǎi. Several textual layers were added to this text, most likely by students of Shénhuì, until the present manuscript version was completed in ca. 820.43 Hú Shì regards the D nhuáng manuscript as a copy of an earlier version but attributes the text to Shénhuì and/or his disciples, rather than to Huìnéng or Fǎhǎi. Hú Shì’s view was challenged already in 1945 by Qián Mùshǒu 錢穆首 who attributed the original version of the Platform S tra to Fǎhǎi, recording the teachings of Huìnéng (as such accepting the information provided in the D nhuáng copies). Jiǎng Z ngfú 蔣 福 also argues against Hú Shì by comparing the Platform S tra with the texts attributed to Shénhuì.44 ———— 43 44 壇經 (T.55, no. 2172: 1100c25) and Cáoqī Néng dàshī tánjīng 暰(= )溪能大師 檀(=壇)經 (T.55, no. 2173: 1106b21), respectively. Yampolsky 1967: 89. He argues that some passages directly contradict each other and that the Platform S tra therefore cannot be a product by Shénhuì and/or his disciples. One example 133 CHRISTOPH ANDERL During the last 15 years a growing interest has developed among Chinese scholars towards the Platform S tra, rediscovered as a kind of ‘national treasure’, resulting in many new studies and critical editions. Probably the best of these new editions is the collated and annotated edition of the D nhuáng manuscript D nbó 77 by Dèng Wénku n and Róng Xīnji ng (Dèng and Róng 1999). Other editions include Guó Péng 1981, Guó Péng 1983, Zh u Shàoliáng 1997, and Lǐ Shēn and F ng Guǎngch ng (1999: 29–91). Studies by Chinese scholars have also been concerned with the textual history of the D nhuáng Platform copies and the parts changed and added by later editors (specifically by Huìxīn).45 Another concern has been whether the D nhuáng Platform is the earliest version of this text,46 or whether there had been an ‘Urtext’ which served as a basis for the different versions that circulated during the Táng dynasty. Chinese scholars such as Zh u Shàoliáng (1999: 4–5) argue against the existence of an earlier version of the Platform S tra which would have significantly differred from the extant D nhuáng versions. One of the arguments used for the existence of an earlier version has been Huìxīn’s remark 曓文繁 “the text of the old edition is fán”. The word fán 繁 has been interpreted in various ways. For example, one opinion was that it ———— 45 46 focuses on the role of the robe in the transmission of the teaching: the monk’s robe plays a central role in the transmission scheme of Shénhuì whereas it is downplayed in the Platform S tra which emphasizes the transmission of the scripture itself (Jiǎng Z ngfú 2007: 86–87). In my opinion, although the arguments of Jiǎng Z ngfú are valid, his conclusions are not necessarily true. Considering the complex structure of the manuscripts, certain contradictions are only natural. Sørensen (1989) already observed the multilayered composition of many Chán treatises and poems, often assembled in the form of a ‘Baukasten’ system the elements of which were used in several texts. For a case study of text fabrication by assembling ‘text blocks’ in the works attributed to the meditation master Wòlún 臥輪, see Meinert 2008. More generally on the structure of Chán texts, see Anderl 2012: 46f. Some of these studies are concerned with which parts of the text ‘should not have been changed’ by Huìxīn and later editors. Although these studies provide useful information concerning the textual development of the Platform scripture, they sometimes betray a judgmental undertone in discussing these developments and a reluctance to include considerations of historical and doctrinal developments. For example, the idea that the D nhuáng version of the Platform S tra would not have fit into the doctrinal framework of Sòng Chán and the inferior literary quality, the abundance of mistakes and inconsistencies in the manuscripts would not have been accepted by the Sòng literati readership. For this kind of textual studies, see for example Zh u Shàoliáng 1997: 175ff; for a list of textual passages “which should not have been changed but have been changed” (bù d ng gǎi ér gǎi zhe 當改而 改 ), see Lǐ Shēn 1999b: 127–137. E.g. Lǐ Shēn 1999c. 134 WAS THE PLATFORM S TRA ALWAYS A S TRA? means ‘numerous’, which is in conflict with the usual assumption that the early versions of the Platform S tra – as evidenced by the D nhuáng manuscripts – were shorter than the later Sòng versions. Schlütter translates the term as “troublesome” (2007: 395): There has been considerable disagreement about what Huìxīn might have possibly meant with this term. Since fán can mean ‘many’ or ‘excessive’ some have argued that Huìxīn abbreviated a longer text. (Ibid.: 395, fn. 43) Theoretically, the D nhuáng copies could have been based on a later version of the text than the Huìxīn version. However, there is not enough evidence at this point to reach conclusive decisions concerning this point. Zh u Shàoliáng (1999: 22) interprets fán as ‘vexatious’ or ‘confusing’ (instead of referring to a longer version which was abridged).47 Nányáng Huìzh ng 南陽慧忠 (675–?), the famous Táng monk and rival of Shénhuì, thus attacked the D nhuáng versions as ‘altered’ and abridged versions. Jorgensen thinks that the interpretation of fán as ‘troublesome; difficult [to read]’ is more likely because of the many vulgar and corrupt characters in the manuscript texts. An analysis of the usage of fán in pre-Buddhist and post-Buddhist literature reveals that the word hardly ever means ‘to be numerous’ in a literary or rhetorical context. Although one of the basic meanings of fán is ‘to be/become numerous; become abundant; proliferate/multiply; flourish; etc.’, it is usually used ideomatically with quantifiable concrete items such as plants, animals, and humans. Moreover, it seldom refers to abstract nouns in the sense of ‘numerous’, and when it does, the nouns typically signify ‘punishment’, ‘litigation’, ‘taxes’, etc.48 Another typical meaning of fán is ‘to be multifaceted; complex (such as patterns, design or colors); (over-) elaborate (such as rituals); diverse; detailed; > blended/intermingled; etc’. In contexts referring to speech acts, literature, and rhetorics, fán virtually never has the meaning ‘numerous’ (in terms of the amount of words, etc.).49 Based on the evidence of the typical usage of fán, I conclude 47 48 49 See also Jorgensen 2005: 601. E.g. 則刑乃繁 ‘then punishments will be numerous’ (Guǎnzǐ 子 1.1). The analysis of fán is based on searches in the TLS database. E.g. 文辭繁 ‘the style is elaborate and heavy’ (Bǎiyú jīng 餘經 93.3); 樂繁 ‘the music is elaborate’ (Guōdiàn yǔcóng 郭店語 1.21); 多言繁程 ‘if one makes many words and offers detailed pronouncements’ (Hánfēizǐ 韓非子 3.1/2); 繁 文采 ‘be elaborate in one’s rhetorical style’ (Ibid.); 繁辭 ‘elaborate formulations’ (Ibid.: 6.4/1); 繁說 ‘diverse explanations’ (Ibid.: 32.14/2); 繁文 ‘(over-) 135 CHRISTOPH ANDERL that Huìxīn’s remark probably did not refer to the length of this ‘old text’ but rather to its textual, literary or dogmatic structure. In the past decade several important studies by Western scholars appeared, discussing the relationship between the different versions of the Platform S tra. In particular, Morten Schlütter, one of the most prominent Platform specialists in the West, recognizes a distinct influence by the Shénhuì faction in the formation of the text (Schlütter 2007), and at the same time discerns other layers in it, hence the ambivalent picture of this important monk, which is reflected in the early versions. Schlütter also tries to approach the textual problems more systematically by applying the methodology of textual criticism. Concerning the relationship between the D nhuáng versions and the Huìxīn edition, he writes: […] we cannot know for sure what Huìxīn changed and what was already different from the D nhuáng version in the edition or editions of the Platform S tra that Huìxīn used. The Huìxīn version pretty much follows the general outlay of the D nhuáng version. Overall, its biggest contribution to the text is in its ‘cleaning up’ the text and fixing miswritten characters as well as clarifying and expanding the many obscure or corrupt passages. However, the Huìxīn version also augments the text of the Platform S tra with various additions. (Schlütter 2007: 395) Another problem discussed by scholars is the comment by Nányáng who accuses disciples of Southern providence (nánf ng zōngtú 南方 徒) of having altered the original version of the Platform S tra.50 ———— 50 elaborate formulations’ (Hánshī wàizhuàn 韓詩外傳 6.6/3); 繁辭 ‘not get idly involved in elaborate discussions’ (Zǔtángjí 祖堂 3). This criticism is recorded in Jǐngdé chuándēng lù 晙德傳 錄 from 1004 (T.51, no. 2076: 438a CBETA): 是南方 把 壇經改換 浘糅 譚削除聖 惑亂 徒 豈 言 哉吾 喪 見聞覺知是 性 淨 應 法 見聞覺知 見聞覺知是則見聞覺知非求法也 This teaching/doctrine of the South altered that Platform S tra by adding and mixing in vulgar expressions, the saintly intent was removed and mislead later generations of disciples. How could that constitute the spoken teaching [of the Sixth Patriarch]? How painful that my teaching has been destroyed in this manner! If one regards the processes of perception (lit., seeing, hearing, cognition, knowing) as being Buddha-nature then Vimalakīrti certainly would not have stated that the dharma is separate from seeing, hearing, cognition and knowing! If one practices seeing, hearing, cognition and knowing then seeing, hearing, cognition and knowing certainly is not searching for the dharma. 136 WAS THE PLATFORM S TRA ALWAYS A S TRA? Because of the many mistakes and inconsistencies in the D nhuáng manuscripts, Yampolsky (who only knew the Stein version of the text) regards the Northern Sòng versions as more representative of the text. The D nhuáng Platform S tra consists of ca. 12,400 characters whereas the later ‘orthodox’ versions consist of ca. 20,000 characters. The D nhuáng version consists of two main parts, the record of the sermon at the Dàfàn Temple and secondly conversations between Huìnéng and some of his disciples. Jorgensen51 dates the D nhuáng version of the Platform S tra to ca. 781 (Jorgensen 2005: 577): “Evidently popular despite its parochial claims, it helped usher in a new form of ‘pien-wen-style’ [biànwén 變文] hagiographies that captivated ‘Chán’ audiences.” Regarding the authorship of the Platform S tra, he puts forward the following argument: I surmise from this evidence that initially a text that Huìzh ng called a ‘platform s tra’, probably connected to a sermon by Huìnéng, was produced. However, later, changes were made due to a misunderstanding of the doctrine. It was this altered text Huìzh ng criticised before 774 as the corrupted text containing the Southern heresy. The Cáoqī Dàshī zhuàn and D nhuáng Platform S tra have linked some of this with Shénhuì, and perhaps Dàyì in turn was attacking this material as a product of Shénhuì followers. It is possible then that this text was compiled by Zhēnsh [甄叔, d. 820] or Chéng- ———— 51 However, this criticism does not appear in the biographic entry on Huìzh ng in the earlier Zǔtáng jí (952), where the criticism is rather directed towards the teachings of Shénhuì (for a study of Huìzh ng’s entry in Zǔtáng jí and his criticism of a ‘Chán Master of the South’ [i.e. Shénhuì], see Anderl 2004a: 149–224; for a translation of his biographic entry in Zǔtáng jí, see Anderl 2004b: 603–634) and the assumption that there is an eternal soul which survives the physical body. On Chinul’s 知訥 (1158–1210) reaction to this criticism, see Jorgensen 2005: 598f. The recent monumental publication (close to 900 pages) of John Jorgensen (2005) on the evolution of the hagiography of the Sixth Patriarch Huìnéng provides a wealth of details on relevant material concerning the development of the early Chán School. Although the arguments are often overly complicated and not always presented in a very reader-friendly way, it is exactly this kind of meticulous scholarship which is needed at this point in medieval Buddhist studies. One of the important features of Jorgensen’s work is that he tries to place the development of the Chán school within the broader context of historiography, political developments, factional and ideological disputes between Buddhists, and more generally of contemporary Buddhist and secular literary production. 