Thematic Sessions of Free Communications proceedings..pdf

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PROCEEDINGS OF THE 23 INTERNATIONAL CONGRESS OF BYZANTINE STUDIES BELGRADE, 22 – 27 AUGUST 2016 THEMATIC SESSIONS OF FREE COMMUNICATIONS RD The Serbian National Committee of AIEB and the contributors 2016 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical photocopying, recording or otherwise without the prior permission of the publisher. Cover illustration: Personification of Truth, Church of the Holy Virgin of Ljeviša in Prizren, beginning of the 14th century, fresco. Proceeding of the 23rd International Congress of Byzantine Studies Belgrade, 22 – 27 August 2016 THEMATIC SESSIONS OF FREE COMMUNICATIONS Editors Dejan Dželebdžić, Stanoje Bojanin Assistant Editors Miloš Cvetković, Tamara Matović Belgrade 2016 CONTENTS THEMATIC SESSIONS OF FREE COMMUNICATIONS 12 Foreword Monday, 22nd August 17 Linguistics and Philology of the Byzantine Balkans: Approaches and Advances – Part 1 Convener: Vojin Nedeljković 22 Linguistics and Philology of the Byzantine Balkans: Approaches and Advances – Part 2 Convener: Vojin Nedeljković 29 Byzantium in Change. Art, Archaeology and Society of the Thirteenth Century – Part 1 Conveners: Jenny Albani, Ioanna Christoforaki 36 Byzantium in Change. Art, Archaeology and Society of the Thirteenth Century – Part 2 Conveners: Jenny Albani, Ioanna Christoforaki 43 Byzantine Philosophy and Maximus the Confessor – Part 1 Convener: Sotiris Mitralexis 47 Byzantine Philosophy and Maximus the Confessor – Part 2 Convener: Sotiris Mitralexis 53 Byzantium and οἱ Ῥῶς: Historical and Textological Questions of the Old Testimonies’ Interpretations Conveners: Karsten Fledelius, Olena Syrtsova 60 Historiography 4th – 9th Centuries Chairs: Roger Scott, Slawomir Bralewski 67 Late Antique and Early Byzantine Art Chairs: Alicia Walker, Ljubomir Milanović 79 The Artists of the Byzantine World and Stylistic Trends in Monumental and Icon Painting Chairs: Ralitsa Rousseva, Konstantinos Vafeiades 87 Studying and Communicating Byzantium – Part 1 Chairs: Aphrodite Papayianni, Markéta Kulhánková 92 Byzantine Art in the Modern Era: Issues of Emulation, Presentation and Interpretation Chairs: Aleksandar Kadijević, Yuri Pyatnitsky 100 Byzantine Architecture ‒ Part 1 Chairs: Phaidon Hadjiantoniou, Ferudun Özgümüş 109 Historiography 10th – 11th Centuries Chairs: Athanasios Markopoulos, Predrag Komatina 117 Manuscripts Chairs: Elissaveta Moussakova, Andi Rëmbeci 127 Inscriptions Chairs: Emmanuel Moutafov, Georgios Pallis 134 Science in the Byzantine World Chairs: Alain Touwaide, Stavros Lazaris Tuesday, 23rd August 144 Rethinking the Passion Cycle Conveners: Maria Vassilaki, Nektarios Zarras 155 Agia Marina / Saint Margaret Convener: Wendy R. Larson 160 New Feasts, New Sermons: The Cult оf Mary on the Eve of Iconoclasm in Byzantium and Beyond Conveners: Beatrice Daskas, Francesca Dell’Acqua 166 Palaestina Byzantina I: New Byzantine Studies in Art Convener: Moshe Fischer 171 Palaestina Byzantina II: New Byzantine Studies in Archaeology Convener: Lee I. Levine 176 Narrating Events and Portraying Characters in тhe Works of the Late Byzantine Writers – Part 1 Conveners: Ruth Macrides, Maja Nikolić 182 Narrating Events and Portraying Characters in the Works of the Late Byzantine Writers – Part 2 Conveners: Ruth Macrides, Maja Nikolić 188 Type and Archetype in Byzantine Cultural Landscape Conveners: Jelena Bogdanović, Marina Mihaljević 197 The Early Byzantine Empire ‒ Part 1 Chairs: Michel Kaplan, Geoffrey Greatrex 205 Hagiography ‒ Part 1 Chairs: Marina Détoraki-Flusin, Georges Sidéris 211 Byzantium Meets Ancient Literature Chairs: Marina Loukaki, Darko Todorović 218 The First Bulgarian Empire Chairs: Vassil Gjuzelev, Kirił Marinow 227 Economy in the Byzantine World Chairs: Triantafyllitsa Maniati-Kokkini, Raúl Estangüi Gómez 236 Byzantine Literature in Translation ‒ Part 1 Chairs: Johannes Michael Reinhart, Viktor Savić 245 Byzance après Byzance – Part 1 Chairs: Hediye Melek Delilbaşi, Aleksandar Fotić 252 Bible in Byzantium: Exegesis and Literary Inspiration Chairs: Paul Blowers, Sébastien Morlet 262 Byzantium and the East Chairs: Leif Inge Ree Petersen, Ekaterina Nechaeva 269 Church, Faith and Culture in Medieval Serbia, Bulgaria and Russia Chairs: Slavia Barlieva, Tatjana Subotin-Golubović 286 Hagiography ‒ Part 2 Chairs: André-Louis Rey, Pablo Adrián Cavallero 292 Byzance après Byzance – Part 2 Chairs: Elena N. Boeck, Andrei Timotin Wednesday, 24th August 301 Byzantine Literary Models and Patterns of Reception: Translation and Transformation in the Slavonic and Middle Eastern Traditions Conveners: Anissava Miltenova, Vassya Velinova 308 Perspectives céntre-périphérie dans le monde Byzantin Conveners: Ghislaine Noyé Bougard, Annick Peters-Custot 315 Saint Gregory Palamas and Barlaam the Calabrian in the Context of the 14th-Century Byzantine Philosophy and Theology Conveners: Yannis Kakridis, Mikonja Knežević, Dmitrij I. Makarov 326 Chanceries and Documentary Practices in Southeast Europe (13th– 15th Centuries) Conveners: Stanoje Bojanin, Kyrill Pavlikianov, Mirjana Živojinović 336 Byzantines and the Bible ‒ Part 1 Conveners: Reinhart Ceulemans, Barbara Crostini, Mariachiara Fincati 341 Byzantines and the Bible ‒ Part 2 Conveners: Reinhart Ceulemans, Barbara Crostini, Mariachiara Fincati 346 Epirus Revisited – New Perceptions of Its History and Material Culture – Part 1 Conveners: Lioba Theis, Christos Stavrakos, Galina Fingarova, Fani Gargova 351 Epirus Revisited – New Perceptions of Its History and Material Culture – Part 2 Conveners: Lioba Theis, Christos Stavrakos, Galina Fingarova, Fani Gargova 356 Trade Routes in the Balkan Peninsula: The Numismatic Evidence (10th–15th Centuries) Conveners: Vasiliki Vasso Penna, George Kakavas 363 Material Culture Chairs: Orsolya Heinrich-Tamaska, Ivana Popović 370 Art of Medieval Armenia Chairs: Seyranush Manukyan, Oliver M. Tomić 377 The Early Byzantine Empire ‒ Part 2 Chairs: Katerina Nikolaou, Eirini Chrestou 385 The Holy Fathers of the Church ‒ Part 1 Chairs: Fr. Maximos Constas, Vladimir Vukašinović 391 Epigrammatic Poetry Chairs: Kristoffel Demoen, Eugenio Amato 396 Historiography 11th – 14th Centuries Chairs: Albrecht Berger, Vratislav Zervan 402 The Middle Byzantine Period – Part 1 Chairs: John F. Haldon, Elisabeth Chatziantoniou 409 Byzantine Architecture ‒ Part 2 Chairs: Charalambos Bakirtzis, Jelena Bogdanović 418 Byzantine Literature in Translation ‒ Part 2 Chairs: Elguja Khintibidze, Gohar Sargsyan 425 The Migration Period Chairs: Martin Hurbanič, Ivan Bugarski 434 Applied Arts of the Byzantine World ‒ Part 1 Chairs: Ivana Jevtić, Ivan Drpić 441 Literature and Politics Chairs: Sysse G. Engberg, Ida Toth 447 The Middle Byzantine Period – Part 2 Chairs: Thomas Pratsch, Yannis Stouraitis 453 The Holy Fathers of the Church ‒ Part 2 Chairs: Mary B. Cunningham, Philippe Vallat Thursday, 25th August 463 Latin Cyprus (1192-1571): A Case of Forced Coexistence. Art, Dogma, Laws, Hagiology and Architecture Conveners: Ioannis Eliades, Nikolaos D. Siomkos 469 Venetian Historiography (and Byzantine Studies) Conveners: Andrea Nanetti, Șerban V. Marin 477 War and Peace in Byzantium: Changes and Turning-Points in the Middle and Late Byzantine Period (7th‒ 15th Centuries) Convener: Athina Kolia-Dermitzaki 486 Studying Byzantine Sculpture in the 21st Century: New Perspectives and Approaches Conveners: Claudia Barsanti, Alessandra Guiglia 495 Theatre and Liturgy: Performance and Ritual in Christian Worship – Part 1 Conveners: Andrew Walker White, Niki Tsironis 499 Theatre and Liturgy: Performance and Ritual in Christian Worship – Part 2 Conveners: Andrew Walker White, Niki Tsironis 503 Synodika Conveners: Frederick Lauritzen, Antonio Rigo, Anna-Marija Totomanova 508 Life and Works of Photius of Constantinople Conveners: Filippo Ronconi, Marcello Garzaniti 518 Fashion in Transition: From Byzantium to the Byzantine Commonwealth Conveners: Aleksandr Musin, Marcin Wołoszyn, Perica Špehar 528 Studying and Communicating Byzantium – Part 2 Chairs: Karsten Fledelius, Anna Linden Weller 535 The Age of the Komnenoi Chairs: Paul Magdalino, Leonora Neville 543 The Early Byzantine Church Chairs: Mikhail Gratsianskiy, Manya Erna Shirinyan 549 Byzantine Archeology Chairs: Dominic Moreau, Mihailo Milinković 558 Studies in Byzantine Iconography ‒ Part 1: Iconography of Saints Chairs: Anna Zakharova, Tatjana Starodubcev 568 Byzantine Literature in the 11th Century Chairs: Diether Roderich Reinsch, Dejan Dželebdžić 575 The Late Byzantine Empire – Part 1 Chairs: Antonia Kiousopoulou, Maja Nikolić 581 Art of Medieval Georgia Chairs: Nina Chichinadze, Irene Giviashvili 588 Literature in the Age of the Komnenoi Chairs: Elisabeth Jeffreys, Nikolaos Zagklas 595 The Late Byzantine Empire – Part 2 Chairs: Erekle Jordania, Bogdan-Petru Maleon 605 The Church Between the East and the West ‒ Part 1 Chairs: Nichkiphoros Tsougarakis, Anna Karamanidou Friday, 26th August 615 New Insights on an Early Byzantine City: Caričin Grad (Justiniana Prima) Convener: Vujadin Ivanišević 621 Rhetoric and History – Rhetoric in History. Creating Discourses in Byzantium – Part 1 Conveners: Stratis Papaioannou, Anthony Kaldellis 627 Rhetoric and History – Rhetoric in History. Creating Discourses in Byzantium – Part 2 Conveners: Stratis Papaioannou, Anthony Kaldellis 633 The Portrait in Byzantium and in the Byzantine World: Its Political, Symbolical and Ceremonial Contexts Conveners: Aleksandr Preobrazhenskii, Dragan Vojvodić 643 Music and Hymnography, Melodies, Their Composers and Musical Instruments Convener: Vesna Sara Peno 650 Modalities of Byzantine Psalmody in the Chanting Traditions of the Orthodox Nations – Byzantine and Post-Byzantine Era Convener: Vesna Sara Peno 655 Byzantium Beyond Borders Convener: Aleksandra Vraneš 660 Byzantium and the West Conveners: Georgia Xanthaki-Karamanou, Erika Juhász 673 Autocéphalies : l’exercice de l’indépendance dans les églises slaves orientales (xe-xxe siècle) Conveners: Marie-Hélène Blanchet, Frédéric Gabriel, Laurent Tatarenko 680 Byzantine Artistic Tradition and the Western World Chairs: Günter Paulus Schiemenz, Dubravka Preradović 686 Byzantine and Medieval West Literature Chairs: Michael Jeffreys, Peter Toth 695 The Late Byzantine Empire – Part 3 Chairs: Günter Prinzing, Brendan Osswald 703 Applied Arts of the Byzantine World ‒ Part 2 Chairs: Ionna Koltsida-Makri, Leonela Fundić 710 Civil and Canon Law in Byzantium and Medieval Serbia Chairs: Srđan Šarkić, Paolo Angelini 720 Hymnography Chairs: Stig Frøyshov, Alexandra Nikiforova 729 The Byzantines, South Slavs and Hungarians Chairs: Georgi N. Nikolov, Panos Sophoulis 736 The Church Between the East and the West ‒ Part 2 Chairs: Radomir V. Popović, Giorgi Macharashvili 742 Studies in Byzantine Iconography ‒ Part 2 Chairs: Mirjana Gligorijević Maksimović, Piotr Ł. Grotowski 749 Serbian Medieval Art Chairs: Ida Sinkević, Ioannis Sisiou 757 Byzantine Architecture ‒ Part 3 Chairs: Robert Ousterhout, Marina Mihaljević 766 Byzantine Artistic Tradition and the Western World. Mediterranean Domain ‒ Part 1 Chairs: Branislav Cvetković, Livia Bevilacqua 775 Numismatics Chairs: Zeliha Demirel Gökalp, Bruno Callegher 783 Post-Byzantine Art ‒ Part 1 Chairs: Angeliki Strati, Bojan Miljković 792 Political Ideology and Heresies Chairs: Demetrios Kyritses, Jonel Hedjan 803 The Late Byzantine Empire and the West Chairs: Ivayla Popova, Ionut Alexandru Tudorie 810 Book Illumination in the Byzantine World Chairs: Engelina Smirnova, Smiljka Gabelić 817 Varia Archaeologica Chairs: Vesna Bikić, Özgü Çömezoğlu Uzbek 825 Late Antique and Early Byzantine Architecture Chairs: Elizabeta Dimitrova, Skënder Muçaj 833 Hagiography ‒ Part 3 Chairs: Smilja Marjanović-Dušanić, Elena Kountoura Galaki 843 Sigillography Chairs: Christos Stavrakos, Archibald Dunn 851 Byzantine Artistic Tradition and the Western World. Mediterranean Domain ‒ Part 2 Chairs: Chryssoula Ranoutsaki, Valentina Živković 858 Post-Byzantine Art ‒ Part 2 Chairs: Evgenia Drakopoulou, Petroula Kostofska 869 Byzantine Philology Chairs: Soultana Lamprou, Gianluca Ventrella 876 Byzantine Sculpture Chairs: Olga Gratsiou, Nikolaos Papageorgiou 882 Studies in Byzantine Iconography ‒ Part 3 Chairs: Rostislava G. Todorova, Zoja Bojić 890 The Byzantine Sea Chairs: Maria Dourou Eliopoulou, Georgios Leveniotis 898 Architecture of the Byzantine World Chairs: Alessandra Ricci, Dimitrios Liakos 919 POSTER PRESENTATIONS FOREWORD This volume contains the abstracts of the free communications sessions from the 23rd International Congress of Byzantine Studies, taking the form of one hundred and seventeen thematic sessions and twenty poster presentations. The success of forty three sessions should be attributed above all to the conveners who designed and realised them in cooperation with other participants, and then presided over them at the Congress. This type of sessions was the organisers’ response to the challenge posed by a large number of high-quality proposals for round table discussion. Since it was not possible to implement all the received proposals into the round table sessions, the proposers were encouraged to present their ideas as Thematic Sessions of Free Communications. The remaining seventy-four sessions were selected by the organizer out of approximately six hundred abstracts submitted. Stanoje Bojanin (The Institute for Byzantine Studies) created the initial classification of abstracts according to thematic compatibility, and the final form of the sessions was determined by Vujadin Ivanišević (The Institute of Archeology), Srđan Pirivratić, Dejan Dželebdžić, Ljubomir Milanović and Miloš Živković (The Institute for Byzantine Studies). Tamara Matović and Miloš Cvetković (The Institute for Byzantine Studies), prepared the abstracts for the Congress website, and then for this publication. Bojana Pavlović (The Institute for Byzantine Studies) made a significant contribution to organizing the sessions by taking on the bulk of the correspondence with the participants. In principle, all the abstracts in this book are published in the form they were submitted to the organizer, but certain minor, sometimes unavoidable alterations were made to the headings. The index of the participant’s names, which is customary and necessary in printed publications, has been omitted from this searchable electronic book. We believe that the main purpose of this book is to present in one place the wide range of topics featured at the Congress, which accurately reflects contemporary trends in Byzantine Studies. We present this book to the public in the hope that the larger part of the communications read at the Congress will find their way into published research papers. The editors 12 THEMATIC SESSIONS OF FREE COMMUNICATIONS MONDAY, 22ND AUGUST LINGUISTICS AND PHILOLOGY OF THE BYZANTINE BALKANS: APPROACHES AND ADVANCES – PART 1 Convener: Vojin Nedeljković LINGUISTICS AND PHILOLOGY OF THE BYZANTINE BALKANS: APPROACHES AND ADVANCES – PART 2 Convener: Vojin Nedeljković BYZANTIUM IN CHANGE. ART, ARCHAEOLOGY AND SOCIETY OF THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY – PART 1 Conveners: Jenny Albani, Ioanna Christoforaki BYZANTIUM IN CHANGE. ART, ARCHAEOLOGY AND SOCIETY OF THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY – PART 2 Conveners: Jenny Albani, Ioanna Christoforaki BYZANTINE PHILOSOPHY AND MAXIMUS THE CONFESSOR – PART 1 Convener: Sotiris Mitralexis BYZANTINE PHILOSOPHY AND MAXIMUS THE CONFESSOR – PART 2 Convener: Sotiris Mitralexis BYZANTIUM AND ΟΙ PΩ͂Σ: HISTORICAL AND TEXTOLOGICAL QUESTIONS OF THE OLD TESTIMONIES` INTERPRETATIONS Conveners: Karsten Fledelius, Olena Syrtsova HISTORIOGRAPHY 4TH – 9TH CENTURIES Chairs: Roger Scott, Slawomir Bralewski LATE ANTIQUE AND EARLY BYZANTINE ART Chairs: Alicia Walker, Ljubomir Milanović THE ARTISTS OF THE BYZANTINE WORLD AND STYLISTIC TRENDS IN MONUMENTAL AND ICON PAINTING Chairs: Ralitsa Rousseva, Konstantinos Vafeiades STUDYING AND COMMUNICATING BYZANTIUM – PART 1 Chairs: Aphrodite Papayianni, Markéta Kulhánková BYZANTINE ART IN THE MODERN ERA: ISSUES OF EMULATION, PRESENTATION AND INTERPRETATION Chairs: Aleksandar Kadijević, Yuri Pyatnitsky BYZANTINE ARCHITECTURE ‒ PART 1 Chairs: Phaidon Hadjiantoniou, Ferudun Özgümüş HISTORIOGRAPHY 10TH – 11TH CENTURIES Chairs: Athanasios Markopoulos, Predrag Komatina MANUSCRIPTS Chairs: Elissaveta Moussakova, Andi Rëmbeci INSCRIPTIONS Chairs: Emmanuel Moutafov, Georgios Pallis SCIENCE IN THE BYZANTINE WORLD Chairs: Alain Touwaide, Stavros Lazaris LINGUISTICS AND PHILOLOGY OF THE BYZANTINE BALKANS: APPROACHES AND ADVANCES – PART 1 Convener: Vojin Nedeljković Il Akkad, Subjunctive in Late Antique Greek: The First ‘Balkan Subjunctive’ Orsat Ligorio, Greek Loanwords in Dalmatian Romance Jasminka Kuzmanovska, Procopius’ Βασιλικὰ Ἀμύντου - Basilica or Royal Treasury? Vojin Nedeljković, Justinian’s πάτριος φωνή Erik Ellis, Latin Language and Roman Identity in De Cerimoniis: A Lexical Approach Alexandra Evdokimova, Byzantine Accentuation between Papyri and Graffiti. Linguistic Peculiarities of Greek Graffiti in the Byzantine Balkans Il Akkad University of Belgrade, Faculty of Philosophy, Belgrade, Serbia; ilakkad@gmail.com Subjunctive in Late Antique Greek: The First ‘Balkan Subjunctive’ The subjunctive in Late Antique Greek shows developments and traits typical of the later Balkan languages. The previous research has mostly focused on the replacement of infinitive complements by subjunctive clauses. However, we focus rather on the independent uses of the subjunctive, on the replacement of nominal infinitives by subjunctive clauses, and the early developments of its form. We rely mostly on the literary documents written in the lower registers, keeping in mind their peculiarities and the difficulties involved in interpreting the data they give us. Orsat Ligorio University of Belgrade, Faculty of Philosophy, Belgrade, Serbia; orsat.ligorio@gmail.com Greek Loanwords in Dalmatian Romance This communication examines the lexicon which was borrowed from Greek into Latin and, through Vulgar Latin, inherited in Dalmatian, a Romance language once spoken on the eastern coast of the Adriatic Sea, in comparison with the lexicon which, presumably, was borrowed from Greek into Dalmatian, without Vulgar Latin intercession, and, further, compares Greek loanwords in Dalmatian with Greek loanwords in Southern Italian dialects. Jasminka Kuzmanovska Skopje, Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia; kuzmanovska.jasmina@gmail.com Procopius’ Βασιλικὰ Ἀμύντου - Basilica or Royal Treasury? Βασιλικὰ Ἀμύντου is one of many examples of hapax legomena names of fortresses in Procopius’ Buildings. The fact that this fortification from the catalogue of the IV Book took place on the list between two, also unknown fortresses from Macedonia, makes its location and identification even more complicated. The second part of this compound name is the personal name Ἀμύντας, here in Gen. sg. Ἀμύντου, epigraphically attested in Hellenistic/ Roman period. We assume that in this example the personal name is connected with the most famous bearer of the name among all other rulers in Macedonian dynasty, that is to say, Amyntas III, the father of Filip II. Linguistic analysis 18 in the article is more focused on the first part of the name which is a substantive τὸ βασιλικόν from the noun βασιλεύς, ὁ, ‘king’, here in the nominative/accusative plural (τὰ βασιλικά) with omitted article. The first option in the interpretation of the substantive would be the view according to which primal βασιλική (ἐκκλησία, οἰκία, στοά) ‘royal assembly/house/hall’, later took over only by βασιλική, receives the meaning ‘church/basilica as early Christian church’. On the other side, there is an another consideration about the meaning of the first part of a composite name Βασιλικὰ (Ἀμύντου). Namely, the second interpretation goes in the direction of the acceptance of the meaning of the substantive (τὸ) βασιλικόν (ταμιεῖον) ‘royal house / palace or royal treasury’. According to our opinion this interpretation is more acceptable, not only in linguistic terms, but from a viewpoint of semantics as well. Vojin Nedeljković University of Belgrade, Faculty of Philosophy, Belgrade, Serbia; vojin.nedeljkovic@gmail.com Justinian’s πάτριος φωνή In the Justinianic Novellae, repeated occurrences of the phrase πάτριος φωνή, meaning the Latin language, are generally believed to be indicative of Justinian’s favourable stance towards Latin culture, Roman tradition, and his own roots. Per se, the importance and dignity of Latin needed no advocacy in the actual environment of the sixth-century Constantinople: not only was the idiom in wide official use, but a fair share of literary production was in Latin, and proficiency in that language was normal with the many admirers and connoisseurs of Roman antiquities. The usual understanding is that by calling Latin the “father tongue” Justinian never emphasized the contingent fact of its being his own first language, but rather referred to Latin as the primary language of the Roman people and the traditional vehicle of high administration throughout the Empire. In the present paper the use of πάτριος φωνή (or π. γλῶττα) is examined in the wider context of earlier, contemporary and later Greek sources, in which it normally means the native language of a foreign individual or ethnicity as opposed to the Greek of the author and his readers; the instances involve a large number of foreign languages, including contemporary spoken idioms as well as traditional languages of different communities. However, the question whether πάτριος φωνή ever became a context-free denotation of Latin viewed as the traditional language, by all appearances, is to be answered to the negative. On the other hand, the phrase πάτριος φωνή often seems to assume the specific task of ‘flagging’ instances of code-switching in Greek texts, and it is this special purpose that it seems to fulfill more than once in the Novellae as well. 19 Erik Ellis University of Notre Dame, Notre Dame IN, United States; eellis4@nd.edu Latin Language and Roman Identity in De Cerimoniis: A Lexical Approach The De Cerimoniis of Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus is often listed among the most important works produced during the period of cultural renewal traditionally called the ‘Macedonian Renaissance.’ Scholars have used the work to reconstruct imperial ceremonies, to explain how the Byzantine army mustered and moved in formation, and to examine how imperial ideology found concrete expression in ritual action. Despite evident interest in the work, the language of De Cerimoniis has attracted little attention so far. In particular, the high frequency of Latin loanwords and texts in particular contexts has been unnoticed or little remarked. Cataloguing the Latin vocabulary of selected chapters of De Cerimoniis and correlating them to specific semantic domains demonstrates to what extent and in what contexts Latin retained a place of honor in Byzantine culture, even as late as the tenth century. Contrary to prevailing attitudes about the position of Latin in Byzantine culture generally and in the post-Heraclian period in particular, De Cerimoniis shows a continuing concern to preserve and pass on the Latin heritage of the early eastern empire. Alexandra Evdokimova Russian Academy of Sciences, Institute of Linguistic, Moscow, Russian Federation; arochka@gmail.com Byzantine Accentuation between Papyri and Graffiti. Linguistic Peculiarities of Greek Graffiti in the Byzantine Balkans Greek texts became consistently accentuated already in the 10th century manuscripts, when the pitch difference between acute and circumflex stress vanished. Before this epoch, according to the earlier findings the accentuation marks were used rather sporadically. But this conclusion is far from certain as there is no comprehensive publication of all accentuated Greek texts belonging to an earlier epoch, although there are some studies of accentuation in different papyri groups (either thematical or geographical). Most authors describe two main accentuation systems: Alexandrine (marking of the unstressed syllable etc.) and Byzantine (accents on the stressed syllable), but in the Byzantine Greek inscriptions there are other accentuation systems as well. The gravis instead of the acute and circumflex changed its meaning and usage during the substitution from the Alexandrine accentuation system to the Byzantine. One of the general step of this substitution began an orthographic reform, done near 400 y. AD by Theodosius Alexandrinus. The gravis in the final syllable of the textual unity and other gravis usages, for example the marking of the unstressed syllable, were eliminated. But the analysis of the Byzantine accentuated inscriptions showed us, that even the XIV-XV cc. was used the system of the unstressed syllable marking by the gravis, and also the gravis usage in the meaning of the acute, appearing as the stress shift near the enclitic or the marking sign for the clitic. 20 There is also the tendency of the gravis shift to the left, which Laum described as the reflex of the old Alexandrine accentuation system, characterizing that the gravis was on the all unstressed syllables. Analysis of the general gravis usage, and the quotation of it’s shifting, gave to Fournet an opportunity to make the conclusion, that the gravis, which many scientist accustomed to deal as a Byzantine accentuation system gravis in the two syllable word with stress on the second syllable is exactly a simple shift of Alexandrine gravis to the right, not a change of the acute to the gravis. We haven’t any certain decision about the changes of the acute to the gravis and the same of the gravis to the acute. If they were occasional or there was one system. The consequential usage only one of these signs appears in some papyri and the inscriptions, in others we can observe both signs: the acute marks the stressed syllable and unstressed syllable, the gravis is used only on the final syllable inside of the syntagmas. For some papyri was found such interesting phenomenon as the intonation shift or the special stress melodism, which appear when the gravis is placed to the not stressed syllable and the acute is saved on the stressed: μὼμέσθαι (Parthenios Alcman, 44) φὲρόισαις (Parthenios Alcman, 61), θὼστήρ (Parthenios Alcman, 81) For comparison with some analyzing examples of the stress shift from gravis to acute, which we can see in the book Fournet citations from the papyri with texts of Homer: [κα]ματὼί (X 399) μαχὴί (ΧΙ 736) Ασὶνήν (ΙΙ 560). The similar phenomenon inside of the diphthong we can see and in the Byzantine inscriptions found in Georgia. Probable that the combination of two signs: acute and gravis inside of the diphthong was used for changing circumflex. Analysis and decipher of more than 350 Byzantine Greek graffiti from Cappadocia, Pont, Kiev, Georgia, Bulgaria, Northern Greece, Athens, Constantinople etc. showed that besides the lexical and phonetic peculiarities of their dialect some of the inscriptions have accentuation systems different from the Byzantine one. For example, two systems mostly used in Cappadocian and Pontic graffiti are 1) elements of Alexandrine accentuation system: gravis as marker of an unaccented syllable; accent is on the first part of the diphthong; accent marks on the forth or fifth syllable and two or more accents above a word; 2) the last syllable of an oxytonic word is marked by gravis when a) it forms a syntagme with the next word; b) the next word has an initial stress. The latter also prevails in Greek graffiti from the Northern Greece, Bulgaria, Kievan Rus and Georgia on a par with accent mark as a marker of semantic emphasis. At first an interesting phenomenon, a shift of stress to the right, was testified in the documentary papyri, where the accent can be above the consonant. Our analysis found out some cases of using this phenomenon in the inscriptions of different dialects, but there is no sufficient amount of data yet for associating this shift of stress with a particular dialect. The situation with the accentuation in the Greek graffiti from Byzantine Balkans is quite interesting, because we have in this territory different type of texts by their origin and by the origin of their authors. Some of them were written by Greeks, some not. Those inscriptions written by autochthons show us some reflexes of the other Balkan languages and the understanding of the different system of Greek accentuation. All the materials were compared with Byzantine inscriptions from the related languages territories and some other territories with Greeks and other ethnos. We can see two opposite each other tendencies: copy all the signs in all the words “super correct” Byzantine accentuation system and different methods of the Alexandrine accentuation system usage as more logical. And undoubted there are some interesting uncommon cases, which I’ll show in my report. 21 LINGUISTICS AND PHILOLOGY OF THE BYZANTINE BALKANS: APPROACHES AND ADVANCES – PART 2 Convener: Vojin Nedeljković Dejan Aničić, Das Vokabular Kyrills von Alexandrien unter besonderer Betrachtung der Nomina und Verba Composita Dimitar Iliev, New Information about the Provenance of the Glagolitic Codex Zographensis from an Unpublished Marginal Note (Zographou Monastery Library Inv. No. 19023) Aleksandar V. Popović, Use of Greek Mythology in the Letters of Theophylaktos of Ohrid Darko Todorović, On One Erroneous Attribution of the Byzantine Apology of Eunuchism Dušan Popović, Some Observations on Vigenère’s Translation of Chalcocondyles, or: How the Bulgarians Became the Most Ancient of All Peoples? Dejan Aničić University of Zurich, Zurich, Switzerland, anicic.dejan@gmail.com Das Vokabular Kyrills von Alexandrien unter besonderer Betrachtung der Nomina und Verba Composita Im 1. Jahrhundert n. Ch. entwickelt sich, unter Rhetorikern, die Attizistische, oder Klassizistische Bewegung, die die griechische Literatur in den nächsten Jahrhunderten stark beinflussen wird, sowohl die heidnische, als auch die christliche. Sie entsteht, vor allem, als die Reaktion auf hellenistischer „κοινὴ διάλεκτος“, die viele „abartige“ Sprachcharakteristika aufweist, die (im gepflegten und reinen Attischen nicht vorkommen) die hochgelobte Attische Sprache nicht wiederspiegelte (vor allem in bezug auf Morphologie und Syntax: immer seltenerer Gebrauch von Optativ, Aussterben von Dualformen, unstabile und neue periphrastische Futurformen, athematische Verben auf -μι werden immer mehr ausgewechselt durch thematische Formen auf -ω, von drei genera verbi zu unterscheiden sind immer deutlicher nur zwei, das Medium unterscheidet sich nicht von Passiv usw.). Der attizistische Literarstil besteht aber nicht bloss aus treuer Nachahmung des attischen Vorbilds, er zeigt Elemente auf, die weder zum Attischen, noch zum „gewöhnlichen“ Dialekt oder der gesprochenen Volkssprache gehören. Die Hochsprache der Spätantike hat eine gewisse „Autonomie“, besonders was die Syntax und das Vokabular betrifft. Untersuchungen des Attizismus der prominentesten Schriftsteller des 4. und 5. Jahrhunderts, unter welche die wichtigsten heiligen Väter gehören, weisen auf einen bestimmten charakteristischen Sprachgebrauch in Bezug auf die Syntax hin (1. Gebrauch des separativen Genitivs; Verwendung von entsprechender Präposition ist Ausnahme. 2. Potenzialer Fall der hypothetischen Periode durch Optativ mit ἄv im Nebensatz; Indikativ oder Imperativ im Hauptsatz ausgedrückt. Optativ mit ἄv im Hauptsatz ist Ausnahme oder fehlt. 3. Agens beim Passiv wird durch παρά mit Genitiv und ὑπό mit Genitiv bezeichnet; ἀπό und πρός mit Genitiv sind Ausnahmen. 4. Das Reflexiv für die 1. und 2. Person Plural ist ἐαυτῶν usw. Nur Libanios schreibt regelmässig ἡμῶν αὐτῶν bzw. ὑμῶν αὐτῶν.) Die Sprache des Kyrill von Alexandrien († 444) ist besonderes attizistisch geprägt (-ττ statt σσ, Dualformen usw.), was ihm aber bei modernen Kritikern nicht sofort den Ruf als guter Stilist einbrachte. „In der Regel aber ist Cyrills schriftlicher Ausdruck“, schreibt Otto Bardenhewer, „matt und weitschweifig und doch auch wieder schwülstig und überladen“. Auf der anderen Seite, werden aber seine Sprachfähigkeiten auch gelobt, z.B. von Alberto Vaccari: „Die wichtigsten Sprachbesonderheiten der Sprache Kyrills sind die klassische Grammatik, beziehungsweise Attizismus und das reiche Vokabular, die Fähigkeit der griechischen Sprache, die Komposita zu formen, hat er geschickt benutzt.“ Das reiche, verschiedenartige, und fast „exotische“ Vokabular Kyrills ist unser Untersuchungsgegenstand. Die Untersuchung bezieht sich aber nicht nur auf eine Wiederbelebung des klassisch-griechischen Repertoriums, sondern auch auf die neuen attizistischen Wörter wie Komposita mit zwei oder drei Präpositionen. Seit Platon bemerken wir die Tendenz zum Gebrauch von Verba composita, bei denen das Präfix die Bedeutung des Verbum 23 simplex noch unterstreicht (ἀποκρύπτω, συγκεράννυμι usw.). Die meisten von Kyrills Komposita haben diese Funktion (neben der Erschaffung zusätzlicher Präpositionen). Viele neue lexikalische Lösungen Kyrills haben den Eingang zu byzantinischen Schriftstellern gefunden (dank, zum Teil, dem Lexigographen Hesychius (5./6. Jahrhundert) der Kyrills Vokabular gesammelt hat). Dimitar Iliev Sofia University “St. Kliment Ohridski”, Sofia, Bulgaria; dimitar.illiev@gmail.com New Information about the Provenance of the Glagolitic Codex Zographensis from an Unpublished Marginal Note (Zographou Monastery Library Inv. No. 19023) In the summer of 2015, together with a team of scholars and students from the University of Sofia, I worked in the library of the Bulgarian monastery of Zographou on Mount Athos. I took part in the initial phase of a project whose main goal is to catalogue all the books in the library, some of them previously unavailable and stored only in the library repository. Among the volumes, there are various early printed books on liturgical or theological subjects in Greek or Church Slavonic. Many of these editions are standard and come in significant quantities, as they were obviously much needed in everyday liturgical and monastic life. Usually, the individual copies belonged to different monks, or to different chapels and churches in the vicinity that were connected with the monastery. This was often reflected in various marginal notes, condemning any person who would ‘borrow’ the book for himself. I came across one such marginal note in a copy (inv. no. 19023) of the widespread liturgical compilation of evangelical texts printed by Nikolaos Glykys in Venice in 1671 (Θεῖον και ἱερὸν εὐαγγέλιον. Τὸ πάλαι μὲν, παρὰ Ἀντωνίου Πινέλλου τυπωθέν, νῦν δὲ τοῖς ἴσοις τύποις παρὰ Νικολάου τοῦ Γλυκέος μετατυπωθὲν καὶ μετὰ πάσης ἐπιμελείας διορθωθέν, ἀφιερωθέν δε τῷ πανιερωτάτῳ καὶ σοφοτάτῳ μητροπολίτῃ φιλαδελφείας κῳ Μελετίῳ τῷ χορτακίῳ ὑπερτίμῳ καὶ ἐξάρχω τοῦ πατριαρχικοῦ θρόνου). Apart from the usual curses against stealing, the copy which, in 1786, belonged to a certain Cosmas, oikonomos of the nearby chapel of Provlaka, casually mentions the 10.-century Codex Zographensis. According to Cosmas, its provenance was from the same chapel: a previously unknown fact about the history of this Glagolitic manuscript, which, if true, can add new chapters in the history of its transmission. The present paper deals in detail with the content and the peculiarities of the marginal note that mentions this piece of information. 24 Aleksandar V. Popović University of Belgrade, Faculty of Philosophy, Belgrade, Serbia; apopovic@f.bg.ac.rs Use of Greek Mythology in the Letters of Theophylaktos of Ohrid Theophylaktos, the Archbishop of Ohrid (1050/60 – after 1125) at the end of the 11th and the beginning of the 12th century, is the author of more rhetorical, poetical and theological texts. Here, we will devote our attention to his collection of 135 letters, which he sent from Ohrid to various persons. Most of Theophylactos᾿ myths originate from the works of writers who were included into the required reading at school. Consequently, these are, most often, some episodes from Homer᾿s and Hesiod᾿s epics, from tragedies, Aristophanes, Herodotus, but also from some less popular authors like Lucian or Plutarch. Mythos is a terminus technicus without which it was not possible to imagine an ancient or medieval handbook of rhetoric. In the epistles of Theophylaktos mythos is not simply the rhetorical ornatus, but the situation is somewhat more complicated. Almost every reminiscence on the myths written down by ancient Greek authors has some hidden message. From the learned addressee of the letter, i.e. from its reader, he expected to solve and understand this message with ease. The myths are very frequent when the Theophylaktos᾿ letter is sent to some person in the high position in society. They are almost inevitable in the epistles whose addressees are his friends and pupils from the years spent in Constantinople. Consequently, these are the people from whom we expect that they had good classical education and were familiar with the ancient Greek literature. Inserted into such letters, the myths represent a certain kind of a code-system among the persons who have good knowledge of them. If we pay attention to the context in which the myths were being used, we can notice that they are numerous when Theophylaktos is speaking, or should we say complaining, about his Slavic flock. Then he is usually comparing himself with the mythical figures who endured great troubles and temptations, like Heracles and Odysseus. The negative mythical figures are usually metaphors for the Slavs or for the greedy tax-collectors (praktores), with whom he was struggling constantly. Theophylaktos is using Greek mythology in various ways. Most often in the form of quotations, here and there slightly altered. Sometimes he extensively retells the whole myth. The mythological comparisons and allusions are also numerous. The very mentioning of some mythical personality is intended to evoke the whole mythical story, which carries a certain message. One of the epistles is especially interesting in this sense. It is striking that there is not even a trace of Christian tradition in it. The whole letter (Ep. 5, ed Gautier) is in fact setting forth the myth about Heracles᾿ servitude at the court of the Lydian queen Omphale. In the figure of Heracles is represented Theophylaktos himself, and Omphale is a metaphor for his Slavic flock. On the ground of mythical fables which we encounter in his letters, it is possible, in certain measure, to reconstruct the Theophylaktos᾿ library of classical Greek writers. We have tried, setting forth just a part of numerous examples of use of Hellenic myths in the Theophylaktos᾿ collection, to represent the wide diapason of the ways in which he is using them. The fact that separates Thephylaktos᾿ epistles from the similar texts written by the hand of high dignitaries of Byzantine Church is exactly this frequent use of Greek mythology, which, because of that, we have chosen to devote our attention to it in this short paper. 