Sex and Uncivil Disobedience:
Girlhood and Social Class in
Transitional Post-Yugoslav Cinema
Research Article
Dijana Jelača
Adjunct Assistant Professor, Film Department, Brooklyn College
ddj514@gmail.com
http://www.suedosteuropa.uni-graz.at/cse/en/jelaca
Contemporary Southeastern Europe, 2017, 4(2), 121-140
Contemporary Southeastern Europe is an online, peer-reviewed, multidisciplinary journal that publishes original,
scholarly, and policy-oriented research on issues relevant to societies in Southeastern Europe. For more
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Sex and Uncivil Disobedience:
Girlhood and Social Class in
Transitional Post-Yugoslav Cinema
Dijana Jelača
In recent post-Yugoslav cinema, trope of troubled youth in films as
diverse as Skinning (Stevan Filipović, 2010, Serbia), Children of Sarajevo
(Aida Begić, 2012, Bosnia-Herzegovina), Spots (Aldo Tardozzi, 2011,
Croatia) and Quit Staring at My Plate (Hana Jušić, 2017) allows for an
inspection of the links between youth rebellion, post-conflict trauma and
social class. These cinematic depictions of youth-in-crisis, which I refer to
as transitional films, offer insights into locally produced ethno-national
identities as challenged by the proliferating transnational networks of
connectivity. In this essay, I highlight one provocative example of
transitional film – Clip (Maja Miloš, 2012, Serbia). I argue that the film's
provocative approach to representing girls offers insightful commentary
on the performative aspects of social class in transitional post-Socialist
democracies of former Yugoslavia. Moreover, I examine how the film's
graphic scenes of sex might point to what Berlant & Edelman call "sex
without optimism" (2013), a term that focuses on “the ways in which sex
undoes the subject” (4). In Clip, sex without optimism stages an encounter
that destabilizes traditional identity structures rather than reintroducing
feminine libido into the patriarchal regimes of control.
Keywords: girlhood, post-Socialism, social class, gender, precarity
Introduction: Post-Yugoslav Youth-in-Crisis Cinema in the Age of
Moral Panics
In recent post-Yugoslav cinema, coming-of-age narratives are frequently
positioned as productive frameworks for a critique of the social, cultural and
economic circumstances of precarity rooted in the post-socialist transition.
These cinematic depictions of youth-in-crisis offer insights into locally produced
ethno-national identities, as challenged by the proliferating transnational
networks of connectivity. Moreover, such films often run counter to massmediated instigations of moral panics when it comes to discourses about the
uncivil disobedience of “deviant” youth. In his influential work on moral panics,
Stanley Cohen describes them in following terms:
“Societies appear to be subject, every now and then, to periods of moral panic.
A condition, episode, a person or group of persons emerges to become defined
Dijana Jelača holds a PhD in Communication and Film Studies from UMass Amherst. She
teaches in the Film Department at Brooklyn College. Her areas of inquiry include feminist film
studies, trauma and memory studies, and South Slavic film cultures.
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Dijana Jelača
as a threat to societal values and interests; its nature is presented in a stylized
and stereotypical fashion by the mass media.”1
While his analysis was directed at Britain’s youth at the height of the “rockand-roll” era, the concept has proven to be quite malleable and adjustable to
various contexts in which the trope of youth-in-crisis is seemingly resolved by
its kin concept of “deviant youth.” Moral panics that are instigated about any
perceivably anti-social or uncivil behavior on the part of society’s youth are
typically disseminated via mass media, and frequently have the following
feature: they place upon youth standards of social civility that are defined in
the terms of the parent culture, and that seek to mask the contradiction that is
embedded in them. This contradiction is reflected in the parent culture’s
deliberate blindness to the fact that it is its own failure to sustain the youth in
a socially meaningful way that makes the youth turn to what is perceived as
social deviance in the first place.
Rather than further disseminating such mass-mediated moral panics that rest
on simplified approaches to social problems, post-Yugoslav coming-of-age films
have tended to depict delinquency from a more complex standpoint that
implicates the parent culture rather than reiterate the contradictory standards
of civility upon which social acceptance is based. Indeed, in recent years an
ever-growing number of regional films situate their explorations of material
precarity and social critique in depictions of struggling youth, either neglected
or entirely forgotten by their post-conflict, post-socialist parent culture(s). I
refer to these films as “transitional,” since they address various kinds of
intertwined and mutually informative transitions. The list includes works such
as Mirage (Iluzija, Svetozar Ristovski, 2004, Macedonia), Skinning (Šišanje,
Stevan Filipović, 2010, Serbia), I Am from Titov Veles (Jas sum od Titov Veles,
Teona Strugar Mitevska, 2007, Macedonia), Tilva Ros (Tilva roš, Nikola Ležaić,
2010, Serbia), Children of Sarajevo (Djeca, Aida Begić, 2012, BosniaHerzegovina), Spots (Fleke, Aldo Tardozzi, 2011, Croatia), The Barbarians
(Varvari, Ivan Ikić, 2014, Serbia), and Quit Staring at My Plate (Ne gledaj mi u
pijat, Hana Jušić, 2017, Croatia), to name just a few. These titles could be
categorized by Jurica Pavičić’s term “cinema of normalization,” which
designates a strain of filmmaking that has taken hold in post-Yugoslav cinema
since 2000. In the films of normalization, Pavičić argues, “the central theme is
the will, or absence of the will, of the post-Yugoslav subject to realize
him/herself as a citizen.”2 And yet, while Pavičić places the protagonist’s
(in)ability to change his/her situation firmly in his/her own hands (or, in the
presence or absence of the will to do so), many of the films that may fall under
the rubric of “cinema of normalization” focus precisely on the structural
conditions that prevent a subject from becoming a social agent even when there
is will to do so. This is particularly the case in the transitional films about postYugoslav youth cultures.
Cohen, Stanley. 2002. Folk Devils and Moral Panics: The Creation of the Mods and Rockers.
Psychology Press, 1.