137 CHRISTOPH ANDERL guǎng [ 廣, 717–798], leaders of the southern branch of Shénhuì’s lineage. (Jorgensen 2005: 627)52 On the other hand, Ibuki Atsushi maintains that Fǎhǎi recorded a sermon by Huìnéng which did not reflect Shénhuì’s ideas. These ideas were eventually inserted at a later date by Shénhuì’s disciples (including dialogues between Huìnéng and his disciples and the hagiography of Huìnéng predicting Shénhuì). In addition, the lineage of the patriarchs was added, as well as the verses of transmission. These parts were the basis of the D nhuáng copies of the Platform S tra.53 However, Jorgensen argues that it is not likely that Shénhuì authored the Platform S tra since the D nhuáng versions contain criticism of Shénhuì and his teaching of wúniàn 無念 (‘no-thinking’). It is also linked to a lineage headed by Fǎhǎi. Therefore, the Platform S tra, at least in its D nhuáng version, was not written by Shénhuì, and yet it was likely used by Shénhuì’s disciples, if not composed by them. Possibly, these students were connected with Wùzhēn, the last name in the transmission list from Fǎhǎi in the D nhuáng Platform S tra. A monk named Wùzhēn (816–895) was renowned in D nhuáng and elsewhere, especially Cháng’ n, and it was in D nhuáng that we find the earliest extant copies of the Platform S tra. (Jorgensen 2005: 633) Jorgensen tries to reconstruct the complicated textual history of the Platform S tra. Some of his most important conclusions are as follows: (a) Shénhuì influenced the ideas of the Platform S tra but did not author it directly. (b) Based on Huìzh ng’s comments, an original version of the Platform S tra had already been altered before 774. (c) An original version was mainly based on a sermon by Huìnéng and influenced by Shénhuì’s Platform Talks (tányǔ 壇語). (d) Another version with additions from scriptural sources was maybe produced by Chéngguǎng, i.e. the ‘heretical’ version attacked by Huìzh ng. (e) Based on lineage disputes, the ‘autobiographical’ part was added. In addition, ideas of Mǎzǔ Dàoyī 馬祖道一 (709–788) and others were incorporated. This is how the Fǎbǎo jí tánjīng version was created. 52 53 According to the Chán and Huáyán scholar Z ngmì 密, Shénhuì’s lineage was considered orthodox in 796 by Emperor Déz ng 德 . According to Jorgensen 2005: 632. 138 WAS THE PLATFORM S TRA ALWAYS A S TRA? (f) As early as the 8th century, different versions of the Platform S tra were in circulation.54 (g) One of these versions possibly evolved into the D nhuáng version between 850 and 880, another version into the Fǎbǎo jí tánjīng version. This would be the version which the Japanese monk D ch mentioned as having been sent to Korea in 826 and brought to Japan in 847. (h) The Fǎbǎo jí tánjīng version influenced the Daij ji, Qìs ng and K sh ji editions. (i) Jorgensen concludes that at least three version of the Platform S tra circulated during the Táng Dynasty:55 Yet Ennin’s evidence, and that of D ch , proves that a Fǎbǎo jì tánjīng, a version with a title different to that of the D nhuáng manuscripts, was in circulation before any of the extant D nhuáng manuscripts were copied. The title is unusual, reflecting possibly the hagiographical section (făbǎo jì), as in the earlier hagiographical collections like the Lìdài fǎbǎo jì. To this was added the ‘Platform S tra’ or sermon section. Moreover, the title differs from the D nhuáng version in that it stressed ‘seeing the nature’ and ‘becoming Buddha’ rather than the ‘Mah prajñ p ramit ’ and ‘Supreme Vehicle.’ Thus, three versions of the Platform S tra at least circulated during the Táng dynasty, one found in Cháng’ n, another in D nhuáng, and yet another in the South or Cáoqī. (Jorgensen 2005: 601–602) One of the most fascinating aspects of the text is its title, which asserted that this was a s tra, a claim which must have felt outrageous at the time:56 The authors of this text, implying that Huìnéng was a Buddha, called it a s tra/jīng, and whole-heartedly adopted the stance of the Indian Buddhist cult of the book, which saw itself superior to the cult of relics. (Jorgensen 2005: 670) 54 55 56 “In contrast, Dàyì attacked a northern version of the Platform S tra associated with other disciples of Shénhuì for making the Platform S tra a symbol of transmission and incorporating the Vajracchedik S tra material from the late works of Shénhuì, thereby downgrading and removing the Nirv ṇa S tra. Thus, Dàyì, probably between 786 and 806, alleged also that a Platform S tra was formed or ‘created’ by followers of Shénhuì” (Ibid.: 636). In contrast with this view, I believe, as it will be discussed later in this paper, that the Vajracchedik materials were the core of the at least the D nhuáng version of the Platform S tra. For another well-grounded article tracing the evolution of the Platform S tra and discussing the different later versions, see Schlütter 2007. In the third part of this paper, I will argue that this interpretation might not necessarily apply to the early versions of the text. 139 CHRISTOPH ANDERL 1.4 Diagrams of the Evolution of the Platform Sūtra 1.4.1 Ishii Sh dō’s Theory (Diagram 1): Dunhuang version Huixin (967) Qisong (1056) Chaojiong (1031) Zhouxi old print (1012) Chao Zijian print (1153) Cunzhong repring (1116) Zongbao (1291) Gozan (Japan) Koshoji (Japan) Teinneiji (Japan) Deyi (1290) Shinfukuji (Japan) Daijoji (Japan) 1.4.2 Yáng Zēngwén’s Reconstruction of the Textual Evolution of the 1.4.2 Platform S tra (Diagram 2):57 "Urtext" (not extant) Original Huixin version (before 9th cent., not extant) Qisong (1056) Zongbao (1291) Ming nanzang (15th cent.) Ming beizang (1421) Deyi (1290) Korean ed. (1300) Korean ed. (1316) Original Dunhuang version (733-801; not extant) Huixin (967) Caoxi version Ming ed. (1471) Ming ed. (1573) Dunbo ms. (9th,10th cent.) Chao Jiong ms. (before 1031) Zhou Xi old print (1031) Chao Zijian print (1153) Shinfukuji (Japan) Xixia (1071) Cunzhong reprint (1116) Kojoji (Japan) Tenneiji (Japan) Jiaxing (1609) Ming print (1439) Fangshan stone canon (1620) Japan canon (1880) Japan Taisho (1928) 57 Dunhuang mss. (9th,10th cent.) Yáng Zēngwén 1993: 297 and Lǐ Shēn 1999a: 19. 140 Daijoji (Japan) WAS THE PLATFORM S TRA ALWAYS A S TRA? 1.4.3 Yampolsky’s (1967) Theory (Diagram 3): Dunhuang Stein ms. (830-860) Huixin manuscript Printed edition Chao Jiong (1013) Cunzhong 2nd print (1116) Northern Song print (1153) Daijoji ms. Koshoji printed ed. 1.4.4 Genealogy of the Platform S tra According to Morten Schlütter 1.4.4 (Diagram 4):58 Early Platform sutra Dunhuang mss. 9th century Fabao ji tanjing ? Qisong (1056) Huixin (967) Chao Jiong (1031) Proto-Cunzong (1012, Zhou Xigu) Chao Zijian (1153) Cunzhong (1116) Jingde chuandeng lu (1008) Liandeng huiyao (1189) etc. Gozan (Japan) Tenneiji (Japan) Koshoji (Japan) Shinfukuji (Japan) early long edition Zongbao (1291) 58 Deyi (1290) Based on Schlütter 2007: 385. 141 Daijoji (Japan) CHRISTOPH ANDERL Part II: The Textual and Visual Features of the Manuscripts In particular manuscript S.5475 from the Stein collection is characterized by having been copied rather sloppily, without much consideration for the aesthetic outcome. There are many copying mistakes, the characters are often not aligned, their size differs, and their number per line varies considerably. There are also variations in the number of lines on a page (for example 8 lines per half-page on page 20 as compared to 7 lines on most other pages), or – as on page 31 of the Stein manuscript – 6 lines on the right half-page and 5 lines on the left half-page. After the blank page 54, the number of lines is reduced to 5 per half-page. In contrast with other manuscripts where the verses are usually aligned correctly, in our case some poems seem to have been copied in a great hurry (e.g. S.5475: 27 and 28, see Figures 1 and 2), with significant differences in spacing, and a number of missing or amended characters. The calligraphy on D nbó 77 is much more tidy and visually appealing, with 6 lines per half-page and 24 to 26 characters per line. By and large, the text is vertically aligned, and on some pages we can still discern the vertical grid lines which aid the copyist in keeping the text aligned. As in the Stein manuscript, the verses are visually distinct from the narrative parts and the copyist uses repetition markers. At the same time, there are fewer insertions and scratched out characters. 2.1 Markers and Scribal Interventions59 The Platform S tra manuscripts use a variety of markers, including spaces, varying character size, repetition markers, sequence markers, and added or deleted characters. These scribal interventions, which in most cases were probably added by the owner or reader of the text, are an important feature of the manuscripts. Below is a short enumeration of some of these features. 59 For a general study of scribal markers in D nhuáng texts see Galambos (forthcoming). The markers used in the Platform S tra manuscripts are typical of those used in D nhuáng manuscripts, yet it is surprising how many of them are used here in one text. In addition, the ‘boxing in’ of characters in the Běijīng manuscript appears to be particular. 142 WAS THE PLATFORM S TRA ALWAYS A S TRA? 2.1.1 Repetition Markers Repetition markers can be inserted between more than one character, as in the following example where four repetition markers inserted after four characters indicate that the string of these four characters (and not each character separately as 尚尚) is to be repeated: 尚 (S.5475: 04.03–04.04; see Figure 3) 尚 Curiously, the same repetition marker also appears in D nbó 77 (9447.08; see Figure 4), in the phrase inserted in small characters on the right side of the text. Repetition markers can be also be inserted beyond (unmarked) phrase borders: 呈吾 吾看汝 (S.5475, see Figure 5) The following is an interesting way of using repetition markers (rm): 甚rm甚rm rm rm The phrase should be read: 甚 甚 甚 甚 In the D nbó parallel passage (94–49) the markers look somewhat different (and there is only one repetition; see Figure 6). However, a repetition marker may or may not be used when two identical characters follow each other. In the following passage the first repeated character is written out whereas the second one is marked by a repetition marker: 修修 rm > 修 修 (S.5475: 47.07; see Figure 6) 2.1.2 Scratched Out Characters In the Stein manuscript, characters are occasionally scratched out (e.g. S.5475: 03.01and S.5475: 20.04.03). The D nbó manuscript copyist usually avoided this technique for deleting characters, probably because it is visually unappealing. 2.1.3 Empty Spaces Inserted in the Text In S.5475, besides the spaces inserted in the title, only poems are marked by an insertion of a new line; spaces are also inserted between each verse of the poems, as in S.5475: 06.06–06.07 (see Figure 8); 06.09 (see Figure 9) and 23.08–12 (see Figure 10). 143 CHRISTOPH ANDERL In D nbó 77, spaces are sometimes inserted in the text, for example before the beginning of the introduction of direct speech (spoken by Huìnéng: 大師說/言 ‘the Master said…’ 94–63; 94–65; 94–68) or before a new section in the narrative (94–76.11 昷暼 ‘at that time there was…’, or 94–77.05 又暼 僧 ‘there was another monk who…’). BD.48 rarely has spaces inserted, and these sometimes indicate the beginning of direct speech by the Sixth Patriach (e.g. BD.48: 29, 31, and 76, before the word shànzhīshí 善知識 ‘good friends’), or between verses of poems (e.g. BD.48: 121– 124). There are also some occurrences where the text is ‘boxed in’ (e.g. BD.48: 46 覺也 ‘Buddha means awakened;’ 127: 西國第 師 大 師; and right at the top of line 128: 摩祖師 ‘Patriarch [Bodhi]dharma’). 