25 Darko Todorović University of Belgrade, Faculty of Philosophy, Department of Classical Studies, Belgrade, Serbia; darkotod@eunet.rs On One Erroneous Attribution of the Byzantine Apology of Eunuchism It was the German philologist and historian Peter Lambeck, or Lambecius (1628–1680), a 17 century librarian of the Hofbibliothek in Vienna, who was the ﬁrst to raise the issue of the authorship of the Byzantine treatise in defense of eunuchism, now unquestionably attributed to Theophylact, Archbishop of Ohrid (c. 1088/1089–after 1107/1108). While giving the detailed account of the content of what is now the Codex Vindobonensis graecus 43 (16. c.), in which the Apology of Eunuchism forms a part of a unique group of ﬁve manuscripts – otherwise known from the Laurentianus graecus 19–12 (13. c.), a far superior prototype of the Vindobon. gr. 43, which in addition provides the undubitable testimony to Theophylact’s authorship – Lambeck, apparently not informed of the existence of the older codex, engages in subtle speculations about the identity of the author of the peculiar opuscule, trying to reconstruct the probable historical circumstances of its occurrence (P. Lambeck, Commentariorum de Augustissima Bibliotheca Caesarea Vindobonensi lib. IV, Vindobonae 1671, pp. 11–5). Considering the fact that the author of the Apology was the very person who at the same time wrote the encomiastic and paraenetic sermon, the fourth text of the group, which is actually dedicated to the author’s royal pupil named Constantine Porphyrogenitus, Lambeck ﬁrstly made a fairly natural assumption that the mentioned emperor could be no other than Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus (945–959), the most famous bearer of that name; while on the other hand the author of both texts, as well as the rest of the body, could have consequently been only the Emperor’s teacher Theodore Pedagogue, a ﬁgure otherwise not unknown from the scanty reports provided by Byzantine historians Leo Grammaticus, Cedrenus and Zonaras. (As a matter of fact, the ‘purple-born’ pupil in question is Constantine son of Emperor Michael Doukas, Theophylact’s student.) As regards the unnamed adressée of the Apology, mentioned in its Prologue as the author’s ‘brother eunuch’, Lambeck identiﬁed him quite reasonably as the Theodore Pedagogue’s brother Symeon, a eunuch whose unlucky fates (recorded in the same historiographical context) could indeed constitute the appropriate pretext for a literary consolation of this kind. th Following the Lambeck’s attribution, William Cave (1637–1713), an English patristic scholar and author of the once inﬂuential Literary History of the Ecclesiastical Writers, went a step further by readily promoting Theodore Pedagogue into a prominent ‘ecclesiastical writer’ of the ‘saeculum obscurum’ (i.e. the 10th century, according to Cave’s nomenclature), establishing him as an indisputable author of the body of ‘quinque orationes’, with the curious Apology occupying the central position (W. Cave, Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Historia Literaria, Londini 31698, p. 310; it is interesting to note that the 41705 edition of SEHL, p. 536, included for the ﬁrst time the entry on Theophylact of Ohrid, with one of the titles listed being the author’s Institutio regia ad Constantinum Porphyrogennetam Michaelis Ducae ﬁlium, published 1651 in Paris by P. Possinus – which certainly implies that Cave anyway could compare the ﬁrst Greek lines from the Possinus’ edition with the Greek incipit of Ad imperatorem Constantinum Porphyrogennetam, Leonis sapientis ﬁlium which he had taken over from Lambeck and quoted a few pages earlier, on p. 495 of the same edition – but he 26 obviously failed to do so: otherwise, he would have noticed the complete coincidence between the two wordings, and so perhaps revised or completely abandoned the Lambeck’s theory on Theodore Pedagogue’s authorship). Cave’s information was then uncritically adopted by a number of contemporary authors, none of whom, not even Cave himself, could naturally have any closer idea about the speciﬁc content of an unpublished manuscript treatise ‘pro eunuchismo et eunuchis’, known only by a general bibliographical description (supplied by Lambeck). This left room for various loose and unfounded speculations as to the overall literary and generic character of this fairly unique piece of medieval literature. Dom Bonaventure d’Argonne, a French lawyer, man of letters and Carthusian monk (known under the pseudonyme M. de Vigneul-Marville, c. 1634–1704), in his popular and widely read Gleanings from History and Literature characterized the writing, rather arbitrarily, as ‘singulier et bizarre’ (Mélanges d’histoire et de littérature, vol. 2, Rotterdam 1700, p. 132), thus offering the keyword to his younger contemporary Charles Ancillon (1659–1715), a French jurist and diplomat, who then unhesitatingly placed the Byzantine ‘praise of eunuchism’ into the well-known satirical genre of the paradoxical encomia of unworthy or triﬂing objects (the same as Isocrates’ praise of Busiris, Cardano’s praise of Nero, as well as that of gout, Sinesius’ eulogy of baldness, Erasmus’ praise of folly and many others of this kind, Ch. Ancillon, Traité des eunuques, s.l. 1707, p. 9). It is worth noting that the tradition of the erroneous attribution of the Byzantine Apology of Eunuchism persisted in some respect even as late as the second half of the 20th century (e.g. Grosrichard, 1979), right up to the ﬁrst critical editions of Theophylact’s treatise (Gautier 1980, Spadaro 1981). Dušan Popović University of Belgrade, Faculty of Philosophy, Belgrade, Serbia; dusanpo@verat.net Some Observations on Vigenère’s Translation of Chalcocondyles, or: How the Bulgarians Became the Most Ancient of All Peoples? Translational and scholarly activity of the French Renaissance polyhistor Blaise de Vigenère (1523-1596) has been arousing considerable controversy quite some time. In this communication we will take into consideration that part of it which pertains to the late Byzantine historiography or, to be more exact, to his translation, done in the second half of the 16th c., of the book Ἀπόδειξις ἱστοριῶν by Laonicus Chalcocondyles, specifically in the segment dedicated to the origin of the Serbs and dealing with their lands. Inasmuch as the Chalcocondyles’s approach to the subject of ethnogenesis served also as a purpose for abuses by particular pseudo-scientists even most recently, it would be interesting to examine in more detail its elaboration by such an early Modern humanist as Vigenère. Specifically, in cases where Chalcocondyles writes about the Serbs as one of the most ancient peoples of the then known world (for all that, using anachronisms as „Triballians“ and the similar like, to be sure), Vigenère in his translation, for seemingly inexplicable reasons, transfers the same qualification to the Bulgarians and, in addition, he also attributes to this people certain territories which Chalcocondyles describes as Serbian. Moreover, this not so insignificant a detail will serve us 27 as starting point for some wider considerations, of certain more important issues, which are posing themselves on the occasion of interpreting the historical sources dating from the end of the Middle Ages and the beginning of Modern age. We will approach this problem above all from the viewpoint of the so-called cultural translation in early Modern period and of its peculiar mechanisms, better to say subordination of the original text’s contents to the main goal, that is its adapting, in this particular case, to the creation of the „French national prosa ornata“ (M. Fumaroli), on the one hand; and in terms of a tollerant attitude toward the literary plagiarism conceived as a sort of productive emulation, which dominated the humanistic scene well into the modern times, on the other hand. For the purpose of concretizing the above-mentioned theoretical approach we will make use of comparison of the Vigenère ‘s text with the Latin translation of Chalcocondyles’s work by a Vigenère ‘s contemporary, Conrad Clauser; whereas on the account of submitting a wider picture of the contemporary Byzantine studies we will also take a look at the editions of several Byzantine historians published owing to the efforts of Hieronymus Wolf, keeping in mind that these two authors are not only associated by the relevant topics, but also by the common intellectual provenance personified by their teacher, the great German humanist Melanchthon, in capacity of „an originator of modern Byzantine scholarship“ (A. Pippidi) as well as a sagacious analyst of recent Ottoman conquests in Europe. Finally, the present communication will hopefully show more clearly if and in what way the Vigenère’s rendering of Chalcocondyles’s text is consistent with the „fluent strategy“ (L. Venuti), i.e. the relative freedom, which generally characterizes the early Modern culture of translation. 28 BYZANTIUM IN CHANGE. ART, ARCHAEOLOGY AND SOCIETY OF THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY – PART 1 Conveners: Jenny Albani, Ioanna Christoforaki Naomi Ruth Pitamber, Loss, Memory, and Exile: Innovation and Simulation in Laskarid Art and Architecture Myrto Veikou, Literary Spaces and Human Agencies: The Area of Smyrna during the 13th Century Lioba Theis, Change of Sacred Spaces in the 13th Century: The Impact of Light Tassos Papacostas, The Use of Sacred Space by a Society in Motion Jasmina S. Ćirić, Brickwork and Facade Narratology: The Apse of the Church of St. John the Forerunner in the Convent of Lips in Constantinople Catherine Vanderheyde, Architectural Sculpture during the 13th Century: Innovation and Regional Identities Olga Karagiorgou, Sealing Practices in the 13th-Century Byzantium: Changing Habits and Possible Causes Naomi Ruth Pitamber SNF Centre for Hellenic Studies, Simon Fraser University, Burnaby BC, Canada; naomi.pitamber@gmail.com Loss, Memory, and Exile: Innovation and Simulation in Laskarid Art and Architecture This paper discusses and analyzes for the first time examples of art and architecture from the Laskarid period (1204-1261) that either simulate or innovate the traditional Byzantine artistic canon. Here, I study both a handful of key architectural examples, as well as the fragmentary remains of Laskarid fresco painting both in their original contexts of the church of Hagia Sophia in Nicaea and the Nicaean city walls and elsewhere, which can be used to connect the artistic developments before the Fourth Crusade in 1204 to the efflorescence of Palaiologan painting in Constantinople after 1261. While the examples are in ruins and badly-preserved, frescoes from this period warrant critical study, particularly given how they have been invoked in secondary scholarship as the new metropolitan art, replacing that of Constantinople, while all along they have never themselves been studied or described. Examples include frescoes from Nicaea, Pergamon, Anaïa, Nymphaion, Thessaloniki, Chios, Samos, Rhodes, Patmos, and elsewhere. Reconstructed and detailed here for the first time, the few remaining examples of Laskarid fresco painting are presented and reconstructed to an extent that future publications on thirteenth-century painting in the northeastern Mediterranean can make use of the examples and my chronology. Abundant comparisons with art in other centers outside the Laskarid realm – namely Trebizond, Arta, Thessaloniki and Serbia and Bulgaria – extend the reach of Laskarid arts beyond its borders. Myrto Veikou Uppsala University, Department of Linguistics and Philology, Uppsala, Sweden; myrto.veikou@lingfil.uu.se Literary Spaces and Human Agencies: The Area of Smyrna during the 13th Century This presentation will comment on Byzantine agencies related to social-space construction, as deriving from an evaluation of literary spaces included in the cartulary of the Byzantine Monastery of Lemvos in the area of Smyrna. This collection comprising roughly two hundred Byzantine documents − ranging from imperial charters, acts of state officials, judicial decisions and ecclesiastical acts to a large number of private acts (mainly wills, donations and deeds of sale) dating to the twefth and thirteenth century −, which is preserved in MS Historicus graecus 125 of the Austrian National Library, has been recently re-evaluated in collaboration with Professor Alexander Beihammer (University of Notre Dame). 30 The main aims of this particular paper is to offer a different approach to literary spaces mentioned in these documents and to complement our knowledge on the territory of Lemvos Monastery, offered by previous works such as by H. Glykatzi-Ahrweiler, P. Gounaridis, D. Kyritsis and K. Smyrlis. Specifically, I intend to focus on Byzantine perceptions of natural space and on Byzantines’ strategies for the construction of social spaces within this natural space. As a result of these considerations, I intend to furthermore discuss Byzantine practices for the construction of people’s local identities in this particular geographical area and period of time. The work, which will be presented, was partly conducted as part of the Research Project “Continuity and change in the perception of natural space, the land use and settlement in Byzantine Eastern Mediterranean (6th-13th centuries). A reappraisal of the cases of Southern Balkans and Asia Minor from an interdisciplinary approach.” undertaken by the University of Crete and co-hosted by the University of Cyprus during the years 2012-2015 (http://byzantinespaces. ims.forth.gr/en/ index.php). The project was lead by myself, hosted by Professor A. Kioussopoulou and Professor A. Beihammer; it was implemented within the framework of the Action «Supporting Postdoctoral Researchers» of the Operational Program “Education and Lifelong Learning” (Action’s Beneficiary: General Secretariat for Research and Technology), and it was co-financed by the European Social Fund (ESF) and the Greek State. Lioba Theis University of Vienna, Vienna, Austria; lioba.theis@univie.ac.at Change of Sacred Spaces in the 13th Century: The Impact of Light Among the consequences of the Latin occupation of Constantinople from 1204 to 1261 is a striking change in Byzantine sacred architecture in the capital. Of the extant buildings that were constructed in the capital following the period of Latin rule, most are considered to be renovations of older complexes. These “new buildings” are often associated with the addition of funerary chapels adjacent to standing churches (for example, the south church of Lips monastery, the parekklesion on the south side of the katholikon of Pammakaristos monastery, or the parekklesion of Chora monastery). Generally, they are recognizable by their finely and delicately structured external facades, whose niches, cornices and pilasters transform these surfaces into a play of light and shadow. A variety of different light and shadow spaces also characterizes the carefully segmented interiors of these constructions. The conscious manipulation of light obviously played a decisive role in the overall conception of these new sacred spaces. Subsequent alterations of existing sacred buildings in the capital during the Palaiologan period, notably the reduction of the size of windows, also demonstrate that a different type of light effect was sought even in older buildings (Hagia Sophia, the katholikon of Myrelaion monastery, Atik Mustafa Paşa Camii). This contribution will demonstrate how this change can also be seen in newly constructed sacred architecture of mainland Greece, in such different entities of the now-fragmented Byzantine territory as Epirus, the Peloponnese and Macedonia. 31 Tassos Papacostas King’s College London, London, United Kingdom; tassos.papacostas@kcl.ac.uk The Use of Sacred Space by a Society in Motion In most formerly Byzantine-ruled areas the post-1204 period was experienced as one of rapid and successive changes in political structures, social organization, accessibility to cultural references and also building and artistic practices and norms. By the end of the century these areas and the populations inhabiting them had been radically reorganized. Long established sacred space, whether in a rural or urban milieu, sometimes remained unaffected; but in many cases it changed hands, and was adapted or its erstwhile function was altered to respond to a different set of needs and concerns. Unsurprisingly, the attendant architectural framework evolved accordingly. In this presentation I will employ a small number of examples from Cyprus, a province that was lost to the empire a few years prior to 1204, to investigate the modes through which processes such as abandonment, continuity of occupation, reconfiguration or valorization occurred, and the latter’s impact on the buildings themselves. In fact, in the frequent absence of explicit textual testimonies, it is the architecture that speaks most eloquently of these developments. My discussion will revolve to a large extent around the church of the Transfiguration in the village of Sotera, near the island’s south-east coast. A project directed by Prof. Maria Parani (University of Cyprus) is currently underway, with the aim of disentangling the history of the monument and its decoration, and their place within the local and wider Levantine context. The history of occupation of the site itself, culminating in the erection and subsequent rearrangement of the present church, offers ample evidence which I will endeavour to assess and juxtapose with that from sites elsewhere. Jasmina S. Ćirić University of Belgrade, Faculty of Philosophy, Institute for Art History, Belgrade, Serbia; jciric@f.bg.ac.rs Brickwork and Facade Narratology: The Apse of the Church of St. John the Forerunner in the Convent of Lips in Constantinople Visual narrative and viewer’s mental construct built upon understanding of the exterior architecture during the reign of Palaiologoi, relies on the specificity of brickwork and cognitive mechanisms of Byzantine society at the very end of 13th century. In defining of facade narratologies of utmost relevance is the exterior of the apse of the mausoleum in the Convent of Lips Monastery in Constantinople. First part of this paper deals with the narrative voice of the apse brickwork ornaments. These ornaments - articulated in concrete and visually logical zones - address both to antiquarianism of used motives and posess substantial role in the architecture during the Palaiologan dynasty. When say antiquarianism in the architecture it is necessary to recall on – in contemporary manner said – encyclopedic mise en scène of that time. 32 The classical heritage was present in the Byzantine culture in all its phases, but during the Palaiologan period the links to the classical past were strengthened and “Hellenism”, that is the consciousness of usage of the ancient Greek language and culture. Flowering of court culture and encyclopedic approach not only did it make contacts with classical works, but some of its prominent representatives certainly saw Antiquity in three dimensions. In that sense one of the key thoughts and valuable mental frame for sensorial understanding of brickwork (on the apse and its contemporary visual comparanda) is contained in Theodore Metochites Seimeioseis Gnomikai on the study of History where he declared that: “Even as plant requires water, only the ancients can provide the examples and guidance, to be inscribed on the image producing tablets of memory.” Entire surface of the facade suddenly became at the end of 13th century vivid tapestry, sacred skin of the church. At the apse are set the brick patterns characterized by ornamental symmetries: an endless repetition of zigzags, diamond, swastikas-meander, whirling disci, Life giving Tree and specifically heraldic signs based on swastika which appeared frequently as apotropaic devices. Second part of this paper aims to prove that episodic structure of the east wall of the St. John the Forerunner church provide performative interaction withing 13th century facade organisation, or how it was mentioned in the sources economy of the walls. Thingness of the facade that flicker and appear to move caused by optic engagement of bricks stacked vertically and horizontally, also solar disci oriented the same way as swastikas above, reveal a relationship based on the cognitive impact on the viewer. Having in mind Aby Warburg’s idea of Pathosformeln as «eloquent images (..) that visualize the processing of emotional energies into visual patterns» in this paper will be discussed the meaning of overall brickwork idea and what beholder perceived. Whether if viewer has in front of his eyes opus reticulatum, tree of Life motif or changeable raw of swastika at the apse, these images are not merely a symbols. All ornaments at the east facade – except of recontextualizing of the antiquity – represent vortex of images which transmits to the viewer into a certain mental phenomena. Catherine Vanderheyde University of Strasbourg, Strasbourg, France / Free University of Brussels, Brussels, Belgium; catherine.vanderheyde@gmail.com Architectural Sculpture during the 13th Century: Innovation and Regional Identities This Paper will focus on the innovations due to the development of the regional identities that the study of the sculpture during the 13th Century reveals. In comparison with middle Byzantine architectural sculpture, carved ornamentation produced during the 13th Century does not offer the same technical and ornamental homogeneity. The Crusaders in Greece brought with them other customs reflecting their culture. Some interactions between Byzantine and Frankish culture can be observed on some sculptures preserved in Arta in Epirus and in the Peloponnese, particularly in Mistra and in Andravida. The emergence of regional styles, already observed during the 12th Century in Central Greece, seems to have been furthered by the settlement of the Crusaders in some area of this territory. 33 After the Byzantine reconquest of Constantinople in 1261, figural sculpture carved in high relief appears systematically on funerary settings in the capital. The origin of this style is not clear yet but some sculptures that are still preserved on the ancient territory of the Empire of Nicea have shed some new light on this question. At the same time, new stylistic and iconographic interactions between frescoes and sculpture grew up in Constantinople and in its periphery. This trend can also be observed at Hagia Sophia in Trebizond where it is mixed with the heritage of the carved stonework of the Caucasus and with a synthesis of Anatolian carved motifs. Even if marble continues to be used for carved decoration in most areas of Byzantium, the development of woodcarving in the Balkan has to be noticed. Particularly interesting are the interactions between the marble relief icon and the woodcarving icon. Some changes can also be observed in the ornamentation of sculptures during the 13th Century. In comparison with Middle Byzantine sculpture, combination of geometric shapes decreases and vegetal ornament grows up with a variety of ancient and new carved floral themes that cover all of the reliefs’ available surface to create a dense, sometimes asymmetrical and overloaded composition or an abstract and symmetrical one. A new revival of the Pseudo-Kufic ornaments, which had first appeared during the 10th and 11th centuries, can also be observed. The vegetalization and the abstraction of this type of motif increased from the Middle Byzantine period onwards, and this kind of motif is usually carved in champlevé on frieze, cornice, lintel, architrave, epistyle and sarcophagus. Animal figures are still popular, especially the lion, the eagle and the griffin, but their attitude is more rigid than on Middle Byzantine sculpture, probably because of the influence of western heraldry. Nevertheless, on sculptures preserved in Thessaly, the bodies of these zoomorphic figures are covered with ornamental motifs and their attitude is stylized like the animals depicted on oriental silks. Sometimes, these zodia are still carved in low relief but, more usually, in high relief or in champlevé. Exceptionally some new figures like the salamander or the centaur with a bow are carved. The function of sculptures seems to be more limited during the 13th Century than before. The carving technique appears to be used more for liturgical purpose linked with the intercession theme than for architectural purposes: templa, arcosolia, sarcophagi and liturgical furniture are the main receptacle of sculpture. In comparison with the homogeneity of the Middle Byzantine architectural sculpture, the main change during the 13th Century appears to be the continued attempt to combine various techniques and motifs to create something unique inside the churches. These trends reflect the support of the aristocratic patronage in these ambitious sculptural undertakings. Olga Karagiorgou Academy of Athens, Athens, Greece; karagiorgou@academyofathens.gr Sealing Practices in the 13th-Century Byzantium: Changing Habits and Possible Causes Sealing was widely practiced by the Byzantines in all ranks of society: emperors, distinguished members of the civil and the military aristocracy, prominent churchmen, imperial officials, down to low ranking clergymen, simple businessmen or even illiterate people would seal their correspondence, 34 whether official or private. Gold, silver and wax seals were used throughout the Byzantine Empire; lead, however, due to its physical-chemical properties (low melting point, malleability and easy perforation) that made it soft enough to receive the impression of a die, but more enduring than wax, remained the most popular metal for the striking of seals. Sealing in lead seems to have started around the 1st century and was first applied in trade goods. These early (commercial) seals were made either directly on the fabric covering the packages or cast in moulds and then impressed with a single matrix (iron stamp or ring), resulting thus to one-sided seals. Such seals were quite common up to the 5th century. Later on, however, they gave way to the far more popular two-sided lead seals whose striking was facilitated by iron boulloteria that appeared around the very end of the 3rd century and prevailed in the subsequent centuries (mostly from the 7th c. onwards). Securing and authenticating letters with lead seals struck by boulloteria was widely practiced by the Byzantines, as attested by the high number of the existent lead seals, estimated at present to ca. 80,000; in sharp contrast to this number, the preserved boulloteria are no more than ten. Most of these seals are kept in state collections such as (in descending order according to number of holdings) the Dumbarton Oaks, the Hermitage, the combined Parisian collections at the Bibliothèque national de France and the Institut français d’études byzantines, the Numismatic Museum in Athens and the Archaeological Museum in Istanbul. A quick overview of these sigillographic collections shows that the sealing activity of the Byzantines reached its peak during the 11th c. and started declining fast from ca. 1200 onwards. This decline is not observed just on the sheer number of preserved seals dated to the 14th and 15th c., but also to the social groups that make use of them. While the 11th c. exhibits a plethora of seals issued by state officials, the preserved seals of the 14th and 15th c. are, in their overwhelming majority, either imperial or ecclesiastical. In fact, on the basis of the sigillographic evidence available at present, sealing in lead, as far as the imperial chancery is concerned, comes to an end under Andronikos IV Palaiologos and his son Ioannes VII (end of the 1370s). The present paper offers an overview of the available evidence on the gradual decline of sealing in lead in Byzantium from the 13th c. onwards and attempts, for the first time, a systematic discussion on the various factors (historical, political, demographic, technological) that lead to the almost complete abolition of a habit that had “sealed” the everyday life of the Byzantines for many centuries. 35 BYZANTIUM IN CHANGE. ART, ARCHAEOLOGY AND SOCIETY OF THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY – PART 2 Conveners: Jenny Albani, Ioanna Christoforaki Nektarios Zarras, Innovation and Experimentation in 13-Century Painting: The Phenomenon of Eutychios and Michael Astrapas Besim Tolga Uyar, Thirteenth-Century Monumental Painting in Cappadocia: The Artistic Bonds between Byzantium, Seljuk Rūm, and the Eastern Mediterranean World Annemarie Weyl Carr, Icons: What Changed in the Thirteenth Century? Irène Leontakianakou, La datation des icônes du Sinaϊ de la Vierge allaitant et la question des origines de la « Madonna de l’Umilità » Ioanna Rapti, Art in 13th-Century Cilicia between the Mediterranean and Anatolia Anastassios Ch. Antonaras, Glass Production and Use in the Late Byzantine Period and Particularly in the 13th Century Anastasia G. Yangaki, Changing Byzantium: The 13th Century Viewed Through Its Pottery Nektarios Zarras University of Münster, Münster, Germany; nectarios.zarras@gmail.com Innovation and Experimentation in 13-Century Painting: The Phenomenon of Eutychios and Michael Astrapas Study of the work of two paramount painters of the early Palaiologan period, Eutychios and Michael Astrapas, is an ongoing challenge for historians of Byzantine art, as the deeper and more detailed examination of still unexplored aspects of their artistic creation continues to arouse great interest. A dominant characteristic of their painting, which appears already at the beginning of their career, is the conscious effort to renew the pictorial art of their time. Expression of the novel and the different seems to have been a profound artistic need for Michael and Eutychios, which is imprinted clearly in the first church they are known to have decorated, the Peribleptos in Ochrid (1294/5). Study of the Peribleptos, whether in the minutiae or in the totality of its painting, reveals a pioneering monument, which in comparison with the known painting of this period is innovative to such a degree that it makes the church unique. The innovations in the Peribleptos are encountered both in the iconography of the representations and in the design of the iconographic programme. The depiction of new and extensive iconographic cycles but also of individual subjects of profound theological content, the secular themes with their explicit references to antiquity, as well as the remodeling of earlier subjects in new types, all compose an emblematic monument which is clearly differentiated from its contemporaries. Furthermore, the innovations in the manner of organizing the iconographic subjects, either by using large single surfaces for narrative renderings, or smaller surfaces for individual subjects, in combination with the symbolism of the space, enhance the Peribleptos as a revolutionary monument in the thirteenth century. The church in Ochrid represents all those changes in art that justify the transition from the Middle to the Late Byzantine period and which were to progress in the fourteenth century. Masterworks of Palaiologan monumental painting, creations not only of the Astrapas painters but also of other important artists in Constantinople, Thessaloniki and other cities, are the evolution of the basic pictorial principles observed in the Peribleptos. The remarkable effect of the Peribleptos on artistic developments during the fourteenth century leaves no doubt that the formation of the artistic personality of Michael and of Eutychios, in the period after the recapture of Constantinople (1261), is linked with the imperial capital. The artistic osmosis of the two painters from Thessaloniki with nearby Constantinople must have been continuous, because only thus can we explain their uninterrupted artistic development, which enabled them to evolve stylistically, but mainly to renew their iconographic repertoire and to create a new status quo through the pioneering way in which they project their painting within the architectural space. In their art and life, Michael and Eutychios are perhaps the most characteristic examples of professional painters of the Palaiologan age who left behind them a bold and groundbreaking oeuvre, the impact of which on artistic circles of the period was analogous to their surname – Thunder and Lightning! 37 Besim Tolga Uyar University of Nevsehir Cappadocia, Nevsehir, Turkey; btolgauyar@gmail.com Thirteenth-Century Monumental Painting in Cappadocia: The Artistic Bonds between Byzantium, Seljuk Rūm, and the Eastern Mediterranean World The cultural residue of the Greek communities of Cappadocia living under Seljuk rule represents the fullest and most detailed evidence for the multicultural artistic and social landscapes of late Byzantine Asia Minor. Although art historians have examined many of the thirteenth-century painting programs of the region, there has been little attempt to place them within a broader cultural context. In order to fill this lacuna, paper follows an interdisciplinary investigation of art history, social, political, and geographical history, anthropology, archaeology, and epigraphy. Grounded in a close examination of a large corpus of wall paintings, and containing significant new visual and epigraphic data the my survey aims to demonstrate methodologically how visual culture can be used to understand the environment that produced it. Annemarie Weyl Carr Southern Methodist University, Newark DE, United States; acarr@smu.edu Icons: What Changed in the Thirteenth Century? A great deal happened in panel painting during the 13th century. But asking what happened is not the same as asking what changed. Change requires clarifying “for whom?”: do localized developments like Cyprus’ pastiglia constitute change, or must change be embracing, and if the latter, whom must it embrace, given the complex layering of cultural, religious, and political identities? Change implies that what happened left a residue. Yet many of the century’s most famous icons remained unica. Do they constitute change, or perturbation? The torrent of culturally mingled icons at Sinai, too, ceased precipitously with the demise of the Crusader states, leaving little summative residue. So what did change? The most fundamental change is quantitative: panel painting proliferated. The explosive increment of evidence makes it hard to judge whether habits of use had changed, or simply become more visible. At Sinai, it is not diversity, but convergence that stands out, as painters of all traditions repeated standard clusters of templon images. Sinai’s many chapels must have assumed a recurrent scheme of adornment, however diverse in style. The templates emerged in the later 12th century; but in the 13th they became a canon. They comprised half-length, single figures, abandoning the narratives of the 12th-century epistyles. Narrative, by contrast, colonized the Vita icons. Though initiated in the 12th century, these again proliferated in the 13th, their mating of icon and narrative giving a new, multi-vocal density to individual panels. 