Centro de Estudios de Estado y Sociedad
The diffusion of BITs and policy degrees of freedom: A
comparison between Latin American and Asian countries♠ .
Leonardo E. Stanley♠♠
Abstract
From a development perspective, the signature of bilateral investment
treaties (BITs) always limits the degrees of freedom for national policy. In
spite of the generalization of the bilateral scheme, the governments’ attitudes
towards them are far from homogeneous, suggesting that a strategic stance
toward BITs signature may be crucial. If the room for differentiation and
strategic decisions before signing BITs is substantial, then we would expect a
large variability in terms of commitments included in the clauses of the BITs
signed and ratified. This is tested by comparing the BITs signed by Latin
American and Asian countries.
♠
This research develops the research proposal that received the second prize in the Japanese Award for
Outstanding Research on Development at GDN 6th Conference at Beijing. Global Development Network,
January 2007 (http://www.jica.go.jp/gdn/conference/8th/contribute.html). However, the present paper
reflects only preliminary results. A previous version was presented at the Sixth Annual Conference of the
Euro-Latin Study Network on Integration and Trade (ELSNIT), held in Florence – Italy, at 24-25 October
2008 (http://www.iadb.org/intal/detalle_evento.asp?cid=259&origen=CA&id=367&idioma=ENG).
♠♠
Researcher at CEDES, e-mail lstanley@cedes.org
Table of Contents
1. Introduction .................................................................................................................. 2
2. Latin America & Asia: Development Paths and Institutions. ...................................... 5
3. Investment Treaties Analysis ..................................................................................... 11
3.1 General clauses in BITs: is there any difference? ................................................ 13
3.2 BITs particular clauses or where the differences lie............................................. 19
4. Some [preliminary] conclusions................................................................................. 24
5. References .................................................................................................................. 27
Annexes........................................................................................................................... 31
Graphs
Graph 3: BITs signed by Latin America & Asian countries .......................................... 12
Tables
Table 1: FDI Stock as a percentage of GDP – Latin America ......................................... 7
Table 2: FDI Stocks as a percentage of GDP – Asia...................................................... 10
Table 3: BITs signed by region ...................................................................................... 12
Table 4: BITs - Most common investment definition .................................................... 15
Table 5: BITs – Investment Treatment & Protection ..................................................... 15
Table 6: BITs - Expropriation ........................................................................................ 16
Table 7: BITs – Reimbursement clauses ........................................................................ 17
Table 10: BITs - Duration .............................................................................................. 19
Annex – Tables
Annex - Table 1: Latin America BITs............................................................................ 31
Annex - Table 2: Asian BITs.......................................................................................... 31
1
1. Introduction
Since the early 1990s, foreign direct investment (FDI) is on the rise. In order to
attract foreign investors, (developing) host countries not only altered both macro and
industrial policies, but also they accepted an important institutional change. As a result,
foreign investors were favored by the widespread adoption of a new institutional
framework by developing countries. This framework included new investment
legislation (either general or specific FDI laws), the signature of bilateral investment
treaties (BITs) (for investors’ protection) and the propagation of a new dispute
settlement scheme that allowed for investor-state cases.
As a result of this “market friendly approach”, incoming FDI faced almost no
restrictions in Latin American countries. However, this policy decision was not made in
a vacuum, but rather it matched the region’s increasing disinterest with industrial
policies that followed the collapse of the ISI model. After a decade deprived of growth
achievements, most economies LA countries embraced neoliberal reforms with fervor,
including aggressive privatization and deregulation programs and the opening of the
economy. The new friendly approach towards foreign investors also included
vigorously encouraging them to participate in the privatization and deregulation
process. Policy makers throughout the region suddenly became exceptionally
enthusiastic about markets.
The Asian economic landscape also changed profoundly after the 1990s, and
since then this region has become one of the most dynamic of the world. But, in contrast
with Latin American ones, Asian economies relied on a policy-led industrialization
process. Furthermore, this region followed a different approach towards foreign
investors, as it was more careful about losing national policy space. On the one hand,
despite signing several BITs and welcoming foreign investors, Asian countries
maintained very restrictive rules towards foreign direct investment – FDI (APEC,
2003). Firstly, and even if many countries became more market-friendly after the 1997
crisis, FDI rules did not disappear. Secondly, for those industries where entry was
formally allowed, foreign investors were still prevented from having a majority stake –
this was the case, e.g. in Taiwan or in Philippines until recently. In other countries, FDI
2
was only permitted if associated with local partners – e.g. in China, India or Vietnam1.
Thirdly, foreign investors had to submit their investment proposals before local
authorities before permission was granted – e.g. in Thailand or in the Philippines. Last
but not least, despite its enthusiasm towards the bilateral scheme, they continued to
maintain several legal restrictions by circumvent some legal loopholes or by introducing
some particular clauses.
The information presented above may suggest different approaches and design
of the BITs signed by Latin American and Asian countries. Previous empirical evidence
in fact suggests that constraints imposed by BITs were not fixed (von Moltke, 2000;
Peterson, 2004), that is to say, that different clauses can be found, e.g. associated to
foreign investor’s rights (as concerns most favored nation and national treatment
amongst others). Similarly, important differences might be found in terms of the dispute
settlement (DS) scheme.
The present paper seeks to explain the differences in the BITs signed by Latin
American and Asian countries. The main objective of this paper is to analyze BIT main
clauses and their regional differences, both at a general and a particular level. The focus
mainly concerns the economic policy degrees of freedom implied by different clause
design options. Those differences might help in explain why Latin American countries
are rushing to defend at the ICSID headquarters, whereas there is almost no claims
against Asian countries.
In a first section, the paper introduces a brief description of institutions, FDI
policies and development paths followed by these two groups of countries. In contrast
to a widely disseminated (and rather simplistic and uniform) vision regarding FDI
policies and development responses, the institutional response from the fast growing
countries in the sample tended to be more varied. Furthermore, despite the symmetries
that could arise within each region, responses were particular to each country. In other
words, there was no single development path, but an array of them – both, among Latin
American countries and Asian ones.