2 Pavičić, Jurica. 2011. Postjugoslovenski film: Stil i ideologija. Zagreb: Hrvatski filmski savez, 211.
1
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Sex and Uncivil Disobedience:
Girlhood and Social Class in Transitional Post-Yugoslav Cinema
I refer to these films as transitional for several overlapping reasons: they are,
in terms of cultural production and the film industries that sustain them,
created in the context of ongoing and ever-complicated political, economic,
social and cultural transitions: from conflict to post-conflict times, from
socialism to neoliberal capitalism, from a multi-ethnic federal state to separate,
ethnocentric nation states. Moreover, since they are coming-of-age films, they
are about the transitional (st)age where childhood ends but adulthood does not
quite begin: at their center is usually a figure who is neither a child nor a fully
matured adult, but in the process of transition between the two, or residing in a
state of arrested development. Finally, one other kind of transition marks
many of the transitional films’ respective visual aesthetics: that of the
transition from cinema as an analog, celluloid technology to post-cinema,
understood as a proliferation of digital screen technologies. Digital screen
technologies are both used to produce said films and utilized within their
frames as important factors in the narrative. These different aspects of
transition converge in post-Yugoslav films about youth-in-crisis in mutually
contingent ways.
Here, I am particularly interested in the question of how youth precarity is
closely related to the restructuring of social hierarchies that transitional times
bring about. Transitional films often position the challenges placed on postsocialist and post-conflict youth through the reality of vicarious remembering,
or trans-generational inheritance of recent political, social and economic
upheavals (in another kind of transition - that of memory - from one generation
to the next) that have marked the region’s shifts from socialism to neoliberal
capitalism, and from single-party multiculturalism to multi-party ethnonational states. The influence of such upheavals on the youth’s present-day
struggles is undoubtedly central to the general reign of existential precarity
that marks the youth’s (as well as everyone else’s) challenging present and
uncertain futures. As I have illustrated elsewhere, the youth inherit the
conditions of social and existential struggle and often rebel against them in
anti-social, even violent, ways, through various forms of subcultural activity. 3
It should be noted that this subcultural activity is typically depicted in films
about youth cultures as decidedly heterosexual, yet often permeated with
homo-social and homoerotic undertones (see, for example, Skinning, Tilva Ros,
and Spots).
By way of exploring the gender politics of such films, this article focuses on
those coming-of-age narratives that center on girls’ troubled adolescence, and
aim to articulate a social critique of the material precarity that characterizes
the conditions under which post-Yugoslav girls are coming of age and finding
their place in the world. A diverse group of films that put forth a social critique
of the material position of young women and girls came out in recent years films as varied as the aforementioned I Am from Titov Veles, Children of
Sarajevo, Spots and Quit Staring at My Plate, as well as Sisters (Sestre,
Vladimir Paskaljević, 2011, Serbia), On the Path (Na putu, Jasmila Žbanić,
2010, Bosnia-Herzegovina), and Slovenian Girl (Slovenka, Damjan Kozole,
Jelača, Dijana. 2014. Youth After Yugoslavia: Subcultures and Phantom Pain. Studies in Eastern
European Cinema 5(2), 139-54.
3
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Dijana Jelača
2009, Slovenia). With varying degrees of success and cinematic quality, these
films articulate many aspects of women’s and girls’ precarious existence in
post-socialism after Yugoslavia. In Tardozzi’s Spots, for instance, the focus is
on young women exacting vigilante justice in response to sexual violence; in
Žbanić’s On the Path, the female protagonist faces challenges brought on by
religious fundamentalism; in Sisters and Slovenian Girl it is human trafficking
and prostitution; and in Begić’s Children of Sarajevo, social and economic
challenges are directly linked to war trauma and post-war deprivation. In
Jušić’s Quit Staring at My Plate, a girl’s troubled life is tied directly to the
economic precarity that does not appear to have a resolution in sight. These
socially engaged works of regional cinema attempt to bring to the fore the
challenges faced by young women under the conditions of economic insecurity
that is distinctly linked to transitional post-conflict democracies, and the
emergence of neoliberal capitalism on the East European peripheries of global
economic flows. In light of such circumstances, where transitional economic
hardship often affects women more so than men,4 these films explore the varied
models of female agency possible, or even merely imaginable, when it comes to
young girls becoming meaningful social actors in their own right. Some of these
films overtly reflect emancipatory feminist politics and in doing so reveal that,
even when other social hierarchies and factors are in flux, patriarchy still
remains unchallenged as a framework within which young women face daily
challenges based on various forms of gender-based discrimination.
The economic precarity that has become increasingly prevalent in recent times
is thus rendered doubly precarious for women, as they are always already
surrounded by patriarchal scrutiny that limits their role as social actors.
Because of this complicated double-bind, emancipatory patterns emerge in
unexpected, sometimes seemingly counter-intuitive ways. For instance, in
Children of Sarajevo (as well as in Begić’s earlier film, Snow), a young Muslim
woman finds protection from social pressures in the act of covering herself, or
wearing a headscarf. This has, at times, prompted feminist critics to designate
such films as problematic and reactionary. For instance, Mima Simić suggests
that films such as Snow tacitly usher in a re-traditionalization of gender roles
rather than offering emancipatory narratives.5 My reading of Snow and
Children of Sarajevo diverges from such a conclusion. The choice (and it is
emphasized in both films that this is a choice the protagonists made) to wear a
headscarf is depicted as an intimate assertion of agency over one’s own body,
even when social pressures and potential ridicule hinder a woman’s desire to do
so. Here, covering up - always a highly contested and politicized practice - can
be understood in terms of what many decolonial feminist thinkers have
See, for instance, Milić, Andjelka. 2007. The Family and Work in the Post-socialist Transition of
Serbia: 1991-2006. International Review of Sociology-Revue Internationale de Sociologie 17(2), 35980; Čičkarić, Ljiljana and Marija Kolin. 2010. Položaj žena u ekonomskom i u političkom životu
Srbije u kontekstu evropskih integracija. Socijalna misao 17(4), 139-53.
5 Simić, Mima. 2012. Poderani maskuliniteti, celuloidne zakrpe: Neke tendencije ženskog filmskog
pisma u regiji. Sarajevske sveske 39/40, 193-206.
4
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theorized as a subversive act, and Belma Bećirbašić describes the “veil as
resistance to the dominant ideological discourses.” 6
In another example of exploring the seemingly contradictory and counterintuitive pathways to reclaiming women’s agency, one of the protagonists in
Sisters voluntarily goes back to being trafficked for the purpose of sex work,
since she does not see any other way to gain material security. Her decision
speaks both to the structural limitations placed on the opportunities women
face in trying to make ends meet, and to the morally ambiguous limitations
placed on the concept of agency itself.
While stylistically, aesthetically and thematically different, these films all
emphasize a potentially inconvenient truth: that paths to young women’s social
agency and material security might be found in practices that are traditionally
not understood as emancipatory or affirmative. Instead of casting a judgmental
or dismissive gaze on such practices, our understanding of their shifting role
needs to be less moralistic and more attuned to the material conditions that
radically reconfigure the concepts of possibility, agency and subversion.