2.1.4 Inserted Characters Occasionally, missing characters are inserted in small writing, usually to the right side (e.g. S.5475: 10.03, see Figure 11). On rare occasions they may also be added at the top before the first character of a line. In S.5475: 20.06 the passage reads 少( )根智(之)人 ‘persons of dull capacity (lit. ‘small roots;’ see Figure 12):60 the inserted small character is a phonetic loan (智 for 之). This somewhat unusual loan might have been motivated by the wording of the phrase right above containing a 智 (大智 根人 ‘persons of superior roots with great wisdom’). The insertion of 智 was really not necessary, since 根人 ‘persons of minor capacity’ also makes sense. The 智 was probably inserted in an attempt to construct the phrase parallel to the previous phrase. However, strictly parallel, the passage should have read 智 根人 (‘person of minor wisdom and inferior roots’). Not surprisingly, the passage 是最 法 大智 根人 說 根智人 聞法 心 生信 was rephrased in later editions, i.e. T.48, no. 2008: 350c12–13(CBETA): 法門是最 心生 信 大智人說 根人說 根 智人聞 This teaching is the Superior Vehicle (Mah y na) and is expounded for persons with great wisdom, is expounded for people with superior capacity. If persons of minor capacity and small wisdom listen [to this teaching] their minds will produce disbelief. 60 For other examples of inserted characters see Figure 13 (S.5475; 汝心 見 ‘…your mind does not understand…’ > 汝心迷 見 ‘…[if] your mind is confused it does not understand…;’ see Figure 13) and D nbó 77: 94–69 where the conjunction yǔ is inserted after Huìnéng (Figure 14). 144 WAS THE PLATFORM S TRA ALWAYS A S TRA? 2.1.4 Small-sized Characters Small characters can have the function of marking a new section in the text such as in 下是法 ‘below is [an account of his] teachings’ (S.5475: 10.07.03; see Figure 15), introducing the section dealing with the teachings of Huìnéng and concluding the biographical section. Occasionally, small characters are also used to indicate to the reader how the text should be used in ritual contexts, e.g. how often a passage should be read aloud. As such, they function as a sort of ‘performance marker.’ In the following example from S.5475, two missing characters are inserted in the text. This shows that the text was either checked by the copyist after copying (which I consider unlikely because of the presence of many other mistakes) or that the text was compared to another text and amended accordingly: 萬法人興 > 萬法本從人興 (see Figure 16) ‘…the 10,000 dharmas arise from men’ Both in the Stein and D nbó manuscripts a few characters are singled out and defined as the ‘correct teaching’ by a phrase inserted afterwards in small characters: 十 是 法 ‘the above 16 characters are the correct teaching’ (see Figure 17) Stein has a mistake (which would render the passage oblique without the existence of other copies): 家 ‘family’ instead of ‘character’; the mistake is generated by a certain graphical similarity of the two characters. By the above method the preceding 16 characters are marked as especially important: 諸 世 唯 大師因緣故出現 世 (S.5475: 32.01, see Figure 18 and D nbó 94–75.10). It is not quite clear why these characters are singled out. Possibly, they played an important role in the rituals connected to the use of the Platform S tra or to the bestowal of formless precepts. Generally, the size of characters is much more even and consistent in D nbó 77 as compared to the Stein manuscript. It is quite obvious that aesthetic considerations were more important for the copyist of the D nbó manuscript. 2.1.5 Missing Characters The textual features of the manuscripts are further complicated and some passages appear to be corrupted because of missing characters. As described above, missing characters were occasionally amended. However, especially in the Stein manuscript there are many missing characters with no omission marked. The most likely reason is that they were overlooked by the 145 CHRISTOPH ANDERL copyist. If the omissions remained undetected, such mistakes could accumulate by being transmitted from one copy to the next. For example, in S.5475: 21.08.01–03 there is a missing 人 (see Figure 19) and the passage should read 因人置 ‘all are established based on men’, the way this occurs in the other manuscripts. 2.1.6 Superfluous Characters There is a superfluous 法 in the phrase on D nbó 77: 94–47.11 (see Figure 20). In addition, the small 曑 inserted on the right side does not seem to fit. Such superfluous characters are a common feature of manuscripts. 2.1.7 Marking Superfluous Characters The marker indicates a mistaken character that should be deleted from the text as the 國 in D nbó 77: 94–48.02.05 (see Figure 21): 心 國大 > 心 大. The marker is also used in the Stein manuscript, e.g. the character is deleted (S.5475: 47.02.19, see Figure 22). Although this method seems to have the same effect as scratching out a character it might be sometimes preferred as an aesthetically more appealing way. 2.1.8 Marker for Reversing the Sequence of Characters The marker indicates that two characters have to be read in reversed sequence. For example, in D nbó 77: 94–47.06 (see Figure 23): 吾 祖 > 吾祖 ‘our patriarch Hóngrěn’ and D nbó 77: 94–52.03 (see Figure 24) 法 > 法 ‘receive the dharma.’ This marker is used frequently in all three manuscripts. 2.2 Textual Discrepancies The following are specific textual features of the Platform S tra manuscripts: (1) Considering the relatively short length of the D nhuáng version of the Platform S tra, it has a large number of phonetic loans. Interestingly, many loans seem to be based on the language spoken in the Northwestern regions during the late Táng Dynasty.61 It is also interesting that there are ‘clusters’ of loan characters. 61 For a list of these phonetic loans and other features of the characters, see Anderl et al. 2012: 30–44. 146 WAS THE PLATFORM S TRA ALWAYS A S TRA? (2) Another feature is the large number of corrupted characters, usually generated by the close resemblance of handwritten forms of some characters. In S.5475 the number of horizontal strokes in square ‘boxes’ that form the structural part of characters is often reduced; for example, 自 (‘oneself’) is often written as (‘white’), e.g. S.5475: 05.02.10 (> 自). In S.5475: 10.04.18 奪 (‘steal’) should be 寮 (> 僚 ‘official’). S.5475: 11.08 has shùn 順 ‘accord with’ for x 須 ‘should’, which appears correctly in the D nbó and K shoji versions. Examples like this are numerous, particularly in the Stein manuscript. (3) In all manuscripts – but particularly in the Stein one – there are passages where characters are left out, superfluous, or written in a wrong sequence. There is a superfluous in the right vertical line (S.5475: 04.6.13; see Figure 25) which in the Stein manuscript may be explained by an appearance of another in the line to the left. This form of miscopying is not unusual in the D nhuáng manuscripts since the copyist in the process of copying occasionally inserts a character which appears to the right or left in the adjacent line (‘mistake generated by the context’). However, this interpretation would not work in this case since this also appears in the D nbó manuscript (and in the later Huìxīn version).62 Yampolsky (1967: 127, fn. 19) explains the the following way: The text reads: wéi qiú Fó-fǎ zuò [ 求 法 ]. Since we have a series of four-character phrases, it would seem best to regard the zuò as an extraneous character. K sh ji, however, renders the clause: wéi qiú zuò Fó 求 (I seek only to become a Buddha), and since later in this section of the D nhuáng text we read: ‘How can you become a Buddha?’ it would appear very likely that the original wording of the clause is as found in the K sh ji edition. In the following passage, a superfluous 買 is inserted (D nbó 77: 94– 53.01; see Figure 26). In S.5475:10.04 (see Figure 27) a superfluous 來 is inserted below 人. In the passage 內外 種 ‘inside and outside are of one kind (i.e. the same)’ (S.5475: 11.02; see Figure 28) there is a superfluous 眾 ‘mass (of 62 The explanation might still work if the D nbó 77 manuscript was copied on the basis of the Stein manuscript, however, the D nbó manuscript is usually regarded as an earlier copy. 147 CHRISTOPH ANDERL people)’ homophone to the correct 種 ‘kind; sort’ following it. The loan character 眾 is not marked as superfluous.63 The D nbó has the correct phrasing 內外 . A quite common mistake is the wrong sequencing of characters. Also this mistake can sometimes be explained by the process of fast copying: certain combinations of Chinese characters have been internalized by the copyist and are performed automatically in the process of copying (‘mistake generated by internalized conventions’). In the following example, the frequently used compound 自心 ‘one’s own mind’64 is found in a wrong sequence of characters: 自心凈神 should be 自凈心神 ‘one’s own pure mind.’ The same might also apply to the following passage in S.5475: 法無 暼執著 (S.5475: 11.07; see Figure 29), correctly written as 法 無暼執著 ‘towards all dharmas there is no grasping’ in D nbó 77: 94–54.04. Yampolsky follows K sh ji in skipping which in the D nhuáng text is used as part of a somewhat unusual coverbal construction ( … ) ‘localizing’ (and as such topicalizing) an abstract object: 法 ‘all dharmas.’ K sh ji opts for a more ‘regular’ construction by omitting , and in addition preserving a 4+4 characters sequence.65 As for changing the sequence, the copyist might have unconsciously done so since the sequence 無 ‘unsurpassed, unexcelled’ is a very frequently used compound term in Buddhist texts. In S.5475: 11.10 (see Figure 30) we have the following phrase: 心 在 (=在 )66 通流 彼縛 ‘If the mind is in stagnancy then it is in free flow; if it is stagnant (abiding) then it is tied up (bound)’ which seems to be corrupt in both manuscripts. The (reconstructed) Huìxīn reading is 心 … ‘if the mind is not abiding (stagnant)…’ which fits the context well.67 The pronoun 彼 should probably also be read as passive marker 被 (according to Suzuki’s edition), since the two characters look similar in handwriting and can be easily confused. Yampolsky regards the D nhuáng version as not readable and adopts the stylistically elaborate K sh ji version of the passage (which also uses a 4+4+4+4 characters structure): 63 64 65 66 67 According to Dèng and Róng (1999: 402, n. 5) this is a North-Western dialect loan. The sequence 自心 ‘one’s own mind’ is very common in Buddhist texts and specifically in Chán texts (a count in CBETA amounts to nearly 4,700 occurrences). A typical example of ‘text sanitation’ in order to make it acceptable among educated Sòng readership. The reverse reading is marked by a diacritic on the right side in Stein, making the passage identical with D nbó 77: 94–54.06. See Dèng and Róng 1999: 256, n. 13. 148 WAS THE PLATFORM S TRA ALWAYS A S TRA? 