1
As an example, Vietnam Law on foreign investment considers three forms of investment: business
corporate contract (BCC) (mandatory for telecommunications and oil); Joint-Ventures (JV) (required for
a wide range of sectors, including transportation, tourism and culture), and 100 foreign ownership
(Leroux & Brooks, 2004).
3
In a second section, two lines of analysis on BIT clauses are presented. Firstly,
from a detailed analysis, the main clauses are identified. Secondly, a general analysis
and comparison is made. If all agreements followed the same BIT design, there should
be no considerable differences among clauses. That is, in general, the case when
considering the BITs signed by Latin American countries. By contrast, it is well known
that the scope of Asian BITs was fixed in accordance to national laws and policies
(Kumar, 2007), and that these countries maintained some restrictive policies [until
recently] towards foreign investors. Therefore, in practice, these countries narrowed the
level of guarantees granted to foreign investors – something that did not happen in Latin
America.
In a thirdly and finally section, a series of conclusions and policy implications
are introduced.
4
2. Latin America & Asia: Development Paths and Institutions.
Until recently, developing countries (DCs) evaluated foreign direct investment
(FDI) with distrust. Among Latin American countries, this was more notorious among
those blessed with natural resources – mainly those rich in oil, gas and minerals2.
Similarly, restrictions to FDI were also present in those countries pursuing an
industrialization strategy (ISI model) even if quite a few of them profited from
multinational firms (MNFs) in their “eclectic” approach towards industrialization. The
same attitude could be observed in Asia, as reflected by the experience of Korea,
Taiwan (Province of China), and India, all of which kept a check on foreign investors’
involvement in industrialization. However, there were also some important exceptions
in both geographical areas. In Latin America, Brazil FDI cum industrialization policy in
the seventies was exceptionally liberal at that time. In Asia, Singapore was among the
first countries to welcome foreign investors as well as Malaysia and Thailand.
By the end of the 1980s, caution turned into recklessness. The fall in export
commodity prices along with the irruption of the debt crisis brought a policy change in
Latin America, leading to a friendlier attitude towards foreign investors, who became
the promise for the development process. Furthermore, industrial policies not only lost
their leading role but also became all but “unspeakable”. While sheltered from the debt
problem, Asian countries also became more open to foreign investors. But, at the same
time industrial policies continued to lie at the center of the political discourse.
However, since the late 1980s, the global economy experienced a sharp increase
in FDI flows. Although most FDI was directed towards developed countries, flows into
developing countries regained strength. This new phase initiated a soaring competition
process (i.e., incentive wars) amongst developing countries in order to attract foreign
investors (UNCTAD, 1996; Oman, 2000).
Among selected Latin American countries, the triad formed by Argentina, Brazil
and Chile (the former ABC group) accounted for more than 50% of total inflows over
the 1991- 2005 period. In one single year, FDI inflows among selected countries
2
Since the 1950s most states in the region adopted a protectionist view, which later evolved into a more
pessimistic opinion. As an example of this new climate, it worth to mention the Andean Pact Decision
24/1971
5
amounted up to US$ 73 billion3. At the individual country level, after receiving US$
214 billion in 1991-2005, Brazil outstands as the first regional receptor (followed by
Argentina and Chile) - and in the worldwide ranking, it comes second after China.
Additionally, other countries in the region profited from important FDI inflows,
notably Colombia, Venezuela and Peru. Even Bolivia (one of the poorest countries in
the region) attained a good score, following the privatization program launched in mid
1990s.
In each country FDI flows were mostly explained by privatizations, including
the massive acquisition of formerly state-owned assets by MNFs, with Brazil as a latecomer (IDRB, 2005). In terms of sectors, most of the foreign investors appear attracted
by the opportunities raised by the primary sector, comprising both energy (petroleum
and gas), and minerals. Industry related FDI remained low, with the exception of those
funds aiming at MERCOSUR automotive sector, of some specific opportunities in the
Brazilian chemical industry and of the agro-business sector at both Argentina and Brazil
(Mortimore, 2000). Another relevant fraction of incoming FDI was directed to utilities
(mostly in the electricity and telecommunications sectors, but also to ports, trains, post
services, water and sewage services), and financial services. Depending on the country
and/or the sector, foreign investors were predominantly coming from either the US or
the EU (Spain, France, Italy, Portugal and Great Britain), and also from Chile (this
country became a net regional supplier of funds). US originated FDI ranked first in 11
countries: Bolivia (40,8%), Brazil (45,1%), Chile (26,4), Colombia (16,2%), Costa Rica
(66,5%), Ecuador (42,2%), El Salvador (32,7%), Honduras (43,9%), Panama (25,1%),
Paraguay (42,6%) and Venezuela (33,5%)4.
Furthermore, the raising share of FDI stock on GDP suggests the growing
influence of foreign investors since the eighties. In particular in Chile, this share passed
from roughly nil at the beginning of the eighties to a significant 60% at present. In
Panama, foreign investor involvement is also quite significant. For the rest of the
countries, FDI stock share lies below 50% of GDP. In Brazil, the stock of foreign direct
3
At country level, this year was exceptional for Argentina after the selling of YPF. Individually, both
Brazil and Chile attained their maximum FDI inflows in the year 2000.
4
Periods: Bolivia: 1992-01; Brazil: 1996-2005; Chile: 1974-2005; Colombia: 1994-2005; Costa Rica:
1997-2005; Ecuador: 1992-01; El Salvador 1998-05; Honduras: 1993-02; Panama: 1990-00; Paraguay:
02-05; and, Venezuela 1992-01. Most of the data come from ECLAC except those for Bolivia, Ecuador
and Venezuela (Stanley 2007)
6
investment is quite low even if the country ranks among the main beneficiary of the FDI
boom. To sum up, for the region as a whole, the FDI share is not significant, and (on
average) not much different of the one observed among Asian countries.