In the remainder of the article, I will closely examine Maja Miloš’s debut
feature Clip, a film that focuses on girlhood and precarity through an
exploration of another seemingly contradictory framework: exaggerated
performativity of traditional gender roles, sexual promiscuity, and their role in
staging encounters that defy social norms, precarious existence and class
immobility alike.
Sex, Class, and the Digital Age: Vision, Patriarchy and Libidinal
Pleasure
“(…) behind every ideology lies a kernel of enjoyment (jouissance) that
resists being fully integrated into the ideological universe.”7
It has been well established that women’s bodies were subjected to both
discursive and physical violence in the process of Yugoslavia’s disintegration.
The combination of rampant ethno-nationalism and patriarchal ideology
ushered in an invention of ethnic exceptionalism that was supported, even
brought upon by the kin discourse of gender normativity. Gender, in return,
became constituted through its ideological alignment with ethnic identity, 8 so
much so that Rada Iveković has argued that Yugoslavia's nationalisms grew in
parallel with misogyny.9 In the years since the conflict’s end, women have been
Bećirbašić, Belma. 2011. Tijelo, ženskost, moć: Upisivanje patrijarhalnog diskursa u tijelo. Zagreb:
Synopsis, 139.
7 Salecl, Renata. 2002. The Spoils of Freedom: Psychoanalysis, Feminism and Ideology After the
Fall Of Socialism. Routledge, 6.
8 Žarkov, Dubravka. 2007. The Body of War: Media, Ethnicity, and Gender in the Break-Up of
Yugoslavia. Durham: Duke University Press.
9 Iveković, Rada. 2000. (Ne)predstavljivost ženskog u simboličkoj ekonomiji: Žene, nacija i rat nakon
1989. Godine, in Žene, slike, izmišljaji, edited by Arsić, Branka. Beograd: Centar za ženske studije,
9-30.
6
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caught in a precarious position: frequently denied access to opportunities to
assert their social and material agency on the one hand, and simplistically
reduced, often via feminist discourses themselves, into the category of helpless,
powerless victims.10 In light of these two polarities, post-conflict cultural
production - and particularly film - has been imbued with a dilemma: how to
call attention to, and criticize, the precarious position of women in postsocialist, post-conflict transition without reducing their precarity to a singular
trait that borders on essentialism and further feeds ethno-nationalist notions of
women as victims and victims only? The region’s female directors have created
a relevant and diverse body of work that tackles this dilemma: from Maja
Weiss’ Guardian of the Frontier (2002), to Teona Strugar Mitevska’s I Am from
Titov Veles and The Woman Who Brushed Off Her Tears, to Jasmila Žbanić's
Grbavica and On the Path, to Aida Begić Snow and Children of Sarajevo, to
name a few relevant examples. Serbia's Maja Miloš is another filmmaker who
belongs on this list, even though her work is a visual and thematic departure
from the “softer” approaches of, for instance, Žbanić and Begić.
Since its release in 2012, Miloš’s debut feature Clip, a relentlessly gritty vision
of Serbia’s millennial youth, has received its fair share of critical acclaim,
controversy and public condemnation alike. The controversies and
condemnations are of particular interest here, since I want to explore how this
film triggered moral panics, which in turn made it obvious that a certain
double standard is applied when girls (and their sexuality in particular)
become a focus of graphic cinematic representation. While the film played to
critical acclaim at various international festivals, its domestic rollout was
marred by bombastic tabloid attacks whose headlines proclaimed some
variation of the following claim: “Serbia’s arts and science ministry financed a
film that features child pornography.”11 Such proclamations were met by
rebuttals from the film’s director and producers, who countered that Clip is a
grim vision of millennial youth that offers critical social commentary rather
than exploiting innocent children.12 The controversy emerged when it came to
light that Clip’s lead actress, Isidora Simijonović, was significantly underage
when the explicit sexual scenes were filmed (she was fourteen at the time).
This prompted Maja Miloš to issue a disclaimer, explaining that the actress
herself did not participate in any actual sex scenes, and that body doubles and
prosthetics were used (the film contains one such disclaimer at the end).
At the same time, Clip was largely lauded by domestic film critics, 13 and
received the title of Serbia’s best film of 2012, as selected by the Serbian branch
of Fipresci. Some critics even situated Clip’s gritty aesthetics and unflinching
10 For more work on regional women’s issues, local forms of feminism, as well as their interaction
with the global flows of feminist thought, see edited volume Zaharijević, Adriana. (ed). 2008. Neko
je rekao feminizam? Kako je feminizam uticao na žene XXI veka?. Beograd: Centar za ženske
studije; for more on the status of women as pure ethno-national victims, see Bećirbašić, Tijelo,
ženskost, moć.
11 Kurir. 2012. Skandalozno: Ministarstvo platilo porno film sa decom. Kurir, 10. July, 2012
(accessed: 14. February 2018).
12 Tanjug. 2012. Film Klip nije pornografija. B92, 10. July, 2012 (accessed: 14. February 2018).
13 Lakić, Dubravka. 2012. Pornografija sa pokrićem. Politika, 13. April, 2012 (accessed: 14.
February 2018); Anđelić, Borislav: 2012. Klip u glavi. Večernje novosti, 24. April 2012 (accessed: 14.
February 2018).
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social commentary within the tradition of the Yugoslav Black Wave, the most
radical strand of the New Film of the 1960s and early 1970s. 14 The chasm
between the populist controversy (further illustrated when the film was shown
on a Serbian TV station and incited another round of moral outrage) and
critical acclaim revealed an uneasy separation between critical embrace of a
provocative subject matter and mainstream culture’s tendency to dismiss
explicit explorations of adolescent girls’ sexuality as unavoidably improper,
exploitative and scandalous.15
Even though Clip paints an affectively challenging and at times gut-wrenching
portrait of the social precarity under which millennial youth are predominantly
coming of age in the post-conflict transitional democracies of Yugoslav
successor states, the main controversies arose from the film’s graphic depiction
of sex, particularly an adolescent girl’s promiscuity and willing participation in
borderline-BDSM sexual practices.16 This moral panic about sex effectively
displaced attention away from Clip’s social critique of the conditions that might
have contributed to the youth’s perceived self-destructive behavior. Clip’s
protagonist, Jasna, is a teenager who lives in a concrete apartment block on the
outskirts of Belgrade. Her family is struggling to make ends meet: the mother
is the sole breadwinner, as well as caretaker of Jasna’s father, who is bedridden with what appears to be terminal cancer. Emotionally, Jasna seems
fully detached from her family and from the difficulties they face: she spends
her days dressing up in skimpy attire and taking graphic, often semi-nude
pictures of herself with her phone camera. At night, she parties with her
friends in turbo folk clubs and consumes vast amounts of drugs and alcohol.