心 法 通流 心 法 自縛 If the mind does not abide in things the Tao circulates freely; if the mind abides in things, it becomes entangled. (Yampolsky 1967: 136) (4) Occasionally, whole passages are corrupted and rendered illegible by such features. During the 1960s, when Yampolsky translated the D nhuáng version of the Platform S tra into English, only the Stein manuscript was available. Thus, many passages remained unresolved. Since then, based on comparisons with the D nbó 77 and Běijīng manuscripts several passages were successfully resolved or alternative readings established. Below are only a few examples: 祖忽見 能但( ) 善知識大 (S.5475: 09.01) Yampolsky considers the passage corrupt and translates it as “The Fifth Patriarch realized that I had a splendid understanding of the cardinal meaning.” (Yampolsky 1967: 132). The parallel passage in D nbó clarifies the meaning, at least to a certain degree: 五祖忽來廊下見惠能偈即知識大意 (D nbó 77: 94–51.12) The Fifth Patriarch unexpectedly came to the lower part of the corridor and when he saw Huìnéng’s gh t he immediately knew that he had realized the cardinal meaning. The corruption in the Stein manuscript might be partly due to mistakenly copying 但 (‘only’) in place of (‘verse’). In addition, through automatism in the copying process, the frequently used 善知識 ‘good friend/teacher’ replaced the rarer combination 知識 (‘knew that [he] realized’). In the passage 欲擬頭 能奪 (衣)法 (S.5475: 09.11.12) ‘… planned to hurt Huìnéng and steal his robe and dharma’ the copyist mistakenly wrote 頭 ‘head’ which possibly resembled 損 ‘damage’ in the manuscript. In the Yampolsky edition the phrasing is as such: 欲擬 能 (Yampolsky replaces 頭 with , another word for ‘to damage’). The parallel passage in the D nbó manuscript 欲擬損 能奪衣法 (D nbó 94: 52.09) is correct, however, a space is mistakenly inserted between 損 and (ironically turning 能 into the subject of the phrase: 能奪衣法 ‘Huìnéng stole the robe and dharma’ instead of ‘…wishing to hurt Huìnéng and steal the robe and the dharma’). The next passage has a particular phrasing: 149 CHRISTOPH ANDERL 能 嶺山 便傳法 順順得聞言 心開 (see Figure 31) It shoud read … 順 順68 … ‘Thereupon [Huì]néng transmitted the dharma to Huìshùn on top of Mt. Líng. When Huìshùn heard it he became enlightened.’ The sequence 順 順 possibly derives from the fact that in an earlier version repetition markers were used after and 順 in order to mark the repetition of the whole phrase. However, in the process of copying the repetition was resolved in a mistaken way, instead of repeating the two characters as a whole each of them was repeated individually. This is supported by the fact that D nbó uses repetition markers (see Figure 32). The last part of the ‘autobiographic’ section has several textual problems.69 At the same time, although there are problems, some passages in the D nhuáng versions do make sense: Stein (10.06-07) has the following phrasing: 願聞 性 須凈心聞了願 餘迷 悟 Compare this with the phrasing in D nbó (94-53.03-04): 願聞 聖 須凈心聞了願自除迷如 悟 性 ‘nature’ is a (dialectal) phonetic loan for 聖 ‘sage;’ in previous passages, the Stein copyist often wrote 自 similar to ‘white’ or ‘to say’ (as a comparison of character forms reveals, the Stein calligraphy tends to reduce the number of vertical strokes in ‘boxes’). In addition, in D nhuáng manuscripts determinatives in the characters are frequently exchanged (in this case 餘 > 除 which obviously leads to a mistaken reading). is a (dialect) loan for rú 如 ‘be like; resemble’, however, I suspect that it also could be read as loan for yī 依 ‘be based on’ (as exemplified in other passages). Thus, a tentative translation of the passage would be as below: “If you wish to listen to the teaching of the former sages each of you has to purify the mind and after having listened [to the teaching] you will produce the wish to eradicate your delusions by yourself and be enlightened in the same way as the former generations” (or a possible reading in Stein: “be enlightened in accord to the former sages”). The passage in the Yampolsky edition, amended with K sh ji, is as follows: 68 69 In later editions the name of the person is Huìmíng 明. Yampolsky 1967: 134, fn. 51: “The D nhuáng text is unreadable here; K sh ji, p. 18, has been followed.” 150 WAS THE PLATFORM S TRA ALWAYS A S TRA? 願聞 聖 須凈心聞了願自除迷如 聖人無別 “If you wish to hear the teachings of the sages of the past, each of you must quiet his mind and hear me to the end. Please cast aside your own delusions; then you will be no different from the sages of the past.” (Yampolsky 1967: 134; ed. page ) The following passage is of great interest since the differences between the Stein and D nbó manuscripts are usually rather minor. However, in this case 18 characters are missing from Stein. This suggests that probably a complete line was omitted by the copyist (or by a copyist of an earlier copy, and the omission was preserved in this particular line of text transmission): 善知識遇悟 智 (S.5475: 10.09) And here is the D nbó version: 善知識 人知人 性曓 無差別只緣迷悟迷 悟 智 There are a few passages where both Stein and the other manuscripts are corrupt, as it is the case in the following example. Both S.5475: 10.12 and D nbó 77: 94–53.09–10 have 是 等 which makes little sense. K sh ji resolves the passage in the following way: 是 alike.” 定等 “[…] this means that wisdom and meditation are (Yampolsky 1967: 135) Part III: A Few Textual Problems and Reflections on the Background of the Platform Sūtra 3.1 The Problem of the Title Page Although the title of the D nhuáng version of the Platform S tra is the part which was transformed most radically in later versions of the text – abbreviated to the simple title Liùzǔ tánjīng is some editions – it poses numerous problems and there are surprisingly few studies on it.70 Problems 70 There is, for example, a study by F ng Guǎngch ng (1999), primarily discussing the question into how many sections the title should be divided, which phrases/parts 151 CHRISTOPH ANDERL are already encountered in the visual presentation of the title on the title page. Characters on the title page of the Stein manuscript (see Figure 33; for the D nbó 77 title, see Figure 34) are of larger size as compared to the following pages. The title consists of three parts: 南 頓 最 大 摩訶 波羅蜜經 能大師 韶 大梵寺 法壇經 無相 法弟子法海 祖 兼 卷 Yampolsky translates the title the following way:71 “Southern School Sudden Doctrine, Supreme Mah y na Great Perfection of Wisdom: The Platform Sutra Preached by the Sixth Patriarch Huìnéng at the Dàfàn Temple in Shàozhōu, one roll, recorded by the spreader of the Dharma, the disciple Fǎhǎi, who at the same time received the Precepts of Formlessness.” In the Stein manuscript the title consists of three lines, the first beginning on the top of the page, whereas the other two are indented, probably indicating that copyists considered the first part as the ‘primary’ title and the other two as ‘secondary’ ones. Interestingly, all the D nhuáng manuscripts have a break after 兼 無相 ‘all received the formless…’ (the ———— 71 belong together, and where spaces should be inserted. He concludes that the title should be read in two parts: 南 頓 最 大 摩訶 波羅蜜經 祖 能大師 韶 大梵寺 法壇經 卷兼 無相 法弟子法海 He also thinks that the small characters of 兼 無相 possibly indicate the ‘topic’ of the scripture and that the space inserted after the phrase symbolizes ‘emptiness’ (i.e. the ‘formless’ precepts; another interpretation is ‘honorific space’ after an important term; this was suggested by Christian Wittern in a personal discussion). However, these conclusions by F ng Guǎngch ng remain tentative. Yampolsky 1967: 125. Although the contents of the Platform S tra is not the focus of this article, it should be noted that the self-reference ‘jīng 經’ (‘s tra’) must have felt outrageous to many contemporary readers, since there was no precedence for calling the work of a Chinese monk by this name (of course, jīng has been used many times previously for apocryphal scriptures which pretended to be translations of s tras but were in reality authored by Chinese monks), thus directly placing the sermon of the monk Huìnéng on the same level as the words of the Buddha. Even hundreds of years later, at a time when the Chán School had become deeply rooted in Chinese society, the monk Qìsòng had to justify the reference to this scripture as ‘s tra’ (see Yampolsky 1967: 125, fn. 1), and the scripture was in addition purged by a Liáo emperor because of this reason. 152 WAS THE PLATFORM S TRA ALWAYS A S TRA? Stein version uses also smaller characters for the phrase),72 although the break should be after and the phrase should read 兼 無相 ‘simultaneously received the formless precepts.’ On the one hand, this seems to be a clear indication that the manuscripts belong to the same text family. In addition, it might also indicate that the copyist could not make sense of the phrase either. ‘Formless precepts’ was a relatively new term which had arisen as part of the practice of administering the Buddhist vows to lay persons during large congregations (壇 referring to the raised platform for delivering sermons and administering the precepts) and might have been unknown to the copyists. On the other hand, 無相 ‘formlessness’ (Skr. alakṣaṇa) was a Mah y na Buddhist term frequently used in medieval Chinese Buddhist scriptures. This sequencing possibly reflects an attempt to make sense of the phrase. Since this break appears in all extant manuscripts it could be that the initial mistake, if it was indeed a mistake, became customized by successive copyists or that it was eventually even regarded as a special feature of the title. These conclusions, however, are tentative.73 There are also problems related to the translation of the title by Yampolsky. The word ‘to receive’ in 兼 無相 is most probably a phonetic loan for 授 ‘to bestow’, and as such it should be read as ‘to bestow the formless precepts.’ This reading is also supported by the starting section and some other passages in the text:74 能大師 大梵寺講堂中昇高 說摩訶 無相 (S.5475: 02.04.01–03.01.10) 波羅蜜法 (＝授) Great Master Huìnéng ascended the high-seat at the lecture hall of the Dàfàn Temple and expounded the teaching of the Great Perfection 72 73 74 In manuscript D nbó 77 兼 無相 is directly connected to the second part of the title, written in regular size letters. After an empty space of about 5 characters the phrase 法弟子法海 is added in smaller letters. The title in D nbó 77 consists of 2 lines. The title of the Lǚshùn manuscript consists, similar to the Stein manuscript, of three lines, all in large characters. The second line is indented and starts two characters below the first. The third part of the title is further indented and starts two characters below the second, suggesting a ‘hierarchy’ of titles. Above the second and third lines markers are inserted (in order to mark the separate titles in addition to the new line?). The title page of the Běijīng manuscript has not survived. On the other hand, the very length and unclear structure of the title invites ambiguity. Another rather outrageous feature of the title section is the inclusion of a conjunction (ji n 兼) which usually has the function of coordinating verbal phrases. On this point, see also Dèng and Róng 1999: 217–218, n. 2. 153 CHRISTOPH ANDERL Figures 1–7. of Wisdom (Skr. mah prajñ p ramit ) and bestowed the Formless Precepts. Indeed, a more thorough philological/linguistic analysis of the title reveals that its meaning and structure is by no means trivial and straightforward. It is also possible that the first line of the title (i.e. 南 頓 最 大 摩訶 波羅蜜經) does not refer to Huìnéng’s text at all. Indeed, 154 WAS THE PLATFORM S TRA ALWAYS A S TRA? Figures 8–19. it is unlikely that the Platform S tra would categorize itself as a prajñ p ramit s tra which is a clearly defined category of scriptures in Indian and Chinese Buddhism. I think that this line – which is also the main part of the title – raises the possibility that it refers to the Diamond S tra (in one fascicle!) which constitutes the central doctrinal framework75 of the text, as well as other texts in D nbó 77 where its doctrine and the s tra itself is described with the highest attributes (see below). Thus, the first part of the title might have originally referred to the central scripture of the 75 Also, Jorgensen thinks that the parts concerning the Diamond S tra are among the earliest in the build-up of the D nhuáng Platform S tra: “Therefore, although it is not possible to definitely produce a sequence in Shénhuì’s corpus, it is most unlikely that the Vajracchedik prajñ p ramit S tra was interpolated into his works. Rather, it was a core foundation for his practice, and it therefore came to influence some elements of the creation of the Platform S tra, at least in its D nhuáng versions.” (Jorgensen 2005: 611). 