Table 1: FDI Stock as a percentage of GDP – Latin America
Latin American
1980
1985
1990
1995
Countries
Argentina
6,9
7,4
6,4
10,8
Bolivia
15,1
19,0
21,1
23,4
Brazil
7,4
11,5
8,0
6,0
Chile
3,2
14,1
33,2
23,8
Colombia
3,2
6,4
8,7
6,9
Costa Rica
13,9
24,4
25,3
23,3
Ecuador
6,1
6,2
15,2
19,4
El Salvador
4,3
4,8
4,4
3,1
Guatemala
8,9
10,8
22,7
15,0
Honduras
3,6
4,7
12,6
16,5
Nicaragua
5,1
4,1
11,4
19,2
Panama
64,6
58,2
41,4
41,0
Paraguay
4,6
9,5
7,6
7,1
Peru
4,3
6,1
5,0
10,3
Uruguay
7,2
16,8
10,8
8,0
Venezuela
2,3
2,5
4,7
9,0
2000
23,8
61,8
17,1
61,1
13,1
17,0
44,4
15,0
18,1
23,6
35,8
58,3
17,2
20,8
10,4
29,3
2005
30,4
47,1
25,4
64,6
30,0
25,8
43,5
24,7
17,0
31,5
49,1
64,8
16,0
20,2
17,3
34,8
Source: Own elaboration based on UNCTAD Data
In terms of trade, the Latin America remains competitive in the sectors where it
is favored by resource endowments – thus, Ricardo’s comparative advantage approach
still explains most of the regions export specialization. Natural resource-based exports
remain the most important source of foreign exchange for most countries in the region.
Furthermore, the region’s historical reliance on natural resources enlarged in the 90s,
following the abandonment of the ISI model and the embracement of the neoliberal
policies – i.e. stressing the importance of deregulation, privatization and of opening the
economy [both current and capital account] and to reverse previous industrial policies.
Industrial policies were portrayed as highly problematic, generating inflation and fiscal
deficits as well as trade distortions. Following this loss of legitimacy, most countries
introduced new trade policies, and previous integration experiences were dismantled5.
Consequently, intra-trade flows remained at very low levels – with some exceptions at
firm level, or regarding some specific industries (as the case of the automotive industry
5
The new experiences followed a different path, a sort of “open regionalism”.
7
in MERCOSUR)6. In contrast, intra-trade has been growing persistently in recent years
among Asian countries (Urata, 2008).
Among selected Asian countries, China became the main receptor of FDI –
attracting US$ 70 billion in a single year (2005), an accumulating US$ 622.3 billion
during the period 1986-2005. China’s opening of the economy was symbolized by the
Chinese-Foreign Joint Venture Law of 1 July 1979. However, foreign investors were
only allowed to enter in some “special economic zones” (mostly on the southern coast
region), and only those aimed at exports7. The Chinese from Hong Kong and Taiwan
were those who took advantage of this policy8. At the beginning of the 1990s, China
intensified the opening program, allowing foreign investors to serve the internal market
in those cases where China might profit from technology transfers. Henceforth, FDI was
allowed in certain sectors, including telecommunications, transportation, banking and
insurance. To sum up, since the economic reform was initiated in 1978, China has
become the largest recipient of FDI among the developing world and globally the
second only next to the US since the mid nineties.
In second place comes Singapore, who received US$ 128 billion in the same
period. [South] Korea began to receive increasing FDI flows in the aftermath of the
1997 crisis – when it abandoned its previous resistance against foreign investors9.
Finally, it might also be worth mentioning the case of Vietnam. Since the beginning of
the transformation process in the late 1980s (following the Do Moi reforms) FDI
inflows totalized US$ 20.3 billion (1988-2005), outperforming other much larger Asian
economies (Leproux and Brooks, 2004). With no important FDI inflows India has
become the main exception to this trend of FDI in fast growing Asian countries.
FDI was basically attracted by the industry sector, in order to supply both the
internal and external markets. As an example, 60% of inward FDI coming to China was
directed towards the manufacturing industry, while agriculture received less than 2%
whereas inflows going to finance and insurance industries accounted for less than 1%
(Fan Gang, 2003). As a whole, most incoming FDI in Asia has been vertical, that is,
6
The shares of intra-regional exports on total exports grow a mere 3% in the last 20 years – being at
13,1% in 2005 (Sauvent, 2007).
7
Some authors went further, highlighting that the government give SOEs preferential treatment over
foreign and domestic private firms (Zhu, 2007).
8
The industry profited from foreign exchange control and exchange rates subsidies.
9
A similar fear impregnated Taiwanese policy makers (Wade, 1990)
8
associated with production networks and supply chain networks organized to minimize
costs. From a time span perspective, industries are moving from the more developed to
the less developed countries in Asia with FDI playing a critical role in the searching of
productive efficiency (or efficiency – seeking industrial restructuring FDI), which
responds to the “flying geese” hypothesis. Henceforth, the formation of regional
production networks by multinational corporations (MNCs) intensified the linkage
between FDI and foreign trade. A mounting web of preferential trade agreements also
helped to promote the interest of investor, along the reduction in exchange rate
uncertainty (Kim and Oh, 2007). Consequently, trade within production networks has
become the distinctive mark of the investment in the region: trade and FDI flows move
in parallel (Urata, 2001; Gill and Kharas, 2007).
Henceforth, in contrast to Latin American, an important part of the flows
arriving at Asian countries comes from within the region. Globally, the leading
investors are coming from Hong Kong SAR, followed by Singapore, Taiwan POC,
Korea Republic, and Malaysia (Hattari and Rajan, 2008). In the case of China, funds
came from Hong Kong (China) and Taiwan (China), but also from wealthy expatriates
living in the region (K.H. Zhang, 2002). Japan classifies as the main investor in
Thailand (Siamwalla et. al., 1999), and Philippines (Balboa and Medalla, 2006).