Not unlike the youth in Larry Clark’s Kids (1995) - a film to which Clip owes a
great deal in terms of its cinematic atmosphere, cinéma vérité aesthetics, and
perhaps also in the ambiguity of the exploitative gaze, which I address below the camera in Clip frequently fetishizes the youth as pleasure-oriented and
seemingly unconcerned with any form of ethical responsibility that might arise
from their acts. The youth's stylistic disposition is heavily informed by the
decade of the 1990s, when glamourized and romanticized “thugs” dominated
the spectrum of male representation in the media, and equally glamourized
turbo-folk singers married them. The most famous of these couplings was that
of Arkan and Ceca,17 and indeed, Ceca's music is heard on the film's
soundtrack, particularly in the clubs that the girls frequent. This fandom
Janković, Zoran. 2012. Ljubav fatalna. Popboks, 9. April 2012 (accessed: 14. February 2018).
In 2013, Clip was shown on Serbian TV at 10pm on a Saturday night, and this screening
triggered a number of negative reactions that condemned the showing of a “soft core” film with
explicit sexual scenes at a time that is “not suitable” for such imagery (even though the film was
visibly rated as not suitable for audiences under 16). One editorial writer deploys sarcasm in
describing her dismay at being made to watch what she overtly likens to porn imagery that
involves a group of female teenagers (Marinković, Lara. 2013. Seks Sinhronicitet. City Magazine,
06. October 2013 (accessed: 14. January 2018). Another calls for stronger regulation that would
delegate such potentially “harmful” imagery to after-midnight programming slots (as excessive
exposure to pornography “skews young people’s perception”) (Janković, Aleksandar. 2014. Strast
kao rutina. Novosti, 04. September 2018).
16 BDSM is an abbreviation for several overlapping terms: Bondage and Discipline (BD),
Dominance and Submission (DS), and Sado-Masochism (SM).
17 See Dina Iordanova’s discussion of the figure of the “thug” as well as the “glamourized villain” in
Iordanova, Dana. 2001. Cinema of Flames. BFI, 178-86.
14
15
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Dijana Jelača
exposes the persistence of what might be deemed an intimate public sphere 18
that is a product of the precarious times which brought about a restructuring
(and deepening) of class divisions in post-socialist Serbia. More than being
about mere escapism, the fandom of Ceca and similar turbo-folk figures seems
to be about social scripts that offer a performance of empowerment, otherwise
so sorely lacking in the girls’ lives. 19 This performance might speak to the
phantasm of power to which Renata Salecl points when she argues that “the
ultimate lesson of the tragic entanglements of post-socialism is that some kind
of fantasy is always in control, which is to say that the structure of power is
inherently fantasmatic.” 20
In Clip, the phantasm is evident in the examination of social class, and
particularly the dispositions of the youth's taste, which take a distinctly,
almost excessively normative gendered form: girls are shown to be objectified
by the patriarchal parent culture, and encouraged to emphasize their feminine
traits in order to make themselves more appealing to men. Yet they are not
mere passive victims either - through their exaggerated performances of
femininity, the embracing of the turbo folk aesthetics, and seemingly
submissive interactions with boys, the girls are also shown to be active
participants, most notably in the form of self-mediatization, as they turn cell
phone cameras to their semi-naked bodies and pose seductively. This
heightened gender performativity, perhaps paradoxically, gives the girls in
Clip the possiblity to temporarily take themselves outside of the grim material
reality that otherwise frames their lives. Hence, the girls perform an
ambivalent relationship to the dominant patriarchal culture, to say the least,
in which they negotiate the stifling reality of everyday misogyny by attempting
to control the gaze that objectifies them. Moreover, an overabundance of the
girls' sexual desire in Clip acts in excess of the dominant patriarchal gaze, as it
frequently escapes its attempts at control. In fact, the excess of female libido
exposes the patriarchal gaze in its historicity, and girls reappropriate the
mechanism of seeing by manipulating the gaze towards their own, feminine,
economy of pleasure. The accusations about the film's exploitative gaze are
rendered more complicated by the fact that Jasna seems to enjoy her sexual
encounters with Đorđe (sometimes more so than he does), and finds a selfeffacing pleasure in being sexually submissive. That feminine economy of
pleasure, as much as it seems to take shape within the patriarchal dominant
order, is nevertheless “neither identifiable by a man nor referable to masculine
economy.”21 Rather, it acts as a jouissance, a multiplicity that has the potential
to bring about the breakdown of the dominant patriarchal culture. 22
Berlant, Lauren. 2008. The Female Complaint: The Unfinished Business o Sentimentality in
American Culture. Duke University Press.
19 Ceca’s perceived appeal as a figure of female empowerment was elaborated upon in Volčić and
Erjavec’s study of the singer’s trans-ethnic fandom, in Volčić, Zala, and Karmen Erjavec. 2010. The
Paradox of Ceca and the Turbo-Folk Audience. Popular Communication 8(2), 103-19.
20 Salecl, The Spoils of Freedom, 7.
21 Cixous, Helene. 1988. Sorties, in Modern Criticisms and Theory: A Reader, edited by Lodge,
David and Nigel Wood. Pearson Ltd, 359-65, 363.
22 Cixous, Sorties; Gallop, Jane. 1982. The Daughter's Seduction: Feminism and Psychoanalysis.
Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press; Jouissance is a concept that has been used in a variety of
contexts and scholarly traditions, by Lacan, Žižek, Deleuze & Guattari, Barthes and others. While
in this article my use of the term is mainly influenced by Cixous, Barthes’ own theorizing of
18
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The root of the moral panic around Clip seems to rest on Jasna’s to-be-lookedat-ness, which is often identified as an inherently and inevitably objectifying
apparatus of control.23 However, many critiques of the “gaze is male” structure
have identified the ways in which pleasure and spectatorial identification do
not necessarily align with the normative taxonomies of sexual difference and
power, and theorized about oppositional, or queer visual pleasure that arises
from re-appropriating the apparatus of vision in ways that are seemingly
uninvited, yet nevertheless quite possible.24
While Clip does not necessarily cater to queer visual pleasure, its
representation of and insistence on the centrality of the homosocial (and at
times homoerotic) feminine sphere is, I want to suggest, central to its depiction
of millennial girls coming of age in post-conflict and post-socialist transition.