155 CHRISTOPH ANDERL Figures 21–32. text which also provides the doctrinal framework of the ‘Southern School’, i.e. the Diamond S tra. This s tra also plays a crucial role in the rituals surrounding the bestowal of the precepts. The phrase 最 大 76 is in fact rare in canonical literature.77 A possible reading of the first part of the 76 77 It should be also noted that in the text itself the teaching of the Diamond S tra is referred to as 最 法 ‘the teaching of the Highest/Supreme Vehicle’! There is also external evidence for this: in the commentary text Xi oshì Jīng ng jīng kēyí huìyào zhùji 銷 金剛經科儀會要註解 the term ‘最 大 ’ is directly interpreted as referring to the Diamond S tra (CBETA, ZZ. vol. 24, no. 467: R092_p0434a18); see also Ibid.: R092_p0437b18: 欲了最 大 須 金剛 眼 ‘If you want to understand/complete the Supreme Mah y na you are obliged to be fully endowed with the Diamond-like True Eye (i.e. true understanding);’ and Ibid.: R092_p0438a05: 欲了最 大 金剛經 經乃大 終 之 大慧也 ‘If you wish to understand/complete the Supreme Mah y na, [this is] the Diamond S tra; this s tra is the ultimately real teaching of Mah y na, it is the great wisdom of prajñ .’ The phrase also appears in other commentaries to the Diamond S tra, the Jīng ng jīng zhùji 金剛經註解 (CBETA, ZZ. vol. 24, no. 468:R038_p0845a03) and the Jīng ng jīng yǐng shuō 金剛經 說 (CBETA, 156 WAS THE PLATFORM S TRA ALWAYS A S TRA? Figures 33–34. ———— ZZ. vol. 25, no. 488: R039_p0624a16). In canonical literature, the phrase appears for example in the [Mah ]ratnak ta (Dàbǎojí jīng 大 經), T.11, no. 310: 543a3. However, most frequently the term appears in texts of ‘esoteric’ Buddhism, for example in the Dàshèng yúji jīng ng xìnghǎi mànsh shìlì qi nbì qi nbō dàjiào wáng jīng 大 瑜 金剛性海曼 千臂千鉢大 王經. “The Dàshèng yúji jīng ng xìnghǎi mànsh shìlì qi nbì qi nbō dàjiào wáng jīng. 10 fascicles (T 1177A.20.724–776), abbreviated as Great Tantra of Mañju rī 文 大 王經, and as Thousand Bowls S tra 千鉢經, trans. unknown (attributed to Amoghavajra 空 and Hyecho 慧超 in colophon). The unique form of Mañjurī it describes is represented in art dating from the late Táng, Xīxià and Northern Sòng. […] this is an apocryphon based partly on the Avataṃsaka 華嚴, […] The account given in the colophon (probably also apocryphal) states Hyecho was working on it with Vajrabodhi for several years when Vajrabodhi died, the later sections still untranslated. Per Vajrabodhi’s instructions, the Sanskrit text was sent back to India. Subsequently Hyecho worked on this text with Amoghavajra, with whom the translation was completed. Hyecho’s relation with Amoghavajra is on firmer footing, confirmed by additional primary sources, although there is no confirmation of their having worked on the Mañju rī S tra” (Digital Dictionary of Buddhism [I. Sinclair, D. Lusthaus]). 157 CHRISTOPH ANDERL title78 would be ‘The Supreme Mah y na Prajñ p ramit S tra (referring to the Diamond S tra) of the Southern School’s Sudden Teaching.’ Since the hybrid structure of extant versions of the D nhuáng Platform scripture suggests that certain parts had been added later (e.g. the ‘autobiographical’ part,79 the transmission verses), the passages with prajñ p ramit text references and teachings must have been the very nucleus of the text. Seen from a linguistic point of view, even the second part of the title could be interpreted as containing no direct reference to Huìnéng as the author of the Platform S tra. Along the lines of the interpretation of the first part of the title one could interpret it as referring back to the prajñ p ramit (Diamond) s tra mentioned in the first line: [This is] the s tra [used at the occasion] of the Platform [precept ceremonies] (or: the Platform S tra, meaning the Diamond S tra) in one fascicle [used by] the Sixth Patriarch Great Master Huìnéng when bestowing the dharma at the Dàfàn Temple in Shàozh u. I also want to challenge the translation of the third line by Yampolsky (“…recorded by the spreader of the Dharma, the disciple Fǎhǎi, who at the same time received the Precepts of Formlessness”). As mentioned above, ‘to receive’ is probably 授 ‘to give, to bestow’, as evidenced by later parts of the text. Thus, the scope of the conjunction 兼 has to be interpreted differently: ———— 78 79 Bùk ng 不空 (i.e. Amoghavajra), the alleged translator of this esoteric text, was active in the Northwestern area (Héxī 河西) around the year 753. Could it be that the compilation of the D nhuáng versions of the Platform S tra was directly influenced by ‘esoteric’ Buddhist practices? This interpretation seems even more likely considering the status of the Diamond S tra described as important mantra in the Platform S tra and the other texts on D nbó 77. Most prominently – and in combination with the term 金剛 ‘Diamond’ – the phrase appears many times in the late tantric text Zuìshàng dàshèng jīng ng dàjiào bǎowáng jīng 最 大 金剛大 王經 (T.20, no. 1128; Vajragarbharatnar jatantra?, translated in the late 10th century by Fǎti n 法 ). Yampolsky avoids the problem of the title’s first line by (rather arbitrarily) separating it into two parts. This part is embedded as direct speech by the Sixth Patriarch, although it is written partly in the style of Buddhist historiographical writings. Suspicious is also the self-reference ‘Huìnéng’ instead of the pronoun which is used in later parts of the text when direct speech of Huìnéng is recorded (sometimes the pronoun 吾 is also used and this seems to have an emphatic function is many Chán texts). In addition, the structure of the ‘autobiographical’ part is unresolved, being featured as direct speech in which other layers of direct speech are embedded. 158 WAS THE PLATFORM S TRA ALWAYS A S TRA? […] and [at the same time of bestowing the dharma he] administered the Formless Precepts; [the sermon helt at that occasion of] being recorded by his disciple Fǎhǎi. 3.2 Prajñā Thought in the Platform Sūtra References to the Diamond S tra and prajñ thought are abundant:80 […] 請大師說摩訶 波羅蜜法 (S.5475: 03.02.18–03.03.07) […] [they] all asked the great master to expound the prajñ p ramit teaching 能大師言 “善知識 03.05.06–03.06.01) 凈心念摩訶 波羅蜜法 ” (S.5475: Master Huìnéng said: “Good friends, purify your minds and recite/contemplate the prajñ p ramit teaching.” In the episode where Huìnéng as a boy sells firewood and gets enlightened when hearing the Diamond S tra being recited by a customer: 卻 門前忽見 讀金剛經 (S.5475: 03.09.17 –03.10.16) 能 聞心 明 便悟 Just when turning towards the front of the gate I saw a customer reciting the Diamond S tra; the moment I heard it my mind cleared up and thereupon was awakened. The passage continues with Huìnéng inquiring from where the customer had brought the scripture, whereupon the man informs him that he had brought it from Mt. Huángméi, the residence of the Fifth Patriarch Hóngrěn. Thus, this scripture plays a crucial role in directly connecting Huìnéng with his future teacher. The customer continues telling Huìnéng about his visit at Hóngrĕn’s and the large assembly gathered there. Again, he stresses the central role of the Diamond S tra in one fascicle (remember the title!) and concludes: 81 彼聽見大師勸 80 81 俗但持金剛經 卷 得見性直了 If not otherwise indicated, the translations are my own. Note this construction: indirect speech embedded in a pivot construction, the whole being part of direct speech (by the ‘customer’); this direct speech is again embedded in direct speech (by Huìnéng)! 159 CHRISTOPH ANDERL At that place I heard the Great Master [Hóngrěn] convincing monks and lay persons that by just reciting/upholding the Diamond S tra in one fascicle they would be able to see their nature, gain direct understanding and become a Buddha. 祖夜知( ) 更 能堂內說金剛 能 聞言 便伍(悟) When the night reached the third watch the Fifth Patriarch called Huìnéng into the Hall and expounded the Diamond S tra [for him]. The moment when Huìnéng heard it he was enlightened by its words. Also the section on Huìnéng’s teachings, immediately following the ‘autobiographical’ section, is introduced with a reference to prajñ p ramit : 能大師 言 “善知識 菩提 之知世人曓自暼之 Great Master Huìnéng called [his students] and said: “Good friends, the knowledge of bodhi-prajñ is something which all persons are naturally endowed with.” Note the multilayered (and redundant) usage of ‘knowledge/wisdom’ in this phrase: enlightenment (菩提, Skr. bodhi), wisdom ( , Skr. pra82 jñ ), and 知 (knowledge/wisdom); it seems as if the author was playing with the foreign sounding transliterations here; there is additional emphasis by topicalizing this phrase at the beginning of the sentence; it is resumed as an object by 之 after the main verb 暼. In the following passage, prajñ is defined as the absence of thinking processes: 何 ？ 是智 昷中 念念 思 智 What is called ‘prajñ ’? Prajñ is wisdom. At all times and every thought moment one does not engage in reflection (thinking) but constantly practices wisdom; this is called the practice of prajñ . 何 82 波羅蜜 ？ 是西國梵音 唐言彼岸到 The combination 菩提 is also very rare in Buddhist literature. There is an example in the Jīng ng s nmèi jīng 金剛 昡經論 (attributed to the Silla monk Yúanxiǎo元曉, T.34, no. 1730: 974c09) in the term nòuduōluó-s nmiǎos npútíbōr 阿耨多羅 菩提 . 160 WAS THE PLATFORM S TRA ALWAYS A S TRA? What is called ‘prajñ p ramit ’? This is a Sanskrit sound (lit. ‘Brahma-sound’) from the Western country (i.e. India), in the language of the Táng (i.e. Chinese) [it means] ‘arrived at the other shore.’ The Diamond S tra is also described as essential for entering the ultimate Dharma-realm and the ‘prajñ -sam dhi’ (based on S.5475): 善知識 欲入甚深法界 入 昡 須修 波羅蜜 但持 金剛 波羅蜜經 卷 得見性入 昡 當知 人 德無 […] 是最 法 大智 根人 說 Good friends! If you wish to enter the very deepest Dharma-realm and to enter the Sam dhi of Prajñ you have to cultivate the practice of prajñ p ramit . Just keep in mind (lit. hold; i.e. to recite) the Vajracchedika prajñ p ramit s tra in one fascicle and you will be instantly able to see your [Buddha-]nature and enter the Sam dhi of Prajñ . You should know that such a person’s merits are countless. […] This is the dharma of the Supreme Vehicle and expounded for men of great wisdom and superior capacity.83 83 Compare the later version in T.48, no. 2008: 350a10–23: 師 告大眾曰 總淨心念摩訶 波羅蜜多 復 善知識 菩提 之智 世人曓自暼之 只緣心迷 雕 能自悟 雕須 大善知識 雕示 雕 見性 當知 人智人 性曓無差別 雕 只緣迷悟 雕 所 暼 暼雕 智 雕 吾今 說摩訶 波羅蜜法 雕 使汝等 得智慧 雕 心 聽 吾 汝雕 說 雕 善知識 雕 世人終 念 識自性 猶如說食 飽 但說空 雕 萬劫 得見性 雕終無暼益 善知識 摩訶 波羅蜜是梵語 言大智慧雕 到彼岸 須心 在 念 念心 如幻 雕 如 如露 如電 雕 念心 雕 則心 相應 曓性是 性無別 何 摩訶 摩訶是大 雕 心 廣大 猶如虛空 The master ascended the seat and addressed the assembly, saying: “All of you, purify your mind and recite the Prajñ p ramit S tra.” He continued and said: “Good friends! As for the wisdom of bodhi-prajñ , worldly people are naturally bestowed with it, they are just deluded because of their mind and are unable to be enlightened themselves. They have to rely on a great teacher who guides them to see their [Buddha-] nature. You should know that Buddha-nature of an ignorant person and a wise person is fundamentally not different. Only in terms of ‘delusion’ and ‘enlightenment’ they differ [from each other]. Therefore there exists ignorance and there exists wisdom. Today, I expound the dharma of prajñ p ramit to you, causing all of you to attain wisdom. Concentrate your mind and listen carefully, I am going to expound [it] for you. Good friends, worldly people recite prajñ in their mouth until the end of their days and they are not aware of that their own nature is prajñ . It is like talking about food but not being satiated. If one talks about emptiness only with one’s mouth then one will not be able to see one’s Nature for 10,000 kalpas and there will be no profit in the end. Good friends, 161 CHRISTOPH ANDERL S.5475: 20.08.05-17 (D nbó 77: 94-125.03.05-17): 大 聞說 金剛經 心開悟解 As for the Great Vehicle, if one listens to the Diamond S tra, the mind opens and one is awakened. S.5475: 21.06-08 (D nbó 77: 94-127.03-04): 心修 大 十 波羅蜜多心經曓無差別 部經 因人置 經暯 文 [If] one cultivates this practice in the mind, then there is fundamentally no difference to the Heart S tra (Mah -prajñ p ramit -hṛdaya-s tra); all scriptures and written words, the Small and Great Vehicle, the scriptures in the twelve divisions, all are established based on men (i.e. they are expedient means). [?] Interestingly there are also differences in the concluding phrase of the Platform S tra texts: D nbó 77 has 南 頓 最 大 壇經 卷 ‘The Platform S tra in one fascicle of the Greatest Vehicle of the Sudden Teaching of the Southern School’, whereas the Stein manuscript has 法 inserted after 壇: ‘The s tra of the teachings of the Platform [i.e. Diamond S tra in my interpretation]…’, in other words a sermon held on the occasion of lecturing on the Platform S tra and administering the precepts. 