38 On Cyprus, where over 80% of 13th-century icons are of despotic scale, the templon must again have dominated the expanded icon production. But how did the icons relate to it? The 25 icons of Mary so far outnumber the three of Christ that they must have served more ritual functions than just balancing Christ around the Holy Doors. They too were colonized by narrative: a third of the 25 have scenes on their reverse. Even more emphatically than in the Vita icons, narrative here adds visual and intellectual weight to the single-figure icon, expanding it dimensionally. Most bilaterals, moreover, had poles, implying a mobility that gives concrete realization to the threedimensionality of their bilateral iconography. Like vita icons, bilateral and pole icons go back to the 12th century. But only now do they assume an identifiable repertoire of characteristic themes, a numerical proportion among the icon population, and a physical magnitude that confers upon them a weight and multi-dimensionality akin to that of fresco. In Kastoria and Mount Athos, too, large icons of scenes from the very beginning of the 13 century give way thereafter to single-figure panels of despotic scale. In Kastoria, both Vita and bilateral icons appear. Neither appears on Athos, but here one watches a different process of weightiness emerge. The figures themselves assume volume, adding a visual monumentality to the monumentality of message achieved by mating narrative and icon. At the end of the century, as seen at Ohrid, great panels emerge that join the two kinds of monumentality, with grandiose scale, voluminous figure style, and multiple types of imagery. Rooted in 12th-century developments, they have a monumentality that was both truly new, yet deeply Byzantine. th Irène Leontakianakou University of the Aegean, Ermoupolis, Syros, Greece; ileon@aegean.gr La datation des icônes du Sinaϊ de la Vierge allaitant et la question des origines de la « Madonna de l’Umilità » La révision de la datation d’une icône de la Vierge allaitant du Sinaï, envisageable aussi pour une seconde – autrefois attribuées au XIVe siècle – et leur attribution au XIIIe, à savoir à la période des Croisades et à l’âge d’or des échanges culturels entre Orient et Occident, est signifiante pour des raisons qui vont faire l’objet de notre communication. Nous souhaitons, tout d’abord, appuyer cette datation par des éléments stylistiques et iconographiques. À la lumière de cette nouvelle datation, les œuvres en question constituent des unica d’icônes de ce sujet datant d’une période si haute, précédant l’apparition des premières représentations de la Madone dite de l’« Umilità ». Ce dernier type iconographique qui représente souvent Marie allaitant a connu une diffusion remarquable dans le monde latin à partir des années quarante du XIVe siècle et a joué un rôle incontestable à l’apparition au XVe siècle de la Galaktotrophousa dans le répertoire des icônes orthodoxes. Parmi les nombreuses sources d’inspiration ayant contribué à la création de la « Madone de l’Humilité » on pourrait peut-être compter des icônes orthodoxes de la Mère de Dieu voire même des icônes de la Galaktotrophousa, dont les petites œuvres du Sinaï constituent les seuls exemples d’une haute 39 époque qui ont survécu. Enfin, nous proposons appuyer, par des exemples antérieures du XVe siècle, la révision de l’hypothèse, formulée jadis, soutenant que la Vierge allaitant en Occident et celle en Orient auraient pu se développer indépendamment étant donné que l’allaitement de Marie est un «acte naturel». Les icônes en question s’ajoutent à d’autres, postérieures, en tant que témoignages visuels d’un va-et-vient perpétuel entre les deux mondes. Ioanna Rapti École pratique des hautes études, sciences religieuses, Paris, France; ioanna.rapti@ephe.sorbonne.fr Art in 13th-Century Cilicia between the Mediterranean and Anatolia This paper will address the place of the Armenian miniature painting from Cilicia within the changing world of the 13th century Mediterranean. For Byzantium, the 13th century has been short and divided by the landmark of 1261. For Cilicia, instead, it has been not only a long one but, for most of it, a time of increasing prestige and ambition. An important number of lavishly illuminated manuscripts, precisely dated, have been studied by Sirarpie Der Nersessian but still need to be integrated in the discourse on the artistic interactions in the 13th century. Armenian Cilicia is not a proper part of the fragmented Byzantine Empire but closely related to it, particularly to Cyprus and the empire of Nicea. Although Cilicia is not considered as a key political entity of the fragmented Byzantine territory, it may have played a key role in the elaboration, transmission and dissemination of artistic trends. Because of its proximity to the Latin states of the Levant and Cyprus, Cilicia is in permanent encounter with the West. However, rather than a recipient of influences, it should be better understood as a melting pot of trends and taste that elaborates a strong visual idiom of power and court culture. Illuminations may reflect monumental painting and material culture as suggested by a closer study of the decorated canon tables and several narrative compositions. A few case studies of such elements will attempt to illuminate the response of Cilicia to the contemporary artistic developments in the Mediterranean and the silk-road. The ornament enables to distinguish traditional patterns and innovative motives that may mirror broader artistic developments in the industries of art or reveal networks of trade. Another point will focus of the breaking of extensive narrative cycles in the mid 13th c. miniature painting and their development in the later years. Both categories raise the question of subjects of motifs common throughout or around the fragmented empire in works distant in space but related by their appropriation of some Byzantine legacy and by their aspirations at the marches of the Byzantine world. 40 Anastassios Ch. Antonaras Hellenic Ministry of Culture, Museum of Byzantine Culture, Thessaloniki, Greece; aantonaras@culture.gr Glass Production and Use in the Late Byzantine Period and Particularly in the 13th Century Glass working in Middle- and Late Byzantine era remains mostly elusive. No Byzantine glass workshops operating in this period have been excavated until now. The fact though that glass vessels and objects continued to be used in Byzantium is unquestionable, although apparently in quite reduced numbers in comparison to the volume of the early Byzantine production. The nature and the origin of these objects will be discussed in this paper. Products from the Arab Caliphates were at least from the 11th century sold in Byzantium covering the region of the Aegean and the Ionian See. These imports continued during the Late Byzantine period mostly concerning unguentaria, mainly lentoid and ring-shaped ones, which are excavated in several Byzantine cities. As regards the influences and imports from the West, It has been proved that quite widespread forms of drinking vessels, like the prunted and ribbed beakers, were actually either imports from the West, or local, Byzantine products which were imitating Italian prototypes following the taste and the aesthetics of the new Latin elite of the eastern Mediterranean. What appears to present a true Byzantine ware are the gilded and painted cylindrical bottles and beakers which appear in the 13th century and they are present in both Byzantine and Slavic cities and settlements, mostly in very small quantities, except for Corinth and Paphos where they are unearthed in relatively large numbers. Decorative techniques like gilding and fired painting, possibly similar to silver staining, were applied and further evolved on these vessels. These techniques had also been used in the decoration of the glass bracelets which were present in the entire Byzantine realm from the 10th century and ceased to exist sometime in the 13th century. Another use of glass present in the 13th c. is in enameling which, although was continuously present in Byzantium, in the 13th c. showed a new stylistic impetus. Finally, window panes present yet another quite widely used glass product. Mostly plain, intensively colored round pieces of crown glass were used, while at least in Constantinople stained windows were occasionally used too, probably under the influence of the Latin elit’s wishes. 41 Anastasia G. Yangaki Institute of Historical Research, National Hellenic Research Foundation, Athens, Greece; yangaki@eie.gr Changing Byzantium: The 13th Century Viewed Through Its Pottery Recent decades have witnessed an increasing interest in the study of middle and late Byzantine pottery. Within this period, the 13th century stands out, as evidenced by primary archaeological data and underlined by a number of researchers who have noted the appearance of new categories of pottery alongside those in use during the 12th and into the early 13th century, both in areas that remained under Byzantine rule and in those which now constituted part of the Latin Dominions established from the 13th century onwards in various areas of the former Byzantine empire. Taking into consideration representative material published from sites in mainland Greece and the Aegean islands, in the main, re-evaluating old data and incorporating new, we will attempt to trace patterns of pottery distribution over the course of the century. Mapping the evidence afresh in time and space, we will ascertain whether major political changes (such as the fragmentation of Byzantium during the first years of the 13th century or its re-establishment in 1261) are reflected in the pottery flow of particular areas, thereby influencing international and inter-regional trade. Furthermore, another aim is to address the recent, on-going problematic as to whether differences discerned in the types of, and preferences for, imported and locally produced pottery, as well as differences in shapes and sizes, can provide us with information on possible cultural interactions. A recent case-study on the material from the island of Crete, for example, can shed considerable light on the above issues. Fine as well as common and coarse wares will be taken into consideration in order to review the evidence and assess our current knowledge on this aspect of 13th-century material culture. 42 BYZANTINE PHILOSOPHY AND MAXIMUS THE CONFESSOR – PART 1 Convener: Sotiris Mitralexis Emma Brown Dewhurst, How Can We Be Nothing? The Concept of Nonbeing in Athanasius and Maximus the Confessor Rev. Demetrios Harper, Moral Judgment in Maximus the Confessor Rev. Nikolaos Loudovikos, Maximus and the Unconscious Sotiris Mitralexis, Rethinking the Problem of Sexual Difference in Ambiguum 41 Dionysios Skliris, The Notions of ἐπικράτεια and ἐγκράτεια in Maximus the Confessor Emma Brown Dewhurst Durham University, Durham, United Kingdom; emma.brown.dewhurst@outlook.com How Can We Be Nothing? The Concept of Nonbeing in Athanasius and Maximus the Confessor In On the Incarnation, Athanasius offers detailed account of nonbeing (μὴ εἶναί) as the ultimate separation from God. The consequences of sin are that creatures that are preserved by God and granted being by him, fall back into the nothingness from which they were created. Athanasius explains that this is the condemnation of death which thereafter had mastery over creation. This leaves us with a problem however, as, although it explains the way in which human nature is affected by sin, it does not account for the effect of sin within our personal, hypostatic lives. If sin truly is isolation from God and immediate relapse into non-being, how can we be nothing, when we clearly persist in our fallen lives and have a chance of redemption in Christ? In this paper, I look at the cosmic ideas of Maximus the Confe ssor as a way of expanding and making sense of Athanasius’ concept of non-being. Maximus’ breakdown of creaturely subsistence into being – wellbeing – eternal-wellbeing (τὸ εἶναι – τὸ εὖ εἶναι – τὸ ἀεὶ εὖ εἶναι) allows him to emphasise that it is being and eternal-wellbeing that are gifted to humanity, and that our choice to participate in renewed nature in Christ is a choice to move toward well-being. In his Chapters on Love, Maximus identifies non-being as the privation of ‘true being by participation’. Given that Maximus understands the gift of eternal-wellbeing as the final choice of God that is to come, so also does Maximus understand the finality of nonbeing as reserved for the age to come. Instead, in this life when we sin, we seem to occupy a different kind of nonbeing, that is misdirected movement that has no true life because it does not live and move in God. I finish by looking at some Biblical parables that offer some insight into this suspended kind of nonbeing that has not yet lapsed into eternal death because of Christ’s invitation that awaits the response of the human. These include the barren fig tree that is given another year to bear fruit (Luke 13:6-9), and the woman at the well who does not know that she is not alive because she has not drunk of the water of life (John 4:4–26). I finish by concluding that by using Maximus, we can offer an explanation that makes sense of the difficulty found in Athanasius. We can both acknowledge nonbeing as mistaken creaturely movement that is given an opportunity for ‘true being by participation’ in the life, death and resurrection of Christ, and know that if a creature persists to reject life, it can only, at the end of time, fall back into the primordial nothingness that Athanasius describes. 44 Rev. Demetrios Harper University of Winchester, Winchester, United Kingdom; rdemetriosharper@gmail.com Moral Judgment in Maximus the Confessor The point of departure for this paper will be an explication of Maximus the Confessor’s approach to moral judgment in light of the ancient tension between Stoic and Platonic/Aristotelian threads of thought regarding incontinence (ἀκράτεια) and the determination of the good. As both Lars Thunberg and Paul Blowers have noted, despite the ancient conflict, the representatives of the Greek Patristic Tradition and especially Maximus have liberally appropriated and deployed elements from both ancient schools of thought. In his essay “Aligning and Reorienting the Passible Self,” Blowers observes that Maximus and his patristic forbearers considered both the Stoic and Platonic/ Aristotelian approaches to the passions to be instructive, regarding them as both misjudgments of mind and diseases of the soul. This paper shall seek, on the one hand, to account for the way in which these sometimes incongruous elements are utilized by the Confessor, and on the other, examine the consequences of his approach for moral theory at large. Of critical importance will be the attempt to better understand how Maximus considers the determination of universal moral goods to be epistemically possible in the face of diverse human experience and natural circumstances, as well as the various levels of moral training. As such, this essay will attempt to derive a Maximian answer to Rousseau’s dilemma regarding the common good and the apparent human tendency to disregard it. Rev. Nikolaos Loudovikos University Ecclesiastical Academy of Thessaloniki, Thessaloniki, Greece; nloudovikos@aeath.gr Maximus and the Unconscious In this paper I examine the possible meaning of the Maximian concept of “natural otherness” for a holistic ontology of human person, connecting it with a possible explanation of the notion of “consubstantiality” as the whole thing can be understood in the perspective of an ecclesial ontology of creation, on the one hand, and the concept of the “natural will”, on the other. In the light of the above conceptual tools I venture a theological understanding of the Unconscious as it is articulated in modern Psychoanalysis. 45 Sotiris Mitralexis City University of Istanbul, Istanbul, Turkey / Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Thessaloniki, Greece; sotmitral@gmail.com Rethinking the Problem of Sexual Difference in Ambiguum 41 Maximus the Confessor’s Ambiguum 41 contains some rather untypical observations concerning the distinction of sexes in the human person: there is a certain ambiguity as to whether the distinction of the sexes was intended by God and is “by nature” (as would the Old Testament’s Genesis and most Church Fathers assert) or whether it is a product of the Fall, while Christ is described thrice as “shaking out of nature the distinctive characteristics of male and female,” ((PG91, 1305C) “driving out of nature the difference and division of male and female” (PG91, 1309A) and “removing the difference between male and female” (PG91, 1309D). Different readings of those passages engender important implications that can be drawn out from the Confessor’s thought, both eschatological implications and otherwise. The subject has been picked up by Cameron Partridge, Doru Costache and Karolina Kochanczyk–Boninska, among others, but is by no means settled. I will attempt to address this anew, providing a different reading. Dionysios Skliris Athens, Greece; dionysios.skliris@gmail.com The Notions of ἐπικράτεια and ἐγκράτεια in Maximus the Confessor In our paper we will examine how Maximus the Confessor (c. 580-662) is using the terms ἐπικράτεια and ἐγκράτεια in order to denote a domination which is not free from passion. Even though the two words might have a positive meaning, signifying for example the mastery over one’s desires, they are inferior to ἀπάθεια, to which they might be contrasted. According to Maximus, domination might also be viewed as a form of weakness, since the one who has to dominate someone or something is somehow affected by the dominated. On the contrary, true love is linked only to ἀπάθεια, which signifies a deeper overcoming of the dominated passion. Maximus’ thought presents thus some dialectical insights, since it highlights the affection of the dominator by the dominated and a possible shifting of roles in a vicious circle. But in its depth, it is non dialectical since the goal is absolute freedom from the dialectics of domination (ἐπικράτεια). We will examine this topic in the consideration of desire where freedom is achieved through transformation (μεταστοιχείωσις, μετατροπή) rather than through domination and power over passions. We will focus particularly on the vicious circle of pleasure and pain (ἡδονή- ὀδύνη) and one significant use of the term ἐπικράτεια in this context. And we will conclude by Maximus’ Christology, in which Maximus is emphatically rejecting the notion of a Monothelitism in which Christ would have a unique will through the domination of his human will by his divine one. 46 BYZANTINE PHILOSOPHY AND MAXIMUS THE CONFESSOR – PART 2 Convener: Sotiris Mitralexis Nevena Dimitrova, Desire and Practical Part of the Soul According to Maximus the Confessor Vladimir Cvetković, Ἐπιστρεπτικὴ ἀναφορά and ἀντιστροφή in the Thought of St Maximus the Confessor Christophe Erismann, Theodore of Raithu and Maximus the Confessor on Substance Zaharia-Sebastian Mateiescu, Δύναμις in Maximus the Confessor. A Medical Term? Smilen Markov, The Deconstructive Reception of Origen in Byzantine Philosophy – The Strategies of Maximus and Photius Torstein Theodor Tollefsen, The Unity of Divine Activity according to St Maximus the Confessor Nevena Dimitrova Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, Institute of Art Studies, Sofia, Bulgaria; nevenaddimitrova@gmail.com Desire and Practical Part of the Soul According to Maximus the Confessor Maximus transforms the opposition between the practical and theoretical (πρακτικός and θεωρητικός) spheres that Plato and Aristotle introduced. According to Aristotle, the practical and theoretical minds have different goals: In contemplative reasoning, “the good state” is truth, whereas in practical reasoning, it is “truth in agreement with right desire.” This means that desire is decisive for— is at the very core of—practical knowledge. In Aristotle’s assessment, ct, it differs from theoretical knowledge. Maximus also distinguishes these two realms, and even links practical reasoning to inclination and desire—despite the fact that he unites the soul’s practical and theoretical activities in a unified process of moving toward knowledge of God. Practical reasoning provides us with reasons to desire and choose. Therefore, it is significant that practical wisdom presupposes not only the ability to reason correctly, but also the capacity to reason correctly with a view to the right end. Thus, it presupposes the ability to truly envision the end. Desire spurs the soul’s motion within the context of the telos. Thus, all practical activity exists within the framework of the general principle that is known as the Logos. As Paul Blowers asserts, the rational and conceptual knowledge of God in Maximus feeds desire (έφεσης), which in turn motivates the urge toward a higher, experiential and participative knowledge of God in deification. At this level, in concert with faith and hope, love (ἀγάπη), as the ultimate theological virtue, prepares the mind to become sublimely immovable in God’s loving affection, affixing the mind’s entire faculty of longing to the desire for God. The distinction between merely having knowledge and experiencing knowledge represents the difference between potentiality and actuality, or in other words, between having a capacity and exercising that capability. Thus, Aristotle’s theory of practical and theoretical knowledge maintains that these modes of knowing are an acquired capability, or habit (hexis). Theoretical knowledge is the capacity to disclose truth, while practical knowledge is the capacity to act. Furthermore, for Aristotle, “philosophic wisdom” is a capacity for contemplation, and practical wisdom involves reasoning and acting according to whether something is good or evil. Mind (νοῦς) and reason (λόγος) are two different motions by which the soul moves toward knowledge, but they are connected insofar as reason is perceived to be the source of the mind’s energy and activity. Reason is the energy, actuality, and occurrence of the mind. Unlike irrational beings, creatures who are endowed with reason can consciously know and participate in God. Thus, knowledge of God leads rational creatures to experience conscious ekstasis in God, while irrational beings act instinctively. Moreover, reason is a characteristic by means of which rational creatures are able to assess and define existing things and the reality in which they exist. Reason (λόγος) signifies both the sum of things and the logical order of the relationship between them. This definition demonstrates the influence that the Greek tradition had on Maximus. In the biblical sense of revelation, logos is a way of knowing God. In Greek thought, the word “logos” is used to refer to the human capacity to order the things that the senses perceive. However, these two aspects of the Logos constitute a single unity since human beings are connected to the whole of creation through the senses in the Greek understanding, while the Logos is related to the transcendent dimension in the biblical sense. 48 Reason (λόγος) is usually considered in relation to the mind (νοῦς). Prudence is reason’s potency (δύναμις). Reason’s habit, or state (ἕξις), is praxis and action, and its energy is virtue. The last stage of reason’s movement is faith, which Maximus describes as “the inward and unchangeable concretization of prudence, action, and virtue (i.e., of potency, habit, and act)…. Its final term is the good, where, ceasing its movement, the reason rests. It is God, precisely, who is the good at which ever potency of every reason is meant to end.” Once again, this citation shows that reason’s various qualities are successive stages through which human beings arrive at perfect knowledge of true being. This process should be regarded as a sequential expansion of the spectrum of that which can be known and as evidence of the dynamic progress that may characterize the path of knowledge which leads human beings toward God. Every quality introduces reason to new aspects of the revealed reality. Vladimir Cvetković Niš, Serbia; vlad.cvetkovic@gmail.com Ἐπιστρεπτικὴ ἀναφορά and ἀντιστροφή in the Thought of St Maximus the Confessor The paper explores the way in which the seventh century Byzantine monk Maximus the Confessor employs the terms ‘converting transference’ (ἐπιστρεπτικὴ ἀναφορά) and ‘reversion” (ἀντιστροφή). It argues that Maximus transforms the Neoplatonic philosophical concept of ‘conversion’ (ἐπιστροφή) into the notion of converting and hand-leading transference (ἐπιστρεπτική καί χειραγωγική ἀναφορά) in order to describe the process of creaturely deification as the mutual work of both God and creatures. Furthermore, it argues that the term ‘reversion” (ἀντιστροφή) has a broader sense than the term ‘converting transference’, because it refers not only to the double process of procession and conversion, but also to the final results of this double process. It finally provides evidence that the double process understood as hominization of God and deification of human beings is reciprocal. Christophe Erismann University of Vienna, Institute for Byzantine Studies, Vienna, Austria; christophe.erismann@univie.ac.at Theodore of Raithu and Maximus the Confessor on Substance Theodore, abbot of Raithu in the Sinai peninsula (b. approx. 570/80, d. probably before 638) composed an apologetic handbook known as the Praeparatio (Προπαρασκευή) or Liber De Incarnatione (ed. Franz Diekamp, in Analecta Patristica. Texte und Abhandlungen zur griechischen Patristik [OCA 117], Rome 1938, 185-222). The Praeparatio, the only work which can be attributed to Theodore with certainty, was particularly influential due to the fact that several of its paragraphs were subsequently incorporated into the anonymous seventh-century florilegium Doctrina Patrum de Incarnatione 49 Verbi, a collection which also includes texts by Maximus the Confessor. Theodore’s Praeparatio offers an analysis of Christological formulas of the Council of Chalcedon as well as a vade mecum of philosophical terminology useful for arguing against doctrinal positions judged heretical, including definitions of the terms ousia, hypostasis and person. In particular, Theodore offers a sophisticated elaboration of the notion of substance, which attests to a very good philosophical culture. The goal of this contribution is threefold: 1. To reconstruct Theodore’s analysis of the concept of substance and the main tenets of his ontology. This will provide us with information about a hitherto neglected chapter in the long history of this crucial concept for both philosophy and theology. 2. To determine, as far as possible, the sources of Theodore’s reflections on substance – notably with respect to the Neoplatonic Alexandrian exegesis of the Categories – in order to have a precise example of the sort of philosophical formation that could be found in a monastic author like Theodore. This will contribute to have a more detailed representation of the philosophical aspect of monastic culture in Sinai, Syria, and Palestine. 3. To compare Theodore’s contribution to the better known position on the question of substance formulated by Maximus the Confessor in his Opuscula Theologica et Polemica and in his Letters. This will lead to a clarification of the nature of the relationship between these two important thinkers of the seventh century. Zaharia-Sebastian Mateiescu University of Lausanne, Lausanne, Switzerland; zaharia-sebastian.mateiescu@unil.ch Δύναμις in Maximus the Confessor. A Medical Term? In his classical study The Earlier Ambigua of Saint Maximus the Confessor and his refutation of Origenism (Pontifical Institute, Rome 1955), P. Sherwood has brought to light the importance of the concept of motion (κίνησις) in Maximus’ thought. Yet, together with the triad genesis, kinesis, stasis that defines Maximus’ rationale Sherwood also identified a corresponding triad: substance, power, operation. And as with first triad, he allocated an Aristotelian and Neoplatonic origin to the latter too. This evaluation has become a common trend in the secondary literature of Maximus and the goal of this work is to challenge this view. The paper mostly draws on the middle term of the second triad, i.e. δύναμις, aiming to show that its use by Maximus is in line with the one presented by ancient medicine. The argument will show that in Ambigua and especially in his antimonothelite writings, Maximus interprets δύναμις as an essential and thus identifier trait of being. This reading gets its support from the analysis of the problem posed by the activities of Christ: since Christ performs in a ‘unified way’ his divine and human works, two different conclusions could be reached: He either has a mixed or composed nature from which His special activity stems – the monothelite view – or, Maximus’ view – from contemplating Christ’s divine works performed as man one infers they originate in a divine power based on the divine nature that Jesus possesses. 50 We claim that the step from observing Christ’s works to the acceptance of corresponding powers of them based in Christ’ divine and human nature could be done if power is interpreted as an essential characteristic or constitutive element of the nature upon it ensues. Though present in Aristotle in a loose manner, and slightly elaborated in Neoplatonism this line of approach is widely developed in ancient medicine and especially in Galen. It goes down to Gregory of Nyssa and Nemesius of Emesa, two certain sources for Maximus and this, we claim, invites a reconsideration of the origin of one of Maximus’ central notions, that is δύναμις. Smilen Markov University of Veliko Tarnovo “Ss. Cyril and Methodius”, Faculty of Theology, Veliko Tarnovo, Bulgaria; smilenmarkov@abv.bg The Deconstructive Reception of Origen in Byzantine Philosophy The Strategies of Maximus and Photius Origen is a Christian thinker, apologist and exegete, whose intellectual oeuvre had a peculiar influence on the philosophical and theological tradition in Byzantium. He is a mediator of the leading metaphysical, epistemological and ethical trends in the late ancient (Hellenic) culture. And he is among the first to introduce these philosophical patterns in a coherent Christian speculative discourse. However, the history of reception of Origen’s philosophical oeuvre in Byzantium is seemingly a series of dissents, of conceptual exclusions. Origen’s Trinitarian theology and his Christology and creation theory were officially condemned on the 4th and on the 5th Ecumenical councils (533 and 553). Nevertheless, as early as during the 4th century the Great Cappadocians (e.g. St. Basil the Great and St. Gregory the Theologian) undertook a correction of Origen’s theology, by transforming his theory of creation and his concept on the causal relations among the persons of the Holy Trinity. Later on his heretical doctrines and conceptual fallacies were intensively criticized by Byzantine theologians. However, St. Maximus Confessor and St. Photius of Constantinople (the Great) did not merely criticize Origen, but transformed and positively developed some of his metaphysical and epistemological positions. In De principiis Origen develops a special metaphysical model, in order to explain the occurrence of created being. According to Origen the pure intellects, although not co-eternal with God, abide in a dynamic repose around him, possessing all his eternal glory, as well as the other attributes of divine being. Willing to acquire a better ontological state, they fell out of the divine goodness and turned to eternal decay. In order to stop they endless degeneration, God who is both good and just, created the material world as a pad to stop this disastrous fall. Thus he not only prevented their dropping off into nothingness, but gave them chance to restore their previous state by the so called apocatastasis. According to this scheme the existence of the world is a result of a consequential change of three modes of being: repose-movement-creation. In his Liber Ambiguorum St. Maximus Confessor reverts the metaphysical premises of Origen’s cosmology developed in the work De principiis by postulating that divine creative act is the principle 51 of movement, and not a consequence of it. For Maximus the creative act of God is the initial cause of created being and of movement. Maximus implicitly criticizes Origen, but adheres to his method of searching a logical substantiation of the creationist metaphysics. He makes use also of Origen’s model of apocatastasis; he applies not to the return of every created being to the state before the fall, but to the participation of all created natures in the Christological event. Furthermore, the Logosmodel of Maximus is a replica of Origen’s intellectualism, which implies pre-existence of souls and metempsychosis. At the time of Patriarch Photius the polemic context of the reception of Origen’s doctrines had to a great extent faded away Nevertheless, Origen’s ideas remained a challenge for Christian thinking, especially as his exegesis of the Holy Scripture is concerned. In his work Bibliotheca Photius repeats the most important allegation against Origenism, but at the same time reproduses the mains ideas of Origen that are acknowledged as Orthodox. Photius critique is not simply directed towards Origen, but targets the tradition of “Origenists” who deem him an irrefutable theological authority. According to Photius the main exegetical error of Origen is his false understanding of the status of man as an image of God. Origen interprets the biblical motif of the “image and likeness” of God as a stable state of human nature, whereas Photius supports the idea of a processual manifestation of the image through history. Photius criticizes also Origen’s strict division between gnosis and faith – for the patriarch these are two different discursive manifestations (ethical and conceptual) of divine knowledge. Referring to Origen’s understanding of the epistemological validity of natural and theological contemplation, developed in the biblical commentaries, Photius constructs a pecu. Torstein Theodor Tollefsen University of Oslo, Department of Philosophy, Oslo, Norway; torstein.tollefsen@ifikk.uio.no The Unity of Divine Activity according to St Maximus the Confessor Maximus largely uses the plural form of the Greek energeia, but I shall argue that divine activity is basically unified. However, this unified activity is somehow pluralized in accordance with certain principles that play a role both in the procession of the world from God and in the conversion of beings to Him. 52 BYZANTIUM AND ΟΙ ΡΩΣ: HISTORICAL AND TEXTOLOGICAL QUESTIONS OF THE OLD TESTIMONIES’ INTERPRETATIONS Conveners: Karsten Fledelius, Olena Syrtsova Karsten Fledelius, Royal Scandinavian Visitors to Rus’ and Byzantium Revisited Mari H. Isoaho, A Byzantine Look at οἱ Ῥῶς – The New People with an Apocalyptic Burden Vladimir Petrukhin, Sarkel and Annales Bertiniani: Khazarian Beginning of Russian History? Olena Syrtsova, L`Apocryphe sur l`apôtre André et le Menologium de Basile II Oleksandr Romensky, Rus’ and the Civil War in Byzantium in 987–989: The Chronology of the Battle of Chrysopolis and the Rus-Byzantine Treaty Pavel Kuzenkov, «Russian Monastery» on Mount Athos: The Metamorphoses of the Name in Greek, Serbian and Russian Texts Karsten Fledelius University of Copenhagen, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Media, Cognition and Communication, Copenhagen, Denmark; kfledelius@gmail.com Royal Scandinavian Visitors to Rus’ and Byzantium Revisited Since the Congress in Copenhagen in 1996 the scholarly interest in the political aspects of the trade routes from Scandinavia through Russia to Byzantium has been intensified through archaeological research, in particular the Viking ships found at the excavations for the new metro of Istanbul. But also the written texts attract new interest to the vivid communications between the Baltic and the Black Sea regions from the 9th to the 11th centuries. The Byzantine evidence is scarce but both Russian and Scandinavian literary and poetic sources and new archaeological findings give hope of new insights in one of the main roads of commercial and cultural exchange through medieval Europe. Mari H. Isoaho University of Helsinki, Helsinki, Finland; mari.isoaho@helsinki.fi A Byzantine Look at οἱ Ῥῶς – The New People with an Apocalyptic Burden Byzantine authors proclaimed and cultivated “mimesis”, the principle of imitation of the classical past. This principle is reflected in the words of Theodore Metochites in his famous statement: “Everything has been said and nothing remains for us”. This meant that classical patterns and strong stereotypes influenced the descriptions and interpretations of historical events. The Primary Chronicle of Kiev is a manifest to the birth of a new nation, Rus’, and its state. But the people called Rus’ had a heavy burden on their shoulders, as for centuries in Constantinople was held the idea of the apocalyptic barbaric nation called Rhos – οἱ Ῥῶς. The roots of the imagery of Rus’ in Byzantium reach all the way back to Herodotos and the classical idea of the Scyths and Tauroscyths. Until the writing of the Primary Chronicle in the 1110s, the image of northern barbarians had developed in the writings of numerous Byzantine church fathers, sermons and chronicles. This presentation studies the ways in which the Byzantines looked at the northern barbarians and how this was met in Kiev. This paper argues that the Primary Chronicle of Kiev reconstructed its presentation of world history in order to show how the earlier Byzantine notions of Rus’ – οἱ Ῥῶς – were erroneously constructed. In order to understand the mental imagery with which the Primary Chronicle worked, it is essential to take into account the long Greek tradition of confronting the Northern barbarians, for especially the beginning of the annalistic part of the Chronicle placed Rus’ in the sphere of written historical records via its confrontation with the Byzantine Empire. In order to show that the Byzantines were wrong, the Primary Chronicle had two main objectives. First, it showed how 54 the Rus’ people were not filthy and pagan barbarians whose role was to ravage the world in these events, but instead it depicted how the Rus’ became the New People as they stepped into the light of Christian belief. On the other hand, it had the need to express how the scourge of God, the pagan nation whose wars were to be felt bitterly by the Christians, existed elsewhere, and attempted to show how this role belonged to the nomad people of the Polovtsy. Vladimir Petrukhin Russian Academy of Sciences, Institute of Slavic Studies, Moscow, Russian Federation; vladimir.petrukhin@gmail.com Sarkel and Annales Bertiniani: Khazarian beginning of the Russian History? The Russians (Rhos) were mentioned for the first time in the Carolingian Annales Bertiniani s.a. 839 when they appeared with the Byzantine embassy sent by emperor Theophilus to Louis the Pious residence in Ingelheim on Rheine. The Embassy attended people (Rhos), who arrived to Constantinople “for the sake of friendship”, but could not return to their land the same way because this way blocked the fierce barbarians. Theophilus begged Louis to miss friendly “divergences” over the Empire of the Franks, but Louis was supposed to investigate their origin. These people admitted that they are “from the tribe of Sueones”(Swedes). The Franks tried to oppose the onslaught of Viking and Louis suspected aliens are not “friends”, but spies: he ordered to arrest them. These people of Rhos declared that their ruler was chacanus, and this declaration gave birth to modern discussion: if these Russians obeyed to the Khazarian khagan/chacan or they had their own ruler in the mysterious “Russian khaganate”. In the recent historiography, despite the apparent “normanist” nature of Annales Bertiniani (detecting the Scandinavian origin of initial Rus’), dominated the “antinormanist” idea of the first diplomatic initiative and the original Russian State, with the ruler claimed the Khazar title “Khagan”. Kiev was supposed to be the capital of this State; in subsequent versions, taking into account the absence of any evidence of Kiev before the second half of the 9th century, the capital of the “Russian (Rhos) Khaganate” was placed on Novgorod Hillfort (according to C. Zuckerman) or in Ladoga, where the Scandinavian antiquities are dated even from the 8th century. Ladoga seems to be preferable in such constructions in attempts to synchronize the archaeological data with 839 Embassy, but borders the “Russian Khaganate” remains unclear, and its “capital” Ladoga was the small settlement in the first half of the 9th century. It is essential that in the same years (around 840) the Khazarian khagan and his commander -in-chief bag sent his embassy to Theophilus asking for assistance in building of Sarkel fortress on Don river (according to Constantine Porphyrogenitus DAI 42). Don was the main trade route for Khazaria, as well as for the Russians (old Rus’) who had Scandinavian (Swedish) origin: the oriental coins reached the Northern Europe from the beginning of the 9th century. One of the early hoards (around 800) was found in the so called Right Bank (Tsimlyansk) fortress: Sarkel situated on the opposite left bank of Don. A Khazarian imitation of dirham and a coin with Scandinavian graffiti characterize the cultural contacts of the owner of the hoard. 