Singapore and Taiwan are among the main investors in Vietnam, Malaysians in
Cambodia whereas Thais are in Laos PDR. (Leproux and Brooks, 2004; Bihn and
Haughton, 2002). However, EU and US investors are also important in the region
(Urata, 2008). US investments explain a high FDI share in quite a few of the analyzed
countries (Philippines, India, Thailand and Singapore) and are investing vast amounts in
others –e.g. China (Yingqui Wei, 2003). European are leading investors in Malaysia and
Singapore (Urata, 2008). Anyway, taking into account that most FDI originates in
industrial countries, it is striking that the majority of funds arriving in Asia originated
within the region. What is more, and surprising at least from a Latin American
perspective, much more FDI now originates within the region than was the case prior to
the crisis. FDI flows within East Asia have increased since the financial crisis.
The participation of foreign investors in the economy is also on the rise among
Asian countries. Furthermore, in one country (Singapore) FDI even surpasses the GNP
(national product). Their presence is also remarkable in Vietnam, encompassing a share
above 60% of the GDP. However, more impressive is their small role in the region’s
9
biggest economies. Notably, and despite the open policy introduced since the early 80s,
FDI stock in China remains at very low levels and decreased since the mid nineties10. In
the cases of Korea, Taiwan and India, foreign investors´ share is also modest, but
increasing in recent years since these countries embraced more open FDI policies.
Table 2: FDI Stocks as a percentage of GDP – Asia
Asian Countries
Cambodia
China
India
Indonesia
Korea, Republic
Lao RDR
Malaysia
Myanmar
Philippines
Singapore
Taiwan, Province of China
Thailand
Vietnam
1980
2,4
3,1
0,6
13,2
2,1
0,3
20,7
12,7
3,9
52,9
5,8
3,0
0,2
1985
2,0
3,4
0,5
28,2
2,3
n.a.
23,3
11,3
8,5
73,6
4,7
5,1
1,1
1990
3,4
7,0
0,5
34,0
2,3
1,5
23,4
11,1
7,4
77,9
6,1
9,6
4,0
1995
12,1
19,6
1,6
25,0
2,0
11,6
32,3
17,2
8,2
71,5
5,9
10,4
28,5
2000
43,8
17,9
3,8
16,5
7,3
32,1
58,4
54,8
16,9
12,7
5,7
24,4
66,1
2005
45,6
14,3
5,8
7,7
8,0
24,5
36,5
43,6
2,1
158,6
12,1
33,5
61,2
Source: UNCTAD Data
Finally, the region’s integration process can be seen in terms of trade. Actually,
intra-regional exports accounts for more than half of the total exports made by Asian
countries (Sauvant, 2007), as a consequence of the presence of vertical production
chains as well as resulting from the emergence of regional distribution networks. As a
result, the trade pattern is no longer one-way and based on international differences in
resource endowments. What is more, intra-trade growth is expected to continue as well
as the regional economic integration process.
10
FDI stock began to show down after the Chinese government introduced a set of fiscal policies coupled
by increasing infrastructure works that induced locally founded new investments. Consequently, foreign
investors were outperformed by local ones, increasing its contribution to fixed – asset investment (Fan
Gang, 2003)
10
3. Investment Treaties Analysis
The analysis focuses on the bilateral treaties signed by 28 different countries
from Latin America (15) and Asia (13)11. The group accounts for almost 1.000 BITs
signed, reduced to 704 after sorting out those [treaties] not approved. In the end, as a
result of this research, 598 bilateral treaties were analyzed, 252 of them from Latin
America and the rest originated in Asia12.
The signature of bilateral agreements became a policy widely followed by
almost all Latin American countries during the nineties. Argentina soon became one of
the most fervent advocates of the bilateral scheme, signing more than 50 BITs and
joining the World Bank’s International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes
(ICSID). Chile was another leading country in the adoption of the bilateral scheme in
the past decade. However, the pace slowed in Latin America at the turn of the century13.
Those Asian countries considered in this proposal were also very active in adopting this
new scheme during the past decade and continue to use it thereafter. At an individual
level, with an astonishing 112 BITs signed since the mid-eighties, China became the
most active country in pursuing such a policy. But, also Korea (77), Malaysia (65),
India (57) and Indonesia (57) demonstrated to be highly dynamic in this field14.
11
Treaties’ information was obtained from the UNCTAD BIT database. For the reason that information
was not available, Myanmar was not included in the analysis. Only treaties signed and approved before
January 1st 2005 will be considered in the analysis. Therefore, Brazil and Colombia were left aside.
12
In order to avoid duplication, whenever BIT partners come from both regions, the BIT is associated
only to one region (Latin America or Asia). Consequently, only 145 BITs are counting in the database.
13
However, by the same time, numerous countries signed free trade agreements (FTA) with the U.S,
either on a national (Chile, Colombia, Panama, and Peru) or regional basis as the case of Central
American countries (CAFTA + Dominican Republic, including Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala,
Honduras, and Nicaragua). The US currently negotiates similar free trade agreements with Ecuador and
Uruguay. According to various observers, the investment rules introduced by this new scheme are even
more stringent than former BITs.
14
Singapore and Thailand have also completed a FTA with the U.S.
11
Table 3: BITs signed by region
BITs
Asia*
LA**
Total
BITs signed btw
Asia & LA
countries
Signed
583
391
974
In force
430
274
704
Analyzed
345
253
598
Signed before 90s
68
15
83
Signed during 90s
293
240
533
Signed after 90s
69
30
99
Source: own elaboration based on UNCTAD BIT Database
290
145
Total Net
829
Analysed BITs
/ Total Net
72,14%
Notes: Latin America: Argentina, Bolivia, Chile, Costa Rica, Ecuador, El Salvador, Guatemala,
Nicaragua, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, Uruguay, and, Venezuela. Asia: Cambodia, China, India,
Indonesia, Korea (republic of), Lao PDR, Malaysia, Myanmar, Philippines, Singapore, Taiwan
(province of China), Thailand and Vietnam.
As could easily be observed from the above table, the vast majority of treaties
were signed in the 1990s (533), although Asian countries continued with the use of this
scheme in the present decade (69 new BITs were signed). By contrast, enthusiasm
seems to be vanishing among Latin American countries (only 27 BITs were introduced
after 2000).