3.2 Prajñā Thought in the Writings of Shénhuì The great interest in the Diamond S tra is also reflected in texts attributed to or associated with Shénhuì. In the Pútídámó nánzōng dìng shìfēi lùn 菩 提 摩南 定是非論 the importance of the Diamond S tra is described the following way:84 ———— 84 mah prajñ par mit is a Sanskrit word. It means ‘to reach the other shore with great wisdom.’ It should be practiced in the mind and not only recited in the mouth. If one recites it in the mouth and does not practice it in one’s mind it is like a delusion, like a transformation, like dew, like lightening. If one recites it in one’s mouth and practices it in one’s mind then mind and mouth correspond. The original Nature is Buddha, apart from the Nature there is no other Buddha. What does ‘mah ’ mean? ‘Mah ’ means ‘great.’ The mind capacity in vast and great, like empty space.” D nbó 77, based on the collated edition Dèng and Róng 1999: 63–66. 162 WAS THE PLATFORM S TRA ALWAYS A S TRA? 師曰 羅蜜 修 禪何 ？ 答 修 波羅蜜法 波 遠法師問曰 何故 修餘法 餘 ？ 唯獨 波羅蜜法 波羅蜜 ？ 答 修學 波羅蜜 能攝 法 波羅蜜 是 之 根曓 金剛 波羅蜜 最 最 最第 無生 無 無去來 諸 從中出 言 告諸知識 欲得 了 甚深法界 置入 昡 須 持 金剛 波羅 蜜經 修學 波羅蜜 何 故？ 持 金剛 波羅蜜 經 當知是人 從 德來 譬如帝王生得 子 俗例 無暼是處 何 故？ 從最 最 處來 持 金 剛 波羅蜜經 復如是 […] The master said: “What does one practice in Chán?” The Preceptor answered: “One cultivates the prajñ p ramit dharma (teaching) and performs the prajñ p ramit practice.” Dharma Master Yuán asked: “Why does one not cultivate any additional dharma and performs any additional practices? Does one exclusively cultivate the prajñ p ramit dharma (teaching) and perform the prajñ p ramit practice?” The Preceptor answered: “If one engages in the cultivation and study of prajñ p ramit one will be able to combine all dharmas (teachings) [in this practice]; to perform the practice of prajñ p ramit is the foundation of all practices. The Vajracchedik (Diamond)prajñ p ramit is the most honoured, the most excellent, the ultimate, it does not arise and does not perish and without leaving and coming, all buddhas emerge from it.” The preceptor said: “Good friends, I tell you: If you want to thoroughly understand the very profound dharma-realm and directly enter the One-Practice sam dhi, you first have to recite and (mentally) hold on to the Diamond S tra (Vajracchedik -prajñ p ramit -s tra), cultivate and study the prajñ p ramit . What is the reason for this? As for those reciting and (mentally) holding on to the Diamond S tra, you should know that this person does not come from [a position of] minor merits. It can be likened to a king who gives birth to a prince. [This prince] being equal to regular people, there is no such a thing (i.e. this is utterly impossible)! What is the reason for this? It is because [the prince] comes from a place (i.e. origin) which is most excelled and most noble. Reciting and (mentally) holding on to the Diamond S tra is exactly like this! […]” The text continues85 with a thorough account of the merits accumulated through the possession, recitation and concentration ( 持), practice and 85 See Ibid.: 66–94. 163 CHRISTOPH ANDERL study (修學) of the Diamond S tra, with citations from prajñ p ramit literature. Among other aspects prajñ p ramit and especially the Diamond S tra are likened to a ‘precious jewel’ (如 ), ‘unchangeable’ ( 變異), pertaining to ‘thusness’ (如如), ‘beyond all duality, form and noform’ ( 相無相), ‘transcending thought’ (遠 思 ) and ‘going beyond written words’ ( 諸文 ), being the foundation for collecting unfathomable merit (所獲 德 思 ), the ‘mother scripture’ of all buddhas ( 經), the ‘patriarch of all dharmas’ ( 諸法祖師), the ‘secret repository of all buddhas’ ( 諸 秘密 ), the ‘dharma of magical formula’ (Skr. dh raṇī, 總持法), the ‘spell/dh raṇī of great magical power’ (大神咒), the ‘dh raṇī which is unsurpassed’ (無 咒) and ‘without equal’ (無等咒), capable of removing all suffering; ‘real and not unsubstantial’ (真 虛), the foundation of the ‘supreme enlightenment’ (阿耨多羅 菩提, Skr. anuttar -samyak-saṃbodhi) of all the buddhas, etcetera. The Diamond scripture is also said to have the power of extinguishing all sin in every person practicing its teaching (是人 罪 ) and eventually enables a person to receive the prediction of enlightenment and become a Buddha himself. The text continues elaborating the merits which are gained by teaching the Diamond S tra to others. The interest in prajñ p ramit thought might be also the reason why a text by an author who was usually associated with the ‘Northern School’ of Chán was appended to D nbó 77. Thus the sequence of the texts compiled in this manuscript might not only be motivated by the wish to harmonize the teachings of the northern and southern branches (as was suggested by a number of scholars) but the text was rather appended since it was a commentary on a prajñ p ramit text. As such, D nbó 77 is a collection of treatises and sermons connected to prajñ p ramit teachings. As was already noted by Yáng Zēngwén, Jorgensen, and other scholars, prajñ p ramit thought plays a prominent role in the Platform S tra and other texts related to early Chán school. There is also great emphasis on the notion of textual transmission which is usually interpreted as a shift away from ‘concrete’ transmission symbols such as the monk’s robe and monk’s bowl to (moveable and easily reproducible and distributable) texts in the form of the Platform S tra. It is well-known that in medieval China the possession and reproduction of texts was of paramount importance in the practice of Buddhism and associated with the accumulation of great merit.86 An analysis of the build-up of the D nhuáng Platform 86 The importance of text reproduction is evidenced by the large number of copies of canonical scriptures among the D nhuáng findings. Also ‘non-canonical’ apoc- 164 WAS THE PLATFORM S TRA ALWAYS A S TRA? S tra suggests that its composition is layered and that it is not the ‘original’ version of the text. What is striking is the length of the title and that there is a definite ambiguity concerning the way the D nhuáng Platform S tra uses the word ‘s tra’. In several passages it does not seem quite obvious whether the ‘s tra’ is referring to itself or rather to the Vajracchedik which is the central doctrinal foundation of the text. Is it possible that originally the text was not meant to constitute the ‘s tra’ spoken by the Sixth Patriarch at all? Was it rather a sermon given on the occasion of administering the precepts at large gatherings of lay believers, with other elements being eventually added to it (such as parts of the ‘biographical/autobiographical’ section and, for example, sections concerning Huìnéng’s students)? As was demonstrated above, prajñ p ramit thought, and specifically the Vajracchedik , were of great importance for the early Chán community and especially the circle around the monk Shénhuì, as well as being connected to precept rituals mixed with esoteric elements. It seems possible that the Vajracchedik was used as central texts at these gatherings, being recited and lectured upon. Thus it seems possible that the original reference to a text to be transmitted signified the Vajracchedik in one fascicle rather than the sermon itself. The structure of the title supports this possibility: First, the title is constructed in a way that it is not obvious at all whether the text refers to itself as ‘s tra’; second, the wording is unusual and ambiguous in terms of the referent. It should be noted that the title of the text was the part which was most radically restructured and changed when the text was expanded and altered during the Sòng dynasty, finally leaving no doubt that ‘s tra’ refers to the text itself. However, this probably was a gradual development and motivated by changes within the Chán movement’s doctrinal and ideological framework. It should also be noted at this point that this transformation – which gives evidence to a radically changing self-image and public perception of Chán – is also notable in the development of new literary genres and the status of the ‘Chán master’. Parallel to the development of the Platform S tra into a scripture on the level of those spoken by the very Buddha, we see a transformation of the image of the Chán master – following in the footsteps of Huìnéng – into a person embodying the very mind of the Buddha, this mind being transmitted from generation to generation as outlined in the Chán transmission texts. One of the causes of this develop———— rypha enjoyed enormous popularity and many of these scriptures provide detailed instructions concerning their copying as well as the merits resulting from it. 165 CHRISTOPH ANDERL ment is possibly found in the prajñ p ramit scriptures which were so important for Chán adherents during the 8th century and later periods. Although there might have been several versions of the Platform S tra circulating during the Táng, there is no indication that the text was widely known and there are very few sources connecting Huìnéng to a Platform S tra dating from the Táng Dynasty.87 Probably its influence was restricted to certain factions of Chán (such as the faction of Shénhuì and his disciples) or was circulating only in local environments such as in the D nhuáng region.88 In addition, a scripture authored by a Chinese monk and boldly claiming to be a ‘s tra’ without doubt had caused strong reactions within Buddhist communities in Táng China, occasionally generating responses during the Sòng dynasty.89 As was demonstrated above, in the D nhuáng version of the Táng dynasty the title of the text is constructed in a way that Huìnéng’s ‘authorship’ is not easy to deduct. In contrast to this, later versions clearly refer to the text as Platform S tra of the Sixth Patriach (Liùzǔ tánjīng 祖壇經), leaving no doubt that Huìnéng was considered the author of the s tra. During that time the text was already edited, polished, and expanded, making it acceptable to the Chán community in terms of the doctrinal framework, and to Sòng literati in terms of its literary structure. As was noted previously, the Platform S tra’s use of poetry in particular had a lasting influence on Chán literary expression. Although the text’s claim of being a ‘s tra’ entailed sporadic reactions during the Sòng Dynasty, this claim must have had a different impact when advanced by the Chán School than during the Táng Dynasty. By Sòng 87 88 89 The question whether there were several versions of the text circulating during the Táng dynasty remains unresolved. A possible explanation for the fact that the text is not mentioned in Táng sources could be that it started circulating in D nhuáng during the period after the Tibetan invasion, when communication between the region and other parts of China was cut off. For example, the scripture was banned from the Buddhist canon (together with the Bǎolín zhuàn 林傳 from 801) shortly after Qìs ng’s death (Yampolsky 1967: 106). Several hundred years after the emergence of the D nhuáng version of the text, in the postface to the Z ngbǎo edition the appellation ‘s tra’ is justified the following way: 祖大師 易所說之法 大 頓之 故目之曰經 言近指遠 詞坦 明 “The Dharma always preached in the past by the Sixth Patriarch, the Great Master, was entirely the perfect and sudden teaching of the Mah y na. Therefore, it is called a ‘s tra’. Its words [use] what is close to point to what is remote; its phrases are straightforward (literally, ‘level’) and its meaning clear.” (T.48, no. 2008: 364c; tr. in McRae 2000: 108) 166 WAS THE PLATFORM S TRA ALWAYS A S TRA? times Chán had become the dominant Buddhist school, with close ties to the court and the literati, as well as an organized institutional framework. By contrast, Chán during the Táng dynasty was by and large a phenomenon associated with different factions and places, particular practices and doctrinal frameworks often being tied to certain localities, often with only regional significance. These groups were engaged in factional disputes and competed with many other equally influential Buddhist schools of thought. 