55 A tile of the Byzantine type was also found in the excavations of Right Bank fortress. It is essential that the material Right-bank (Tsimlyansk) hillfort include shingles, that indicates the Byzantine construction traditions. The impact of the Byzantine construction equipment found not only in Right bank fortress, but in the Khazarian Semikarakory hillfort in the lower Don basin (Kalinina, Flyorov, Petrukhin 2014:109 ff.). Strengthening of the “domen” of the Khazarian Khagan was connected with the complication of Khazar-Hungarian relations: apparently, the Hungarians were threatening international waterways on their way to the Central Europe; the Hungarians could be mentioned as “a fierce people” by the Rhos ambassadors (cf. Golden 1982. P. 96-97). Initial Slavonic name Rus’ (Annales Bertiniani followed the Greek vocalization - Rhos; cf. Shepard 1995:43) reflected the Scandinavian name meant the “retinue of rowers”: it was not tribal, but the “route” name: these Russians could not call themselves the Vikings, as they did in the Baltic sea, because they could not use their long ships on the East-European rivers, they need rowing boats. On the Rhine, at Louis the Pious court, they used this “route” name, which led to suspicions of Emperor, who realized that they were the Normans/Vikings. Jonathan Shepard published in 1995 Byzantine finds from Northern Europe which could be connected with 839 embassy of Rhos: coins of Theophilus and the Byzantine seal from the same time found in the most prominent sites of the Viking age – Hedeby, Birka and early Novgorod Hillfort (Городище). One could add now the numerous finds (11 coins of Theophilus) originate from Gnёzdovo in Smolensk (Upper Dnieper), but the cultural layers from the 830-ies are unknown in these Russian sites, the mentioned objects could not be straightly connected with the people from the time of Theophilus embassy. However, archaeology demonstrates the diversity and cultural contacts in the Baltic: in the Baltic “gate” Rus’– Ladoga and other trading settlements in Eastern Europe the finds from middle Sweden – region of Birka are the most numerous, but the “imports” of the Danish or Danish-Frisian origin are known also. The Byzantine seal from Haithabu mentioned by Jonathan Shephard has the special interest for our theme: this seal of patrikios Theodosius, dating back to the time from 820 to 860, testify to the activity of the Byzantine diplomacy in the Baltic Sea at a time when Byzantium fought with the Arabs in the Western Mediterranean (Shepard recalls in that connection and on the Russian attack on Seville in 844: it is remarkable that al-Ya’kuby used the river name ar-Rus for the raiders attacked Seville from the river). The ambassadors of the “people of Rhos” could be members of this diplomatic mission, and find of this seal could indicate on their route to the Baltic – from Ingelheim to Haithabu. Another seal of Theodosius was recently found in the cultural layer of the town of Ribe – the Viking port, located on the border of Denmark and Friesland (Feveile 2010. S. 9). This find reinforces the hypothesis of the Byzantine diplomatic activity in the Baltic Sea, but cannot be considered a direct reflection of the Embassy route 839. Anyway, the Normans and the Khazars found themselves in the interests of the Byzantine Empire in 30-40 years of the 9th century, and facilitator in the pursuit of these transcontinental interests was the initial Rus’. 56 Olena Syrtsova National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine, Institute of Philosophy, Kiev, Ukraine; elena.sirtsova@gmail.com L`Apocryphe sur l`apôtre André et le Menologium de Basile II Une source apocryphe, mentionnéе dans la recherche de V. G. Vasilijevskij «Hozdenije ap. Andreja v strane myrmidonjan» pourrait être considerée comme un point du départ pour la creation de la description apocryphe de la mission de l`apôtre André en pays du nord dans «Povesti vremjannykh let». Il s`agit de la légende sur les martyrs Inna, Réma et Pinna (Ἄθλησις τῶν ἁγίων μαρτύρων Ἰννᾶ, Ῥημᾶ καὶ Πιννᾶ), conservée dans deux rédactions. Dans la première plus courte, d`après l`édition vénitienne des menei et le Synaxarium ecclesiae Constantinopolitanae, il est dit que ses saints «étaient d`un pays du Nord (Οὗτοι χώρας τινὸς τῆς κατ’ ἄρκτου ὑπάρχοντες), et saisis par les barbares idolâtres étaient présentés à l`archontes de ce pays qui les a condamné à la mort de glace». Dans la rédaction plus développée, conservée dans le Menologium de Basilе II il y a déjà une mention de l`apôtre André et de Scythia: «Ces saints étaient de Scythia, du pays du Nord les disciples de saint apôtre André. En prêchant en nom du Christ ils ont converti beaucoup de barbares en foi veritable et les ont baptisés. Pour cela ils ont été saisi par l`archon des barbares» (Οὗτοι οἱ ἅγιοι ἐγένοντο ἀπὸ σκυθίας ἐκ τοῦ βορείου μέρους. μαθηταὶ τοῦ ἁγίου ἀποστόλου Ἀνδρέου. Καὶ διδάσκοντες ἐπὶ τῷ ὀνόματι τοῦ Χ(ριστ)ῦ. πολλοὺς τῶν βαρβάρων ἐπιστρέφοντες ἐπὶ τὴν ὀρθὴν πίστιν ἐβάπτιζον. διὰ τοῦτο δὲ κρατηθέντες παρὰ τοῦ τῶν βαρβάρων ἄρχοντος) [Cod. Vat. Gr. 1613, fol. 337]. Le Menologium de Basile II, composé avant le début du XI s. fut traduit en slave du text grec, attesté par Cod. Vat. Gr. 1613 avec les supplements fait en XI s. Le plus ancient manuscript du Synaxaire russe on date du XII s., mais on ne peut pas exclure l`apparitions de la traduction du grec des articles choisi (en partant aussi du Cod. Parisin. Gr. 1488) sinon du text complet de la version slave du Prologue à Kiev dés la deuxième moitié du XI s. Sans oublier que tant avant qu`après Illarion tous les métropolites de Rus` bien connaissaient le grec, la connaissance par les écrivains de Kiev de l`article de Menologium, dans lequel est mentionnée la mission des disciples de l`apôtre André en Scythia, à la période de la formation du culte d`André sous le prince Vsevolod Jaroslavich pourrait avoir lieu indépendamment du temps et du lieu de l`apparition de la traduction slave et donc précéder l`apparition de «Povesti vremjannykh let» au début de XII s. 57 Oleksandr Romensky Kharkiv, Ukraine; pergamen-romen@mail.ru Rus’ and the Civil War in Byzantium in 987–989: The Chronology of the Battle of Chrysopolis and the Rus-Byzantine Treaty In 987–989 the Byzantine society and state passed through a deep political crisis related to the armed struggle for power between the followers and supporters of the Macedonian dynasty and noble families of Skleroi and Phokades. The decisive role in defeating the forces of the usurper at the key moment was played by Rus’ troops which arrived to help Basil II as a result of an agreement between the basileus and the prince of Kiev. This study allowed us to refine the chronology of the battle of Chrysopolis – the first military clash which was attended by the “Russian-Varangian corps”, sent by Vladimir Svyatoslavich. The exact date of the Chrysopolis battle that took place according to Stephanos Taronetsi, in 437 year of the Armenian calendar (March 24 988 – 23 March 989) remains controversial. The information of the sources proves that the interval between the battles of Chrysopolis and Abydos was not significant. A. Poppe suggests that the first one occurred in January or early February, 989 as soon as Bardas Phokas ordered his son Leo to banish Agapius, the Patriarch of Antioch off the city, which was fulfilled on March the 8, 989. Noteworthy, however, that the presentation of the events given by Yahya of Antioch does not always correspond to the chronological order. For example, a message on the negotiations with Rus’, marriage of their ruler with the sister of the emperor and the subsequent baptism of their country seems to be an obvious insertation without precise chronological indications. After a brief mention about the victory at Chrysopolis Yahya reminds about the departure of Magister Gregory Taronite to Trebizond, as well as Phokades’ negotiations with David Curopalates and Bagratids about military assistance. The message on the fate of Patriarch Agapius who was suspected of disloyalty by the both sides also was not directly related to the date of Chrysopolis battle. According to Leo the Deacon, Bardas Phokas came up with the main forces to Abydos as soon as he got to know of the defeat of the troops at Chrysopolis. In turn, the basileus moved against him, having gathered the fleet armed with “Greek fire”. However, John Skylitzes notes that Emperor Basil II came back to Constantinople after the first victory, but probably he did not stay long there. It is important to note that Stepanos Taronetsi places the battle of Abydos immediately after the Chrysopolis clash, in the next, 438 year of Armenian chronology, when “it was still spring.” Thus, we can conclude that the defeat of the troops of Kalokyros Delphynas took place in early spring (March) of 989. This date is the terminus ante quem of the new Rus’–Byzantine treaty. The transition from the military confrontation to cooperation occurred only after the capture of Cherson by the Russes, due to the Byzantines’ urgent need of military aid. The conclusion of the treaty between Basil II and Vladimir happened no later than the summer and autumn of 988 (most likely in May or June 988). The agreement provided for the sending of the troops (six thousand foot soldiers) in support of Basil II, the personal baptism of Prince Vladimir and the introduction of Christianity throughout Rus’, the dynastic marriage of Rus’ and Byzantium and the subsequent creation of Rus’ metropolitanate as part of the Patriarchate of Constantinople. 58 Pavel Kuzenkov Lomonosov Moscow State University, Moscow, Russian Federation; pk407@mail.ru «Russian Monastery» on Mount Athos: The Metamorphoses of the Name in Greek, Serbian and Russian Texts (No text) 59 HISTORIOGRAPHY 4TH – 9TH CENTURIES Chairs: Roger Scott, Slawomir Bralewski Slawomir Bralewski, Loi ecclésiastique selon Socrate de Constantinople Maria Kouroumali, Historical Causation and Interpretation: The Role of Supernatural Agency in Procopius of Caesarea Teresa Wolińska, The Use of the Title of Basileus in Procopius’ Writings and Basileia of Arethas Raf Praet, Eighteen of Nineteen Books? The Chronicle of John Malalas as a Mechanism of Cyclical and Apocalyptic Time Lorenzo Focanti, Exi, Februarie: Brunichius in Malalas’ Chronicle Elisabeta Negrău, A Quotation from Theophylact Simocatta by Theophanes Confessor in an 8th-Century Tract? Torna, Torna, Frater Revisited Roger Scott, George the Monk and Kedrenos on Constantine the Great and the Vita Silvestri Slawomir Bralewski University of Łodź, Łodź, Poland; slawomir.bralewski@gmail.com Loi ecclésiastique selon Socrate de Constantinople Dans la littérature spécialisée, il a été question de l’éducation juridique de Socrate, auteur de l’Histoire ecclésiastique. Assez longtemps on cherchait la confirmation de son appartenance à des avocats de par son titre de Scholastikos qui lui fut attribué, et lequel d’une part, a surgi relativement tard parce que le plus tôt il peut être daté de la moitié du VIIème siècle, et en même temps il n’apparaît dans son manuscrit qu’au XIème siècle, d’autre part, ne pas avoir à signifier un avocat, mais seulement un homme instruit. L’attention a été également accordée à l’absence de familiarité juridique de Socrate ou à son opinion critique sur la profession d’avocat. Socrate de Constantinople est connu, cependant, principalement comme un historiographe chrétien. Alors, quelle était vraiment sa compréhension de la loi ecclésiastique ? Hermias Sozomen, écrivant son Histoire ecclésiastique fondée sur la relation de Socrate, apportait-il des modifications aux arguments juridiques de son prédécesseur ? Socrate a mentionné que les participants du concile de Nicée (325) ont rédigés « aussi le reste de certains textes, qui sont généralement appelés canons » (I, 13). Sozomen a corrigé légèrement cette information indiquant clairement que « le concile, en cherchant à élever la moralité de ceux qui ont consacrés leur vie au service de l’Église, a établi les lois, appelées canons » (I, 23). Ainsi, selon Sozomen, ce ne sont pas les dispositions de nature non précisée, comme les décrit Socrate, mais les règles de la loi relatives à la sphère disciplinaire. Tous les deux utilisaient le nom canons. Socrate dans son oeuvre a appliqué ce terme 35 fois, tandis que Sozomen l’a fait seulement 10 fois. Le premier d’entre eux utilisait ce mot aussi souvent parce qu’il l’appliquait dans un contexte et une signification plus larges, se référant à la loi ecclésiastique en tant que telle, mais aussi aux règles, règlements, résolutions et même la pratique de l’Église. Alors que le deuxième, limitait sa signification qu’aux règles disciplinaires de l’Église, ce qui a considérablement impacté sa fréquence d’apparition. Le manque de précision dans l’utilisation de la terminologie juridique par Socrate en témoigne le fait que lorsqu’il informait sur les nouvelles dispositions de la discipline, lesquelles les participants du concile de Nicée souhaitaient mettre en application, il n’a pas utilisé le terme canon, mais nomos (I, 11). La même chose était dans le cas du 3éme canon du concile de Constantinople, où pour cela il a employé le mot horos (V, 8). Dans son œuvre, Socrate a également fait valoir que selon l›un des canons ecclésiastiques, contre la volonté de l›évêque de Rome, les diverses Églises ne pouvaient pas kanonidzesthai (nous entendons par là l’interdiction de la mise en place de nouveaux canons). Bien sûr, Sozomen était conscient que ce canon n’existait pas, alors il écrivait de manière générale sur la coutume ou la loi (nomos) en vigueur pour les prêtres, qui interdisaient de prendre des mesures contre le pape. La désinvolture dans l’utilisation de termes juridiques par Socrate peut être considérée comme un comme un argument supplémentaire pour le fait qu’il n’a pas été un avocat. 61 Maria Kouroumali Athens, Greece; mariakouroumali@gmail.com Historical Causation and Interpretation: The Role of Supernatural Agency in Procopius of Caesarea The interpretation of events in the Graeco-Roman historiography of Antiquity has long been an area of scholarly study and debate. Factors such as personal participation and knowledge of protagonists, the use of sources, subjectivity, and bias are examined in order to assess the accuracy and reliability of each work. Supernatural forces also often play a decisive role in the causation and interpretation of the historical narrative. Supernatural agency as a driving force appeared primarily in the form of Tyche-Fortune while God, the supreme and omnipotent authority, was introduced into these works after the advent of Christianity. The importance accorded to these forces is directly related to the perspective and mentality of each historian. In the case of Late Antique historians, and more specifically, Procopius of Caesarea, the presence of both supernatural powers has led the scholars to attempt to determine his religious beliefs rather than focus on the role of these forces as interpretative factors. This paper will look at the role of supernatural agency in the historical work of Procopius and argue that they play a significant part in the causation of events and his interpretation of them. Teresa Wolińska University of Łodź, Institute of History, Łodź, Poland; t.wolinska@wp.pl The Use of the Title of Basileus in Procopius’ Writings and Basileia of Arethas According to Procopius of Caesarea, emperor Justinian I granted a royal title to Arethas (AlHarith), the sheik of Ghassanids: “For this reason the Emperor Justinian put in command of as many clans as possible Arathas, the son of Gabalas, who ruled over the Saracens of Arabia, and bestowed upon him the dignity of king (ἀξίωμα βασιλέωϛ), a thing which among the Romans had never before been done.” If we take the text of the Byzantine chronicler literally, it means that other Arab tribes in alliance with Byzantium were made subordinate to Arethas and that he was given the royal dignity, expressed not by the Latin rex, but the Greek equivalent basileus. Arethas’ royal title has long been the subject of a heated debate, in which many scholars (V. Christides, A. G. Grouchevoy, G. Greatrex, I. Shahîd, E. Chrysos, Ch. Robin and others) have taken part. Some of them maintain that an Arab tribesman could not be bestowed the title which had been reserved exclusively for the emperor himself. Vassilios Christides translates the term basileus as supreme phylarch. Irfan Shahîd is of a different opinion. He points to the fact that Procopius’ text clearly shows that Arab tribes were divided and ruled by different phylarchs. Justinian made an 62 attempt to unite his allies. Irfan Shahîd also discusses the evolution of the word basileus. He argues that before Heraclius (610-641) it was used occasionally while referring to emperor, but it was not an official title. As far as I know, nobody has tried to look in detail into the issue of Arethas’ title in the context of such notions as king/emperor (basileus), royal power and royalty in the works of Byzantine writers, especially of Procopius. Particularly interesting sound Barbarian rulers’ titles – of Hephtalites, Axumites, Goths, Wandals, Ethiopians, Lazi and others. It seems worthy to compare the terms used to describe Byzantine allies and foes, and to have a closer look into the titles of earlier Arab rulers (e.g. from Petra). An analysis of particular cases where the Byzantine chronicler is using the word basileus to define alien countries’ rulers will allow to see the case of Arethas in a wider context and to answer the question if his case was so exceptional indeed. Such an analysis will also help determine what personal features Byzantine authors expected from those who were in power. Raf Praet University of Groningen, Groningen, Netherlands; r.g.l.praet@rug.nl Eighteen of Nineteen Books? The Chronicle of John Malalas as a Mechanism of Cyclical and Apocalyptic Time The question of the original length of the partially preserved chronicle of John Malalas (c. 490 – c. 570) has been the topic of an acrimonious philological debate during the last decades. Croke (1990: 23-25) plead in favour of the chronicle comprising eighteen books and ending with the death of emperor Justinian (c. 482 – 565). Scholars such as Mommsen (1895: 487-488), Haury (1900: 340) and Hunger (1978: 320) have, however, argued in favour of the chronicle ending in the reign of one of Justinian’s successors, with the possible implication of the chronicle comprising of nineteen books. Every different position in this debate had one common point of agreement; until today there are no elements from the transmission history which allow for a conclusive and satisfactory resolution to the problem of the chronicle’s original length. In this paper, I propose that Malalas’ chronicle consisted of nineteen books, and that he construed his chronicle on the basis of a premeditated compositional scheme; namely, a circular composition, revolving around the pivotal book X, which heralds the coming of Christ. A close reading of the work will show that 1) Malalas balances book VII and book XIII as perfect opposites around the central book X, 2) that he uses numerological schemes which are also popular in contemporaries in the west and the east, such as Cassiodorus (c. 485 – c. 585), and John of Lydia (c. 490 – c. 565), 3) that he uses these contemporary structural devices to construe an historical work in which the past is used to foretell and come to terms with the future. Indeed, throughout his chronicle, Malalas uses the tools of time and time reckoning in order not only to argue why the end of the world did not yet happen, but also when it will inevitably come to pass in the year 6000. 63 Lorenzo Focanti Universiteit Gent, Ghent, Belgium; lorenzo.focanti@ugent.be Exi, Februarie: Brunichius in Malalas’ Chronicle The studies concerning the sources of Malalas’ Chronographia are usually characterized by a strong skeptical attitude. The fact that many of the seventy-five authors listed by the chronicle are not attested elsewhere is surely one of the main reasons for that. The lack of testimonies has encouraged scholars to consider these sources garbled secondary references, or inventions of Malalas (see, for instance, the studies of Bourier, Jeffreys, and Treadgold). Such a suspicious approach has latterly been questioned. A new strategy has been proposed, whose goal is to take «Malalas’ references to lost authors seriously» (Van Nuffelen). It has achieved interesting results in analyzing historians such as Clemens, Bruttius and Theophilus. The aim of my paper is to apply it to another author, Brunichius. The seventh book of the Chronographia focuses on Roman Republic: along with the end of the monarchy and the deeds of Brutus, Malalas describes the Gallic siege of Rome, presenting Manlius Capitolinus as the hero who saved the city. After the liberation, the Roman banished the Gallic senator Februarius and gave his name to the shortest month of the year (Chron. VII 10-12). At the end of the episode, Malalas names his source: «the Account (Ἔκθεσις) of the Roman historian Brunichius» (Chron. VII 12). Such a reference presents many elements of interest: first of all, the name of the source. As Niebuhr already observed in his Römische Geschichte (688, n.1345), it probably reveals a Gothic origin (from the Germanic root *brunjō-, i.e. ‘armor’). Moreover, Malalas writes that he has read the text of Brunichius in person, whereas most of his quotes are introduced in an impersonal way (e.g. with the adverb καθώς). According to the chronicler, the copy of Brunichius was conserved in Thessalonica. The city is itself a remarkable element: for better or for worse, it has often been linked to Gothic movements in late antiquity. Finally, the tale of Februarius and his banishment from Rome is quite interesting too. In spite of its historical mistakes (e.g. the absence of Camillus and the positive image of Manlius), it has enjoyed widespread appreciation in Byzantine literature. The story seems to mix the literary topos of the φαρμακός, the scapegoat, with the Roman celebration of the lupercalia, the ritual purifications of February. I will treat all these aspects: I think indeed that the results of the analysis will give us a deeper knowledge not only of Malalas’ chronicle, but also of the literary context who inspired it. 64 Elisabeta Negrău Bucharest, Romania; e_negrau@yahoo.com A Quotation from Theophylact Simocatta by Theophanes Confessor in an 8th-Century Tract? Torna, Torna, Frater Revisited The well-known passage from the Chronicle of Theophanes Confessor (c. 810), which relates an episode of the Byzantine-Avar war in 586-587, was discussed on several occasions, since it contains a phrase in vulgar Latin that has aroused the interest of many historians. Among the burden carriers in the army of General Comentiolus arises a trivial incident, which generates a disturbance among the soldiers and finally causes the fleeing of the troops and the failure of the attack. The cargo of one of the animals was overturned, and one comrade cried to the horseman in his ancestral language, torna, torna, frater, cry which was interpreted by the others as the signal for troops to withdraw. The episode is recounted first by Theophylact Simocatta, but he only reproduces the cry of the flying soldiers: torna, torna. Some historians have seen in these three words the first evidence of a Proro-Romanian language. The Greek edition of the Theophanes Confessor’s Chronicle by Carl de Boor (1883) mentions also the form fratre as a variant found in some manuscripts. A recent study alleged that fratre is a mistake of a later copyist in Theophanes’ Chronicle and therefore must be ignored, since fratre could not give the form frate in Romanian and in the other south-eastern Romance dialects. However, an ongoing research conducted as part of the European project Dictionnaire Étymologique Roman shows that in many Romance languages, among which Romanian and the other Vlach dialects, the word “brother” has evolved from the Latin Accusative fratre through dissimilation. Albeit it cannot be established that it existed originally in Theophanes’ text, the form fratre should not be completely discarded. Another bias of modern historians is that frater was a common military appellative in the 6 -century Byzantine army. Michael Whitby, the editor of Theophylact Simocatta, argued that in Theophanes’ Chronicle appears some information that is not found at Simocatta and, therefore, the early 9th-century author had to have also another source, probably a lost chronicle contemporary to the reign of Maurice, which was used as source also by Simocatta. Cyril Mango and Roger Scott remark that the passage in question from Theophanes is clearer than at Simocatta and suggest that Theophanes used here another source, i.e. the lost chronicle of the wars of Maurice. But Simocatta mentions only the command torna, torna, and we have no reasons to suppose that he discarded from his source quite the phrase that generated the incident. Therefore, we suspect that Theophanes introduced the spoken words of the carrier, torna, torna, frater. Although some of his passages are more obscure than those in his source, in others Theophanes prefers a clearer phrase than the heavy rhetoric of Simocatta, and sometimes introduces personal addings and commentaries apart from his sources. th Theophanes was an autodidact. He had not benefited from a systematic education, and, according to Warren Treadgold, neither him nor George Syncellus seemed to know Latin. As Latin was no longer spoken for 100 years in the Empire (in the mid-860s, Michael III was naming the Latin a “barbarous and Scythian tongue”!), Theophanes might have learned the words torna and frater from the native speakers of an 8th-century Romance dialect. Groups of fugitive Vlachs, craftsmen and animal breeders, probably took refuge around Constantinople after the occupation of Moesia and Thrace by Slavs and Bulgarians during the 7th century. 65 Roger Scott University of Melbourne, Melbourne VIC, Australia; r.scott@unimelb.edu.au George the Monk and Kedrenos on Constantine the Great and the Vita Silvestri Malalas in the sixth century is our earliest Greek source for the myth of Constantine’s early baptism in Rome by pope Sylvester but it remains just a simple single sentence. A much expanded version of the myth was not created until centuries later in the Vita Silvestri: Constantine, suffering from leprosy, after rejecting advice to gain a cure by bathing in the blood of suckling babies, is told by Peter and Paul in a vision that his act of mercy will earn him both a spiritual and a bodily cure if he seeks out Sylvester. Inter alia, after baptizing and so curing Constantine, Sylvester then wins both a theological debate and a miracle contest with Jews, leading to their conversion. George the Monk’s use of this in his late ninth-century chronicle becomes the basis of later Byzantine chronicle accounts. Two centuries after George, Kedrenos clearly used George’s version but also sought out and found the original for himself and used it both to expand and revise or correct George’s version. The paper notes that, although both George and Kedrenos copy much of this source verbatim, they also deserve credit both for seeking and finding new material and for giving some thought to what they copied. Plagiarists certainly, but not unthinking ones. 66 LATE ANTIQUE AND EARLY BYZANTINE ART Chairs: Alicia Walker, Ljubomir Milanović Diliana Angelova, The Virgin Mary and the Quadernity Alicia Walker, The Didactic Power of Apolausis in Early Byzantine Mosaic Decoration Sophia Akrivopoulou, The Christian Phase of the Rotunda in Thessaloniki Georgios Velenis, Τα ψηφιδωτά του τρούλου της Ροτόντας στη Θεσσαλονίκη. Περιεχόμενο και τρόπος σύνθεσης του εικονογραφικού προγράμματος Elida Miraj, The Early Christian Mosaics from Dyrrachium Ljubinka Džidrova The Early Christian Floor Mosaics from Heraclea Lyncestis and the spheres of Influence – East and West – in the Republic of Macedonia and the Central (West) Balkans Elizabeta Dimitrova, Ars Viva of Macedonia Paleocristiana. Byzantine Frescoes in the Episcopal Basilica at Stobi Patrick Blanc–Véronique Blanc-Bijon, Nouvelle intervention sur la mosaïque du sanctuaire de Mar Gabriel (Turquie orientale) Bertrand Billot, Les femmes des Évangiles dans l’art protobyzantin : choix des scènes et problèmes d’identification Anđela Gavrilović, The Inlaid Opus Sectile Panels with Dolphins from above the Imperial Door in Saint Sophia in Costantinople Mikhail V. Fomin, Склеп «на Земле Н. И. Тура» в ранне византийском Херсонесе – Херсоне как памятник становления Церкви в городе Asnu Bilban Yalçin, Recent Restoration Work in the Museum of Aya Sofya (2011-16) Diliana Angelova University of California, Berkeley CA, United States; angelova@berkeley.edu The Virgin Mary and the Quadernity In recent years a number of scholars have argued that the cult to the Virgin Mary emerged in the eight or the ninth century. These scholars have seen Marian cult as driven by two related developments: 1) the iconophile theology of the image, which emphasized the humanity of Christ and its Marian origins, and 2) the emergence of “affective piety,” devotional emphasis on the suffering Christ and Mary’s anguish, both of which were rendered in emotive literary and visual images. The present paper challenges these arguments by analyzing images of Mary in the apses of early Christian churches. These fifth- and sixth-century mosaics usually show the Theotokos enthroned with the Child on the lap with angels and martyrs bringing her gifts. On theological and iconographic grounds, this presentation argues that early Christian apse mosaics, starting with the non-extant fifth-century image in the Church of the Santa Maria Maggiore in Rome, consistently showed the Theotokos as the fourth person in the “Quadernity.” The “Quadernity” is a neglected fifth-century idea that follows from the argument that if Christ was with the Virgin and of the Virgin, then the Theotokos should be considered as the fourth person of the Trinity. Though contested, specifically by Nestorius’s supporters, the idea that Mary should be considered as part of the Christian understanding of the divine found its way into the documents from the Council of Ephesus. Consequently, early Christian apse mosaics with the Virgin Mary attest to Marian veneration. They call the faithful for venerating the Theotokos on par with her son. By demonstrating the tight connections between theology and the visualization of the divine mysteries, the paper formulates a new definition on the chronology and essence of the Byzantine cult of images before the Iconoclasm. Alicia Walker Bryn Mawr College, Bryn Mawru PA, United States; awalker01@brynmawr.edu The Didactic Power of Apolausis in Early Byzantine Mosaic Decoration Apolausis (ἀπόλουσις; pleasure, enjoyment) was a concept actively discussed by Early Christian and Byzantine authors, whether they were describing their own experiences or attempting to control the actions and feelings of others. The viewing of works of art and architecture has been long identified as a means of enjoyment, and scholars of Byzantine art have noted the role of pleasure in the appreciation of visual and material culture. Yet, as this essay argues, art could also play a role in modeling for the viewer the acceptable limits of aesthetic enjoyment and sensual pleasure. In particular art could visualize the possibility of apolausis becoming corrupted and the undesirable results that such a situation produced. In this sense, art could be morally didactic, providing images 68 that offered enjoyment while simultaneously encouraging viewers to patrol the boundaries of their own pleasure. This paper explores apolausis with special focus on its intersection with artistic and architectural production and reception. I argue that personifications of Apolausis that appeared in early Byzantine bath and domestic mosaics manifest a range of possibilities for responding to physical stimulation. When restrained, apolausis takes the form of enjoyment, which engages the body, but remains under the control of the mind. Yet when unchecked, apolausis metastasizes into unmitigated pleasure, disrupting the balance between the corporeal and intellectual, and thereby risking foolhardy indulgence. I argue that art played a role not only in visualizing these possibilities but also in guiding the viewer toward self-regulation and virtuous comportment. Sophia Akrivopoulou Ephorate of Antiquities of Thessaloniki City, Thessaloniki, Greece; akrivopoulou.s@gmail.com The Christian Phase of the Rotunda in Thessaloniki The Triumphal Arch and the Rotunda were built by Galerius early in the 4th century, as an imperial complex near the royal palace. While it has not been possible to determine the original purpose of the Rotunda, this was most probably religious. Its Christian use began in the Early Christian period and is associated with extensive renovations. The floor space was substantially increased by the addition of a wooden-roofed ring around the outside of the structure, a deep sanctuary on the east side, a new door on the west side, and several outbuildings. This architectural intervention transformed the original circular building into a subtle double-shell structure, similar to San Vitale in Ravenna. Various dates have been proposed for this intervention, with none more likely than another. The other major intervention of the Early Christian period was the interior decoration of the building: the mosaics in the dome and the arches, the marble revetment on the walls, and the pulpit. Various interpretations and dates have been proposed for the mosaics, from the reign of Constantine to the 6th century. That the pulpit was built in the 6th century seems to be the only detail that scholars agree on. The first to date the mosaics in the 6th century was Weigand, but his opinion received little support. His main argument for dating the mosaics in the 6th century is the presence of SS Cosmas and Damian on the lowest zone of the mosaics in the dome. The oldest known depictions of the “Haghioi Anargyroi” are found in the West and date from the 6th century. Weigand was led to the conclusion that these saints were first venerated in that century, in the West, and therefore the mosaics in the Rotunda cannot be earlier. This thinking seems to be justified. There is no indication that Cosmas and Damian were venerated as saints in the first decade of the 5th century. Their veneration gradually appears over the following decades, and seems to have become established with the founding of the Cosmidion in Constantinople at the end of the 5th century. In the Rotunda they are portrayed as physicians, with the tools of their trade. The object between the two figures, resting on a piece of furniture in the centre of the composition, is not a book, as is often supposed, but a double instrument box, decorated with omphalia, like the surviving Roman examples, which were often made of copper. 