Graph 1: BITs signed by Latin America & Asian countries
Source: own elaboration from UNCTAD Database
One of the main objectives followed by the treaties is investment promotion that
could be attained by the introduction of a stable legal environment and simple rules.
12
Typically, a BIT first clause includes the definition of investment and investors.
Next, most agreements include a series of clauses dealing with provisions designed to
grant absolute (“fair and equitable treatment” clause) and relative (“Most Favored
Nation” and “National Treatment” clauses) standards of treatment to foreign investors.
After that, most treaties include a series of clauses defining expropriation. A final clause
introduces the dispute settlement scheme, which could either be state to state or investor
to state.
In general terms, there are not so many exceptions - particular clauses present in
some contracts but not in all of them. In this sense, most of the clauses followed a
similar structure, beyond partners and regions. However, when looking at the particular
BITs more in detail the picture changes.
It should also be kept in mind that there was a local legal framework for FDI
(Parra, 1996). In general terms the new framework put pressure on developing countries
to augment FDI protection. But also new legislation was introduced in order to extend
liberalization. Although market friendly policies expanded worldwide, some countries
transformed their laws less than others. In this sense, most Asian countries maintained
very restrictive regulations towards foreign investors during the period considered. To
some extent, this is still the case in China, India, Indonesia, Philippines, Taiwan
(Province of China), and Vietnam (APEC, 2003). By contrast, FDI regulations were
relaxed in (South) Korea, but at the aftermath of the crisis.
In what follows, the study introduces a general and particular analysis. Firstly,
the BITs clauses are assessed individually as separate dependent variables. Secondly,
the analysis goes to the particular clause.
3.1 General clauses in BITs: is there any difference?
In order to analyze BIT differences, clauses were scrutinized for almost six
hundred treaties, including: definition of investor and investment; investor’s treatment
and protection; expropriation and compensation clauses; transfer conditions; and those
related to the dispute settlement scheme. For instance, in terms of investor’s treatment
and protection we considered whether each specific agreement granted: a) fair and
equitable treatment; b) MFN treatment; c) national treatment; d) some exceptions to the
above clauses (for instance, because the presence of customs unions or free trade
agreements); e) Other exceptions to the MFN and NT clauses.
13
a) Investment definition [Idefinition 590 x 9]
The definition of investment is among the key elements determining the scope of
the application of rights and obligations under international investment agreements. The
definition may also be central to the jurisdiction of the tribunals established pursuant to
investment agreement since the scope of application (rationae materiae) may depend on
the definition of investment. However, there is no single definition of what constitutes
foreign investment.
According to UNCTAD’s definition and following common practice, the
analysis identified the following items:
o
Movable and immovable property, which covers tangible property. Some
BITs enumerate other property rights such as mortgages, liens, pledges,
usufructs and similar right
o
Shares, stock and other kind of participation in companies
o
Claims to money or to any other performance having a financial value,
which suggests that investment includes not only property but also certain
contractual rights.
o
Intellectual Property Rights, which may include trademarks, patents,
copyrights, goodwill, technical processes, and, know how
o
Business concessions under public law, including concessions to search for,
cultivate, extract or exploit natural resources. Also, rights to engage in
economic and commercial activities conferred by law and by virtue of a
contract.
o
Re-invested funds
o
Goods that, under a leasing contract, are place at the disposal of a lessee
o
Activities associated with investments, such as the organization and
operation of business facilities, the acquisition, exercise and disposition of
property rights including IPR / IPR such as copyrights, trademarks, patents,
and industrial designs
o
No specific list
14
Table 4: BITs - Most common investment definition
Concept
Frequency
Percent
a) Movable and immovable property
579
98,14 %
b) Shares
579
98,14 %
c) Claims to money
579
98,14 %
d) Intellectual Property Rights
557
94,41 %
e) Business concessions under public law
573
97,12 %
f) Re-invested funds
25
4,24 %
g) Goods under a leasing contract
19
3,22 %
h) Other activities associated with investments
24
4,07 %
Notes: figures relates to the presence of the attribute (value equal to 1)
Henceforth, for the investment definition the above table suggests the presence
of a common pattern.
b) Investment treatment and protection
Most Favored Standard (MFN) means that a host country must extend to
investors from one foreign country the same treatment it accords to investors from any
other foreign country in like circumstances. Thus, the foreign investor can take
advantage of the highest standard of treatment provided to a country in any BIT to
which the host country is a party. It potentially applies to all kinds of investments,
although some exceptions are common place – as those related to free trade areas, or
custom unions.
The vast majority of BITs do not include binding provisions concerning the
admission of foreign investment, meaning that the MFN clause applies only to the postentry phase15.
Table 5: BITs – Investment Treatment & Protection
Concept
a) Fair & Equitable Treatment
b) MFN
c) NT
d) Exceptions (Customs Union, FTAs, others)
e) Other Exceptions
Frequency
Percent
581
98,4 %
583
98,7 %
410
67.9 %
41
92.6 %
7
1.3 %
A special mention deserves the National Treatment clause. By virtue of this
clause, foreign investors are given the same treatment as domestic ones, so wiping away
the foundation of infant industry protection. Surprisingly, on a detailed look it appears
that an important share of BITs is not granting this type of treatment (32%), whereas
almost all of them confer MFN treatment to foreign investors (98,7%).
15
In contrast, a number of new agreements (particularly, those initiated by the US and Canada) began to
expand the MFN clause to the pre-entry phase
15
c) Expropriation [Edefinition590 x 3]
The expropriation of property by Government can result from legislative or
administrative acts that transfer title and physical possession (also known as direct
taking). But governments can also take property by other “indirect” means. However,
this last remains very difficult to distinguish, rising the moral hazard in both investors
and host states16. Most BITs recognize the first type of expropriation, whereas the
second is present just in few.