4.3 Some Final Reflections Although these conclusions must remain tentative, an analysis of the textual features of the Platform S tra suggest the following possibilites: It is possible that the Platform S tra in an earlier (and shorter) form was not composed as a ‘s tra’ spoken by the Sixth Patriarch at all, but was rather a transcription of a sermon given at the occasions of mass congregations centered around the bestowal of precepts, with rituals focused on the immensely popular Diamond S tra90 and its mantric power of salvation. These rituals were in accordance with Buddhist practices connected to the bestowal of the Bodhisattva precepts to large congregations. Accordingly, this was the ‘s tra’ used at the occasion of the Platform precept ceremo- 90 “For instance, Yáng Zēngwén thinks that Huìnéng’s Platform S tra made use of the Vajracchedik name and ideas, something also found in the works of Dàoxìn and Hóngrěn. Yáng considers that Shénhuì developed this use much further because of its increased popularity due to imperial sponsorship of the Vajracchedik from 732, and that Shénhuì hoped to gain court approval thereby.” (Jorgensen 2005: 607, based on Yáng Zēngwén 1993: 274–275). “Indeed, the Vajracchedik was most popular in the Táng, with at least several thousand copies or fragments found in the D nhuáng collections” (Ibid.: 607). The importance of the Diamond S tra in the teachings of Shénhuì is described in the following way by Jorgensen: “Shénhuì’s use of the Vajracchedik shows he was also aware of the ‘popular’ conceptions of the magical properties of the s tra. […] he states that a reader or reciter of the Vajracchedik can remove all previous evil karma and gain supreme insight (anuttarasamyaksambodhi). He mentions its magic properties as a great dh ranī and mantra, and that by faithfully accepting it one will have limitless merit. He called it the mother of all s tras and the ‘patriarchal teacher of all the dharmas.’ Only by reciting it could one directly enter into the yìxíng s nmèi (Samadhi) [ 昡 ‘One Practice Samadhi’ referring to an important term in the early Chán School] etcetera.” (Jorgensen 2005: 609; based on Yáng Zēngwén 1996: 35–36 and Dèng and Róng 1998: 66–73.) 167 CHRISTOPH ANDERL nies.91 The extant D nhuáng versions of the text reflect a transitional state of the text with ambiguous references to ‘s tra’, a hyper-complex title (as 91 For a very good description of these mass congregations, see Adamek 2007: 67ff. As van Schaik has pointed out, 壇 (Skr. maṇḍala, Ch. màntúluó 曼荼羅) refers to the raised platform which was built for rituals related to the bestowal of the precepts (van Schaik, forthcoming: 16). These practices (described in the Lìdài făbǎi jì 歷 法 ) were an important part of the Bǎotáng 唐 School of Chán: “These practices included mass ordinations into the lineage of the bodhisattva vow, performed at night on rituals platforms referred to as maṇḍala.” (Ibid.). This Sìchu n lineage of Chán had a great impact on Tibetan Chán. In terms of the connection between Chán and the Diamond S tra, it is noteworthy that Pelliot tibétain 116, one of the most important manuscripts for the reconstruction of Tibetan Chán, contains in addition to Chán materials a copy of the Vajraccedika (Ibid.). On these platforms the precepts were conferred during the guàndǐng 灌 (lit. ‘sprinkling water on the forehead’; Skr. abhiṣeka) ceremony (an activity which the charismatic monk Shénhuì was known for). In his article on D nhuáng Chán manuscripts, Sørensen discusses the syncretic features of many D nhuáng Chán scriptures and mentions a rather long text which seems to be an almalgation of practices conventionally referred to as Esoteric and Chán Buddhism. This scripture (claiming to be authored by the Esoteric Master Amoghavajra) on P.3913 with the elephantine name (which I will not attempt to translate here…) Jīng ng jùnjīng jīng ng dǐng yīqiè rúlái shènmiào mìmì jīng ng jiè dà s nmèiyé xi xíng sìshíèrzhǒng tánfǎjīng zuòyòng wēi fǎ yízé dà Pílúzhēnà jīng ng xīndì fǎmén mìfǎ-jiè tánfǎ yízé 金剛峻經金剛 如來甚妙秘密金剛界大 昡耶修 十 壇法經 用威法儀則大毗盧遮那金剛心地法門秘法 壇法儀則 is written in the style of a s tra but has been indentified as an apocryphon probably dating from the late Táng. The text is more concisely also referred to as ‘Ritual Guidelines for the Platform dharma’ (Tánfă yízé 壇法儀則). The text is divided into thirty-five sections, each section dealing with a specific function of the Platform ceremonies. The instructions are very detailed and include the exact size and material for building the platforms, as well as the dates when the rituals should be performed for the specific purposes. In addition, the decoration and the rituals to be performed are described in great detail, as well as the merits achieved through the perfomance of the rituals. In many sections the role of the ruler is emphasized and many rituals are connected to the protection of the state (hùguó 護國) and its people. The last part of the text is the longest and most elaborate and deals with the transmission of Chán (from page 113, line 5 onwards in the D nhuáng booklet). After the description of the transmission of the Indian patriarchs, the Six Chán patriarchs from Bodhidharma (the 32rd Patriarch, page 138 of the booklet) to Huìnéng (37th Patriarch) are described. It is interesting that not the appellation zŭ 祖 ‘patriarch’ (or zǔshī 祖師) is used, as it is typically done in Chán transmission texts, but the rather long appellation fù fǎzàng rénshèngzh 法 仁聖 ‘benevolent sage transmitting the Dharma-treasure’. The transmission between the patriarchs takes place after they ascended to the ‘Diamond Realm of Vairoccana’ (Dà pílú jīng ng jiè 大毗廬金剛界). As such, Chán transmission is placed in a somewhat esoteric framework. The transmission is also placed at the stage of attainment of the ‘8th 168 WAS THE PLATFORM S TRA ALWAYS A S TRA? commonly also found in esoteric scriptures), and additional elements rather clumsily integrated in the text (especially parts of the section with Huìnéng’s autobiography, but also the lineage list and the transmission verses, and possibly the passages eluding to the inferior practices of the Northern School). Subtracting all these parts, the sections on precept rituals and the Diamond S tra with its teachings and powers become the core message of the text.92 The D nhuáng versions also contain specific markers which indicate the ritual function of the text in the performance of the precept bestowal. After the introductory section with the (auto)biographical information and the account of the ‘poem competition’ with Shénxiù, the text focuses on the ‘Formless Precepts.’ The ‘performance markers’ (written in small characters) indicate how many times specific parts of the text have to be chanted unisono (by the congregation). The conferral of the precepts is performed in several stages, each section followed by a short sermon in which the precepts are explained with metaphorical language and in terms of the functioning of the mind/nature. First, the bestowal of the ‘formless precepts’ is invocated three times: 自色身歸衣 (依) 清 淨法身 自色身歸衣 (依) 千 億 身 自色身歸衣 (依) 當 來 滿報身 唱 “‘I take refuge in the pure Dharmak ya Buddha in my own physical body. I take refuge in the ten thousand hundred billion Nirm ṇak ya Buddhas in my own physical body. I take refuge in the future perfect Sambhogak ya Buddha in my own physical body. I take refuge in the future perfect Sambhogak ya Buddha in my own physical body.’ Recite the above three times.” (S.5475, ed. Yampolsky 1967: , tr. in Ibid.: 141; emphasis added). During the next step the ‘four great vows’ ( 大願) are invocated three times: 眾生無邊誓願 煩惱無 邊誓願斷 法門無邊誓願學 無 誓願 唱 “‘[Although] the sentient beings are countless I vow to save them [all]; [although] the afflictions are countless, I vow to cut them [all]; [although] the dharma teachings are countless I vow to study them [all]; I vow to complete the unsurpassed Way of the Buddha.’ Chant three times.” (S.5475, ed. Yam———— 92 level of Bodhisatvahood’. After the description of this transmission the text returns to the ‘Platform dharmas’ (the text enumerates 42 of these) as the essence of the Buddhist teachings and the foundation of attaining ‘unexcelled bodhi’ (wúshàng pútí 無 菩提). More along the line of esoteric interpretations, the object of transmission is identified as ‘the secretely transmitted mind-seal’ (蜜傳心 地 相, p. 142); see also Anderl 2012: 5, fn. 9. At a second thought it seems even more unlikely that such a text stripped down to a version including so many passages dealing with prajñ p ramit thought should claim to be a ‘s tra’ in its own right! 169 CHRISTOPH ANDERL polsky 1967: 九). During the last part the ‘formless repentances’ (無相懺 悔) are invoked three times.93 Central terms in the explanation of the precepts and in the following passages are the apophatic wúniàn 無念 (‘no thought’), wúxiàng 無相 (‘no-form; formlessness’) and wúzhù 無 (‘nonabiding’), expressions which also figure prominently in the Bǎotáng School and the teachings of Shénhuì.94 The extant textual features also suggest that all D nhuáng versions belong to the same original stemmata, although there are significant differences in their use of phonetic loans and other textual features. The D nhuáng versions indicate that the text had distinctly oral features and was copied in this context. Of special interest are the passages where all manuscripts are corrupt. This is on the one hand proof of the interdependence of the manuscripts, on the other hand the textual features also witness of an extended process of copying and the accumulation of mistakes. Since mistakes and corrupted passages are only fragmentarily identified and corrected by respective copyists and/or readers there is a progressive degeneration of the textual features in the course of time. Naturally, the Stein manuscript contains most textual problems.95 This brings up the more general question in what context were the manuscripts copied and how they were used, since the many corruptions render extensive part of the manuscripts unintelligible? Another feature of the D nhuáng Platform S tra discussed here is its close connection to precept practices96 and esoteric practices, an aspect which deserves a more elaborate investigation in the future studies. More generally, in his study of Chán D nhuáng texts, Sørensen emphasizes the textual problems related to many Chán texts as well as their hybrid and syncretic features: 93 94 95 96 This passage contains many corruptions in the S.5475 version. For a translation see Yampolsky 1967: 144. Compare, for example, the central terms in the Lìdài făbăo jì: wúyì 無憶 (‘norecollection’), wúxiǎng 無想 (‘no-thought’), and mòwàng 莫妄 (‘not allow the unreal’) (van Schaik, forthcoming: 16). It will be exiting to compare the textual features of the newly discovered Lǚshùn manuscript which is also of late origin (10th century). E.g. the many references to the Diamond S tra and its power of salvation, the many sections aimed at promoting its recitation and worship of the text. A common feature with esoteric scriptures is the very title of the Platform D nhuáng version, including its length and terminology. In the Shénhuì sermon immediately preceding the Platform scripture in the D nbó manuscript, references to the mantric power of the Diamond S tra are even more numerous and direct. 