69 The presence of Cosmas and Damian in the mosaics of the Rotunda provides the strongest evidence for dating them in the 6th century, and probably in its early decades, but it is not the only such indication. Brick work in the masonry and iconographic details in the mosaic decoration also point to the same period. The double-shell architectural type, as implemented in the Rotunda with the addition of the outer ring, equally suggests the same century. It can therefore fairly be argued that the Rotunda was substantially remodelled in the 6th century. The monument was, indeed, totally transformed by the renovations, which included the modification of and additions to the shell, complete decoration of the interior and the installation of equipment. This does not mean that the change in the building’s use did not occur until its transformation was complete. It is more likely that the Rotunda retained its initial religious purpose until the reign of Theodosius I. In the 5th century it must already have been serving as a Christian church, with no architectural intervantion. Georgios Velenis Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, School of Philosophy, Department of History and Archaeology, Thessaloniki, Greece; velenis@hist.auth.gr Τα ψηφιδωτά του τρούλου της Ροτόντας στη Θεσσαλονίκη. Περιεχόμενο και τρόπος σύνθεσης του εικονογραφικού προγράμματος Το θέμα που αφορά στην ερμηνεία του εικονογραφικού προγράμματος του τρούλου της Ροτόντας στη Θεσσαλονίκη απασχόλησε στο παρελθόν πολλούς ερευνητές και διατυπώθηκαν διάφορες απόψεις, συχνά αντικρουόμενες μεταξύ τους, όπως και το ειδικότερο ζήτημα της χρονολόγησης του ψηφιδωτού διακόσμου. Το όλο θέμα επανήλθε στο προσκήνιο λίγο πριν από την ολοκλήρωση των εργασιών συντήρησης και την απόδοση του μνημείου στο κοινό. Σύμφωνα με μία νεότερη άποψη, τα ψηφιδωτά της Ροτόντας ανάγονται στα χρόνια του Κωνσταντίνου Α΄ και συνδέονται με την αυτοκρατορική λατρεία. Η πρώιμη αυτή χρονολόγηση αμφισβητήθηκε πρόσφατα και αντιπροτάθηκε ένα ευρύ χρονικό φάσμα από τα χρόνια του Ιουστινιανού και έως τις αρχές του 7ου αιώνα. Στην παρούσα ανακοίνωση επανεξετάζονται παλαιογραφικά οι σωζόμενες ψηφιδωτές επιγραφές που συνοδεύουν τους μάρτυρες της πρώτης ζώνης. Η σχετική ανάλυση σε συνδυασμό με ιστορικές μαρτυρίες οδηγεί σε μία χρονολόγηση των ψηφιδωτών στα χρόνια του αυτοκράτορα Αναστασίου Α΄ (491-518). Στην ίδια χρονική περίοδο τοποθετείται η διεύρυνση της ανατολικής κόγχης του ρωμαϊκού περίκεντρου πυρήνα, η προσθήκη του μεγάλου ιερού, ο περιμετρικός δακτύλιος με τα νότια κτίσματα, καθώς και η διάνοιξη της δυτικής εισόδου με ταυτόχρονη κατασκευή μεγάλου διώροφου νάρθηκα στην αντίστοιχη θέση. Ως κύριο ζήτημα, αναλύεται ο τρόπος σύνθεσης του εικονογραφικού προγράμματος κατά ζώνες με πρώτη εκείνη των μαρτύρων, οι οποίοι διατάσσονται ανά δύο ή ανά τρεις σε κάθε διάχωρο και υπολογίζονται συνολικά σε 19. Ορισμένοι από τους μάρτυρες είναι συνεορταζόμενοι, επιλογή 70 μάλλον συνειδητή και σκόπιμη, όπως θα φανεί στην προφορική ανάλυση. Από τη δεύτερη ζώνη σώζονται μόνο κάποια από τα κάτω άκρα των ποδιών από άλλοτε εικονιζόμενες μορφές σε παράταξη, οι οποίες υπολογίζονται γύρω στις 28. Ανάμεσα στον δεύτερο εκείνο κύκλο και στους τέσσερις αγγέλους που κρατούν τη δόξα του Υψίστου υπάρχει μία αρκετά φαρδιά ζώνη, ο διάκοσμος της οποίας έχει χαθεί. Εκεί θα πρέπει να εικονίζονταν σε κοσμολογική διάταξη ουράνια σώματα όπως ο ήλιος, η σελήνη, κ.ά. Ο συνδυασμός των 19 μαρτύρων της πρώτης ζώνης και των υπολογιζόμενων 28 μορφών της δεύτερη ζώνης παραπέμπει σε δύο ουράνιους κύκλους. Ο αριθμός 19 αντιστοιχεί στον 19ετή κύκλο της σελήνης και ο αριθμός 28 στον κύκλο του ηλίου. Όπως είναι γνωστό, με βάση τους δύο αυτούς κύκλους υπολογίζονταν, για κάθε χρόνο, οι κινητές εορτές του κύκλου της ζωής του Χριστού και, κυρίως, η κινητή εορτή του Πάσχα. Η σειρά παράταξης των μαρτύρων της πρώτης ζώνης ήταν δεξιόστροφη με αφετηρία πάνω από το μετωπικό τόξο του ιερού και με κατεύθυνση προς τα αριστερά, όπως προκύπτει από την ιεραρχική σειρά των εικονιζόμενων μορφών. Κατά το πλέον πιθανό, με παρόμοιο τρόπο διατάσσονταν και οι μορφές της υπερκείμενης ζώνης, οι οποίες θα πρέπει να ήταν επίσης μάρτυρες και να συνοδεύονταν με επιγραφές ημερομηνιών σχετικών με το ιουλιανό ημερολόγιο. Όλα δείχνουν ότι πρόκειται για ένα εικονογραφικό πρόγραμμα με κοσμολογικό περιεχόμενο· μια πολύμορφη ιεραρχική απεικόνιση του ουράνιου κόσμου, που μόνο σε έναν μεγάλο τρούλο σαν εκείνον της Ροτόντας μπορούσε να αναπτυχθεί. Οι ψηφοθέτες που έφεραν σε πέρας το μεγαλεπήβολο εκείνο πρόγραμμα θα πρέπει να ήταν Θεσσαλονικείς και να συνδέονται μαθησιακά ή και να ταυτίζονται με κάποιους από τους καλλιτέχνες που κατασκεύασαν τα αρχαιότερα ψηφιδωτά της βασιλικής του Αγίου Δημητρίου στην ίδια πόλη. Elida Miraj Albanian Association of Byzantine Studies, Tirana, Albania; miraj.lida@gmail.com The Early Christian Mosaics from Dyrrachium Coloniae Juliae Augustae Dyrrachinorum, the most strategic city in the Adriatic coast, one of two principal gates of Christian diffusion into Balkans (the other is Salona), was a main centre of a province, part of a large region, often named Dysrrahia always within the limits of the Macedoine Province. In the late-antique period, a series of large-scale works were carried out, including the construction of basilicas, villas, the round forum or macellum, the chapel in the amphitheatre, the sewer system, etc. Often, during the excavations for the new construction of the city, are discovered fragments of these villas decorated with frescos, mosaics, etc. One of the interesting mosaics, excavated years ago, is Roman Polychrome one with the floral motives and the inscription: MARTINIA. It decorated a villa where one of the rooms paved with mosaics has an apse. 71 Another mosaic is composed with the figure of Orpheus which is surrounded by both animals and vegetations. Around this principle ‘icon’ the mosaic is composed by geometrical and floral motives. This scene enjoyed widespread popularity throughout the Empire and is probably one of the last testimonies before the earthquake of 346 A.D. and the division of Roman Empire at c. 395 A.D. After that city began the new type of life and the new construction, although both paganism and Christianity faced difficult cultural chooses in both the third and the fourth centuries. One of the very interesting Early Christian constructions is the chapel adapted on the structures of the amphitheatre. There are not data about the precise date of the abandonment of amphitheatre, but of course this happened in the second half of IV century, after the earthquake of 345/346 A.D. The chapel is mostly known for the VIth century mosaics on the walls. These mosaics are composed with eikons in three panels, on the two different and quite perpendicular walls, under the sloped construction of the amphitheatre’s vomitorium that was part of the nave. The other monument is the Early Christian Basilica, dated in the Vth or VIth century, dedicated to Saint Michael and located in Arapaj, a village 6 kilometres south-east of Dyrrachium city. This Basilica is known for the beautiful and very special mosaic. The surface of the mosaic is 54 m2, situated at the side funerary or martyrodom. This polychrome mosaic is composed with two emblems: one with Eucharistic scene, and the other with Bucolic scene. The mosaics discovered in Durres are very fine examples of the Early Christian period and demonstrate the importance of the city as the principal gate into Balkans. Ljubinka Džidrova N. U. Archaeological Museum of Macedonia, Skopje, Republic of Macedonia; ljubinkadzidrova@yahoo.com The Early Christian Floor Mosaics from Heraclea Lyncestis and the spheres of Influence – East and West – in the Republic of Macedonia and the Central (West) Balkans Heraclea Lyncestis as one of the most vital archaeological sites developed on the remains of a Classical and Hellenistic settlement until present day. Situated on the route of the Via egnatia, in late antiquity it grew into an authentic pilgrimage centre, of vast scope respective to the level of excavations. Focal point make the earliest remains denominating early Christian belief and practice in the town. As means of research are taken primarily the earliest remains of floor mosaic originating from the Villa suburbana uncovered to the east of the Late Roman city walls, later incorporated within the suburban walls expanded around the turn of the sixth century. The late phases of the villa’s pavements show relationship to the late third century mosaic floors with several figural symbols pointing to the practice of Christian worship. Only the next phase brings evidence of introduction of Christianity into the town premises. Recent observations of a largely neglected group of geometric floor mosaics in contrast to the apparently far more attractive figural mosaics provided new supporting evidence on the introduction of Christianity into the urban premises of Heraclea following its acceptance as a state 72 religion, and the consecutive adoption into the urbanized Roman city centre. The geometric mosaic fields describe a long sequence interweaving the former buildings of the Roman urban centre with those of the early Byzantine Christian town, starting from the earliest east field of the Small Basilica late narthex dated in the first two decades of the fourth century, originally belonging to the reconstructed exedra atrium at the head of the Roman double portico. It is followed by the Large Basilica’s central nave mosaic floor, those from the Large Basilica baptistery and the auditorium/ catehumeneum, and the west field of the previously mentioned Small Basilica narthex, closing the sequence of initial formation of the Basilique double of the Episcopal seat after the mid fifth century. Its further development and transformation in the early sixth century co-terminated with the appearance of the figural mosaics around the site, but also the prothesis mosaic and the early medieval North Chapel vestibule mosaic floor at both ends of the Large Basilica exhonarthex. The review of these mosaics on the basis of their schematic concepts, and repeated application of an integrated line of motifs at Thessalonika and Rome in the fourth-early fifth century, determined by their sacral character, reveal a common trend and an ideological meaning of their concept dated at this early period. Elizabeta Dimitrova University Ss. Cyril and Methodius, Skopje, Republic of Macedonia; elizabeta@fzf.ukim.edu.mk Ars Viva of Macedonia Paleocristiana. Byzantine Frescoes in the Episcopal Basilica at Stobi As a representative Episcopal see, the Late Antique metropolis of Stobi grew into a religious center of the Roman province of Macedonia Secunda right after the promulgation of the Edict of Milan in 313. The intensive development of the Christian community which followed the date when the town obtained its Episcopal status is reflected in the rich architectural production of sacral edifices, out of which the Episcopal basilica stands out with its monumental dimensions, as well as with the multi-layered fresco decoration tragically devastated and at present-day preserved only in fragments. However, the ornamental elements, as well as the partially preserved scenes, comprise the inventive and highly exciting visual panorama that once embellished the walls of the Episcopal temple and the interior of the quatrefoil Baptistery With the striking iconographic constellation of the themes, the inventive symbolic explication of the visual concept and the remarkable stylistic qualities of their execution, these frescoes are creative witnesses to the continuous process of creation of the artistic décor within the Episcopal complex throughout the 4th century. In that regard, we have determined the four consecutive phases of painterly decoration of the edifice applied in the course of the 4th century and examined their iconographic features, which range from traditional Early Christian motifs to highly exclusive artistic vistas, never before depicted in the fresco ensembles of Early Christianity. In that context, the iconographic analysis encompasses the following layers: 1. the graphic design of the lowest register of the walls created in the first quarter of the 4th century, 2. the newly identified Old Testament subjects illustrated in the second register of the decorative arrangement in the mid-4th century, 3. the baptismally configured scenes depicted a couple of decades 73 later, and 4. the unparalleled genre sights represented towards the close of the 4th century, as well as the Christological compositions glamorously arranged in the accompanying Baptistery. In regard to the style, their soft drawing, the well-balanced configuration of the masses, the tonal modellation of the forms, as well as the harmonious accords of the warm palette of colors reflect the delicate painterly qualities of the representative artistic creation of the 4th century Macedonia Paleocristiana. The coherent dualism of the contour and its plastic “substance” in the treatment of the depicted forms, the individualization of the represented images, as well as the proportional distribution of the chromatic nuances in the modellation of the facial volumes make these frescoes similar to the recognizable visual qualities of the artistic production of the metropolitan painterly ateliers. Patrick Blanc Musée départemental Arles antique, Arles, France; pbvbb@aol.com Véronique Blanc-Bijon Aix Marseille Université, Marseille /Centre national de la recherche scientifique, Centre Camilel Jullian, Paris, France; pbvbb@aol.com Nouvelle intervention sur la mosaïque du sanctuaire de Mar Gabriel (Turquie orientale) Fondé en 397 après J.-C., le monastère Mar Gabriel se situe sur le plateau du Tur Abdin, aux limites orientales de l’empire romain. En 512, l’empereur Anastase finança la construction de l’église principale et la réalisation de la mosaïque ornant le sanctuaire. En 1909, Mlle Gertrude Bell (re) découvre et photographie cet exceptionnel ensemble dont Mme Marlia Mundell publiera une première étude (DOP, 27, 1973). Le souci de la pérennité de ces mosaïques a été à l’origine d’une demande d’intervention d’entretien (P. Blanc, A. Desreumaux et S. de Courtois, Report on the state of preservation of the Byzantine mosaics of the Saint Gabriel monastery of Qartamin, Tur Abdin (South-West Turkey) October 10th–14th, 2006, Journal of Syriac Studies, 2009, 12.1, p. 5-19). Initié en 2011, et pour la première fois, un programme de conservation mené avec le soutien de la fondation A.G. Leventis a porté sur la mosaïque de la voûte et des lunettes latérales, ce qui a permis de lui restituer sa riche polychromie et d’en révéler tous les détails iconographiques. Les interventions sont de deux ordres : consolidations du support et des tesselles, dégagements et nettoyage de la surface. Dans ce programme, est aussi concerné le pavement en opus sectile, encore inédit. L’opportunité d’examiner de près les mosaïques a nécessité la constitution d’une équipe pluridisciplinaire. Celle-ci regroupe entre autres des restaurateurs, des archéologues et des spécialistes de l’étude des matériaux qui ont eu ainsi l’occasion de mener et de compléter l’analyse technique et historique de ces mosaïques. Les mosaïques nouvellement restaurées seront présentées et examinées. On s’intéressera aussi à l’apport des études techniques qui ont livré d’importantes informations nouvelles concernant le travail des mosaïstes et leur la mise en œuvre permettant de préciser la datation de cet ensemble. 74 Bertrand Billot Université Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne, Paris, France; bertrand.billot@orange.fr Les femmes des Évangiles dans l’art protobyzantin : choix des scènes et problèmes d’identification Les Évangiles rapportent de nombreux épisodes lors desquels Jésus interagit avec des femmes. Certaines, à l’exemple de sa mère Marie, font partie de sa famille. Plusieurs, comme les sœurs de Lazare, comptent au nombre de ses amies personnelles. D’autres encore comme la Samaritaine, la femme adultère, la veuve à l’obole ou la femme pécheresse, sont simplement croisées par le Christ lors de ses pérégrinations. Leur rencontre avec Jésus est l’occasion d’un enseignement moral. On compte également quelques femmes impliquées dans des épisodes de miracles : l’hémorroïsse, la Cananéenne, la fille de Jaïre, la veuve de Naïn ou encore la belle-mère de Pierre. Notre communication dressera dans un premier temps un état des lieux des représentations des femmes des Évangiles dans le premier art chrétien. Si la Théotokos apparait comme un acteur essentiel dans les programmes décoratifs christologiques, il n’en va pas de même des femmes mentionnées plus haut, dont la plupart sont rarement figurées avant le 6ème siècle. Nous constaterons que les femmes représentées dans l’art protobyzantin sont principalement celles qui sont bénéficiaires d’un miracle, tandis que les femmes liées à un enseignement moral, et dont l’histoire ne présente aucune dimension prodigieuse, sont généralement exclues de l’iconographie. Il existe néanmoins une exception : la rencontre avec la Samaritaine est en effet assez fréquemment représentée dans le premier chrétien. Nous tenterons d’apporter des éléments d’explication concernant ce phénomène. Nous nous intéresserons dans un second temps aux problèmes d’identification posés par la figure de l’hémorroïsse. L’iconographie de cette scène est en effet à rapprocher de celle de la guérison de la fille de la Cananéenne. Une mosaïque du cycle christologique de l’église Saint-Apollinaire-leNeuf de Ravenne nous servira de point de départ pour dégager des éléments propres à l’identification de chacune des deux scènes. Nous constaterons également comment l’hémorroïsse doit sans doute être identifiée dans plusieurs décors illustrant la résurrection de la fille de Jaïre ou la résurrection de Lazare. Dans ces épisodes, elle semble parfois remplacer l’épouse de Jaïre ou les sœurs de Lazare, traditionnellement identifiées en proskynèse aux pieds du Christ. 75 Anđela Gavrilović University of Belgrade, Faculty of Philosophy, Belgrade, Serbia; andjela1321@gmail.com The Inlaid Opus Sectile Panels with Dolphins from above the Imperial Door in Saint Sophia in Costantinople In the church of St. Sophia in Constantinople on the western wall above the Imperial door and on the other side of the famous mosaic featuring Byzantine emperor Leo the Wise (886-912), five inlaid opus sectile panels have been preserved, two of which bearing the representations of eight dolphins (6th century). Each of two panels depicts four dolphins heraldically arranged in pairs above and below the central disc of red porphyry. These dolphins have drawn attention of very few scholars and have been most minutely described by Paul Underwood in his report on the works in St. Sophia in 1958. However, the meaning of these motifs and the reasons for their positioning above the Imperial door remained unclear and not properly covered by scholars. Therefore, we will direct focus on them. In ancient and early Byzantine art the dolphins have been represented in different iconographical contexts: as independent motifs in the scope of the larger unit or in semantic connection to other motifs in the scope of larger units. Thus, they could be depicted next to an anchor, a trident, a cross, Christ’s bust, apostles’ busts, or they could symbolically form different floral ornaments. Sometimes, as is the case with their representation in St. Sophia in Constantinople, the dolphins are depicted in semantic connection with cephalopoda – octopuses or squids. The occurrence of the motifs of the dolphin chasing or devouring a cephalopod (an octopus or squid) can be traced back to the catacomb painting (e.g. catacomb of Pretextatus, 3rd century). The representations of dolphins have been executed in different art media and in different art techniques: on sacrofaghi, in wall painting, on floor mosaics, in the opus sectile technique, in the works of applied art or as bas-relieves on marble plaques. Due to the fact that they are not mentioned in Holy Scripture, the dolphins as symbols play only a minor role in the works of holy fathers, who are only transmitting the data on dolphins already known from ancient writers. As concrete written sources concerning the meaning of the dolphins have not been preserved, we have focused in our paper on the rare visual analogies in order to decipher the meaning of dolphins. The conclusion that they certainly do not represent mere ornaments of the building is, thus, pointed out: firstly, the edifice in question where these motifs have been executed represents the greatest and the most important capital church of the Byzantine Empire; secondly, one must bear in mind the place in the church where the dolphins are positioned – they are found above the main, central door of the church. That is why the reasons for their placement above the Imperial door are also dealt with in the paper. In this sense, in accordance with the meaning which the individual motif of the dolphins with their specific iconographical context in this concrete case bears, we have pointed to the connection between the motifs of dolphins and the Imperial door, as the main entrance gate. This is important because the motif of the dolphin preparing to devour a cephalopod (an octopus or a squid) is placed in the wider context of the iconographical themes connected to entrances and portals in ancient and early Byzantine art. The conclusion is made that the motifs of dolphins in St. Sophia bear apotropaic meaning. 76 Mikhail V. Fomin Kharkiv State Academy of Culture, Kharkiv, Ukraine; fomin_mv@ukr.net Склеп «на Земле Н. И. Тура» в ранне византийском Херсонесе – Херсоне как памятник становления Церкви в городе Среди объектов на территории Херсонесского городища особенно выделяется группа памятников известная как расписные склепы. Комплексное исследование памятников позволяет датировать их серединой IV в. - первой половиной V в. Среди памятников отдельное место занимает склеп «на земле Н. И. Тура». Он был открыт в 1894 г., но раскопан лишь в 1912 г. В плане склеп изначально являлся типичным для подобных сооружений. Ниши были расположены в левой и задней стене под потолком. Позднее помещение было перестроено. Сложная сюжетная роспись позволяет выделить его из ряда памятников. Так на правой стене от входа была помещена художественная композиция. В левой части стены сохранились следы изображения винограда. На некотором расстоянии от куста помещена женская фигура. Справа от женской фигуры размещается мужская. Справа от фигур в верхней части сохранилось схематичное изображение городских стен с воротами и башнями. Правее черными линиями были изображены растения (заросли тростника, деревья?). На левом простенке задней стены была размещена мужская фигура, от которой сохранились лишь изображения ступней развернутых вправо. Сюжетная роспись в своей трактовке вызвала дискуссию. Н. М. Печенкин считал, что на правой стене представлен один из сюжетов жития Феодора Стратилата. В соответствии с этим он видел изображение дракона по изображением города. М. И. Скубетов предполагал, что под городом помещались пальметки и изображение павлина. М. И. Ростовцев реконструировал как изображение святого, мученика или христианина «в типичной для раннего христианства обстановке райского сада». В. М. Зубарь полагал, что изображен евангельский сюжет Мария с Иосифом, идущие в Вифлеем. Возможна и иная трактовка – изображение умерших, идущих к Небесному Граду, к которому протянуты руки мужчины и женщины. Но допустимо и прочтение росписи как иллюстрацию к житию святого епископа Василея. Одним из важнейших моментов его проповеди было воскрешение мальчика по молитве святого. С учетом этого мужская и женская фигуры могут изображать родителей мальчика идущих на розыски святого, город вдалеке – Херсонес, фигура на задней стене – идущий к ним св. Василей. Значительный интерес представляет так же композиция с павлинами, расположенными симметрично вокруг цветка мальвы. Основой изображения является зеркальная, трехчастная композиция. Крайние элементы подчеркивают значимость центрального. Мотив павлинов, пьющих или вкушающих из чаши или стоящих по сторонам от нее, несет образ Евхаристии. Цветок мальвы может символизировать Евхаристический хлеб. Подобные изображения 77 встречаются не только в херсонесских склепах, но и являются широко распространенным сюжетом раннехристианской живописи. Значительное их собрание приводит Ю. В. Матвеева. Во время перестройки в склепе была сформирована «апсида». В ней сохранился выступ и небольшая ниша над ним. Композиция с павлинами располагается над этой нишей. Можно предположить, что в стене апсиды был сформирован престол, перед которым могла совершаться Литургия. Подобные престолы неоднократно упоминал Ю. Ю. Шевченко. Таким образом, склеп был превращен в теофоничесский мартирий, в котором могли периодически совершаться Богослужения. Почитание св. Василея в городе привело к формированию ряда памятников связанных с его Житием. Можно предположить о существование в городе традиции крестных ходов или стациональных Литургий в память о святом, которые бы объединяли все эти памятники. В таком случае, особое место мог занимать склеп «на земле Н. И. Тура» как один из объектов, к которому могло направляться шествие. Asnu Bilban Yalçin Istanbul University, Faculty of Letters, Department for Byzantine Art History, Istanbul, Turkey; yalcinab@istanbul.edu.tr Recent Restoration Work in the Museum of Aya Sofya (2011-16) In the past years intense preservation and restoration work has been carried out in Ayasofya by the Museum’s Directorate. Following the discovery in 2009 of the ‘angel face’ under the the Fossati restorations, in 2009, from the 2011 especially, an important and decisive advance was undertaken for a continuous series of projects for restore the many and various parts of the building. A part of the restoration work, many arrangements are made for the secure and safe working of the Museum, according the most recent international systems. Under the decisions and supervising of a scientific committee appointed by the Turkish Ministry of Culture, experts of the Museum, of the laboratories of the State Restoration and Preservation Centre and of the Directorate of the Monuments and Architectural Surveys, are conducting this important task. The aim of this paper is to present for the first time to the scientific society, the recent restoration works and the finds made during different works into the building, giving also news about of interesting and unique discoveries of this world heritage monument. 78 THE ARTISTS OF THE BYZANTINE WORLD AND STYLISTIC TRENDS IN MONUMENTAL AND ICON PAINTING Chairs: Ralitsa Rousseva, Konstantinos Vafeiades Elka Bakalova – Lyuben Domozetski, The Newly Restored Frescoes of the 11th C. in the Church of St. Demetrius at Patalenitsa (Bulgaria) Konstantinos Vafeiades, Byzantine Painting Treatises: Fact or Conjecture? The Case of Codex Panteleimoniensis 259 Era Bushi Xhaferaj, Painters and Patrons in Byzantine Period: Some Inscriptional Evidence from Albania Ralitsa Rousseva, Monuments of Orthodox Art in the Region of Berat (13th–14th Centuries). Historical Context and Iconographic Trends Anestis Vasilakeris, The Notions of Evolution and Change in the Career of Palaeologan Painters Georgios Fousteris, New Data on an “Official” Painter in Mystras Nikolaos Papageorgiou, Saint Joasaph, the Archbishop Symeon of Thessaloniki and the Painter Nephon Prodromos Papanikolaou, A Panel Icon of St. Panteleemon from Tilos. Uncovering a Late Byzantine Artwork Elka Bakalova Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, Sofia, Bulgaria; elka.bakalova@gmail.com Lyuben Domozetski Sofia City Art Gallery, Sofia, Bulgaria; l.domozetsky@abv.bg The Newly Restored Frescoes of the 11th C. in the Church of St. Demetrius at Patalenitsa (Bulgaria) In South Bulgaria, close to nowadays’ cities of Pazardzhik and Plovdiv, lies the village of Patalenitsa. During the Medieval ages the favourable location has been of strategic importance to the area, with its close proximity to main roads, but at the same time it was well protected in the mountain slopes of the Rhodope Mountains. During the Medieval ages a fortified city was founded. The Βατκούνιον fortress, mentioned by Byzantine authors was identified by remains discovered close to the village of Patalenitsa. The church of Saint Demetrius remains from Byzantine times. Its plan is a cross-in-square type. Many alterations have been done to the medieval construction later on. In 2011-2012 the last phase of the restoration of the medieval mural paintings in the church of Saint Demetrius was carried out. The restoration was completed with the help of the A. G. Leventis Foundation and allows a thorough examination of the preserved fragments. The examination is mainly possible in three areas: 1) examination of the decorative program of the altar space; 2) examination of the iconography of the separate depictions of the saints; 3) style specifics. The lower registers of the altar include standing saints, amongst which are included not only bishops, but also monks, martyrs, holy women etc. The iconographic features of the altar program date before the end of the eleventh century. The remaining fragments on the western side of the eastern piers located under the cupola, in between which the templon of the medieval temple was probably located, are incredibly valuable for identifying the patron of the church. In Patalenitsa Saint Demetrius was depicted in his iconographic version, which shows that it probably dates from the eleventh century. Identifying Saint Demetrius on the pier also confirms the assumption that the medieval church was dedicated to the Thessaloniki martyr. Also the fact that the holy warriors were depicted in armor, instead of like martyrs in an age when both iconographic versions existed, suggests the connection of the temple to the Batkunion fortress. Historical sources show there have been a few sieges, the citizens and the guardians of the fortress probably relied on the patronage of the holy warriors. The Patalenitsa murals are an example of a planar linear trend in painting. Some iconographic features, the insecure poses, stiff gestures, the outlined typified faces, the geometricized and contingent folds suggest for an order, carried out separately from the artistic center. The closest stylistic parallel to the Patalenitsa murals could be pointed out in the painting of the church of Saint Sofia in Ochrid, the narthex of the Saint Sofia in Thessaloniki and the murals of a few other churches located on the territory of southwestern Bulgaria and the Republic of Macedonia. The specified stylistic parallels point us in the direction that the mural paintings in Patalenitsa probably date from the middle or the second half of the eleventh century. The Patalenitsa church is incredibly intriguing because there are very few remaining monuments from this period and each one of them adds to our knowledge of Byzantine art. 80 Konstantinos Vafeiades National and Kapodistrian University of Athens, Athens, Greece; konstvaf@yahoo.gr Byzantine Painting Treatises: Fact or Conjecture? The Case of Codex Panteleimoniensis 259 The use of painting manuals in Byzantium is not fully documented. The first complete, extensive and well-structured painting manual dates from the post-Byzantine period. It is about the book «Hermeneia tes zographikes technes», which was written by the hieromonk Dionysios between 1729 and 1733. So far no earlier manual of such completeness and orderly structure and as Dionysios’ Hermeneia has been found. Fragments of technical advice are preserved in Codex Vaticanus Graecus 209, fol. 284v (ca. 1355) and in Codex Vaticanus Graecus 214, fols. 1r-3v (15th c.), which is attributed to the metropolite of Kiev and bibliographer Isidore. The detailed description of a saint’s physiognomy which occurs in numerous Byzantine texts, such as the Synaxarium Ecclesiae Constantinopolitane, belongs to the ancient tradition of the ostentatious orations. Therefore, the evidence we have from the Byzantine period is insufficient for a proper documentation of the existence of painting manuals in Byzantium. Nevertheless, a codex in the monastery of Saint Panteleimon on Mount Athos (Gr. 259), dating from the 16th century, includes Byzantine material relating to painting. A complete uncorrupted text on pages 1r - 37v gives us a great deal of information about mural and icon painting, especially quotations from the Bible, patristic apophthegmata, and epigrams of all kinds. Even so, there is not a single reference to how somebody can paint the portrait of a saint or a biblical scene. So the content of the codex 259 has no relation to what we know from Dionysios’ Hermeneia. Furthermore the metrical list of the emperors’ names and that of the patriarchs of Constantinople, which are included in this manuscript, are concluded by the end of the reign of the emperor Andronikos II (1328). The epigrams of the same codex occur as well into the Palaeologan monuments determining the date of the context of this manuscript to the first half of the 14th century. Era Bushi Xhaferaj Institute of Cultural Monuments, Tirana, Albania; eraxhaferaj@gmail.com Painters and Patrons in Byzantine Period: Some Inscriptional Evidence from Albania This paper examines artists’ position in the economic and social structures of the Byzantine period as manifested through the evidence of epigraphic data preserved in monuments of Albania. Inscriptions mentioning painters’ name have been frequently encountered as a usual occurrence, especially during Late Byzantine period in Southern Albania, an area rich in Christian religious monuments with fresco decoration and in epigraphic evidence. Through their examination we attempt to seek certain indications on the social affiliation of the painters and their role on artistic 81 creation as well as on the extent and the way in which patron groups influenced the creative impulse of the artists. For the purpose of this paper historical and social conditions are also taken into account. The majority of extant examples of byzantine inscriptions mentioning painters’ names referred in this paper belong to the period extending from the 9th century to about 1400 and to various monuments’ typologies as hermitages and village churches. They have suggested that the painters are usually local monks who offered their services to commissioners coming from the civil and military local aristocracy or monks. The programmatic and thematic content of their artistic works as well as their style is affected not only by the prevailing imperial doctrine, meaning the participation of individual artists in a common collective unconscious, but also by the perceptions and aesthetic needs and desires of the contractor, lay, cleric or monk. The ability of the donors to create a sympathetic intellectual climate and their economic support may have been also a factor which attracted artists to their point of view. Ralitsa Rousseva Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, Institute of Art Studies, Sofia, Bulgaria; rrousseva@abv.bg Monuments of Orthodox Art in the Region of Berat (13th–14th Centuries). Historical Context and Iconographic Trends Throughout the Middle Ages the town of Berat (Belgrad, Beligrad) was an important ecclesiastic and political centre. The city passed into the hands of different states and rulers – Byzantium, Bulgaria, the Latin Kingdom; it was part of the Despotate of Epirus after 1261 and then was incorporated in the Serbian Kingdom after 1345. Belgrad was closely linked with the major port and metropolitan centre of Valona and most of its governors were rulers of Valona, Kanina and Berat. The mediaeval art in region of Berat is namely a reflection of that dynamic historical process and cultural accumulation. The monuments of Orthodox art in the region of Berat and Valona cannot be treated as a compact stylistic group, unlike those in the region of Prespa in the 14th century; they are not just related to different artistic trends, but even a single monument combines elements of various ages and artistic flows. For example, the murals in the Holy Trinity Church in Berat combine archaic composition elements with Italian influences and contemporary Constantinople trends. The Church and the refectory of the Monastery in Apollonia, the Holy Trinity Church in Berat and St. Nicholas Church in Perundi are connected to the imperial court in Constantinople, which probably led to a very high level of the murals but also some unexpected themes and iconographic interpretations. The fragments in the cave Church in the village of Sinje are completely different and they indicate the durability of the archaic iconographic traditions. Apart from these trends, it is very likely that icon-painters from the region of Ohrid and Kastoria had worked in Berat, as attested by the nearly obliterated murals in the St Archangel Michael Church in Berat. During the 13th and the 14th centuries different workshops were active in the region of Berat, each with a distinct preference for style, often with an archaic reminiscence, but also well acquainted with contemporary Constantinople art and in certain monuments influenced by Western art in varying degrees. 