The film’s complicated treatment of visual pleasure, libidinal economy and
control is neatly summed up in a single sequence: in the opening scene, Jasna
is filmed by a man who we do not see - we only hear his somewhat intimidating
voice ordering her what to do (later we learn that this is Đorđe, Jasna’s
romantic interest). The optics of the camera align with his (and the spectator’s)
gaze, and with the shadow that the man’s seemingly threatening figure casts
over Jasna’s body. The camera’s gaze thus constitutes the threatening
patriarchal shadow (Figure 1). At first glance, the scene implies a traditional
stance towards vision and power - that the girl is in a potentially dangerous
situation, where the eye of the camera is aligned with the threat of the
dominant male gaze. Yet, as Jasna starts undressing and making physical
contact with her observer, we discover that she desires him more than he
desires her, and she actively wants him to look at her and satisfy her (which he
does not). Moreover, the phone through which she is being filmed is hers. The
scene offers one of the film’s dilemmas in a nutshell: can a girl’s libidinal
pleasure, even when seemingly locked under patriarchal power relations, be
considered a potentially transgressive investment on her part, because it gives
her (temporary) social agency, visibility, and the opportunity to experience
jouissance (or, a transgression of the dominant order)? And moreover, how does
the work of cinema position itself vis-à-vis such potential for transgression? In
other words, could it be that, contrary to Papić’s claim that “in patriarchal
societies, women are unable to imagine themselves outside of this role of
victim,”25 a girl can find space within confinement to act on feminine desire (no
matter its complicated routes of disposition) and achieve social agency through
jouissance, thus temporarily suspending the social structures that confine both
her social position and libidinal pleasure? Even if she were able to do so,
jouissance (as pleasure that shatters hierarchical structures) is important as well (Barthes, Roland.
1975. The Pleasure of the Text. New York: Hill and Wang).
23 Mulvey, Laura. 1975. Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cinema. Screen 16(3), 6-18.
24 See hooks, bell. 1992. The Oppositional Gaze, in Black Looks: Race and Representation. Brooklyn:
South End Press, and White, Patricia. 1999. unInvited: Classical Hollywood Cinema and Lesbian
Representability. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.
25 Papić, Žarana. 2002. Europe After 1989: Ethnic Wars, The Fascistization of Civil Society and
Body Politics in Serbia, in Thinking Differently: A Reader in European Women’s Studies, edited by
Griffin, Gabriele and Rosi Braidotti. London: Zed Books, 127-44, 132.
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Dijana Jelača
disciplinary discourses within which female libidinal pleasure is placed seek to
return her to the fold of socially acceptable behavior. And moreover, even if the
gaze is not always necessarily male (as a number of influential feminist film
theorists, such as E. Ann Kaplan and Teresa de Lauretis have postulated), a
male-centric understanding of the apparatus of vision continues to haunt. To
that end, Lucy Fischer notes, “a ghost haunts the lens of the woman director
when aimed at the female body (especially if nude); and she is often asked
whether she, too, is objectifying women.”26 It is perhaps this long-standing
unease with a continued exposure of a naked female body engaged in libidinal
pleasure that prevents films like Clip from being considered as emancipatory,
or feminist depictions of girlhood, millennial and otherwise.
Figure 1: Jasna faces the camera and the male gaze (Clip, Maja Miloš, 2012)
Jasna is infatuated with Đorđe, whose affections she is desperately trying to
win. When she manages to get his attention, they develop a complicated
relationship centered on borderline-BDSM sex, in which Jasna submits herself
to various forms of domination. In their graphic, elaborate and lengthy sexual
encounters, the pair perform, in their sex play, a heightened exaggeration of
gender normativity by which she becomes a virtual slave to the masculine
power - this is most notably clear in the scene in which Jasna wraps Đorđe's
belt around her neck and he walks her around the room as if she were his dog.
More generally, all of Jasna's female friends enact an exaggerated version of
femininity, greatly inspired by the turbo-folk aesthetics of the so-called
sponzorušas (sponsored girls): skimpy, glittery clothes and over-the-top
makeup, while the boys play rough guys in baggy outfits, reminiscent of the
iconic look of Serbia's criminal underground of the 1990s. This prototypical
Serbian 1990s heteronormative coupling informs not just the aesthetics but
also the attachments that the youth in Clip recognize or affectively respond to.
Fischer, Lucy. 2017. Feminist Forms of Address: Mai Zetterling’s Loving Couple, in The Routledge
Companion to Cinema and Gender, edited by K.L. Hole \ D, Jelaca \ E.A. Kaplan and P. Petro.
London: Routledge, 36-46.
26
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Girlhood and Social Class in Transitional Post-Yugoslav Cinema
With this, a habitus of sorts is implied: the girls recognize Ceca's cultural script
as a desirable path towards becoming socially acceptable - even recognizable agents. To that end, Clip depicts a feminine intimate public sphere that
arguably misreads the Ceca-Arkan coupling as a love plot instead of an upward
mobility plot. That misreading of love leads to an enactment of feminine
libidinal investment by which Jasna gains pleasure by submitting herself to
Đorđe's control. At the same time, that submission itself cannot be understood
as an endpoint at which Jasna's agency, however fickle, ceases to exist. That
reading would imply an approach to sex that foregrounds its affirmative,
positive features as a prerequisite for its acceptable existence. But what if we
consider the sex in Clip to be “the theatrical exercise of social contradiction,”27
and moreover, a distinctly self-shattering practice, the way that Berlant &
Edelman theorize sex in their dialogic book Sex, or the Unbearable?28 For them,
the desired negativity of sex implies “the psychic and social incoherences and
divisions, conscious and unconscious alike, that trouble any totality or fixity of
identity.”29 This approach to the negative (as in identity-effacing) side of
sexuality can perhaps help us unpack the provocative role of sex in Clip. I want
to suggest that Clip engages in a form of what Berlant & Edelman call “sex
without optimism,”30 a term that focuses on “the ways in which sex undoes the
subject,”31 and moreover, asks “what survives the encounter with the scene of
sex once it’s separated out from the dominant framework of optimism?” 32
Moreover, Berlant and Edelman maintain that:
“One need not romanticize sex to maintain that it offers, it its most
intensely felt and therefore least routinized forms, something in excess of
pleasure or happiness of the self-evidence of value. It takes us instead to a
limit, and it is that limit, or the breaking beyond it, toward which sex
without optimism points.”33
In sex without optimism, self-effacing negativity eschews the ways in which sex
is typically framed in moralistic terms that emphasize its affirmative and
productive features. Instead of self-affirming optimism, sex is here allowed to
embrace jouissance, or a temporary breakdown of the social order. Moreover,
such sex without optimism can only take the form of non-routinized practices.