170 WAS THE PLATFORM S TRA ALWAYS A S TRA? One of the main characteristics of the D nhuáng Chán manuscripts is their great diversity in terms of literature. Despite the fact that several manuscripts testify to a relatively high literary standard, a large number of them have been written in a decidedly provincal or even countrified form, not to mention the countless basic scribal errors, something which can only be explained as a lack of proper schooling on the part of the writer. (Sørensen 1989: 117)97 As such, the D nhuáng versions of the Platform S tra possibly constitute a transitional phase in the formation of the text. A phase when originally ‘external references’ to ‘s tra’ (i.e. directly referring to the Diamond S tra) gradually shifted or were interpreted as ‘internal references’ (i.e. identifying the sermon/text as ‘s tra’ itself). The structure of the title, the terminology used, as well as the performative instructions in the text and the prominent role of the mantric power of the Diamond S tra suggest a close connection to practices centered around rituals performed at the occasion of the bestowal of Bodhisattva precepts at large congregations of lay followers. As was demonstrated, this connection of D nhuáng Chán and Platform ceremonies can be evidenced by a number of other D nhuáng texts. This amalgation of Chán and esoteric practices might have been a feature typical for D nhuáng Chán and needs further investigation in future studies. This regional signifance of the Platform texts in D nhuáng and their gradual development into a ‘s tra’ – which was maybe triggered and accompanied by other factors in the development of the Chán schools during the late Táng and the Five Dynasties period – may also explain the nearly complete absence of references to this text during Táng times. It should also be noted that seen from a doctrinal and even literary viewpoint, the Platform S tra in its D nhuáng versions must have been 97 Based on the studies of Tanaka Ry sh (e.g. 1983: 135–166), Sørensen focuses on the esoteric features found in many D nhuáng Chán texts. Esoteric masters such as Amoghavajra (705–774) enjoyed immense popularity from the 8th century onwards and the influence of Zhēnyán 真言 (Jap. Shingon) teachings spread also to the Northwestern region. D nhuáng Chán received initial influence from the Sìchu n Bǎotáng Chán School (Sørensen 1989: 129) and many copies and fragments of the Lìdài fǎbǎo jì 歷 法 can be found among the D nhuáng Chán treatises. The Chán master Móhēyán (Mah y na) was a second generation disciple of the Northern School master Shénxiù 神 (which figures as the famous antagonist of Huìnéng in the Platform S tra) and spent several years in D nhuáng during the 8th century. More recently, the convergence of Chán and Esoteric Buddhism is elaborated on by Van Schaik (forthcoming: 26–31). 171 CHRISTOPH ANDERL rather unappealing for Chán adherents at the beginning of the Sòng. Consequently, the text had to be heavily revised and ‘spiced up’ with dialogues in the style of the Recorded Sayings and other materials from Transmission Texts (the two core genres of the Chán School and focus of attention for the literati during the Sòng period). As such, the ‘s tra’s’ significance during Sòng times was symbolical, cementing the image of the illiterate but genial Sixth Patriarch Huìnéng as founder of the ‘Southern School of sudden enlightenment’, being the last in a sequence of Indian and Chinese patriarchs who transmitted the mind of the Buddha. Bibliography Adamek, Wendi. 2007. The Mystique of Transmission: On an Early Chan History and Its Context. New York: Columbia University Press. Anderl, Christoph. 2004a. “The Semantics of Qíng in Chán Buddhist Chinese.” In Halvor Eifring, ed., Love and Emotions in Traditional Chinese Literature. Leiden: Brill, 149–224. Anderl, Christoph. 2004b. Studies in the Language of Zǔ-táng jí 祖堂 . 2 vols. Oslo: Unipub. Anderl, Christoph. 2012. “Zen Rhetoric: An Introduction.” In Christoph Anderl, ed., Zen Rhetoric in China, Korea, and Japan. Leiden, Boston: Brill, 1–94. Anderl, Christoph & Kevin Dippner & Øystein Krogh Visted. 2012. “Some Reflections on the Mark-up and Analysis of D nhuáng Manuscripts: Exemplified by the Platform S tra.” Chung-Hwa Buddhist Journal 25: 7–50. App, Urs. 1993. Rokuso dankyō ichiji sakuin 祖壇經 索引. Ky to: Hanazono daigaku kokusai zengaku kenky jo 花 大學國 禪學研究所. Chén Yuán 陳垣. 2009. Chén Yuán quánjí 陳垣 . Héféi: nhuī dàxué ch bănshè. Dèng Wénku n 鄧文 and Róng Xīnji ng 榮 . 1999. D nbó b n Chán-jí lùjiào 敦博曓禪籍錄校. Nánjīng: Ji ngs gǔjí ch bǎnshè. Digital Dictionary of Buddhism DDB (general editor: Charles Muller). http://www.buddhism-dict.net/ddb/. Dīng Zh ngyòu 仲祜. 2000. Liùzǔ tánjīng 祖壇經. Hong Kong: Xi nggǎng fójīng liút ng chù. F ng Guǎngch ng 方廣錩. 1999. “Tán D nhuáng běn Tánjīng bi otí de géshì” 談敦煌曓壇經標題的格式.” In Lǐ Shēn and F ng Guǎngch ng 1999, 139– 144. F ng Guǎngch ng 方廣錩. 2001. “Gu nyú D nhuáng běn Tánjīng” 關 敦煌曓 壇經 . In Hǎo Ch nwén 郝春文, ed., D nhuáng wénxiàn lùnjí 壇經文 獻論 . Shěnyáng: Liáoníng rénmín ch bǎnshè. 172 WAS THE PLATFORM S TRA ALWAYS A S TRA? Galambos, Imre. “Punctuation Marks in Medieval Chinese Manuscripts.” In JanUlrich Söbisch and Jörg B. Quenzer, eds., Manuscript Cultures: Mapping the Field. Berlin: de Gruyter. [Forthcoming. Page numbers according to draft version.] G nsù cáng D nhuáng wénxiàn bi nwěihuì 甘 敦煌文獻編 會, ed. 1999. G nsù cáng D nhuáng wénxiàn 甘 敦煌文獻. 6 vols. Lánzh u: G nsù rénmín ch bǎnshè. Gen En’y 元延祐. 1935. “K rai kokubon Rokuso daishi hōbō dankyō 高麗 曓 祖大師法 壇經.” Zengaku kenky 禪學研究 23. Gernet, Jacques. 1949. Entretiens du Maître de Dhy na Chen-houei du Ho-tsö (668–760). Hanoi. [Reprint Paris: Ecole Française D’extrême-Orient 1977.] Guó Péng 郭朋, ed. 1981. Tánjīng duìk n 壇經 勘. Jìnán: Qílǔ sh diàn. Guó Péng 郭朋, ed. 1983. Tánjīng jiàoshì 壇經校 . Bĕijīng: Zh nghuá sh jú. Guó Péng 郭朋. 1987. Tánjīng dǎo dú 壇經 讀. Chéngd : B shŭ ch bǎnshè. Hú Shì 胡適 (Hu Shih). 1968. Shénhuì héshàng yìjí: fù Hú xi nshēng wǎnnián de yánji 神會 尚遺 : 附胡 生晚 的研究. Táibĕi: Húshì jìniànguǎn. Jiǎng Z ngfú 蔣 福. 2007. “D nhuáng běn Tánjīng xi nggu n wèntí kǎobiàn” 敦煌曓 壇經 相關問題考辨. Fójiào yánji 研究 4: 83–91. Jorgensen, John. 2002. “The Platform Sutra and the Corpus of Shen-hui: Recent Critical Text Editions and Studies.” Revue Bibliographique de Sinologie 399–438. Jorgensen, John. 2005. Inventing Hui-neng, the Sixth Patriarch – Hagiography and Biography in Early Ch’an. Leiden: Brill. Lǐ Shēn 李 and F ng Guǎngch ng 方廣錩, eds. 1999. D nhuáng Tánjīng héjiào jiǎnzhù 敦煌壇經 校簡注. Tàiyuán: Sh nxī gǔjí ch bǎnshè. Lǐ Shēn 李 . 1999a. “Tánjīng bànběn chúyì” 壇經 曓芻 . In Lǐ Shēn and F ng Guǎngch ng 1999: 12–26. Lǐ Shēn 李 . 1999b. “S nbù D nhuáng Tánjīng jiàoběn dú hòu” 部敦煌 壇 經 校曓讀 . In Lǐ Shēn and F ng Guǎngch ng 1999: 109–138. Lǚ Wéi 呂溦. 1961. “D nhuáng xiěběn Táng Jìngjué (zhù) B rěb luómìdu xīnjīng” 敦煌 曓唐 淨覺[注] 波羅密多心經. Xiàndài fójiào 現 4: 32–38. Luk, Charles, tr. 1962. “The Dharma Treasure of the Altar S tra of the Sixth Patriarch.” In Charles Luk, ed., Ch’an and Zen Teaching: Third Series. London: Century. Luó Chángpéi 羅 . 1933. Táng-Wǔdài Xīb i f ngyīn 唐 西 方音. Shànghǎi: Academia Sinica. Luó Fúchéng 羅福 . 1932. “Liùzǔ dàshī Făbăo Tánjīng cánběn shìwén” 祖 大師法 壇經殘曓 文. Guólì B ipíng túsh guăn k n 國 圖暯館刊 4/3. (Xīxià wén zhu nhào 西夏文 .) McRae, John R. 1986. The Northern School and the Formation of Early Ch’an Buddhism. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. McRae, John R., tr. 2000. The Platform Sutra of the Sixth Patriarch. Berkeley: Numata Center for Buddhist Translation and Research. 173 CHRISTOPH ANDERL Meinert, Carmen. 2008. “Gestückelte Schriften: Überlieferungsgeschichten der dem Meditations-meister Wolun zugeschriebenen Dunhuang-Manuskripte.” Oriens Extremus 47: 215–245. Nakagawa Taka 中 . 1953. “Rokuso danky no ihon ni tsuite” 祖壇經の 異曓 就いて. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenky 3: 155–156. Nakagawa Taka 中 . 1954. “Dankyō no shis shikiteki kenky ” 壇經の思想 的研究. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenky 5: 281–284. Nakagawa Taka 中 . 1976. Rokuso dankyō 祖壇経. Zen no goroku 禅の 語録 4. T ky : Chikuma shob . Nishitani Keiji 西谷啟治 and Yanagida Seizan 柳 聖山, eds. 1972. Zenke goroku 禪家語錄, vol. 2. Sekai koten bungaku zensh 世界 文學 , no. 36B. T ky : Chikuma shob . P n Zhòngguī 潘 規. 1996. “D nhuáng běn Liùzǔ tánjīng dú hòu guǎnjiàn” 敦 煌曓 祖壇經 讀 見. In D nhuáng Tǔlǔf n xué yánji lùnjí 敦煌 魯番學研究論 . Táiběi: Sh mù wénxiàn ch bǎnshè, 24–42. Van Schaik, Sam. Forthcoming. “Reconsidering Tibetan Chán.” In Christoph Anderl and Christian Wittern, eds., Chán Buddhism – D nhuáng and Beyond: Texts, Manuscripts, and Contexts. [draft version] Schlütter, Morten. 1989. “A Study of the Genealogy of the Platform Sutra.” Studies in Central & East Asian Religions 2: 53–114. Shào Róngfēn 邵榮芬. 1963. “D nhuáng súwénxué zuòpĭn zh ng de biézì yìwén hé Táng Wǔdài Xīběi f ngyīn” 敦煌俗文學 中的別 異文 唐 西 方音. Zhōngguó yǔwén 中國語文 3: 193–217. Shǐ Jīnb 金波. 1993. “Xīxià wén Liùzǔ tánjīng cán yè yìshì” 西夏文 祖 壇經 殘 . Shìjiè zōngjiào yánji 世界 研究 3: 90–100. Sørensen, H. Henrik. 1989. “Observations on the Characteristics of the Chinese Chan Manuscripts from Dunhuang.” Studies in Central & East Asian Religions 2: 115–139. Suzuki Daisetsu (Teitar ) 鈴木大 (貞 郎), ed. 1942. Jōsh Sōkei-zan roku soshi dankyō 韶 暰溪山 祖師壇經. T ky : Iwanami shoten. Suzuki Daisetsu (Teitar ) 鈴木大 (貞 郎) and Kuda Rentar 連 郎. 1934. Tonkō shutsudo Jinne zenji goroku kaisetsu oyobi mokuji; Tonkō shutsudo Rokuso dankyō kaisetsu oyobi mokuji; Kōshōji bon Rokuso dankyō kaisetsu oyobi mokuji 煌出土神會禪師語錄解說 目 ; 煌出土 祖壇 經解說 目 ; 聖寺曓 祖壇經解說 目 . T ky : Morie shoten. Takata Tokio. 1987. “Le dialecte chinois de la region du Hexi.” Cahiers d’Extrême-Asie 3: 93–102. Takata Tokio 高 昷 . 1988. Tonkō shiryō ni yoru Ch gokugo shi no kenky : ky , jusseiki no Kasei hōgen 敦煌 料所見中國語言 之研究: 九 十世紀 の河西方言. T ky : S bunsha. Tanaka Ry sh 中良昭. 1983. Tonkō Zensh bunken no kenky 敦煌禪 文 獻の研究. T ky : Dait shuppansha. 174 WAS THE PLATFORM S TRA ALWAYS A S TRA? Thesaurus Linguae Sericae (TLS), An Historical and Comparative Encyclopaedia of Chinese Conceptual Schemes (ed. in chief: Christoph Harbsmeier); University of Oslo/Heidelberg University: http: //tls.uni-hd.de/home_en.lasso. Ui Hakuju 伯壽. 1966. Zengaku shi kenky 禪學 研究. 3 vols. T ky : Iwanami shoten. W ng Fànzh u 汪泛舟. 2002. D nhuáng shík sēngshī jiàoshì 敦煌石窟僧詩校 . Hong Kong: Xi nggǎng hépíng túsh yǒuxiàn g ngsī. Xiàndài fójiào xuéshù cóngk n bi njí wěiyuánhuì 現 學術 刊編輯 員 會, ed. 1976. Liùzǔ tánjīng yánji lùnjí 祖壇經研究論 . Táiběi: Dàshèng wénhuà ch bǎnshè. Xiàng Dá . 1957. Tángdài Cháng’ n yǔ Xīyù wénmíng 唐 長 西域文 明. Táibĕi: S nlián sh diàn. Yabuki Keiki 吹慶輝. 1930. Meisha yoin – Tonkō shutsudo miden koitsu Butten kaihō 沙餘韻﹣敦煌出土曑傳 開 [English title: Rare and Unknown Chinese Manuscript Remains of Buddhist Literature Discovered in Tun-huang Collected by Sir Aurel Stein and Preserved in the British Museum]. T ky : Iwanami shoten. Yabuki Keiki 吹慶輝. 1933. Meisha yoin kaisetsu 沙餘韻解說. T ky : Iwanami shoten. Yampolsky, Philip. 1967. The Platform Sûtra of the Sixth Patriarch. New York: Columbia University Press. Yanagida Seizan 柳 聖山. 1972. Zenseki kaidai 禪籍解題. In Nishitani and Yanagida 1972: 445–514. Yanagida Seizan 柳 聖山, ed. 1976. Rokuso dankyō shohon sh sei 祖壇經 諸曓 . Ky to: Ch mon shuppansha. Yáng Zēngwén 楊曾文. 1993. D nhuáng xīnb n Liùzǔ tánjīng 敦煌 曓 祖 壇經 . Shànghǎi: Shànghǎi gǔjí ch bǎnshè. Yáng Zēngwén 楊曾文. 1996. Shénhuì héshàng Chán-huà lù 神會 尚禪 錄. Běijīng: Zh nghuá sh jú ch bǎnshè. Yè G ngchuò 葉恭綽. 1926. “Lǚshùn Gu nd ng-tíng bówùguăn suŏ cún D nhuáng ch tŭ zhī fójiào jīngdiăn” 旅順關朁廳博物館所 敦煌出土之 經 . Túsh guăn xué jìk n 圖暯館學季刊 1.4. Zh u Shàoliáng 周紹良. 1997. D nhuáng xi b n Tánjīng yuánbĕn 敦煌 曓壇 經原曓. Běijīng: Wénwù ch bǎnshè. Zh u Shàoliáng 周紹良. 1999. Xù èr 序 . In Dèng and Róng 1999: 1–26. 175