82 Anestis Vasilakeris Boğaziçi University, Department of History, Istanbul, Turkey; vasilakeris@gmail.com The Notions of Evolution and Change in the Career of Palaeologan Painters Unlike what can be observed in the Italian Duecento and Trecento, artists who are known from a series of works are extremely rare in Palaeologan Byzantium. The collaborating painters Michael Astrapas and Eutychios are the most illustrius example from the late 13th and early 14th centuries, as well as the provincial painter Ioannis Pagomenos, active in western Crete. The work atributed to the first two shows a puzzling diversity, whereas Pagomenos’ work looks rather homogenous. However, how safe can it be to try to observe evolution or change in the work of these artists? Furthermore what would the notions of artistic evolution and change signify in Palaeologan cultural context? The interpretation of formal diversity in the various works of Palaeologan wall-painters poses a series of methodological and historiographical issues. These mostly stem from the serious lack of historical information which is necessary in order to observe the Byzantine Artist as an individual involved in a creating process. This deficiency cannot be remediated by orientalist stereotypes, postByzantine or Italian models, but needs to be taken into account as such. In the perspective of an appropriate methodology of formal analysis, studies in manuscript illuminations have already been more successful in bringing this problematic several steps further. Yet the extensive corpus of the preserved fresco ensembles still allows some solid remarks on the individual character of certain formal features. This brief analysis of artistic individuality in Late Byzantium will also show that diversity and change from a work to another might not be exclusively a product of time, and therefore not tightly associated with the notion of evolution. Georgios Fousteris University Ecclesiastical Academy of Thessaloniki, Thessaloniki, Greece; gfousteris@gmail.com New Data on an “Official” Painter in Mystras The name of the painter Kyriákos Frankópoulos is indicated in a written inscription in the church of St. Nicholas in Agóriani, Northern Laconia. Unfortunately, the date has not been preserved in the inscription and therefore the dating of the decoration remains uncertain. As scholarly research has already noticed, these wallpaintings are closely connected with two other mural sets in the same area, on which we possess secure chronological references: the one of Panaghía Vrestenítissa in Vréstena and the other of Taxiárchai in Agriakóna. The mural decoration of Agóriani was dated by stylistic criteria around 1300 (N. Drandakis 1977 - M. Emmanouil 1988). In the case of Vrestenítissa, a dating after 1400 has been suggested (N. 83 Drandakis 1979) based on the conjecture that Nikon, the represented bishop-dedicator, might be identified with an homonymous Bishop of Vréstena mentioned at the beginning of the 15th c. This suggestion has drifted also the dating of the wallpaintings of Agriakóna to the end of the 13th c. (E. Deliyanni-Dori 1988). The wallpaintings of the second phase in the small church of St. Nicholas in Véroia, a settlement in the surroundings of Vréstena, have also been ascribed to this workshop (G. Fousteris – I. Chouliaras 2015). Neither in this case, however, secure information or inscriptional data exist, which might give a reliable dating. The suggested dating for the first three monuments (Agóriani ca.1300 - Vrestenítissa / Agriakóna ca.1400) results to a divergence of a hundred years long. It has been proposed that this should be faced either by re-dating Agóriani towards the mid-14th century or under the interpretation that a common iconographic and stylistic tradition is being inherited from one workshop to the other through the apprenticeship and the anthívola as well (E. Deliyanni-Dori 1999). To the solution of this problem rushes to contribute the opposite pointing out that a stylistic affinity between the frescoes of Agóriani and the ones of the Metropolis of Mystras exists (M. Emmanuil 1988). Further comparative study based on the stylistic and the graphological data of the inscriptions leads to the conclusion that all these five mural sets should be ascribed to the turnover of one and only workshop. Consequently, the generally accepted dating for the frescoes of the Mystras’ Metropolis, i.e. before 1290, based on historical data, puts the basic chronological frame in which the remaining monuments should be placed. According to the above, the painter Kyriákos Frankópoulos is the only eponymous member of a Mystras’ “official” artistic workshop activated in the third quarter of the 13th century, in which so far can be ascribed five mural painting sets. Nikolaos Papageorgiou Thessaloniki, Greece; nikolapap@gmail.com Saint Joasaph, the Archbishop Symeon of Thessaloniki and the Painter Nephon This paper refers to the fresco depicting Saint Joasaph and a bishop blessing him, which is located at the eastern side of the southwestern pier in the church of Saint Demetrios in Thessaloniki. The painting in question was first revealed almost 100 years ago, in the beginning of the 20th century. P. Papageorgiou, the first one to study it, published his findings in BZ, 1908; in this paper, after reading the inscription ΑΓ(ΙΟΣ) ΙΩΑΣ(ΑΦ), he identified the two figures as being Saints Joasaph and Varlaam, heroes of the famous byzantine novel. A few years later, G. Sotiriou’s proposition was that the two depicted figures were actually Saint Joasaph and the bishop Gregory Palamas. Finally, in 1942, A. Xyngopoulos in his interpretation, which was widely accepted by most scholars thereafter, proposed that the depicted saint is John VI Kantakouzenos, a prince who became a monk later in his life and assumed the name Joasaph, while the bishop in question is Saint Gregory Palamas. According 84 to Xyngopoulos, the bishop’s blessing has symbolic meaning: Palamas is actually giving thanks to the Emperor on behalf of the Hesychastes, for the Emperor’s support to the doctrine and its followers. In my paper in the 34th Symposium of the Christian Archaeological Society (2014), I proposed a different interpretation, based on elaborate scrutiny of historical sources. In my opinion, the depicted saint is none other than John VII Palaeologos, who reigned in Thessaloniki between 1403-1408, and became a monk before his death assuming the name Joasaph, just like his great-grandfather, Ioannis Kantakouzenos, had done before him. The key elements supporting my interpretation were the disease John VII Palaeologos had been suffering from, which compared to that of the biblical Job, the important contribution of Symeon, Archbishop of Thessaloniki, to his canonization, as well as the information on miraculous healings at Saint Joasaph’s tomb attested from historical sources. As for the bishop, my proposition was that he should be either identified with Gabriel (1397-1416/7) or with Symeon (1416/1417-1429), both Archbishops of Thessaloniki, with slight precedence of the later over the former, since Archbishop Symeon was the one who saw to Joasaph’s canonization. Modern technology allowed for a more detailed examination of the photographic material, and very interesting details came up, which helped me clarify numerous issues concerning the painting. Better analysis of the images revealed that the painting was accompanied by various inscriptions. Namely, on the Saint’s right-hand side there is an inscription of his secular name, i.e. ΙΩΑΝΝ(ΗΣ) ΑΝ[ΔΡΟΝΙΚΟΥ], while to his left there is his monastic name inscribed, i.e. ΙΩΑΣΑΦ. Moreover, I was able to read the bishop’s name: [Σ]ΥΜΕΩΝ. This evidence allowed me to identify, with greater certainty, the two figures with John VII Palaeologos and the Archbishop Symeon respectively and to date the painting between 1416/7-1430. Of equal importance is the inscription bearing the painter’s name: EΠΟΙΗΣΕ ΝΗΦΩΝ. I cannot stress the importance of this discovery highly enough; apart from learning the name of one more painter, this is the first time the name of an artist connected with the artistic milieu of Thessaloniki has ever been discovered in a monument of this kind. Prodromos Papanikolaou King’s College London, London, United Kingdom; prodromos.papanikolaou@kcl.ac.uk A Panel Icon of St. Panteleemon from Tilos. Uncovering a Late Byzantine Artwork During the course of conservation works taking place in the monastery of Saint Panteleemon at Tilos a medium sized, approximately 110 cm x 97 cm, icon, the most venerated one, representing Saint Panteleemon was sent to the laboratories of the Ephorate of Antiquities of the Dodecanese. The icon, placed in a proskynetarion in the nave of the katholikon, was covered with a silver revetment. According to the donor inscription the revetment was a communal donation of the Tilians during the abbacy of the abbot Makarios in the year 1839 and the name of the manufacturer. The revetment represents the young saint in a rectangular frame, frontal and standing, while he is holding the medical box and the forceps. He is dressed in a long reaching to his feet tunic and over it he wears two different kinds of overclothe, a short one reaching up to his knees and the characteristic medical one, which is worn in the front. On each side there is a pitcher and a baroquish frame with his name O 85 ΑΓΙΟC ΠΑΝΤΕΛΕΥΜΟΝΑΣ and underneath him in a similar frame the donor inscription already mentioned. When the revetment was removed a totally different icon of the saint was uncovered. The face of the original icon, which was probably too damaged sometime by the 17th or the 18th century and, before its adornment with the silver revetment, it was renovated. This renovation must have been twofold; firstly, the face was scraped off and secondly, it was overpainted. The difference though was that the overpainting was not limited to the contour of the face but a new smaller head took its place, which meant to fit in with the dimensions of the silver cover. Nevertheless, the original painted representation of the saint is somewhat different than the metallic one. The common features between the two portraits are the frontal posture and the items, i.e. the exact same two things, the forceps and the medical box. However, the saint is shown in a half-portrait, and he is dressed in a light blue tunic with a crew neck and over it he wears a himation in a salmon red hue. The background is the typical abstract golden. In upper case letters on each side of his head it reads Ο [ΑΓΙΟC] ΠΑ[Ν]/ ΤΕΛΕΗΜΩΝ. Judging from its features it should marked that this icon introduces an interesting variation in the iconography of the saint, which is rarely met during the late Palaiologan period. The little surviving evidence of the representations of the saint in the Dodecanese makes it hard to trace its actual prototype, but it is rather probable that this should be looked into the capital of the Hospitaller state. From an artistic point of view, the icon clearly belongs to late byzantine period, most probably in the second half of the 15th century. Questions concerning its original purpose, its function and its possible place of production will be attempted to be answered taking into account the historic context of this newly discovered artwork. 86 STUDYING AND COMMUNICATING BYZANTIUM – PART 1 Chairs: Aphrodite Papayianni, Markéta Kulhánková Karsten Fledelius, Communicating Byzantium Sarah J. Teetor, The Construction of Byzantium Through Objects: Challenges and Potential in Exhibitions Aphrodite Papayianni, The Representation of the Fall of Constantinople in 1453 in High School History Textbooks in Greece, 1850−2010 Anna Linden Weller, Rhomaioi and Barbaroi in Science Fiction: Byzantine Modes of Writing the Alien Markéta Kulhánková, Translating Byzantine Literature into Czech: Development, Approaches, Trends Karsten Fledelius University of Copenhagen, Faculty of Humanities, Department of Media, Cognition and Communication, Copenhagen, Denmark; kfledelius@gmail.com Communicating Byzantium Communicating Byzantium to a wider public and to a wider world is particularly important outside what could be called the “Byzantine World”, i.e. the countries and peoples influenced through the ages by Christian Orthodox religion and culture where Byzantium can be considered as an integrate part of national heritage and history. Serbia and Russia are countries where knowledge of Byzantine tradition is important for understanding their identity. Denmark and England are outside that sphere. Therefore in both countries scholars have found it important to promote interest in Byzantium for two reasons, to become aware of the significance of Byzantine Civilisation outside the “Byzantine World” (e.g. the sphere of Western Christianity), and to understand the significance of Byzantine Heritage for the understanding of the countries and peoples inside the “Byzantine World”. In Denmark, in connection with the 2010 celebration of Istanbul as Cultural Capital of Europe, an exhibition was created of “Golden Realm of Europe – Byzantium 330-1453”, combined with a comprehensive book “Heritage of Byzantium” (both in Danish, the target group being Danish speakers). A condensed version of the 36 posters from the exhibition has been travelling ever since in churches and libraries all over Denmark. The posters are covering not only the periode 330-1453, but also the afterlife of Byzantium both in the East and the West up to the present day. The idea is to demonstrate the relevance of Byzantium to both parts of Europe. So far the project has been very successful and has been combined with lectures all over the country. The aim is to make Scandinavians aware of the importance of Byzantium even to-day for not only the whole of Europe, but for the entire world. The next project is to produce a digitalised version of the poster series for the Internet. Sarah J. Teetor University of Vienna, Art History Department, Vienna, Austria; sarah.teetor@univie.ac.at The Construction of Byzantium through Objects: Challenges and Potential in Exhibitions The veritable “absence of Byzantium” – to quote Averil Cameron – in the common consciousness of many Europeans and North Americans is an issue not only for university departments and specialists in Byzantine studies, but also for curators of exhibitions of Byzantine art who are charged with the task of bringing a seemingly foreign, even exotic culture to a broad public with little prior knowledge of the Byzantine empire. While such exhibitions are inherently educational and formative for many visitors, they also provide scholars with an opportunity to reassess the current state of knowledge, to explore new connections and to enhance the visibility of Byzantium in a larger context. 88 This paper will investigate how the political and cultural entity “Byzantium” has been constructed through objects in several large-scale exhibitions of Byzantine art held from 1977 to today. In these exhibitions each object serves a double function: on the one hand, as an art object removed from its original setting and evaluated according to established art historical criteria; and on the other hand, as a piece of material culture that carries with it inherent historical, social and in many instances religious meanings. A case study will trace multiple approaches to a single object in the framework of different exhibitions, and explore how ambiguity allows objects to be interpreted in various contexts, some of which underscore the few ingrained notions of the Byzantine empire. Aware of the difficulty to reconcile the complexity of recent scholarship with the need to form a simplified, coherent narrative in an exhibition, this paper asks: (how) is it possible to create an image of Byzantium through objects that moves beyond stereotypes of wealth, decadence and spirituality? Aphrodita Papayianni University of London, London, United Kingdom; a.papayianni@bbk.ac.uk The Representation of the Fall of Constantinople in 1453 in High School History Textbooks in Greece, 1850−2010 Since the establishment of the modern Greek state in 1830, the momentous event of the Fall of Constantinople to the Ottoman Turks in 1453 is examined in all high school history textbooks. The aim of this paper is to survey the way it is presented in these textbooks between 1850 and 2010, focusing on the examination of the causes that contributed or led to the Fall of the city, the Byzantine-Ottoman relations in the decades leading to 1453, the Conquest itself and the outcome of the Fall of the city for the Greeks. Anna Linden Weller Uppsala University, Department of Linguistics and Philology, Uppsala, Sweden; annalinden.weller@lingfil.uu.se Rhomaioi and Barbaroi in Science Fiction: Byzantine Modes of Writing the Alien This free communication explores how Byzantine conceptions of identity are useful in reading Anglophone science fiction’s current obsession with empire and citizenship. In doing so it opens up new venues for the reception history of Byzantium in popular culture. The study of Classical reception in modern speculative fiction (science fiction and fantasy) is an old and broad field, with roots in both the academy and the popular press. However, much as Classics is often reluctant to look beyond the temporal borders of the antique world and venture into its Medieval Greek imperial successor, the consideration of classical reception in speculative fiction 89 has mostly neglected the significant impact of Byzantium and its literature. However, Byzantine conceptions of imperial identity – specifically the problem of defining barbarian and citizen, the permeability of frontiers, the creation of an imperial ideology and the survival of that ideology – have had deep effects on the development of science fiction and fantasy in the 20th and 21st centuries. These themes appear intriguingly in Ann Leckie’s recent Hugo and Nebula-award-winning Imperial Radch books, which, while not being specifically identified as Byzantine, can be interpreted usefully by being viewed through a Byzantine lens. This free communication will examine some of the ways that Byzantine conceptions of identity have emerged in the consciousness of 21st-century speculative fiction writers, particularly Leckie but also two other recent releases: Jo Walton’s The Just City, an exploration of a recreated Platonic Republic, and Seth Dickinson’s The Traitor Baru Cormorant, a novel which concerns imperial social engineering. I will then place them in context with Byzantine literary modes of writing the ‘alien’ – i.e. the frontier encounter and the representation of non-Byzantines in historiography, statecraft manuals, and other forms of ideological propaganda, taking into account the most recent debates on the ‘Roman-ness’ of the Byzantines (i.e. Kaldellis and Stouratis). In doing so, I will show how some of the same questions of alienness and identity which animate moments where Byzantine reception is visible in speculative fiction are also present in the historiographic concerns which have recently emerged amongst Byzantinists. Markéta Kulhánková Masaryk University, Faculty of Arts, Department of Classical Studies, Brno, Czech Republic; mkulhanko@yahoo.com Translating Byzantine Literature into Czech: Development, Approaches, Trends The beginnings of translating Byzantine literature in the western Slavonic milieu were connected with the splendid activity of Constantine-Cyril and Methodius and the early stages of Slavonic literature. Byzantine text were translated in the Southern Slavonic region even after the adoption of Catholicism by the rulers of Great Moravia and the expulsion of Constantine’s and Methodius’ disciples, even though the contacts of the Czech (that is Bohemian and Moravian) lands with Byzantine culture were limited to a couple of short episodes, which eventually had no impact on the development of the Czech culture. Thus, the “second act” of translating Byzantine literature in the Czech milieu begun more than 1000 years later, at the end of the 19th century, with a never published translation of Procopius and other early Byzantine historiographers. Translations from such remote both geographically and chronologically cultures as Byzantium remain somewhat underestimated in modern Czech. And yet their importance should increase in the light of the diminishing knowledge of Greek and Latin and growing interest in studying inter-cultural topics and relations. Moreover, an awareness of the history of translation and various techniques of translating could significantly contribute to the potential success of the publications. In my communication, I will briefly present the history of translation of Byzantine literature from its rather modest beginnings during the first decades of the 20th century, through the “Golden 90 Age” of translating Classical and, to a smaller extent, Byzantine texts after the 2nd World War, this is when high quality translations had been published and disseminated in many copies, until the decline of this field around the turn of the millennium. I will also discuss the modern trends in translating Byzantine texts into Czech. I will attempt to examine some social, political and academic influences, which could influence translation work in a more general way, and I will suggest some approaches to translating Byzantine literature, which could be perhaps applicable also in other countries. The presentation comprises a part of the project “Research Network ‘The receptions of Byzantium. Towards the new field of reception studies’, funded by Alexander von Humboldt Foundation.” 91 BYZANTINE ART IN THE MODERN ERA: ISSUES OF EMULATION, PRESENTATION AND INTERPRETATION Chairs: Aleksandar Kadijević, Yuri Pyatnitsky Judith Soria, Byzance dans les Balkans : les missions scientifiques des historiens de l’art français au début du 20e siècle Fani Gargova, “Bulgarian” Revival Architecture and Ethnic Exclusion Galina Skotnikova, «Византийский стиль» архитектуры Казанского храма Новодевичьего монастыря Петербурга: смысловые доминанты Nadzeya Vysotskaya, Traditions post-byzantines et l’art graphiques de l’agitation République Socialiste Soviétique de Biélorussie Yuri Pyatnitsky, Эстетический аспект византийского искусства на выставках и экспозициях Государственного Эрмитажа Julia P. Gogoleva, The Image of Byzantine and Curatorial Solutions in the Museum Collections of Europe Ivana Marcikić – Marijana Paunović, Inverse Perspective Judith Soria Centre d’histoire et civilisation de Byzance, Paris, France; judith.soria@yahoo.fr Byzance dans les Balkans : les missions scientifiques des historiens de l’art français au début du 20e siècle Au tournant du 20e siècle l’image de Byzance en France relève toujours de la fascination exercée par son altérité. Cette époque connaît par ailleurs un renouveau dans l’étude des « choses de Byzance » aussi bien en histoire qu’en histoire de l’art : ces nouvelles recherches nécessitent un important travail de terrain et de nombreux voyages. Je propose donc d’appréhender la perception de Byzance des historiens de l’art et d’archéologues français au regard de leur séjour sur le terrain. Les archives des missions nous révèlent comment, au moment de la dislocation de l’empire ottoman et des guerres balkaniques, se mêlent une construction culturelle des Balkans et plus généralement de l’Europe orientale (violence, inefficacité administrative, crispations nationalistes et religieuses etc. ) et l’image persistante de Byzance et de sa culture visuelle. Les questions soulevées peuvent être posées ainsi : qu’est-ce que cette actualité dans les Balkans du début du XXe siècle fait à l’art byzantin, à la perception qu’on a pu en avoir depuis ce qu’on appelle par facilité l’Occident ? Et en retour le passé byzantin participe-t-il et dans quelle mesure à la construction de cet imaginaire des Balkans ? Fani Gargova University of Vienna, Vienna, Austria; fani.gargova@gmail.com “Bulgarian” Revival Architecture and Ethnic Exclusion The aim of this paper is to examine the means of employing medieval Bulgarian and Byzantine motifs in architecture to construct a nationalistically-motivated image of Sofia as a modern European capital city at the end of the nineteenth and beginning of the twentieth century. To become the capital of the young Balkan state of Bulgaria, Sofia underwent a complete transformation from an Ottoman town to a modern European city—one that is independent from Ottoman rule and rooted in the long Christian tradition of the grand Bulgarian kingdoms of the Middle Ages. Its urban development was marked by a conscious, albeit distorted, appropriation of Bulgaria’s medieval past. This appropriation was complicated by the paucity of surviving Bulgarian archaeological material, which could serve as models for the new representative buildings, and tension in the use of motifs connected to the great medieval enemy, Byzantium. The sophisticated planning and location of the modern buildings in the young capital of Bulgaria served the need to redefine one’s own national identity both inwards and outwards to Europe by aiming at projecting both worldliness and local uniqueness. This national identity was envisioned to be “Bulgarian” in terms of religion, language, and ethnicity. Therefore, the revival of Bulgarian and Byzantine motifs in Sofia’s new architecture visually and spatially helped to undermine the ethnic 93 and religious diversity of Sofia, and the Bulgarian nation as a whole. It gradually contributed to both the exclusion and assimilation of the specific groups of people that were legally part of the Bulgarian population but that did not fit the definition of Bulgaria’s new national identity. The main argument of this paper will be supported by the evidence of the monumental buildings, religious and secular, erected in the capital Sofia between 1878 and 1914 in order to demonstrate how the Byzantine architectural heritage was appropriated in order to create a new Bulgarian national style that would create ethnic exclusion in an effort of becoming “European”. Special attention will be paid to the tension between Christian, Jewish, and Muslim edifices on one hand and representative government buildings on the other. Galina Skotnikova St. Petersburg State Institute of Culture, St. Petersburg, Russian Federation; galina-skotnikov@mail.ru «Византийский стиль» архитектуры Казанского храма Новодевичьего монастыря Петербурга: смысловые доминанты Осмысление «византийского стиля» в архитектуре России, развивавшегося в русле «историзма» с 1850-х годов, вступило в русской гуманитарной науке начала XXI века в кардинально новую фазу. Ключевую роль в этом процессе играют два фактора. Во-первых, это парадигма исследования «византийского стиля», фундаментально обоснованная в трудах искусствоведа-культуролога Ю.Р. Савельева; во-вторых, превосходно осуществленная реставрация храмов, построенных в Петербурге по проекту выдающегося мастера В.А. Косякова, - Свято-Никольского Морского собора Кронштадта и храма во имя Казанской иконы Божией Матери Воскресенского Новодевичьего монастыря. Оба храма представляют собой уникальный образец «византийского стиля»: будучи построены по методу археологического подобия, они воспроизводят внутреннюю структуру храмов «золотого века» Юстиниана Великого, когда церковное искусство с удивительным совершенством, глубже и строже, чем в другие времена воплотило сущность православной духовности. «Византийский стиль» архитектуры Казанского храма Новодевичьего монастыря Петербурга может быть рассмотрен как: 1) символ формообразующего принципа культуры России - византийской «симфонии» церкви и царства, следовательно, и символ преодоления европоцентризма; 2) антропологическое «монументальное богословие», дающее ощущение совершенства Вселенной, созданной и творимой для спасения души человека как высшей ценности бытия; 3) форма выражения «антропного принципа», предвосхищенного в русской философии Н.Н. Страховым (книга «Мир как целое»), открытого развиваемого астрофизикой XX-XXI века, согласно которому Вселенная «тонко настроена» на «волну жизни», человек есть центр мира, «вершина природы, узел бытия». 94 Известно, что «древнерусский храм никогда не спутаешь с византийским» (М.В. Алпатов). Поэтому, архитекторам, получившим государственный заказ, пришлось специально изучать византийскую традицию храмового зодчества. Важно уточнить вопрос об архитектурном прототипе Казанского храма. В настоящее время во всей исследовательской литературе в качестве такового и для Морского собора, и для Казанского храма называется собор Святой Софии Константинопольской. Однако Казанский храм - археологическое подобие другого константинопольского храма - святых Сергия и Вакха, построенного Юстинианом I, вероятно, в 527 г. По своей внутренней структуре храм свв. Сергия и Вакха - октагон с двухъярусным обходом и венком чередующихся ниш с их характерным ритмически меняющимся завершением. В то время как Святая София Константинопольская - являет собой «купол Пантеона, водруженный на базилику Максенция» (Н.И. Брунов). В.А. Косяков скрупулезно воспроизводит отдельные элементы целого, видя совершенство архитектурного воплощения духовного замысла - антропологической идеи Православия. Петербургский храм, как и константинопольский, рождает ощущение «сверхразумности и сверхсовершенства устройства, свойственного Божиим творениям», неявной, таинственной воли Творца. «… всё кружится, вращается, магически разрастается, ни на чем нельзя остановиться и “зацепиться” взгляду…Человек воспринимает себя в этом пространстве как единственное твердое, материальное тело» (Г.С. Колпакова) (1). Антропология константинопольского зодчества VI в., претворенная в Казанском храме Петербурга, созвучна «антропному принципу» астрофизики и вновь осознанным фундаментальным смыслам, которые символизирует архитектура «византийского стиля» в культуре России. Nadzeya Vysotskaya Belorussian State University, Minsk, Belarus; stellina@inbox.ru Traditions post-byzantines et l’art graphiques de l’agitation République Socialiste Soviétique de Biélorussie L’assimilation de la tradition byzantine était typique dans l’art des anciennes villes de Biélorussie XI - XVIII siècles. Elle se manifeste dans la validation du christianisme (988), dans la construction d’églises de la Croix dôme, avec leur conception de la décoration des intérieurs, d’extérieur, nécessaire pour faire la liturgie. Les plus connues sont les traditions Grecopholiques de «Chrysostome» Cyrille de Turov et Euphrosine de Polotsk. Des liens étroits avec l’Empire byzantin sont bien mis en évidence dans les peintures murales de la Cathédrale Dieu-Transfiguration dans le monastère de Euphrosyne à Polotsk (1161), dans la Croix de maître -Lazare Bogscha(1161), dans l’importation de l’icône de Vierge Hodegetria de Byzance à Polotsk (1151),et un nombre considérable de monuments de XI - XIII siècles, les polyptyques (Volkovysk), le verre (Novogrudok). 95 Dans la période post-byzantine (après le XIVème) les traditions byzantines ont continué d’exister. Elles étaient exprimées principalement dans la conservation de l’iconographie de l’art en Byzance (V - XIVème siècles). Entre le XVI et XVIIIème siècles devient plus évident l’art d’Europe occidentale. Dans l’art des anciennes villes de la Biélorussie, comme dans la culture de l’Empire byzantin, et malgré une culture chrétienne prédominante, il y eut une culture laïque, exprimé surtout dans les arts appliqués (verre, polyptyque, des produits métalliques, toreutique, poterie, tissage, cuir, etc.). Surtout, il est nécessaire de noter la complexité de la création de l’iconographie, avec la composition des sujets chrétiens, où un rôle important est joué par la forme, le rythme, la couleur (y compris l’or, l’argent), les silhouettes, le texte, les symboles et les emblèmes. Il semblerait que ces traditions ont dû quitter l’art de la Biélorussie du XX siècle. Mais si nous jetons un coup d’œil étroit à l’art graphique de l’agitation de la RSSB (République Socialiste Soviétique de Biélorussie) (1919 -. 1991), nous constatons que la période de l’iconoclasme, qui caractérise l’idéologie de cette époque, n’a pas pu détruire les approches de base et les traditions artistiques de la culture byzantine. Il convient notamment de souligner que la Révolution, qui est devenue la restructuration idéologique, a exigé des artistes le recherche de nouveaux moyens artistiques, qui devaient exprimer des concepts tels que la Révolution, Liberté, Égalité, Fraternité, le Communisme. Cela a conduit à la création de nouvelles allégories, de nouveaux symboles et attributs (faucille, marteau, enclume, bouclier, chaîne, locomotive, étoile à cinq branches). Si à l’époque byzantine et post-byzantine le développement et la formation de l’art chrétien étaient prédominant, à l’époque de RSSB ils sont en stagnation par rapport à l’art laïque. L’art de l’agitation s’oriente de plus en plus politiquement, Ceci est exprimé principalement dans l’art graphique – les affiches, les enveloppes, les tracts, les timbres, les cartes postales. Ce type de beaux d’art touche des millions de gens de par ses nouveaux supports distribués massivement, ce qui indique l’ampleur et le pathos de la lutte révolutionnaire. Tous les types d’art commencent à posséder le caractère agitateur. En effet, celui-ci touche la peinture monumental et la peinture de chevalet, la sculpture, l’art graphique, les arts appliques(en particulier porcelaine). L’art graphique de l’agitation se forme et se développe grâce aux traditions de la peinture de l’icône byzantine, russe et biélorusse, vers lesquels les artistes se sont tournés. Ces traditions ont été détournées pour s’ancrer dans la mentalité du peuple à travers les gravures populaires, la satire, les caricatures et les farces populaires dans les spectacles de marionnettes pendant le Carnaval. La technologie de pochoir emprunté remonte aux copies des dessins de l’icône dans l’iconographie. Il en est de même pour la concision et la rigueur de la composition, la luminosité et l’éclat de la couleur, la relation de l’image avec leurs textes d’accompagnement – tout ça aussi remonte aux traditions de la peinture de l’icône. L’affiche révolutionnaire est devenue l’icône du XXe siècle. L’affiche comme l’iconographie ont un contrôle strict sur le sujet, le thème (type iconographique), le texte. La censure chrétienne et laïque est strictement suivie de laprécision et la compétence politique des images. Surtout, il convient de noter que dans les œuvres d’autres formes d’art, comme la peinture de chevalet, pour créer les images généralisante, synthétiques, psychologiquement saturées les artistes du XXe siècle se tournent vers les symboles chrétiens éternels. Cela est évident dans les œuvres de M.A. Savitsky-»Partisan 96 Madonna» et»Madonna de Minsk «, dans lesquels il y a la force d’expression comme dans les affiche, l’intégralité de la composition, l’allégorie et le symbolisme, la beauté du rythme linéaire. Les traditions post- byzantines ont prospéré avec une vigueur renouvelée dans la période postsoviétique (1991-2016), quand l’Église est devenue l’un des clients les plus importants et actifs pour faire les ensembles chrétiens, les iconostases, les dispositifs liturgiques, les vêtements pour le service dans l’église. Yuri Pyatnitsky State Hermitage Museum, Oriental Department, St. Petersburg, Russian Federation; pyatnitsky@hermitage.ru Эстетический аспект византийского искусства на выставках и экспозициях Государственного Эрмитажа В докладе рассмотрены выставки Византийского искусства, проходившие в 2000-2016 годах в Государственном Эрмитаже, а так же постоянная экспозиция музея, обновленная в 2014 году. Одним из главных компонентов этих экспозиций был эстетический аспект, подчеркивающий художественную значимость византийских памятников. В последние годы в Эрмитаже именно этот аспект стал ведущим в показе искусства Византии, отстранив на второй план исторический, экономический и культурологический аспекты. На нескольких примерах может быть продемонстрировано преимущество данного метода в музейной работе. Julia P. Gogoleva University of Zurich, Zurich, Switzerland; j.gogoleva@gmail.com The Image of Byzantine and Curatorial Solutions in the Museum Collections of Europe The Byzantines during their thousand-year-long history built a complex theory of perception, which different from the modern Western one. And today it is observed, that the methodologies of presenting the Byzantine legacy in the countries where Byzantium is part of the national cultural and historical heritage, and in those countries where Byzantium has been for long time absent in the consciousness of society, are in a sharp contrast. Thus, the task of curators is to present Byzantine art not as a mirror of culture, but as an artistic statement, which should be structurally analyzed in the context of public and social categories and translated into modern language. The curator does not only create the overall concept of the project, develops a strategy for its development, selects items, appropriates concept, but also organizes the conditions for the project’s realization in one form or another (publications, workshops, etc. ) and overtakes the role of an intermediary in the transfer 97 of knowledge. The contemporary geopolitics encourages the curators to articulate key issues such as: how one can create an exhibition of Byzantine art material culture to the public, which has an outlook of a positivist “negative myth” about the ancient empire, and how the specific artefacts can explain to a contemporary man the culture and society of a distant in time Byzantium? Ivana Marcikić University of Arts in Belgrade, Faculty of Applied Arts, Belgrade, Serbia; marcikicivana@yahoo.com Marijana Paunović University of Arts, Faculty of Applied Arts, Belgrade, Serbia; marijanavpaunovic@gmail.com Inverse Perspective The aim of this paper is to prove that the conclusion of Western theorists, namely that illusionism or 3D didn’t exist in Byzantine and Serbian medieval painting, is incorrect. For example, L. Wright emphasises the elimination of the third dimension. He also concludes that figures and objects are flat abstract symbols set on flat neutral surfaces and that man, when pictured, has no volume, depth or position in space, as well as no horizon. (Perspective in perspective, 1983, pp. 39) Simple evidence that the preceding statement is incorrect, lies in the fact that there is depth displayed in Byzantine fresco-painting and our medieval painting. In this way, an illusion of volume is created within the painting, which is to say that shapes and objects are displayed threedimensionally and placed so as to enhance the illusion of space in a fresco. The irregular application of the same projection system across the entire composition, characteristic of both Eastern medieval painting and Western creation, doesn’t mean that the above-mentioned elements (volume, depth, spatial position and horizon) are left out. The illusion of volume is enhanced through the use of the light and shadow ratio, not just on the drapery and objects, but also on the faces of the depicted figures. The frescos are characterised by the large surface on which they were painted, which is why the painter envisioned an observer moving within the space where the fresco was made, and he himself also changed his position (along the horizontal and the vertical) while creating it. Consequently, the composition is most often divided into horizontal and vertical zones. A frontal oblique or an axonometric projection is most commonly located in the composition’s central area, while we have inverse perspectives with highlighted, matching (left of right) side surfaces in the surrounding zones. The fresco painter uses a changing height position for vertical zoning by placing a new horizon in each of the aforementioned segments. The result is a kinetic effect of the observer. By obeying the canon of Orthodox iconography, the painter uses figure dimensioning strictly by their importance, i.e. perspective of importance. 