Once the expropriation has been [approved] and made, it time to compensate the
investor. Capital exporting states usually take the position that the Hull standard of
prompt, adequate and effective compensation should be met. This requires the payment
of full market value as compensation, speedily and in convertible currency. Some
developing countries have taken the position that the payment of “appropriate
compensation” would be sufficient. Nevertheless, recently the use of Hull formula has
received increasing support – as showed by the BITs included in the sample17.
Accordingly, BITs expropriation clause might be acknowledged by the presence
of the following three clauses: a) For a public purpose on a non-discriminatory basis in
accordance with the law and against compensation / fair and equitable compensation b)
Compensation - real value, including interests. Without delay & freely transferable; c)
indirect expropriation
Table 6: BITs - Expropriation
Concept
Frequency
Percent
a) For a public purpose
588
99,7 %
b) Compensation – Real Value & Without delay
588
99,7 %
c) Indirect expropriation
22
67.9 %
A related clause relates to reimbursement. The analysis listed 7 different items
usually included plus one option for those treaties not introducing any sort of list.
Among the items, the most commonly included are:
16
There are plenty of cases of foreign investors showing this kind of behaviour at NAFTA. But, also the
Argentina crisis gives rise to some opportunistic trends (Stanley, 2004).
17
China might qualify as an exception. Among the several treaties signed, it included a variety of
standards on compensation. For instance, with Australia (1988) it includes the Hull formulation, whereas
with France (1984) it refers to the appropriate compensation.
16
Table 7: BITs – Reimbursement clauses
Concept
a) Initial capital and additional amounts to maintain or increase an investment
b) Returns, interest, dividends and other current incomes
c) Funds in repayment of loans
d) Proceeds from total or partial liquidation of investment
e) Payment for compensation / expropriation
f) Payments arising out of the settlement of an investment dispute
g) Earnings of nationals of the other Contracting Party who works in
connection with an investment in the territory of the one Contracting Party
h) Royalties, fees
Frequency
Percent
342
57.1
525
88.9
519
87.1
513
86.9
322
56.7
56
9.5
419
71.1
289
48.9
Notes: figures relate to the presence of the attribute (value equal to 1)
d) Dispute Settlement
Among the array of new rules and commitments, the new scheme introduced a
new international system of dispute settlement that allowed investors to directly sue
host states18. This became the real innovation, not only by recognizing rights to foreign
investors but by agreeing to give them a forum where to redress alleged wrongs.
Dispute resolution is a standard part of almost all BIT treaties and a key factor at the
investor’s decisional matrix. This helps to explain why, for a vast majority of legal
scholars, establishing a DS scheme became BITs´ essential purpose.
But, while some treaties permit parties either to litigate their BIT claims before
national courts or arbitral tribunals, other limit the acceptable dispute resolution
mechanisms to arbitral tribunals. Moreover, some BITs require the exclusive use of
national procedures and remedies, others require the prior exhaustion of domestic
remedies in the host country before recourse to international dispute settlement systems,
and there are some that allow foreign investors to direct their claims at international
arbitral courts from the outset. In order to evaluate these differences, a DS tree was
constructed for each country in the sample.
The vast majority of DS provisions in BITs began with a clause (1st node)
specifying that partners (investors and home country) might first negotiate amicably
amongst them. Next, if dispute cannot be settled the DS game could either continue at
local courts or international [arbitral] tribunals, without delay or after a certain period (3
or more months). In all cases, the second node could be solved cooperatively (following
the agreement between the investor and the host country) or according to investor’s
18
In the past, foreign investor’s actions were limited either to sue the local government at the domestic
courts, or to ask their home government to negotiate diplomatically on their behalf.
17
selection. To some extent, the first alternative replicates a “soft-Calvo” doctrine, in the
sense that disputes should be settled firstly before national courts. Once this alternative
is explored, foreign investors are set free to use some type of international DS
mechanism. But, some countries (notably Indonesia) only allow investors to go until
international bodies after exhausting the national alternatives. Finally, a few BITs
(basically, older ones) also include a diplomatic solution. Under the second alternative,
foreign investors are entitled to directly set its disputes with the host country before
international fora. Although local courts might be accepted, investors could opt between
that option and the different arbitral alternatives at hand [ICSID, ICSID AF, Ad-Hoc
UNCITRAL, ICC, etc.). Alternatively, some treaties accord investors a direct access to
a DS scheme. This alternative may be classified as investor – friendly.
A more detailed analysis is included at the annex (after introducing two graphs),
where it differentiates each principal node (2 and 3) according at the time the claim
could be settled at courts. In the case both parties can initiate the dispute, timetable is as
follows: a) without delay; b) After 3 months; c) After 6 months; d) After 9 months; e)
After 12 months; and, f) After 18 months. In case investors are the single entitled to
initiate the dispute, timetable is as follows: a) Without delay; b) After 3 months; c)
After 4 months; d) After 5 months; e) After 6 months; f) After 9 months; g) After 12
months; and, h) After 18 months. In both cases, an array of tribunals is present,
including: local courts, ICSID, ICSID AF, Ad-Hoc UNCITRAL; and, other Ad-Hoc
Tribunals + ICC.
As a consequence of the above differentiation, countries in Latin America are
more open to international courts. In contrast, most Asian countries might be less
enthusiastic.
e) Duration
Most of the BITs included in the analysis shows a 10 years period, with or
without an automatic renewal for a similar period at the expiration date. However, some
treaties signed to last perpetually (30 BITs).
18
Table 8: BITs - Duration
Duration (years)
5
10
15
20
30
100 (indefinite)
Total
Frequency
23
427
101
19
2
12
584
Percent
3.94
73.12
17.29
3.25
0.34
2.05
100.00
Cumulative
3.94
77.05
94.35
97.60
97.95
100.00
3.2 BITs particular clauses or where the differences lie
a) Investment definition
On the one hand, one of the few exceptions to the MFN clause at Argentina’s
BITs relates to the treatment promised to those investors coming under the special
agreement signed with Spain and Italy. Therefore, instead of preserving some policy
space, the asymmetries granted by Argentina to foreign investors merely introduced
some privilege for one group over another. But also Argentina stand outs as being one
of the few countries to recognize portfolio investment among the items qualifying as
“investment” – after its introduction in the BIT signed with the US, and Bonds after
those signed with Germany and Italy.