The sexual encounters in Clip represent a form of sex without optimism in
which heterosexual power play becomes a non-routinized exercise, not of the
reiteration of patriarchal normativity, but of a self-shattering that challenges
stable identity positions and social relations as such. In Clip, sex without
optimism stages an encounter that destabilizes traditional identity structures
rather than reintroducing feminine libido into the patriarchal regimes of
control. One such instance is the dog leash scene, in which Jasna, in a reversal,
takes charge of the sexual encounter by mimicking extreme submission - yet
she is the one fully in control of both her own, and Đorđe’s pleasure here. In
27 McClintock, Anne. 1995. Imperial Leather: Race, Gender, and Sexuality in the Colonial Contest.
Routledge, 144.
28 Berlant, Lauren and Lee Edelman. 2013. Sex, or the Unbearable. Duke University Press.
29 Lauren and Edelman, Sex, vi.
30 Lauren and Edelman, Sex, 3.
31 Lauren and Edelman, Sex, 4.
32 Lauren and Edelman, Sex, 35.
33 Lauren and Edelman, Sex, 12.
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Dijana Jelača
another scene, Jasna and Đorđe have sex in the building stairway, after Jasna’s
emotionally challenging day. The scene is completely silent and depicts a
sexual encounter that serves as another self-shattering activity. Moreover, this
sex without optimism moves Jasna (and Đorđe) beyond the constraints of social
precarity that otherwise marks their lives. This form of sex, far from being
referential to or reiterative of existing social norms, is decidedly anti-social in
that it represents a performance of escape into a realm where existing social
norms (most decidedly those that limit the expression of female sexuality), as
well as material and affective deprivation, are temporarily suspended.
The film's provocative approach to representing girls and sex without optimism
offers insightful commentary on the performative aspects of social class in
transitional post-socialist democracy. Its complicated look at the role of club
culture in general, and sex in particular, in the context of social
marginalization suggests that youth’s aesthetic dispositions, sexual practices
and social interactions emerge directly in reaction to the depravity of their
parents’ lives. Their working class families are barely making a living while the
youth party incessantly, girls dress in glitzy attire, and consume large
quantities of drugs and alcohol. Indeed, the girls’ class background seems to be
the central element of their attachment to a clique whose gender performances
enact female submissiveness. Their fandom of turbo-folk suggests the same
thing. As Volčić and Erjavec have found, Ceca is a figure who offers a feminine
upward mobility script, and indeed, the girls in Clip persistently try to emulate
such a script.34 Jasna at one point even notes that she and Ceca have the same
zodiac sign, to which Đorđe replies that they look alike as well. Ceca is
positioned as an object of (distinctly capitalist) social mobility, a phantasmic
script of escape from social precarity.35
An insightful approach to complicated phenomena such as this might be the
notion of class performativity, as a cultural script that addresses existential
precarity. In her research on working class white and Mexican-American girls,
Julie Bettie argues that class is a performative activity that is often articulated
through habitus, or “our unconsciously enacted, socially learned dispositions,
which are not natural or inherent or prior to the social organization of class
inequality, but are in fact produced by it.”36 Through this approach, Bettie
traces the ways in which the girls whose practices she studies engage in a form
of “class passing,” performing a class belonging that is out of sync with their
material economic background, as a means to achieve social mobility and
acceptability. This way of approaching our understanding of social class is
closely echoed in the way Clip presents the girls’ intimate public. While they
come from impoverished class backgrounds, their performances of class
Volčić and Erjavec: “Ceca is seen as someone who rose out of poverty and an unstable social
context, something many of the informants aspire to,” and moreover, she is seen as “a self-made
superstar who epitomizes the promise of social mobility and the commodified myth of the self-made
woman,” in Volčić and Erjavec, The Paradox of Ceca, 116.
35 Jelača, Dijana. 2015. Feminine Libidinal Entrepreneurship: Towards a Reparative Reading of
Sponzoruša in Turbo Folk. Feminist Media Studies 15(1), 36-52.
36 Bettie, Julie. 2003. Women Without Class: Girls, Race, and Identity. University of California
Press, 51.
34
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Sex and Uncivil Disobedience:
Girlhood and Social Class in Transitional Post-Yugoslav Cinema
belonging would suggest a hedonistic form of affluence and a carefree attitude
associated with the economically more privileged. Indeed, on their nights out
the girls in Clip may pass as affluent when, in the reality of their parental
homes, they are anything but. Yet it is important to note, as Bettie does, that
the concept of class performance needs to be approached through an
understanding that performativity is clandestine, self-perpetuating and
structural rather than entirely consciously “performed.” In other words, the
girls’ choices, even when presented as such, are influenced by factors that are
invisible yet structurally omnipresent. As Bettie astutely claims: “A
widespread misreading of Judith Butler’s notion of performance also
conceptualized actors as agents who are free to choose identity performances.” 37
In reality, if anything, performativity exposes the extent to which the field of
available social performances is limited and restrictive, which in Clip is starkly
illustrated by the youth’s channeling, both stylistically and in their behaviors,
of the aforementioned Ceca-Arkan archetype as a cultural script readable,
available, and affectively appealing to them. The archetypal femininity of
1990s Serbia hence becomes a habitus by which the girls come to understand
how to perform affluence and power in their absence.
The fandom of Ceca, and the enactment of sponzoruša-as-class-passing,
indicate a form of class consciousness - not necessarily false consciousness about the precarity within which the girls’ choices are always already limited,
if not entirely predetermined. When the girls roam a flea market and ridicule
fake Vuitton bags, for instance, they perform a knowledge of affluence that
gives them pleasure and a pretense of cultural capital (here, one of the girls
points out how precisely one can spot a fake Vuitton, implying that he has
seen, even owned, many original Vuitton bags in her life). And even though a
limited set of options defines the girls’ existence, Clip suggests that certain
performances make possible a temporary dismantling of rigid but permeable
boundaries within the patriarchal structures that bind girls’ pleasure and
social life. While exploring how girls attempt to work through their social
precarity by putting on a performance of hyper-femininity, the film sometimes
reintroduces them into an objectifying patriarchal gaze, perhaps as a means to
position itself as a socially engaged diagnosis which suggests that, much as
they try, the girls ultimately cannot escape the constraints of patriarchy on
their sexuality and their future as social agents.