98 From a geometric aspect, the goal of researching the inverse perspective is to conduct its restitution so as to enable its transition into a system which would belong to the area of constructive projections. In this work, a commonly held hypothesis about inverse perspective, which states that the viewpoint and the main vanishing point are located in the same point, is constructively resolved by using models of perspective collinear spaces and moving the relief perspective’s vanishing point into an inverse position. The procedures for determining the inverse perspective and their application, it will be given, not only in the mural painting of the Byzantine and Serbia, but also for examples of contemporary painting. In addition to inverse perspective, elements of artistic perspective and visual effects were used in the comparative analysis of examples of Serbian medieval painting (the composition from the Visoki Dečani Monastery and the Patriarchate of Peć) and modern art (painting, graphic design, 3D painting, animation…). Of note are the works of Cézanne and the Cubists, but also the works of contemporary Spanish (Pérez Villalta and David R. Belmonte), British (David Hockney and Patrick Hughes) and Serbian painters (Zoran Grebenarović, Aleksandar Tomašević, Lazar Vozarević, Branislav Makeš, Mladen Srbinović, Ljubinka Jovanović, Kosta Bogdanović). The visual effects of inverse perspective include: enlargement of the space in the picture when the distance is enlarged, the multiocular principle - the effect of the film image, several horizons which divide the image vertically into several zones, are defined. 99 BYZANTINE ARCHITECTURE ‒ PART 1 Chairs: Phaidon Hadjiantoniou, Ferudun Özgümüş Suela Xhyheri, Skender Muçaj, Irklid Ristani, Era Xhaferaj, The Churches of the X-XII Centuries in South Albania. Archaeological Evidence after the 2000 Irklid Ristani, Skënder Muçaj, Suela Xhyheri, Kamenica, a Conserved Model of the Byzantine Village Ioanna P. Arvanitidou, Τα λουτρικά συγκροτήματα της Βυζαντινής Θεσσαλονίκης Phaidon Hadjiantoniou, The Aqueducts of Pantokratoros Monastery on Mount Athos Ferudun Özgümüş, Recent Archaeological Finds in Byzantine Istanbul Sotirios Fotakidis, A Group of Byzantine Slabs from the Collections of the Istanbul Archaeological Museums Silvia Leggio, I Genovesi a Costantinopoli: alcune lastre scolpite dalla cinta muraria di Galata Hilâl Aktur, Spolia Use in the Mosques in Manisa Suela Xhyheri Center for Albanian Studies, National Institute of Archaeology, Tirana, Albania; suelaxhy@yahoo.it Skender Muçaj Tirana, Albania; smucaj@yahoo.com Irklid Ristani Tirana, Albania; iristani@gmail.com Era Xhaferaj Institute of Cultural Monuments, Tirana, Albania; eraxhaferaj@gmail.com The Churches of the X-XII Centuries in South Albania. Archaeological Evidence after the 2000 This discussion proposed to this thematic table (Epirus Revisited – New Perceptions of its History and Material Culture) brings to the focus the cultural heritage and the changes that took place in the territory of southern Albania seen through the most important and representative structure of that period: the church. The archaeological excavations conducted in the course of this century, lying in a broad area in Southern Albania, brought to light new evidences regarding already published monuments of Christian cult and also uncovered the ruins of new churches dated from early 9th century to the end of 12th century, which were not known from the relevant scholarly studies before. Generally it can be stated that small single aisled churches with a narthex are usually located along the main routes and inside inhabited areas while large buildings are connected with the existence of Episcopal centers and monasteries. The initial plan has been subjected to modifications in the course of 11th – 12th century, with the addition of lateral naves, porticoes or annexes. The churches of the late 10th – 12th century (for example the church of Asomat, Fiqt’ e Lape (Kamenicë, Delvinë), Perhondi, Kurjan, Gurzezë, “Maja e Qishës” Kropisht, St. John, St. Mary in Ballsh, Peshkëpi e Sipërme, Sinjë, Peshkëpi e Sipërme ect.) is usually plain with reused remains of earlier buildings, little use of tiles all joined by the use of mortar in a “primitive” technique that precedes that of the earliest examples of cloisonné. To mention are the frequent finds of bricks with kufic elements and the tiles with recordings made with a comb that date in the late 10th through all the 11th century. The interior decoration is usually as plain as the exterior. The walls are usually executed in freco (the church of Asomat) with floors paved with square bricks (the church in Gurëzezë) or stone (the church of Asomat). The church classic type is represented in more than one number of the possible variations as that of the cross – in – square form. This architectural form is exhibited in Albania by a number of significant monuments: the church of “Qisha Mëne” Asomat; “Maja e Qishës”, Kropisht, both in the Shushica Valley, the church of St. Triadha, Berat, the medieval church in Gurzezë, the ruins 101 of the church in Kalivaç, the church of St. George, Brataj and the church of Holy Trinity in Opar). The 11th-century cross-in-square church was already with a western narthex and expanded in the 13th century through the addition of other structures. From similar additions to the central cross – in - square core plans resulted churches as for example: the church of St. Mary in Apollonia is in the form of the basilica type; the church of St. Nicholas in Kurjan, which has two later joined apses in the north and in the south; and the churches of St. Mary in Labovë e Kryqit, St. Nicholas in Perhondi, and of St. Mary in Peshkëpi e Sipërme have later additions. Other forms of the churches of the Byzantine architecture, is the free cross plan (Marmiro), the basilica type (St. Mary in Ballsh, St. John in Delvinë, kisha në Peshkëpi, Sarandë) and the chapel type, all used in this period in the same area, without a preference for a specific type. To understand more of these buildings we have to see through the archaeological and the sporadically historical evidence of each of them. These forms are particularly common in all the provinces of the Byzantine Empire, for example Preslav, in Bulgaria, in Greece, Asia Minor and Armenia. The construction of churches from 10th – 12th century stimulated mostly the religious painting, which was favored from the practice of the complete covering the interiors of the sanctuaries with paintings. Although the fresco decoration of this period is sparse and preserved in a fragmentary condition some of them reflect the main currents in the stylistic development of monumental painting of the period. The surviving painting of 9th – 12th century confirms the connection to the art of Asia Minor, Greece and Southern Italy, while in the course of XI and XII century and especially in fresco decoration of those monuments located along or close to the coastal cities (Durrës, Vlorë) is observed the reference to Hellenistic models, a tendency derived from Constantinople and adapted in the art of the provinces. This tendency is also evident in sculptural decoration of the second half of 12th century which connection to analogous models in Southern Italy is evidenced. Irklid Ristani Tirana, Albania; iristani@gmail.com Skënder Muçaj Tirana, Albania; smucaj@yahoo.com Suela Xhyheri Center for Albanian Studies, National Institute of Archaeology, Tirana, Albania; suelaxhy@yahoo.it Kamenica, a Conserved Model of the Byzantine Village The medieval village of Kamenica is situated in the district of Delvinë (South East of Albania), on the side of the mountain Mali Gjerë. The village lays on the top area of two hills, in their slope and the “neck” created by their join. The urban organization of the village is known from the ottoman cadastral registers. In the register of 1431-1432 the village was part of Vajoneta and had 267 houses. The urban geography of the village reflects the principles of the medieval settlements called “borghi”, 102 that are built in Italy from Puglia to Piemonte beginning from IX – X century. There was a main quarter (Kamenica) and 4 suburb quarters (Vulur, Vragoj, Makuri, Gajdaҫ). During the surveys done in the periphery area of Kamenica, we have found three of those quarters situated in the area of Fiqt’ e Lape, Jominai and the modern village of Palavli. The fourth one probably is situated on the north side of the two hills near the modern village of Kopaҫëz. The suburb quarters has conserved a church and the ruins of few houses. The main quarter Kamenica from it abandon has not been populated; this fact has made possible the conservation in a very good sate of the buildings (houses, churches, mills) and the streets. The natural condition of the terrain has influenced the structure of the streets and the orientation of the buildings. There can be identified two categories of streets: the principal and the secondary. The principal street is extended in the direction south-north and starts from the valley down the hills. It leads to the main plaza Qafa e Pazarit, where seem to end. There are found 12 churches in total, 8 in the main quarter, one in the square down the hills and two in the suburb quarters. The churches 1 to 10 are conserved well and are distinguished by a simple and basic architecture. There are found 4 olive oil mills in the main quarter all build in the central areas. The houses are generally oriented toward south; less toward southeast and southwest. They were built very close to each other, have two floors according to the steep terrain and belong to a well-known type called “half floor”. The access to the house was made by the secondary streets, directly in the courtyard. These are always surrendered by high walls build directly on the natural rock. The main houses are built in the central area of Kamenica (top of the two hills, Qafa e Pazarit), while the simple ones with fewer rooms are spread in the rest area. Two of the most interesting buildings in Kamenica are the residences, build on the top of the big hill (residence 1) and on the south – west of it near the churches 1 and 2 (residence 2). The main element of the residence is the tower made of three floors, surrounded by houses composed with the “half-floor” type as the rest of the village. All the buildings of the residence and its yards are surrounded by walls, creating small fortifications inside Kamenica. The archaeological material mostly belongs to the XVI century, which is the last period of life of the village before its abandon. Some examples found in the church of Fiqt’ e Lape belongs to the XII century. The pottery includes examples of tableware and coarse ware. The table forms are represented by bowls, dishes, jugs ect. Kamenica reflects all the principles of the byzantine village: urban geography, urban organization and the church architecture. Ioanna P. Arvanitidou Sapienza University of Rome, Rome, Italy; ioanna.arvanitidou@uniroma1.it Τα λουτρικά συγκροτήματα της Βυζαντινής Θεσσαλονίκης Το ενδιαφέρον των ανθρώπων για τα λουτρά ξεκίνησε στην αρχαία Ελλάδα και διαδόθηκε μέσω της Ρωμαϊκής Αυτοκρατορίας. Τα λουτρά έπαιζαν σημαντικό ρόλο στην καθημερινή ζωή των ανθρώπων, καθώς είχαν χαρακτήρα κοινωνικό, πολιτιστικό και ψυχαγωγικό, εκτός από το ότι εξασφάλιζαν την υγιεινή του σώματος. Κατ’ αυτόν τον τρόπο, η έρευνα των λουτρικών συγκροτημάτων μπορεί να προσφέρει σημαντικές πληροφορίες για τον τρόπο λειτουργίας της βυζαντινής κοινωνίας, καθώς και για τις συνήθειες και τις προτεραιότητες των ανθρώπων της εποχής. 103 Άλλωστε, σύμφωνα με τον ιστορικό Προκόπιο από την Καισάρεια, οι λουτρικές εγκαταστάσεις ήταν δείκτης ευημερίας για μία πόλη. Η σημαντικότητα της λουτρικής διαδικασίας πιστοποιείται και από το γεγονός ότι όλα τα προγράμματα αστικής ανασυγκρότησης των αυτοκρατόρων συμπεριελάμβαναν πάντα λουτρικές εγκαταστάσεις. Χαρακτηριστικό παράδειγμα αποτελεί ο αυτοκράτορας Αναστάσιος Α΄, ο οποίος κατασκεύασε λουτρά σε κάθε πόλη της αυτοκρατορίας. Η Θεσσαλονίκη ήταν μία από τις σημαντικότερες πόλεις της Βυζαντινής Αυτοκρατορίας, αν όχι η σημαντικότερη μετά την Κωνσταντινούπολη, και αποτέλεσε σημαντικό καλλιτεχνικό κέντρο ασκώντας έντονη επιρροή στην περιοχή των σημερινών Βαλκανίων. Στην Πρώιμη Βυζαντινή περίοδο, τον αστικό πυρήνα της πόλης όριζαν τα μεγάλα χριστιανικά μνημεία της πόλης: Άγιος Δημήτριος, Αγία Σοφία και Άγιος Γεώργιος (Ροτόντα). Γύρω από αυτήν ακριβώς την περιοχή βρισκόταν τα δεκαέξι λουτρικά συγκροτήματα, που ανασκάφηκαν στην πόλη, τα οποία ήταν σε λειτουργία σε διάφορες περιόδους της Βυζαντινής εποχής. Ωστόσο, λόγω της σημαντικότητας και του πληθυσμού της πόλης, θα ήταν ίσως αναμενόμενη την ύπαρξη ενός μεγάλου δημόσιου λουτρικού συγκροτήματος, το οποίο, όμως, δεν έχει βρεθεί μέχρι στιγμής. Στην Θεσσαλονίκη έχουν βρεθεί είκοσι οκτώ ρωμαϊκά λουτρά και οκτώ εξ αυτών συνέχισαν να λειτουργούν και στην Βυζαντινή περίοδο μαζί με τα επτά νέα λουτρικά συγκροτήματα που κατασκευάστηκαν στην πόλη. Τρία δημόσια λουτρά εξυπηρετούσαν το κοινό της Θεσσαλονίκης τον 5ο αιώνα. Το ρωμαϊκό λουτρό που βρέθηκε κοντά στην εκκλησία της Αχειροποιήτου, το, επίσης, ρωμαϊκό λουτρό που βρέθηκε κάτω από την εκκλησία του Αγίου Δημητρίου και το πρωτοβυζαντινό λουτρό, που εντοπίστηκε κοντά στη νοτιοδυτική γωνία του Υπουργείου Μακεδονίας και Θράκης. Ταυτόχρονα, ήταν σε λειτουργία τρία εκκλησιαστικά λουτρά. Το πρώτο εντοπίστηκε στην οδό Αγίας Σοφίας 52 και συνδέθηκε με την εκκλησία της Αχειροποιήτου. Το δεύτερο βρέθηκε στη συμβολή των οδών Ολύμπου και Πλάτωνος και συνδέθηκε με το Μαρτύριο του Αγίου Δημητρίου. Το τρίτο ανασκάφηκε στην οδό Μακένζυ Κίνγκ και συνδέθηκε με την εκκλησία της Αγίας Σοφίας. Δεν είναι ξεκάθαρο αν τα παραπάνω λουτρά εξυπηρετούσαν μόνο τους κληρικούς των αντίστοιχων εκκλησιών ή ήταν ανοιχτά και στους πολίτες της Θεσσαλονίκης, αν και το μέγεθος του λουτρού στην οδό Μακένζυ Κίνγκ (287 τ. μ.) θα επέτρεπε μια τέτοια υπόθεση. Μάλιστα, το συγκεκριμένο λουτρό φαίνεται πώς ήταν σε χρήση και μετά την πρωτοβυζαντινή περίοδο. Το μοναδικό λουτρό που έχει βρεθεί και η κατασκευή του χρονολογείται μετά τον 8ο αιώνα είναι αυτό στην οδό Θεοτοκοπούλου, το οποίο χρονολογείται στα τέλη του 13ου αιώνα και σταμάτησε να χρησιμοποιείται το 1940. Το λουτρό στην οδό Θεοτοκοπούλου είναι ένα από τα δύο λουτρά του ελληνικού χώρου που κατασκευάστηκαν στην υστεροβυζαντινή περίοδο και ένα από τα ελάχιστα λουτρά που λειτουργούσαν στον 13ο και 14ο αιώνα. Το λουτρό στην Θεοτοκοπούλου είναι διπλό και ακολουθεί τον Βυζαντινό Τύπο λουτρών. 104 Phaidon Hadjiantoniou Kalamaria, Greece; pierre.lekapinos@gmail.com The Aqueducts of Pantokratoros Monastery on Mount Athos Founded in the mid 14th century by Alexius and John, Byzantine high officials related by blood to the imperial Palaeologan family, Pantokratoros Monastery was extended in the late 15th and the first decades of the 16th century with the sponsoring of Romanian rulers. The big stone-built aqueduct transported water from the heights of Mount Tsouknidi, northwest of the monastery. The aqueduct is composed of a two tire arcade with a channel on the top that reached serpentine the base of the defensive tower, in which there was a reservoir for collecting water. A 14th century founders’ work is thought to be the lower part with the high arches. A marble inscription built in the northern part of the west wing refers to an extensive repair of the aqueduct made in 1537. This repair probably includes both the addition of the upper arcade, as well as the construction of two tanks found on the ground floor of the west wing, and an advanced water diversion system in different places of the monastery through underground stone vaulted pipelines. An extension of the original aqueduct with a branch to the west dates in 1780. This is a lower arched stone-built aqueduct that brought water to the west of the monastery, to the kellion St. Tryphon, and from there to the fertile gardens spread out along the banks of the river Chrysorraris. In the archive of Pantokratoros Monastery is kept the contract between the manufacturer Andronis and the monastery, from which we acquire the information that the project would cost 330 piastres. The monastery would provide the contractor oil, kourasani, and fagoura, the rest (materials, wages, costs of transport, road opening) being the latter’s obligation. Ferudun Özgümüş Istanbul University, Istanbul, Turkey; fozgumus@hotmail.com Recent Archaeological Finds in Byzantine Istanbul Our investigations were carried out between 2013-2015 in the old part of the city by three scholars of Istanbul University. F.Özgümüş, M.Ermiş, H.F.Yılmaz. Below is the list of our discoveries which have yet to be published. Early Christian Basilica in The Roman Forum of Tauri: An Early Christian Basilica came to light during the restoration work of the Beyazıt Mosque from the 15th C. Only a small part of the structure, which is the sanctuary section with three apses, survives to our days. This three aisled basilical church has the traces of the Hierarkh in its apse. In the south of the structure is a narthex with some burials apparently this portion was added later. 105 Substructure under the Northern Building of Former Pantokrator Church: Another Restoration work in the city yielded an important substructure under the north building of the Famous Pantokrator of Istanbul. This substructure is in basilical form and has some burials in it. Church at Ayvansaray on the ruins of so-called Anemas Dungeon: A Small and only a little part left church ruin was discovered in 2009 on the ruins of Anemas Dungeon in the ancient Blakherna Region of Istanbul. It must have been made after 1100 which was the construction date of Anemas. Cross-in Square Church Substructure at K. M. Paşa: It was discovered by H. F. Yılmaz and briefly mentioned in a journal of Vakıflar in Istanbul.This late Byzantine Substructure was used as a cistern and its discovery become a big contribution to the Archaeology of Byzantine İstanbul. Middle Byzantine Structure in the District of Eminönü: Located on the Alay Köşkü Caddesi(Avenue) near Sultanahmet next to a Hotel called Albion. Three horse-shoe shaped arches resting on three in situ columns probably date to Middle Byzantine. Intercolumnium was walled up and this wall has concealed brick technique which is another proof of Middle Byzantine date. Frescoes in the Martyrion of Sts. Karpos and Papylos: Those frescoes are St.Demetrius, Christ Pantocrator and four Seraphims and circular inscription frieze surrounding the image of Christ. They were published incompletely and hastily by a Polish Scholars in 2010. Ayça Bego from İstanbul was another one who saw all these frescoes but none was able to identify them properly and none was able to have the inscription deciphered. Circular inscription around the image of Christ is verse from Psalms 102/19-20 and it reads ‘’The LORD looked down from his sanctuary on high from heaven he viewed the earth, to hear the groans of the prisoners and release those condemned to death.” Two more frescoes and some sculptural pieces from Istanbul: One of the frescoes came to light in the Zeyrek Camii of former Pantokrator Church.It was plastered in the ottoman time so was not visible. Located in the north-east corner of the south aisle of the building and when the plaster was removed it became visible. Impossible to identify it as it was badly damaged besides it has some indentations for its later plastering. Second fresco is much better preserved and almost intact. It was found behind late Ottoman Wall in the western wall of the narthex of Libos Monastery which is currently the Mosque of Fenari İsa. This Fresco depicts a warrior saint but as there is no writing or any inscription so we are not able to identify it. In 16thC Bath of Hürrem we found some pieces of architectural sculptural mainly from the 2ndC BC and all deposited in Museum of Vakıflar. They may have been pieces from ancient pagan temples of Byzantium once stood near the location of this Ottoman Bath. 106 Sotirios Fotakidis National and Kapodistrian University of Athens, Athens, Greece; fotakidis@gmail.com A Group of Byzantine Slabs from the Collections of the Istanbul Archaeological Museums This paper presents a group of marble slabs from Middle Byzantine Constantinople, now held in the Collections of the Istanbul Archaeological Museums. Most of the marble slabs are located in the rear courtyard of the Archaeological Museums, while one is in the staff office building. All this material has been collected and transferred to IAM from different monuments of the city of Istanbul. The focus of this paper is to date the slabs based on already dated material from Istanbul, Asia Minor, Greece and Italy, and to discover their origin. Emphasis will be placed on the traces of the marble-carving tools preserved on the surfaces of the sculptures. Finally, we will concentrate on the decorative motifs on each of the slabs and analyze the general characteristics of decorative motifs on stone slabs during the Middle Byzantine period. Silvia Leggio Sapienza University of Rome, Rome, Italy; silvia_leggio@hotmail.it I Genovesi a Costantinopoli: alcune lastre scolpite dalla cinta muraria di Galata Con il trattato di Ninfeo, siglato nel 1261 alla vigilia della riconquista bizantina di Costantinopoli, Michele VIII Paleologo (1259-1282) assicurò ai Genovesi una posizione giuridica ed economica nell’impero bizantino mai raggiunta dagli altri stati occidentali. Estromessi da Costantinopoli in seguito alla Quarta Crociata, essi poterono così rientrare nella capitale, occupando l’area al di là del Corno d’Oro sulle pendici della collina di Galata; ovvero, la zona anche conosciuta con il nome di Pera (regio XIII). Il nuovo insediamento genovese fu dotato di un fossato solo nel 1304, in seguito alle concessioni di Andronico II (1282-1328), mentre una cinta muraria, munita di torri, non fu costruita prima del 1335. Sottoposto ad una serie di interventi ed ampliamenti ulteriori nel corso del Trecento e della prima metà del Quattrocento, il circuito fortificato fu infine abbattuto negli ultimi decenni del XIX secolo, ad eccezione dei tracciati ovest e sud che sopravvivono ancora oggi. Dalle opere di demolizione fu però salvato un cospicuo numero di lastre marmoree, cronologicamente coeve alla cinta muraria, oggi conservate nel Museo Archeologico di Istanbul. Si tratta nella maggior parte dei casi di epigrafi in lingua latina accompagnate dagli stemmi araldici di alcune delle più influenti famiglie genovesi della comunità perota; un secondo gruppo, numericamente meno consistente, presenta, invece, decorazioni figurate a rilievo con soggetti a carattere religioso. Dalla loro prima segnalazione in alcuni contributi apparsi tra la fine dell’Ottocento e gli inizi del Novecento, questi manufatti non hanno ancora trovato un più approfondito inquadramento 107 critico, in parte complicato dal contesto culturalmente “ibrido” - diviso tra l’Italia e Bisanzio - in cui s’inseriscono. Nell’ambito di un più ampio progetto di ricerca attualmente in corso, focalizzato sulle relazioni artistiche tra Genova e Bisanzio, verrà preso in esame questo secondo nucleo di lastre scolpite provenienti dalle mura di Galata. Saranno indagate l’identità culturale e le modalità esecutive dei loro artefici e, al contempo, si presterà attenzione ad alcuni interrogativi, mai affrontati dagli studiosi, posti dal corredo iconografico di questi manufatti. Hilâl Aktur Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey; hilalaktur@gmail.com Spolia Use in the Mosques in Manisa Turkish–Islamic cities in Anatolia were established either at or near sites of continuous settlement since Antiquity, Roman and Byzantine times. In the structures dating from the Anatolian Seljuq and Beylik era cities founded on the sites, a tendency for intensive use of materials from previous periods is observed. These repurposed architectural elements are termed as spolia. The broadest definition of spolia in architecture is the reuse of an architectural material previously used in another structure, with a similar or a different function. Manisa is one of the Western Aegean cities where spolia are intensively used in the Turkish–Islamic period structures. Within the scope of this study, primarily the following structures in Manisa City Centre are studied: İlyas Bey Masjid (Mescit) (1362) and Manisa Great Mosque and Complex (Külliye) (1366) from the Sarukhanid period; Ali Bey Mosque (1418), Hacı Yahya (İki Lüleli) Mosque (1474), Çeşnigir Mosque (1474), İvaz Paşa Mosque and Complex (Külliye) (1484), Hatuniye Mosque and Complex (Külliye) (1490-1491), İbrahim Çelebi Mosque (1549), Hüsrev Ağa Mosque and Complex (külliye) (1554-1558), Lala Mehmed Paşa Mosque (1569-1570), Arapalan (Defterdar Mahmut Efendi) Mosque and Fountain (1582) from the period of Beylik of Osmanoğulları. A literature survey was conducted in parallel with the detection of the Byzantine era spolia, leading to data on the construction dates of the buildings. Further research was carried out in the Republic of Turkey General Directorate of Foundations Archives to study, where available, the foundation certificate charters of the buildings, and determine the restoration processes they have endured. The examination of technical documents and photographs from this archive proved significant in terms of identifying spolia that went undetected in the direct study of the structures. The Byzantine era structures in Manisa do not survive today. The limited information on the Byzantine era of the city is obtained through the writings of the historian Doukas. In the rather inadequate excavation works conducted in the city, the focus was on Antiquity rather than the Byzantine era; whereby the Byzantine levels were removed without sufficient analysis and documentation. This study aims to reveal the traces of the Byzantine era through the identification of spolia which date back to Byzantine era, in the mosques and complexes of Sarukhanid and Osmanoğulları periods in Manisa City Centre. In line with this, the significance of spolia use in the aforementioned religious structures within the Turkish–Islamic architecture will be investigated. 108 HISTORIOGRAPHY 10TH – 11TH CENTURIES Chairs: Athanasios Markopoulos, Predrag Komatina Aleksei Shchavelev, Rus’ in the First Half of the 10th Century (According to Synchronous Byzantine and Arabic Sources) Christina Sideri, Orality and Audience in Theophanes Continuatus Panagiotis Manafis, Roman Antiquarianism in the 10th Century: The Constantinian Excerpts and the Excerpta Anonymi Dariya Rafiyenko, Excerpta historica iussu Constantini Porphyrogeniti confecta de sententiis: Edition and Study of the Concept of an Excerpt Collection (10th Cent., Constantinople) Predrag Komatina, Some Remarks on the Structure of De administrando imperio and Its Relations to Other Works of Porphyrogenitus Francisco Lopez-Santos Kornberger, The Reigns of Isaak I Komnenos and Constantine X Doukas in the Skylitzes Continuatus: Just a Rewriting of Michael Attaleiates’ History? Aleksei Shchavelev Russian Academy of Sciences, Institute of World History, Moscow, Russian Federation; alexissorel@gmail.com Rus’ in the First Half of the 10th Century (According to Synchronous Byzantine and Arabic Sources) Rus’ in the 9th century was a number of chaotic groups without localization and clear social characteristics. On the contrary, in the mid and the second half of the 10th century we have a unique combination of Greek, Latin, Arabic, Khazar-Jewish, Scandinavian, and Slavic Sources, which give us a stereoscopic view of the Rurikid’s polity. But it’s necessary to realize that it is impossible to transfer these rich data to the previous half of the 10th century, it is necessary to study this intermediate duration separately. We have seven synchronous evidences about Rus’ in the first half of the 10th century. The first one is the chapter about affairs in sea of military treaty “The Taktika” (t.a.q. 912) of Leo VI the Wise. Using textual analyses I have demonstrated that the text in the oldest manuscript Laur. 55,4 has distortion, but the second oldest manuscript Ambros. B 119-sup., reflecting the archetype, retains ethnonym “οἱ Ῥῶς”. The second evidence is chapters 37 and 42 of the treaties “De Administando Imperio”, which belong to the “first editorial stage” of the text made in the time of Leo VI (J. HowardJohston), or some time later (S.A. Kozlov, A.S. Shchavelev). The third is chapter 44 of the treaties “De Cerimoniis” about the expeditions against Saracens in 910/911 (R.J.H. Jenkins, J.F. Haldon). The fourth is the lapidary passage in the Chronicle of Symeon Logothete about “οἱ Ῥῶς Δρομῖται”. The fifth is Patriarch Nicholas’s I letter of 922, where he mentioned the opportunity to use the Rus’s against Bulgarians. The sixth is the Slavic translation of the peace treaty between Byzantine and Rus’ dated 12 of September 911 (the “treaty” of 907 is a construct of the author of Primary Chronicle). The seventh is Achmad Ibn-Fadlān’s “Kitāb” (“The Book”), the report of the journey in the 921–922 to Volga’s Bulgaria (about social terminology of this text see: T.N. Kalinina & O.G. Bolshakov). In this period we have only rough landmarks of Rus’s localization: “the North”, “rivers flowing to the Black Sea”, “upper Dnieper”, and “upper and middle Volga”. We have no synchronous evidence about any urban-center of Rus’ before the mid of the 10th century neither in Arabic nor in Byzantine texts. But we have exact evidences of definite territories, where Rus’ live; in 9th century only trade routes and places of war activities had been mentioned. It’s possible to clarify the Rus’s social structure. The treaty of 911 and Ibn-Fadlān vividly point out the supreme leader: great knyaz (μέγας ἄρχων) or malik al-Rūs. The denomination of a man from upper stratum is boyarin / knyaz (ἄρχων) or ra’īs. The basic strata consists of men (роусь, οἱ Ῥῶς ἄνδρες, al-Rūs), and the low one consists of semi-slave youth (ghulām, τό παιδίον). The main attribute of Rus’ was small vessel (ὁ ἀκατός μικρός, safīna sagīra) and an ability of moving by water. There is no trace of any prince’s family: Rurikid’s dynasty. So, Rus’ was rather egalitarian, but rank heterarchical (K. Cristiansen) society. There is no trace of any Slavic element among Rus’s names (Е.А. Melnikova) and only one Turkic: Актеву <*aqteγwe (“white camel”) (S.V. Kullanda). All this features correspond to the information from core proro-narrative about first Russian Rurikids starting early Russian chronicle tradition (the mid of the 11th century), where we find supreme leader, three social strata (“воевода”, “мужъ”, “отрокъ”), the difference of Rus’ and Slavs, and close attention to the nautical business (precious sails, rowlocks). 110 Christina Sideri National and Kapodistrian University of Athens, Athens, Greece; chrsid@phil.uoa.gr Orality and Audience in Theophanes Continuatus Preserving the ancient practice of reading out loud, the text of the so-called Theophanes Continuatus (henceforth ThCont), a historical piece of work commissioned and supervised by emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogennetos (945-959, henceforth ConstPorph), was in all probability intended for audition. Already from the preamble one can sense that the reader, who addresses the emperor in the second person, is performing a rhetorical recital before him in the presence of a limited circle of officials/scholars. Besides, the text of the first four books of ThCont but also its fifth, known as the Vita Basilii (henceforth VB), contains terms which relate to reading but also imply hearing (VB 246. 6-7, 274.14-15, 282.10-11, 202. 2-3, ThCont 76. 6-10). We can also add the--not much later--heading λόγος found in books I-IV, that could also be suggestive of a reading before a θέατρον. Furthermore, the frequent use of structure words (ὅθεν, γοῦν, ἀλλὰ and the like) attests to a forceful orality, while the recurrent presence of transition words, clauses or sentences which solidify the historical narrative strengthens the hypothesis that the writer composed his work for recitation. In fact, these specific techniques or formulas would, quite apart from contributing to the creation of a more coherent and cohesive text, also activate the memory of the audience and facilitate its understanding during its reading. At the same time, even if deemed to be later additions, the ἐκφράσεις of buildings included at the end of book III and in the VB are in fact rhetorical descriptions provided for a session of reading out loud. It is widely accepted that the sole purpose of reading in Byzantium was almost always benefit. ThCont is indeed of an educational character; this historical compilation is delivered “ὥσπερ τι κοινὸν διδασκαλεῖον...