On the other hand, one of the few exemption introduced by Chile relates to the
capital movement safeguard imposed in the 1990s by the government in order to
prevent short term movements in the capital account (1 year wall). Consequently,
Chilean BITs only recognize investment promotion and protection for those investors
staying longer.
b) Investment treatment and protection plus bilateral treaty scope – A sign of
distinction coming from Latin America & Asia plus Indonesia’s investment
law.
There are several ways in which restrictions could be introduced in the
agreement.
In some cases, restrictions are just introduced in the scope clause. For instance,
all Indonesia BITs state that investment has to be previously admitted by the
government – in accordance with Foreign Investment Law N° 1/1967. For example, at
19
the Indonesia- Malaysia BIT (Article X - Applicability for this Agreement), the parts
agree that “ this agreement shall apply to investment by investors of Malaysia in the
territory of the Republic of Indonesia which have been previously granted admission in
accordance with the Law N° 1 of 1967 concerning Foreign Investment and any law
amending or replacing it”. Similarly, at the Australia – Indonesia BIT (Article III –
Scope of the Agreement), the parts agree that “Investments by investors of Australia in
the territory of the Republic of Indonesia which have been granted admission in
accordance with the Law N° 1 of 1967 concerning Foreign Investment or with any law
amending or replacing it”.
In other cases, the agreement recognizes the requirement to pursue some
approval procedure. In the article 2 of the China - Thailand BIT " The benefits of this
Agreement shall apply only in cases where investments of the nationals and companies
of one Contracting Party in the territory of the other Contracting Party have been
specifically approved in writing by the competent authority of the latter Contracting
Party". Furthermore, in the annex of the BIT agreement with Belgium-Luxembourg it
states that “Investment projects which may be approved by the Committee [Thailand],
are those which have the following characteristics: a) investment using mainly local
contents, b) Import substitution, c) labor intensive; d) export oriented, e) promoted
investment such as pharmaceuticals, electronics, telecommunications, etc.; f) transfer of
know-how and technology to Thai nationals”.
Also restrictions may relate to foreign ownership participation, in the form of a
threshold level – which varies for each specific industry. As an example, most of India’s
BITs define companies as meaning "any corporation, firms and associations
incorporated or constituted under the law in force in the territory of either Contracting
Party, or in a third country if at least 51% of the equity interest is owned by investors of
that Contracting Party, or in which investors of that Contracting Party control at least
51% of the voting rights in respect to shares owned by them".
But, also in some BITs signed by Korea specifically mention the possibility of
asymmetric treatment among investors [local and foreign] if that was previously
recognized by law. As for example, at the article 10 of the Korea – Pakistan BIT “The
provisions of this agreement are subject to the laws and regulations of each Contracting
Party in regard to foreign investment and to any distinction that these laws and
20
regulations provide between the local investors of one Contracting Party and the
investors of the other Contracting Party having investments in the territory of the
former Contracting Party”. Similarly, in Thailand – Korea BIT states that exceptions
could be admitted when “[granted] to a particular person or company of the status of a
"promoted person" under the laws of Thailand on the promotion of investment” (article
8, numeral d).
As in the BIT signed with Australia, it is stated: “For the purposes of this
Agreement, a company is regarded as being controlled by a company or by a natural
person. If that company or natural person has the ability to exercise decisive influence
over the management and operation of the first mentioned company, specifically
demonstrated by way of: (i) ownership of 51% of the shares or voting rights of the first
mentioned company, or (ii) the ability to exercise decisive control over the selection of
the majority of members of the board of directors of the first mentioned company.”
In Australia – China BIT, the agreement states that “a) Each contracting party
shall encourage and promote investment in its territory by national of the other CP and
shall, in accordance with its law and investment policies applicable from time to time,
admit investments, 2) Each CP reserves the right to refuse to admit the investment of
any company of the other CP if nationals of any third country control such company, or
if has no substantial business activities in the territory of the other CP, 3) this agreement
shall no affect the right of a CP to allow or prohibit the making of investment within its
territory by nationals of a third country.
Sometimes, the majority of shares are required in order to settle a dispute before
international courts. As an example, Malaysian bilateral agreements with Kazakhstan,
Kyrgyz, Mongolia, Norway, Peru, Spain, UAE and UK "A company which is
incorporated or constituted under the laws in force in the territory of one CP and in
which before such a dispute arises the majority of shares are owned by investors of the
other CP shall in accordance with Article 25.2.b of the (ICSID) Convention be treated
for the purpose of this Convention as a company of the other CP".
Exceptions are also present among Latin American countries. Surprisingly, Chile
came out as one of the leading examples: its mining sector is almost closed to foreign
21
investors, in such a way that any activities related to this sector are subjected to a
Presidential Decree.19
Finally, in various BITs signed by former communist countries declare the
protection [to investors] after some date in the past (i.e.: after the collapse of the
regime)20.
c) Expropriation
Recent BITs signed by US include the indirect expropriation (or takings) clause.
d) Dispute Settlement – The China exemption
China was very prudent when drafting the dispute settlement (DS) clauses in
their BITs, as the evidence suggest. Early BITs signed by China required that all
substantive claims were required to resolve before national courts21. Recourse to
international arbitration was only available where the dispute concerned the amount of
compensation to be paid for expropriation after conditions precedent as to negotiation
and resort to local remedies has been satisfied. In other words, only after the local
authority had determined the existence of an expropriation could the foreign investor
initiate arbitration under the relevant BIT to determine the amount of compensation.
This could help explain why the country has no cases before the World Bank’s
International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes (ICSID) or other
international arbitration bodies - although they hosted a large amount of FDI inflows.
Surprisingly, reliance on national courts systems and limited access to arbitration has
not stopped investors from making substantial investment in China – suggesting that
investors are keen to gain a place in a developing market.