Yet, as I have suggested, to flatly condemn the film for depicting a girl’s
pleasure, experienced through non-normative sexual practices, is to delegate
sex to a strictly affirmative, normativizing and moralistic lens within which
sexual power play is a mere mirror reflection of power and submission in the
“real world.” Many scholars have offered a more balanced reading of
sadomasochism, some even arguing that it is the submissive person who has
the power in such sexual practices, because s/he is in control of the dominant
person’s pleasure.38 Indeed, the performance of submission in sadomasochistic
sexual practices should not be read as a direct reiteration of normative power
inequalities. Quite the contrary: it often performs a radical, uncomfortable
37
38
Bettie, Women Without Class, 53.
Califia, Pat. 1989. Macho Sluts. Boston, Mass: Alyson.
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Dijana Jelača
parody of those normative power imbalances. 39 In Imperial Leather, for
instance, Anne McClintock argues that sadomasochism (S/M) is “an organized
subculture shaped around the ritual exercise of social risk and social
transformation. As a theater of conversion, S/M reverses and transforms the
social meanings it borrows.”40 This transformative reversal through S/M is
glimpsed in Clip, where visions of alterity towards normative gender and
sexual practices are infrequent but nevertheless present.
On the Multiplying Visions of Post-Cinema
Figure 2: Mediating girlhood (Clip, Maja Miloš, 2012)
In many ways, Clip is a work of post-cinema,41 inasmuch as it reflects the
realities of the digital age, where screen technologies have become omnipresent
and put to multifold use. The youth in Clip make heavy use of phone cameras,
filming themselves in different situations (boys often film their sexual
intercourse with girls, girls film boys or themselves, and so on) (Figure 2). This
multiplying of camera views has the effect of establishing proliferating fields of
spectatorial vision, as the pro-filmic gaze is often switched back and forth
between the film camera and the post-cinematic frames, particularly phone
cameras with which the youth film themselves and each other (as in the
aforementioned opening scene). The post-cinematic structure is emphasized by
the film's very title: “clip” refers to a short video snippet of the kind that the
film's protagonists frequently make. Miloš herself has stated that she got the
idea to make Clip after seeing a number of similar YouTube clips made by
Belgrade teenagers, which depicted wild partying, drug intake and underage
sex.42 Clip frequently downplays sensationalism over the youth’s excesses in
Noyes, John. K. 1997. The Mastery of Submission: Inventions of Masochism. Ithaca: Cornell
University Press.
40 McClintock, Imperial Leather, 143.
41 Shaviro, Steven. 2010. Post-Cinematic Affect. Park lane: Zero-Books.
42 In Miloš’s own words: “I started thinking about the film when I saw these YouTube clips of real
teenagers in Serbia, and my idea of the dramaturgy of the film and feeling of the film was to obey
the law of those YouTube clips. […]. How did these kids create their life while filming it? The
answer might be that these people from this younger generation film themselves to have proof that
39
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Sex and Uncivil Disobedience:
Girlhood and Social Class in Transitional Post-Yugoslav Cinema
favor of exploring their complicated and often seemingly contradictory
emotional attachments.
Jasna's camera effectively captures her raw bodily affect: libidnal pleasure and
deep grief alike. These two are both deeply associated with diferent modes of
power, or the lack thereof, to which she is exposed: Jasna gains pleasure from
being dominated by the masculine Đorđe, and is deeply emotionally disturbed
when she meets a seriously ill girl in the orphanage. She is also disturbed by
the sight of her weak, dying father, the most powerless figure in the film, and
the family member she is in many ways closest to. Success and failure are
positioned as deeply gendered categories for both men and women alike, and
moreover, they are directly linked to the (im)possibilities of class passing:
Đorđe can enact material power by performing as a tough guy (whose material
reality and life with a working class single mother are not much better than
Jasna's), while the father's dying body can only reflect depravity and
immobility (in both economic and purely physical terms).
The film quite effectively depicts the existence of two divergent temporal
frames: one connected to “club culture”43 and the accompanying enactment of
class passing, the other connected to home and family life lived under
precarious conditions. While in the latter temporal frame nothing ever seems to
change as time stands still in utter monotony, in the temporal modality of the
club culture and class passing, Jasna and her friends experience jouissance, a
temporary suspension of material deparavity and of the social hierarchies that
surround them (the same jouissance is connected to the film's depiction of sex
without optimism). The two temporal frames are at stark odds, as Jasna seems
to live in a parallel universe to that of her family (she goes to sleep as they are
getting up, she is up and about when they sleep, and so on). Several times in
the film, when Jasna is at home, she is seated at the kitchen table, and as she
passively observes her family interacting, the camera is positioned right behind
her, or aligned with her point of view so as to allow the spectator to embody
Jasna's vision and see the familial life as utterly monotonous, slow and
depressing (Figure 3). With this cinematic device the spectator is invited to
take the view from Jasna's body (as opposed to the more prevailing view of
Jasna's body), as a means to understand the gloomy depravity of ordinary
rituals in her familial life, and thus understand why she is so detached from its
temporality, and unwilling to participate in it.
they’re alive,” in Kaelan, James. 2018. This Film Isn’t Real: Maja Milos’ Tiger Award-winning
debut, Clip. MovieMaker, 18. April 2018 (accessed: 14. February 2018).
Moreover, she has elsewhere noted: “There were huge amounts of energy bursting from them and I
wanted to see what goes on with love, empathy and friendship in such cruel surroundings,” Orton,
Karen. 2013. Isadora Simijonovic & Maja Miloš. Dazed, 02. January 2013 (accessed: 14. February
2018).
43 Buckland, Fiona. 2002. Impossible Dance: Club Culture and Queer World-Making. Wesleyan
University Press.