19
See, for example, Chile-Brazil BIT, where it declares that: “de acuerdo con lo dispuesto en el artículo
19 Nº 24 de la Constitución Política de la República y los artículos 7º y 8º del Código de Minería, la
exploración y explotación de los hidrocarburos, líquidos y gaseosos, sólo se puede ejecutar directamente
por el Estado o por sus empresas, o por medio de concesiones administrativas o de contratos especiales
de operación, con los requisitos y bajos las condiciones que el Presidente fije para cada caso, por
Decreto Supremo".
20
In the present analysis, the exception goes in hand to those countries belonging to the Asia group
(China and Vietnam), comprising also those countries that became independent along the decolonization
process (Indonesia)
21
See Agreement between the Government of the People’s Republic of China and Government of the
Kingdom of Denmark Concerning the Encouragement and Reciprocal Protection of Investment
(December 1986) art. 8, providing that if a dispute is not settled by negotiation, the dispute shall be
“submitted to the competent court of the Contracting Party accepting the investment but permitting the
amount of compensation resulting from expropriation to be determined through international arbitration
(available at http://www.unctad.org/sections/dite/iia/docs/bits/china_denmark)
22
However, and despite its attitude towards incoming investors, a China originated
investment in Peru initiated a claim recently.
To some extent that might be in line with China recent move towards
international standards, after a new [second generation] BITs consented to the
unconditional submission to international arbitration of all disputes between investors
and a contracting state (Rooney, 2007). The first to include such a clause was the treaty
between China and Botswana.
A similar statement could be found in the Korea – Russia BIT, allowing
investors to claim before the UNCITRAL tribunals just in case of disagreement over
expropriation or reimbursement22.
22
The agreement made at Moscow (December 14, 1990), become signed by the government of former
USSR.
23
4. Some [preliminary] conclusions
There is a growing concern about the effects exerted by globalization on
developing countries. For those with a critical vision, the effects are poorly beneficial.
The vision becomes more pessimistic when considering the effects introduced by the
new global rules. Certainly, the new institutional architecture introduced during the past
few years has diminished the policy space for development. But, to make those new
rules account for wrongdoing at the local level is incorrect.
International rules are highly important and necessary. Moreover, development
economists have long recognized the importance of institutions in order to provide
incentives for growth and development. Unfortunately, this vision was largely rejected
until recently by the mainstream, and also by quite a few developing countries. For the
former, institutions began to be recognized only after the structural adjustment failed
(Meier, 2001). In view of the fact that then a “one-size-fits-all” approach prevailed
(Rodrik, 2004). In the process of transformation involving the departure from the
industrialist and highly bureaucratic development model, most countries in Latin
America gave a welcome recognition to this new market oriented approach. Henceforth,
a new approach emerged among them, accepting this new institutional scheme as a
panacea.
The above reflects one vision of foreign investment, in terms of external
financing from a balance of payments perspective. This view tends to promote foreign
investment aiming at a large volume of inflows, taking a “the more the better” point of
view. The underlying idea is that the mere presence of foreign investment produces
benefits that favor national growth and development. The danger here is that host
governments limit their foreign investment policy to opening the economy, liberalizing,
privatizing and deregulating, as measures to attract foreign investment.
However, as usual there is also an alternative vision. This other view focuses
primarily on foreign direct investment from a strategic perspective, as the Asian
experience highlights. This emphasizes the quality of investment flows, in particular, as
regards impacts, such as the transfer and assimilation of foreign technology, the training
of national human resources, the construction of local production linkages, and national
24
enterprise development. It generally assumes that the benefits are not automatic and
specialized polices are required to obtain them. This gradual approach conducted later
to promote outward FDI, firstly on a regional basis, later globally.
Both perspectives can result in success or failure; however, the successful cases
usually define national development priorities and the role of foreign investment in
obtaining them. Therefore, some lessons could be derived regarding institutions and
FDI.
The presence of a different pattern in the BITs signed by Latin American and
Asian countries might also be signaling a new Asian exception. Additionally, although
most countries at Asia experienced important legal changes related to FDI treatment,
legal amendments were less friendly towards investors compared to those introduced by
Latin American. Paradoxically, neither BIT´s special pattern nor the maintaining of
some special legal arrangement prevented Asian countries to profit from globalization;
neither did it preclude multinational companies to enter the market. Furthermore, for
some pundits, BITs showed a limited impact on Asia’s integration process (Sauvé,
2007), explaining perhaps the relatively immature institutional framework presented by
these countries (Soesastro, 2005; Gill and Kharas, 2007). But, the above picture began
to looks different.
Nowadays, institutions are increasingly playing a new role into the Asian
integration process – mainly by virtue of preferential trade agreements (PTAs) and free
trade agreements (FTAs). Investors are now obtaining more concessions – most of them
rejected under the BITs scheme signed in the 1990s (Kumar, 2007), but exceptions
persist (Urata and Sasuya, 2007).
The investment provisions included in the new Asian agreement schemes have
tended to follow a progressive liberalization approach given the varying levels of
development existing in the region. By way of general or particular exceptions, In other
words, the Asian experience might be suggesting that the “rules of the game” continue
to be shaped according to development needs and strategies: Gerschnekron (1962)
central message still been alive, maintaining alive the precept that institutions are
context-specific and the timing of transformation remains crucial.
25
To sum up, instead of asking if Asian countries could offer to Latin American
ones any lesson on industrial policy, this research seeks answers or lessons regarding
institutional design. In this sense, this study can also assist Latin American countries to
devise new strategies when negotiating BITs, in order to recuperate policy space. For
the time being, the main policy advice that Latin American countries should hear is that
the challenge for developing countries is to find the right balance between the promises
offered by BITs and the loss of policy autonomy that they entail (UNCTAD, 2003).
26
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30
Annexes
Treaties analyzed
Annex - Table 1: Latin America BITs
Source: own elaboration
Annex - Table 2: Asian BITs
Source: Own elaboration
31