135
Dijana Jelača
Figure 3: Seeing home from Jasna's perspective (Clip, Maja Miloš, 2012)
Another significant encounter occurs when Jasna turns her camera towards
her sick father. She briefly films him lying in his bed and inadvertantly
repositions the gaze that fetishizes gender normativity and powerful
masculinity. Her camera thus captures a weak, dying man, in stark opposition
to the tough guys, such as Đorđe, that she usually films. After she admits to
worrying about her father dying, Jasna's camera captures another reversal:
heretofore unemotional, she now films her own emotional breakdown and
sobbing tears caused by her father's almost imminent death. The viewer is here
presented with an alternative, intimate gaze, the sight of a girl who turns her
camera to record the raw effect of grief, and the feeling of powerlessness, as
opposed to her usual seductive looks and seemingly carefree hedonism, which
have, up until that point, functioned as defense mechanisms against facing
grim realities. Jasna is, the film here suggests, not as emotionally detached as
we were initially invited to think. Rather, her alternative temporal frame of
club culture and sex without optimism functions as a protective veneer against
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Sex and Uncivil Disobedience:
Girlhood and Social Class in Transitional Post-Yugoslav Cinema
the reality of seemingly inevitable loss and continued social precarity. Through
the post-cinematic mode of switching the visual frame between the film's
camera and Jasna's phone camera, Clip calls attention to its own form and
allows for the destabilization of a singular frame of vision. This is, at the same
time, a formal way for the film to challenge the possibility of its own
objectifying gaze, by placing the technology of vision and spectatorship in the
hands of its female protagonist herself. Perhaps that post-cinematic visual
proliferation can sustain seemingly incommensurable pleasures and
experiences where traditional cinema cannot.
Conclusion: Whither the Future of Transitional Feminism?
“It is quite amazing how patriarchal conservatism always manages to recreate
the optimal conditions for its own survival by reasserting the priority of
reproductive (non)sex over jouissance while submitting it to the imperatives of
advanced capitalist societies—precisely at a time in history when feminist
forces are at work in society to redefine sexuality differently.”44
Braidotti's words still ring true, perhaps unsurprisingly so, since her comments
are meant to imply that patriarchal conservatism has an uncanny ability to
perpetually reinvent itself in light of any new and emerging conditions. Yet,
what often remains overlooked in this understanding of patriarchy's continued
hold that reinvents itself is an awareness that, if its structures and ways of
control shift, so should our understanding of what form feminist and
emancipatory projects should take as a response. It is evident, in the case of
Clip, that patriarchal conservativism has shifted in the postsocialist, postconflict context of the former Yugoslavia into a mechanism by which moral
panics about youth delinquency and female sexuality further mask the roots of
social precarity. But what the condemnations of the film have also made
evident is that feminist and emancipatory politics need to shift if they are to
incorporate new realities and the experiences of millennial youth, particularly
girls.
With its particular interest in club culture, as a form of subculture that offers
alternative communities and social interactions than those provided by the
parent culture, Clip explores an often neglected domain of subcultural
belonging - that of girls. Reflecting both on the seeming prevalence of men in
subcultural activities and in the scholarly work on subcultures, McRobbie and
Garber have asked the following: “If subcultural options are not readily
available to girls, what are the different but complementary ways in which
girls organize their cultural life? Are these, in their own term, subcultural in
form?”45 They concluded that girls do not group into subcultural units the way
boys do - rather, they form cliques whose purpose is to exclude other, nondesirable girls (as well as boys), and also to worship pop idols and produce
Braidotti, Rosi. 1994. Nomadic Subjects: Embodiment and Sexual Difference in Contemporary
Feminist Theory. New York: Columbia University Press, 42.
45 McRobbie, Angela and Jenny Garber. 1976. Girls and Subcultures. Resistance Through Rituals,
209-22, 211.
44
137
Dijana Jelača
culture through fandom (here of Ceca and the likes). Post-subcultural studies,
which emerged in the 1990s, have shown more interest in the ways in which
girls and young women create alternative communities akin to subcultures.
Indeed, as Rašeljka Krnić has argued, post-subcultural studies have placed
club cultures, and (electronic) music in particular, at the center of examining
how subcultural belonging might redefine traditional gender roles assigned to
girls.46 In shifting our understandings of both subcultures and the performative
ranges of gender and class roles alike, the girls’ sexual submissiveness, fandom
and participation in a turbo-folk club culture in Clip cannot be reduced to a
mere false consciousness and blind worship of problematic figures - as such
activities are often dismissively assumed to be. Instead, the girls’ fandom
reveals the inherent ambiguity (as well as high appeal) of an aesthetic
disposition, coupled with exaggerated gender dynamics, that has accompanied
a deeply troubling time in the region’s history. It is also important to note that,
in Clip, the girls’ class positioning seems to be a central factor in their
attachment to a subculture whose gender performances fetishize excessive
femininity as a way to temporarily escape material constraints and precarious
dispossession.
If anything, provocative films (or works of post-cinema) such as Clip invite us
to reflect on the shifting understandings of female subjectivity (locally
contingent and fluid at the same time), and of feminist projects as such. In
particular, the film invites us to reflect on how transitional feminist projects
need to be rethought outside the traditional, moralistic norms of gender/sexual
acceptability, so as to incorporate new developments and shifts in the realities
and experiences of millennial, post-conflict, post-socialist girlhood in the
specific locale of the former Yugoslavia, with all its social and historical
contingencies. For the girls in Clip, an active investment in self-shattering sex
without optimism, as well as a reinvisioning of their class futurity via
performances of hyper-feminine class passing, expose the contradictions that
precipite (perhaps even necessitate) the mechanisms of coping with their
material reality. Far from being merely problematic, objectifying or
sensationalist modes of representation then, these depcitions suggest a more
complicated structure of affective exchange, by which the postsocialist
millennial girls work through, or cope with the challenges placed on their
material reality. What the girls inherited through the habitus of post-socialist,
neoliberal capitalist and post-conflict precarity is a limited set of options. This,
in turn, reveals a performance of hyper-feminine class passing as one of the
most effective means to enact (but not necessarily achieve) ascendence of the
class ladder in order to temporarily escape the existing, stifling absence of
options. In this complicated structure that does not offer easy answers, Clip
ends on a paradoxically grim-yet-optimistic note (perhaps we can call it
optimism without opitimism): first Jasna is beaten by Đorđe for kissing another
boy, and then Jasna and Đorđe kiss through her bleeding lips, locked in a
passionate embrace — as we witness millennial youth locked in the cycle where
the lines between love and hate are blurred, and where violence and sex
without optimism sometimes seem to be the only ways to reflect a deep
46 Krnić, Rašeljka. 2012. Žene i rodne uloge u postsupkulturnoj teoriji: Primjer rave kulture.
Društvena istraživanja 21(4), 885-900.
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Sex and Uncivil Disobedience:
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emotional attachment. Such examples of post-cinematic, transitional work
reflect something contradictory and incommensurable, yet nevertheless Real
about the post-Yugoslav culture and its discontents.
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