πᾶσιν» and mainly «τοῖς σπουδαίοις», as the latter are capable of drawing out useful elements, even from narration of the reigns of vicious emperors (preamble to ThCont.) Similarly, in the preface to the VB, the emperor confesses his manifest wish “to instil the experience and knowledge of public affairs into the minds ‘τῶν σπουδαιοτέρων› through the ever-memorable and immortal voice of history». But in the description of constructions ascribed to the founder of the Macedonian dynasty, too, the VB expressly notes that «since such beauties are not accessible to every eye, we have been obliged to offer them to the ‘σπουδαῖοι›, so that in such a fashion their maker may be worthily admired, and those who have no access to the imperial quarters may not remain totally ignorant of them”. It is therefore clear that the history written upon ConstPorph’s orders is intended for the σπουδαῖοι. The question is to whom this quality is attributed. Philosophically, the notion is associated with virtue --above all, its political aspect. The σπουδαῖοι equal the μὴ ῥᾳθυμότερον ζῶντες, referred to in the preamble to ThCont, to whom history is bequeathed: i.e. the active citizens. On the other hand, it is commonly known that, according to Psellos, readers can be divided into three categories: περιττοὶ or λόγιοι ἄνδρες, who may be superior in terms of knowledge, thinking and 111 language; σπουδαῖοι or ἐλλόγιμοι ἀκροαταί, meaning sophisticated readers or listeners; and πολλοὶ or ἰδιώτιδες ἀκοαί, that is the uncultured audience. The second category, which is of interest here, consists of individuals with an average or at least not the highest level of culture. Such a group would incorporate a number of people –mainly public servants or military men – who had completed their studies at the first level of προγυμνάσματα, which made up the basis of rhetoric at the time; they would thus receive a decent education, but would not reach a higher level of learning. Finally, the preamble to the VB reveals that this biography aspires to become a model of virtue and set an example to the heirs of the Macedonian dynasty. In that same preamble, but also in the description of Basil I’s construction activity, it states explicitly, as we saw above, that the VB is aimed at the σπουδαῖοι. Could this therefore mean that the latter are the royal heirs themselves? However, those who were included in the category of σπουδαῖοι but excluded from the imperial palace would only know about it through historical writings. Therefore, the VB was obviously also bequeathed to people who were not members of the ruling family. ThCont’s readership should thus not be confined to the reigning house; instead it expanded to include officials of the court who would be politically active and would have received a certain level of education, though not the highest. These are the φιλομαθοῦντες and φιλιστοροῦντες ὑπήκοοι of the emperor to whom ThCont is addressed. Panagiotis Manafis Ghent University, Ghent, Belgium; pmanafis@gmail.com Roman Antiquarianism in the 10th Century: The Constantinian Excerpts and the Excerpta Anonymi This paper centers on the possibility of a textual relation between the tenth-century codex Parisinus suppl. gr. 607a (Excerpta Anonymi) and the Constantinian Excerpts (CE). The two collections of excerpts should be seen within the context of the culture of sylloge. They share significant similarities in terms of content, format and methodology. In this paper the hypothesis is advanced that the anonymous compiler of the Excerpta Anonymi relied on earlier collections of excerpts and must have drawn on draft copies produced during the redaction of the Constantinian collections. The CE appears to have been used in treatises produced within court circles as well as in non-imperial works. The latter were written by persons associated with the palace or the imperial library. The analysis of the chapter on the river Istros in the Excerpta Anonymi shows that the passage must have been excerpted from an earlier dossier, presumably a collection of notes on geography. The Excerpta Anonymi chapters On Cyrus and On Remus and Romulus reflect the selection and arrangement of similar material in the CE. Among now lost Constantinian collections of excerpts, there probably have been collections of geography, dreams and portents. Moreover, the two collections of excerpts should be seen within the context of the revival of the classical past from the 9th century onwards. As noted, the historical part of the Excerpta Anonymi bears similarities with the CE in terms of content. Among the cited authors in the Excerpta Anonymi, 112 a significant number of historians occur, such us Herodotus, Appian, Cassius Dio, Procopius and John Lydus. All of them are frequently cited and extensively used in Constantine’s treatises and, with the exception of John Lydus, all were selected for the CE. The historical part of the Excerpta Anonymi exhibits interest in classical knowledge, in the Roman past and in subjects relating to geography and occult science. The selection of authors excerpted is revealing: Diodorus Siculus, Appian, Cassius Dio, Procopius and John Lydus. It is noteworthy that the Excerpta Anonymi compiler’s selections coincide with those of Constantine Porphyrogenitus as well as those of Photius a century earlier. Constantine VII stands behind the revival of interest in the Roman and Byzantine affairs in the 10th century. Though selections in the Excerpta Anonymi, the CE and Photius’ Bibliotheca do not reflect direct interest in the Republic in Rome, they display an undeniable interest in the cultural past of Rome. Dariya Rafiyenko University of Cologne, Cologne, Germany; dariya.rafiyenko@uni-leipzig.de Excerpta historica iussu Constantini Porphyrogeniti confecta de sententiis: Edition and Study of the Concept of an Excerpt Collection (10th Cent., Constantinople) The aim of the talk is to present the concept of the digital edition of the excerpt collection De sententiis, one of the volumes of the so-called Excerpta Constantiniana. The latter is a large collection of excerpts in multiple volumes from the Byzantine time, created on behalf of Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus (905–959). Four extant volumes of the Excerpta Constantiniana consist of several thousands of excerpts that were adopted from about three dozens of Ancient Greek and Byzantine historiographical works. The collection De sententiis is preserved in the codex unicus — the palimpsested manuscript Vaticanus greacus 73 which distinguishes itself through a remarkable mise-en-page: for the purpose of navigation through the content, hundreds of marginalia and thousands of pictograms have been placed on the margins of the manuscript (see image 1). One section from the De sententiis, to be more precise, 24 pages from the original manuscript have been edited exemplary. In the process of preparation of the digital edition three main displaying perspectives for the same text were chosen: (i) a digital reconstruction of the manuscript (see image 1) (ii) a diplomatic transcription (iii) a normalized, historical-critical version of the text Digital reconstruction (i) is a graphical reconstruction of the lower layer of the palimpsested manuscript Vat. gr. 73. In the diplomatic transcription (ii), the text is reproduced as true to the original as possible. The design of the original is visualized, especially the layout of the text and the navigation elements in it (i.e. marginalia and pictograms). Wherever possible, the original orthography is reproduced. The normalized historical-critical version of the text (iii) has the layout of a modern edition, the orthography is largely normalized. An option is provided to highlight different types of content, such as quotations, places, personal names, people, etc. 113 Another goal of the talk is to discuss the advantages of the suggested pluralistic approach to the text, and especially the benefits of the diplomatic transcription (ii) for understanding the overall concept of the Excerpta Constantiniana. Most prominently, diplomatic transcription allows a comprehensive analysis of the marginalia and pictograms which were entirely neglected by the previous research. It, furthermore, provides other kinds of data not easily or not at all available in the previous editions, for example, the medieval punctuation. By way of examples I will try to show that in many cases the original punctuation is crucial for our understanding of the text. These and some other positive aspects of the pluralistic approach to text edition will be highlighted. Predrag Komatina Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, Institute for Byzantine Studies, Belgrade, Serbia; pedjakomatina@gmail.com Some Remarks on the Structure of De administrando imperio and Its Relations to Other Works of Porphyrogenitus In the Proem to De administrando imperio addressed to his son and co-emperor Romanus II, emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus lists five topics to write about in that work, on the basis of which we can see that he scheduled the work which will consist of five sections. The first theme relates to the way the Romans should use the relationships among foreign nations for their own diplomatic benefits, the second is about a greedy character of these peoples and gifts which they often require from the imperial court even for the smallest service, the third deals with the differences between peoples, their history and customs, way of life and geographical position of their countries, the fourth with individual events resulting from the mutual relations of the Romans and the different peoples and the fifth with different reforms that have been introduced in the Roman state. The emperor remained entirely faithful to the scheduled composition, so it is evident in the work where each section begins and where it ends, and it is even more clearly expressed with the fact that he himself made a separate introduction at the beginning of each section, relying on statements from the Proem and at certain places even repeting them completely. The first such introduction is at the beginning of the first chapter, the second at the beginning of the thirteenth, the third at the end of the thirteenth, the fourth at the end of the forty-sixth and the fifth at the end of the forty-eighth chapter. On this basis, we can conclude that chapters 1–12 constitute the first section, chapter 13 the second, chapters 14–46 the third, chapters 47–48 the fourth, chapters 49–53 the fifth. In addition, in the second section, there are also another two introductions – in the thirtieth and in the fortythird chapter, which is why that section can be further divided into three parts. The insight into the structure of the work De administrando imperio gained in this way allows us, among other things, to realize that chapter 30 was an authentic and integral part of the work and not a later insertion, as it is commonly believed. Also, getting to know the structure of the work and its internal division into larger sections allows us to place the work within the broader frame of historiographical activity at the court of the emperor Constantine VII, and to recognize the strong link between its first four 114 sections with the so-called “diplomatic chapters” of De cerimoniis, and between the fifth section and De thematibus. This way we come to the conclusion that the impetus for the preparation of the work De administrando imperio came from that same encyclopedic-historiographical momentum that led to the creation of De cerimoniis and Excerpta de legationibus. In addition, in De administrando imperio we can find some specific information that clearly derive from the data recorded in the “diplomatic chapters” of De cerimoniis. On the other hand, the historical material collected and processed in De administrando imperio was then used in Vita Basilii and Theophanes Continuatus in general, and the traces of its use there are most evident at those places that are not to be found in the relevant passages of the works of other historiographers of the time, such as Joseph Genesius and Symeon the Logothete. Francisco Lopez-Santos Kornberger University of Birmingham, Birmingham, United Kingdom; FXL491@bham.ac.uk The Reigns of Isaak I Komnenos and Constantine X Doukas in the Skylitzes Continuatus: Just a Rewriting of Michael Attaleiates’ History? This paper analyses the depiction of emperors Isaak I Komnenos and Constantine X Doukas in the eleventh-century Byzantine historical narrative known as Skylitzes Continuatus (from now on SkylC). This analysis compares SkylC with other eleventh-century historical narratives and particularly with the History of Michael Attaleiates. The SkylC is one of the less studied eleventhcentury Byzantine historical accounts. Research on SkylC has mainly focused on the question of its authorship, a matter which is still uncertain. The SkylC often appears as the continuation of John Skylites’ Synopsis Historiarum in the manuscripts and it seems to share some kind of bad reputation with it. Scholars usually praise other eleventh-century historical accounts such as the Chronographia of Michael Psellos and the History of Michael Attaleiates by underlining their subjective perception of the historical events, their mastering of different literary genres as well as their ability to hide a secret message in the narrative. Correspondingly, other eleventh-century histories appear as less original and mostly based on previous sources. Still, recent research on the Synopsis Historiarum such as Catherine Holmes’ contradicts these assumptions and exemplifies the profit of studying these less explored eleventh-century historical accounts. The SkylC has been presented as a reworking of Attaleiates’ History; this paper examines critically this assumption. Large sections of SkylC are clearly based, if not copied, on the History; however, small but significant variations exist in SkylC in comparison with Attaleiates’ History. These details will be analysed and interpreted, not only as different ways of approaching the same issue, but also as possible elements which modify or even subvert the meaning of Attaleiates’ account. Assuming that it is possible that SkylC is a continuation of the Synopsis written by the same author, this paper attempts to understand whether the SkylC could act as a piece of propaganda in favour of Alexios Komnenos, just as Catherine Holmes argued for Skylitzes’ Synopsis. 115 The accounts of the emperors Isaac I Komnenos and Constantine X Doukas are especially relevant for this analysis. Attaleiates account praised emperor Nikephoros I Botaneiates and depicted the previous ruler, Michael VII Doukas, as a tyrant who was rightfully dethroned by Botaneiates. An account favourable to Alexios Komnenos would probably depict Isaak Comnenos, Alexios’ uncle, in a rather positive fashion, whereas Isaak’s reign is heavily criticised by Attaleiates. Similar traits might be observed in the depiction of Constantine X Doukas: he belonged to the family that was dethroned by Botaneiates and criticised by Attaleiates, but the Doukai managed to ally with the Komnenoi during the reign of Alexios I. Other accounts such as Briennios’ Historical Material show how the author cares to praise the Komnenoi as much as their allied families, such as the Doukai. Ultimately, this paper attempts to revalorize the SkylC as a literary work, which still needs to be studied in-depth. It will underline a possible propagandistic usage of this work in favour of Alexios Komnenos and his family. It might also be useful for further debates on the authorship and the style of the SkylC, leading to a more complete depiction of eleventh-century Byzantine literature and history. 116 MANUSCRIPTS Chairs: Elissaveta Moussakova, Andi Rëmbeci Kalliopi Mavrommati, A Glance at the Byzantine Society through Donation: The Case of Manuscripts (9th -15th C.) Nina Voutova, Symbols in Watermarks – Possible Interpretations Ksenya S. Morugina, Палеографическое исследование греческих рукописей из коллекции А. И. Хлудова Andi Rëmbeci, Italo-Greek Manuscripts from the Byzantine Collection of the Manuscripts in Albania Sokol Çunga, The Berat Codices Nos. 14 and 31, and a Palimpsest of St. John the Chrysostom at the Central State Archive, Tirana, Albania Sergio Basso, Reading the Ms. Urb. Gr. 130 Rev. Vladimir Vukašinović, Manuscript Euchologia in the Hilandar Monastery Library as Sources for the Reconstruction of the Evolution of Serbian Liturgical Practice in the Period from the 13th to the 19th Century Kalliopi Mavrommati Athens, Greece; kellymav@hotmail.com A Glance at the Byzantine Society through Donation: The Case of Manuscripts (9th -15th C.) The copying of manuscripts has been vital in preserving intellectual heritage into the modern era. This practice was stimulated by commissioning from people with the aspiration and the interest in acquiring a book sometimes with the intention to donate it. As known, before the invention of printing, transcribing codices was a laborious task, involving the use of rare and exquisite materials. Thus, the commissioning and therefore the donation of manuscripts carried a significant cost. When all work was accomplished, the scribes added short Notes or Colophons referring to those involved in the deed. In other instances, the Note of donation is included later, as most books were intended for private use. These writings bear evidence of generous contributions to the sacred institutions of the Church. The donors sought for a reward in heavens through enhancing the spiritual and material power of the Church. Numerous offerings were made by Church officials as well as minor clerics. Fewer instances concern laics, such as the emperor and people of the Byzantine élite (high ranking officials, literati, etc.), along with ordinary civilians stating only their name and bearing no titles. In conclusion, the donation of manuscripts characterized an important scholarly and particularly a non-scholarly world driven by varied motives. Based on the surviving Notes and Colophons, the aim is to present the different types of donors as well as their intentions, in an attempt to illustrate the role of book donations in the development of the Byzantine cultural identity. Nina Voutova National Museum of History, Sofia, Bulgaria; nnvoutova@yahoo.com Symbols in Watermarks – Possible Interpretations As it is well known, the major distinguishing feature of the handmade paper is the existence of images incorporated in the manufactured form and visible against a light source as a result of the thinning of the paper pulp. Namely these images – watermarks – stand a subject of study, as they are decisive in the dating of the manuscripts that, due to various reasons, lack a precise writing date. Aside of this most important function of the watermarks, the question of the semantics of the images is of scientific interest, which is the subject of this study. According to the traditional interpretation of the watermarks, the images are basically a distinctive mark - a trade mark of the paper manufacturers – and, of course, this is true. However, one other basic function of them is to mark both the quality of the paper and the dimensions of the leaf. 118 Filigranology that deals with the paper parameters, and most of all, with the watermarks, is not an exact science – as this is neither possible, nor necessary having in mind the object of its study. The research in this direction gives good results and the dating of manuscripts on the basis of filigranological material is certainly a reliable starting point for the scientific analysis of the paper literature heritage. There are, however, many disputable points, and it seems that the question of the symbolics of the images of the watermarks is one of the most difficult to solve. This is one of the reasons we believe that the research in this direction should continue, as this will give to the schoolers more and more reliable tools as for the filigranological data and its interpretation. We made an attempt here to classify the images in accordance with their symbolic meaning imparted in them, and to establish whether, and to what extent the choice of paper bearing certain watermark was related to the contents of the corresponding manuscript. Special attention is given to the manuscripts written by one writer on one and the same paper bearing one and the same watermark. The combinations of watermarks excerpted from the paper used for the writing of one manuscript by two or more writers are also pointed out. The study is based on the filigranological analysis of Greek manuscripts from 14th and 15th centuries, and the filigranological material for Slavonic manuscripts of the same period is applied as a comparative. Ksenya S. Morugina Lomonosov Moscow State University, Moscow, Russian Federation; ksenyamorug@mail.ru Палеографическое исследование греческих рукописей из коллекции А. И. Хлудова Вашему вниманию представляется работа, посвященная изучению коллекции грече ских рукописей знаменитого собирателя XIX века А. И. Хлудова с палеографической и кодикологической точек зрения, а также с учетом филологического аспекта. Небольшое, стихийно сложившееся, но ценное для науки рукописное собрание Хлудова находится, большей частью, в Государственном Историческом музее, а также Российской государственной библиотеке и состоит из памятников античной и византийской литературы. Пять кодексов Хлудовской коллекции хранятся в отделе рукописей и старопечатных книг Государственного исторического музея и входят в собрание Московской Синодальной библиотеки (Синодальное собрание). Коллекция Хлудова не раз обращала на себя внимание специалистов, в том числе и искусствоведов. Выдающиеся открытия в этой области были сделаны К. Вайцманом, архим. Амфилохием, Н.П. Кондаковым, В.Н. Лазаревым, М.В. Щепкиной, И.Е. Лозовой, К. Корриган и другими. Впервые собрание Хлудова было описано А.Н. Поповым. Его труд вышел в Москве в 1872 году под заглавием: «Описание рукописей библиотеки А.И. Хлудова», а в 1875 году появилось составленное им же «Первое прибавление к описанию рукописей и каталогу книг церковной печати библиотеки А.И. Хлудова». Предметом исследования являются известные в настоящее время пять греческих рукописей, а также еще один кодекс, обнаруженный нами в ходе работы в фонде Московской 119 духовной академии в Российской государственной библиотеке. Это – рукописи ГИМ, под шифрами: Хлуд. 129д (Псалтирь IX в.), 171д (критская рукопись Фукидида), 172д (тексты Софокла и Эсхила, написанные в конце XIV-XV вв.), 173д (произведения Аристофана, Эсхила и Гесиода конца XIV-XV вв.), 174д (Гиппократ, Аэций и Симеон Сиф) и кодекс РГБ, МДА Ф. 173.I № 370 (Апостол-апракос). Целью исследования является описание палеографических и кодикологических осо бенностей шести указанных рукописей, а также воссоздание их истории, от момента написания и до появления на русской почве. Помимо этого, в поставленную задачу входил также и филологический анализ, а именно чтение, изучение и перевод записей на греческом языке. В описании кодексов было уделено внимание установлению датировки, атрибуции почерка писца, наличию или отсутствию сигнатур, материалу для письма и графикоорфографическим особенностям манускриптов. В результате подробного анализа удалось проследить примерный путь бытования рукописей. Согласно полученным данным, исследуемые греческие рукописи до того момента, как они оказались на русской почве, находились в Константинополе, на Афоне, или в Солуни. Именно там в период с 22 августа 1844 года по 14 апреля 1845 года их приобрел выдающийся русский филолог-славист Виктор Иванович Григорович. Позже он продаст их на Нижегородской ярмарке купцам-старообрядцам Головастикову, Лопухину и иконникам Тюлиным. После этого их приобретет собиратель редкостей А. И. Лобков, а уже у Лобкова, во втор. пол. XIX века, их купит А. И. Хлудов, большой ценитель «книжных драгоценностей» и страстный коллекционер. Ныне рукописи Хлудовского собрания хранятся, за некоторыми исключениями, в ГИМ, куда они были перевезены в 1917 году из Никольского единоверческого монастыря в Москве. Прежде чем перейти к подробной характеристике этих манускриптов, укажем на неко торые особенности исследуемого материала. Нужно сказать, что все рукописи, за исключением Хлуд. 129д и № 370 из собрания РГБ Ф. 173.I, написаны на бумаге с филигранями и имеют сравнительно небольшой формат (in 4o). Хлуд. 129д и № 370 из Ф. 173.I написаны на пергамене хорошей выделки и высокого качества. Четыре рукописи имеют так называемый «хлудовский переплет» – доски, обтянутые светло-коричневой кожей с тиснением. Эти переплеты были изготовлены в XIX в. по заказу Хлудова при реставрации приобретенных им манускриптов. Две рукописи – Хлуд 129д и 173д – имеют переплеты иного вида, причем 173д, скорее всего, сохранила первоначальный переплет (черный картонный переплет с большим тисненным рисунком в центре). Для всех рукописей коллекции (кроме – отчасти – Псалтири IX в. (на Хлуд. Псалтири поверх маюскула – тоже минускул)) характерно минускульное письмо. Самой древней и изученной рукописью коллекции является Хлуд. 129д – Псалтирь, входящая в группу византийских Псалтирей IX столетия (вместе с Псалтирями gr. 61 из мона стыря Пандократора на Афоне и gr. 20 из Национальной библиотеки в Париже). Она написана унциалом, имеет маргинальные миниатюры, на основании которых датируется серединой IX в. Кодекс имеет небольшой формат (195/7×150мм), однако поля оставлены чрезвычайно широкими (внешние поля – 55-65 мм, нижние – 68-73 мм). Написан он на пергамене, всего 169 листов по 23 строки на странице. 120 В некоторых местах пергамен плохо обработан, чрезмерно плотный. Инструмент для разлиновки – тупой, царапающий поверхность листа при проведении линии. В соответствии с законом Грегори, наложение сторон пергамена в пределах тетради – правильное. Система разлиновки (по классификации Ж. Леруа) имеет номера 3 и 11. Что касается типа разлиновки Хлуд. 129д, то это Leroy C01C1a, с широкими внешними и нижними полями, предназначенными для иллюстрирования. В большинстве своем тетради Хлуд. 129д – это кватернионы, однако имеются и тернионы. Сигнатуры писца отсутствуют, но, несомненно, находились в верхнем правом углу первого листа тетради. Хлуд. 129д не является палимпсестом. Первоначальный маюскульный текст не был удален, он естественным образом выцвел с течением времени. Но, благодаря прекрасным миниатюрам, рукопись не потеряла своей ценности, и в XIV в. было принято решение обновить текст свежими чернилами минускульным почерком. Палеографический анализ Хлуд.129д свидетельствует о том, что у рукописи было два писца, один из которых писал текст Псалтири, а другой – легенды к миниатюрам. Первый активно использует диакритику, второй же очень выборочно ставит надстрочные знаки. Этот факт служит подтверждением предложенной искусствоведами датировки – середина IX века, время, когда система диакритики еще не была до конца освоена писцами. Второй по древности рукописью коллекции является № 370 из собрания РГБ Ф. 173.1. Этот манускрипт на пергамене отличного качества значительного размера (305×222 мм) был создан, скорее всего, в Южной Италии во второй половине XII в. Пергаменных листов в нем 65, и также имеются 6 белых бумажных защитных листов, добавленных позднее, когда менялся переплет, в XIX веке. Южно-итальянское происхождение рукописи выдает своеобразное написание δ. Можно отметить мягкое написание букв, ζ и λ писец изображает как бы с подхватом. Такое начертание характерно для так называемого «стиля Реджо» (Reggio); см., например: Parisinus graecus 1604, Paris. gr. 2179, Paris. gr. 2389, Vaticanus graecus 2627 и др. Весь манускрипт написан одним писцом в два столбца черными и темно-коричневыми чернилами. В некоторых местах для инициалов он использует киноварь (лл. 8-9). Кое-где ставит пометы на полях (лл. 39 об, 40). Существует логическое объяснение тому факту, что рукопись № 370 принадлежит фонду МДА и хранится в РГБ, а не в ГИМе вместе с другими пятью рукописями собрания А. И. Хлудова. Мы знаем, что в 1866 году Хлудов пожертвовал часть книг, принадлежавших прежде В. М. Ундольскому (брестские, краковские и витебские старопечатные издания), в библиотеку Московской духовной академии. Вероятно, вместе с ними он отдал в МДА и греческую рукопись № 370 ф. 173.1. Кодекс 174д исследуемой коллекции содержит сочинения по медицине Гиппократа, Аэция Амидского и Симеона Сифа, т. е. представляет собой сборник медико-физиологического содержания. Как и другие три рукописи собрания А.И. Хлудова (№ 370 Ф. 173.1, 171д и 172д), этот манускрипт помещен в так называемый «хлудовский» переплет: доски в светлокоричневой коже с тиснением (гвозди́ки, птички). 121 Рукопись имеет небольшой формат (224/5×151/2 мм), бумага – in 4o с филигранью, текст написан в один столбец минускулом. Благодаря особому рисунку филиграни, а именно типа Mošin-Traljić № 3966, который характерен для 1319 года, рукопись можно датировать 1-й четвертью XIV века. Всего в рукописи 107 листов по 27 строк на странице. В большинстве своем тетради 174д – это кватернионы (в общей сложности их 13), однако имеется и один тернион (лл.97102). Сигнатуры рукой писца проставлены в нижнем левом углу первого листа тетради. У рукописи было два писца, которые писали в одно время. Большая часть текста написана первым. На лл. 1, 7, 8об. имеется определение текстов рукой В. И. Григоровича. Следующая рукопись коллекции, 172д, содержит отрывки из произведений Софокла («Царь Эдип», «Электра») и Эсхила («Прометей»). Она также имеет переплет «хлудовского типа». В рукописи 141 лист, написана она на бумаге XIV–XVI вв. минускулом. По размеру кодекс небольшой, 205×137 мм. Рукопись можно датировать концом XIV–XV веком. Такая датировка объясняется тем, что рукопись создавалась в течение длительного периода времени и вся она написана разными писцами. Первый писец писал в конце XIV века на бумаге того же периода, а последний – уже в XVв. На л. 58 об. есть помета, сделанная рукой Григоровича, – «Sophocles Oedipus Rex». Кодекс 173д, сохранивший свой изначальный переплет, содержит произведения Аристофана («Богатство»), Эсхила («Прометей») и Гесиода («Труды и дни»). Помимо этого в него входят «Хронология» Иоанна Дамаскина, латино-греческие словари и объяснения к Псевдо-Дионисию Ареопагиту. Сам манускрипт небольшого формата (205×150 мм), написан на нескольких видах бумаги с филигранями пер. пол. XV века и включает в себя 169 листов. Имеются такие рисунки филиграней, как «весы» (XV в.) и «рука с цветком» (более ранний период). Текст написан в один столбец разными чернилами и почерками XV –XVI вв., следовательно, в написании участвовали несколько писцов. Рукопись 171д, входящая наравне с другими рукописями в собрание Хлудова, содержит «Историю Пелопоннесской войны» Фукидида. Написана она минускулом на 315 бумажных листах в один столбец по 23 строки на странице и имеет небольшой формат (208×157мм). Начало рукописи наполовину утрачено. Она интересна тем, что когда-то принадлежала библиофилу с Крита Маркосу Мамунасу, жившему в конце XV – первой четверти XVI века (на последнем листе 315об. имеется его автограф – Μάρκος Μαμουνάς). На основе палеографической характеристики почерка переписчика и данных филиграни бумаги, принадлежащей к началу XVI века, манускрипт датируется указанным временем. Написан он одним писцом, но имеются редкие маргиналии, сделанные другими почерками. Для написания используются темно-коричневые чернила. В заключение хотелось бы отметить, что целью проделанной работы была попытка привлечь внимание специалистов к исследуемым в данном труде рукописям и ввести их в научный оборот. 122 Andi Rëmbeci University of Tirana, Tirana, Albania; andirembeci@gmail.com Italo-Greek Manuscripts from the Byzantine Collection of the Manuscripts in Albania In a group of 100 manuscripts kept at the Central Archive of the State (CAS), Tirana dating from the Byzantine and the post-Byzantine period, a number of codices present evidence of a manuscript book culture, common in Southern Italy and Byzantine Epirus during the 12th-14th centuries. In this paper I will briefly present some data and preliminary thoughts regarding seven manuscripts from the CAS collection, belonging to the Italo-Byzantine cultural area of book production. The manuscripts are those of Berat, bearing the numbers 24, 14, 31, 33, 34, 49, 40 and 41. Codex Beratinus, No. 24 is a 13th century Lectionary of the Gospel, written on parchment. Its initial letters are illustrated with floral, zoomorphic and anthropomorphic elements, while the manuscript also bears three miniatures. According to our paleographic and codicological observations, two important characteristics can be evidenced: first, the illustrations and the illuminations classify this manuscript among the group of manuscripts belonging to the book production culture of Southern Italy; second, similarities between our manuscript’s decoration style of initials and script type with those of other Epirote manuscripts, point to an eastern provenance of our manuscript, since there are Fettaugen-Mode elements observed, Fettaugen-Mode being an Eastern type of script. Codices Beratini No. 14 and 31. These are fragments of a single manuscript separated in two parts. They date on the 13th century, are written in parchment and contain homilies and discourses of the Holy Fathers, as well as saints’ vitae. Characteristic for this manuscript is one of the quires, found on Ms. No. 14, bearing a palimpsest in eight folios (f. 130r-137v). From a paleographic and codicological point of view, this manuscript bears features found not only in manuscripts produced in Southern Italy, but also in Epiros. Codex Beratinus, No. 33 is written on parchment; it contains the Typikon of the Monastery of St. Sava, dating 13th century. On the script type two specific letters can be distinguished: xi (ξ) and theta (θ), representing patterns of the traditional style of Epirote manuscripts, as can be observed in, for example, Ms. EBE 2112 (no. 29), 13th century, National Library of Athens. Codex Beratinus No. 34, contains Saints’ vitae and Homilies. According to the colophon, the manuscript dates in 1279, “at the time of the reign of the most pious and emperor of Byzantium, Andronikos Komnenos Paleologos”. According to paleographic observations, the manuscript bears particularities common to manuscripts from Southern Italy, but also to those from Epirus. Besides its paleographic features, the codicographical note with its stgereotypical Epirote phrases reinforces the opinion that the place of this manuscript’s production is Epirus Codex Beratinus, No. 39 contains St. Basil the Great’s homilies “On ascetics”. The text has been written on parchment by an anonymous scribe. The manuscript dates on the 13th century. Out of many peculiar characteristics, it can be noted the use of capital letters (maiuscula γ, κ, ε, θ, ζ, etc.) 123 inside the minuscule script. As for the script style, this codex shows many similarities and can be compared with Epirote and South-Italian manuscripts. Another peculiarity is the use of the yellowwash on initials and titles. Codex Beratinus no. 40. This is a manuscript written on parchment, containing Homilies on Ethics and Ascetics by Fathers of the Church. The manuscript dates on the 13th century. The paleographic features of the codex Beratinus No. 40 can be compared to those of the Epirote and South Italian manuscripts of the 13th century. The decorative part of the manuscript appears restricted and can be found applied only at the initial letters. They appear to be very frugal both in their anthropomorphic and zoomorphic decoration, as well as in their use of colors (red with black outline). The titles of the chapters show the presence of the yellow-wash. Codex Beratinus no. 41 contains the Synaxarion of the months September to July. It dates on the 14th century. The text was written on western paper from an anonymous scribe. From a paleographic standpoint the script shows remarkable similarities with manuscripts from the Terra d’Otranto. Interesting is also its decoration with stylized floral, anthropomorphic and zoomorphic patterns. The decoration of the initials represents the usual images used in Italian-Greek manuscripts. In most of the cases these initials are rendered in the en négatif method. The figurative repertoire of the initials of codex Beratinus No. 41 are dominated by elements representing the book production in Terra d’Otranto at the end of the 13th and at the 14th century. The manuscripts mentioned above, nowadays preserved at the Central State Archive, in Tirana, do not provide direct information about their provenance. There are no codicographic notes (or colophons) presenting clear codicological and paleographic evidence orientating the researcher toward the cultural region that produced them. “Theoretically, all manuscripts not bearing clear evidence of Epirote origin, could have been written in Southern Italy and then brought in Epirus. Yet, manuscripts nowadays considered to be produced in Southern Italy on the basis of their paleographic, codicological features or stereotypical phrases in their codicographic notes, could well have been produced at the Epirus region at the same period”. In this context, the existence of the italo-greek manuscripts that are found in the Albanian milieu, as it is the case of the manuscript copied by the hieromonakos Nichepore in the monastery of St. George in Durrës, and the presence of the nowadays collection in Albania, as a part of the above cultural environment, suggests a new perspective of learning about the past creativity of the Medieval Albanian territories, but also it brings a strong proof about the cultural orientation and influences of the Albanians during the 12th – 14th centuries. 124 Sokol Çunga Central State Archive, Tirana, Albania; sokolcunga@gmail.com The Berat Codices Nos. 14 and 31, and a Palimpsest of St. John the Chrysostom at the Central State Archive, Tirana, Albania The Central State Archive of Albania houses, amongst others, a byzantine manuscript, separated in two halves and referred as two different books. The separation has taken place at an unknown time, probably before becoming part of the CSA collection and, mistakenly, each piece has been catalogued as a separated mss. The shelf number for them is Central State Archive, Fund “Kodikët e Shqipërisë”, Folder 14 and Folder 31 (or also called codex of Berat no. 14, and codex of Berat no. 31. Here they will be referred as A and B, respectively). According to the codicological observations, the quires of the manuscript have been confused and placed in an irregular order. The parchment is of a low quality, often it does not respect the overall dimensions of the manuscript, measuring 223 x 170 mm, it has many holes or it has been sewed in a rudimental way where cracks appear on the parchment. The total number of the folios is 252. There is no trace of the old binding, while each of the volumes has been restored and rebound at the CSA in 1972. The placement of the folios in the quire follows the Gregory rule. The text is written in one column with 33-37 lines per page. The entire text of this manuscript has been written in minuscule Greek by two anonymous scribes and it is similar to the Regio type of writing. Brown and black color has been used for the text, while crimson is mainly used for the titles. The initial letters at the beginning of each text are bigger than the others, simply decorated, as well as the headpieces before the titles or at the end of the sections. On the titles the presence of yellow wash is noted. On the 36th quire of the manuscript (A part), between ff. 130r-137v can be seen the presence of a palimpsest. The scriptio inferior can be read with difficulty under UV light. The text is written in two columns with 36 lines (based on ff. 131v and 132r which are more visible). The writing dates on the 10th century and is similar to Anastasius type. From what can be read with simple means on our hands, the text corresponds to “Λόγος περὶ ψευδοπροφητῶν, καὶ ψευδοδασκάλων, καὶ ἀθέων αἰρετικῶν, καὶ περὶ σημείων τῆς συντελείας τοῦ αἰῶνος τούτου” (De pseudoprohpetis et falsis doctoribus) from St. John the Chrysostom. On ff. 131r-v we can clearly read what corresponds to PG 557-558, starting from “[Εἴ τις ἔρχεται] πρὸς ὑμᾶς, καὶ ταύτην τὴν διδαχὴν οὐ φέρει...”, ending with “...Παύλος ἡ θεόφθογγος λύρα...”. Judging by the abovementioned observations, this byzantine manuscript coming at the CSA from Berat has been produced in Southern Italy in the second half of the 13th century, probably at the Terra d’Otranto area, well known for the large production of palimpsests in that time. 125 Sergio Basso Università degli Studi Roma 3, Rome, Italy; sergio.basso.cina@gmail.com Reading the Ms. Urb. Gr. 130 Urb. Gr. 130 collects a completed course for training in rhetorics: John Doxopatres, Aphthonius, Hermogenes, Maximus’ Αἱ ἄλυτοι ἀντιθέσεις. Perria (1977-79) firmly attributed the handwriting to Ephraim; the manuscript dates then to the middle of the tenth century. Mercati (1935) suggested that the manuscript had belonged to the Italian humanist Palla Strozzi (1373-1462), for reasons which I will summarize; Mercati’s hypothesis has had a large following since then. In this contribution I will propose some new remarks on the attribution of the manuscript to Strozzi’s library and give notice of a couplet - probably by Theodore Prodromos - reported in a marginale in the first folium, perhaps by the hand of Manuel Chrysoloras, Strozzi’s Greek teacher. This marginale will trigger an analysis of Chrysoloras’s corsiveggiante paratextual handwriting, such as in Par. Gr. 1811 and Vat. Gr. 191. Besides, I will discuss the ruling system of the manuscript (with several divergences from Perria 1977-79) and provide transcription of the colophons in a more detailed way than their last publication by Stornajolo (1895). Rev.Vladimir Vukašinović University of Belgrade, Faculty of Orthodox Theology, Belgrade, Serbia; vladavuk@gmail.com Manuscript Euchologia in the Hilandar Monastery Library as Sources for the Reconstruction of the Evolution of Serbian Liturgical Practice in the Period from the 13th to the 19th Century MS collection of Hilandar monastery library contains in total 37 MS euchologia, some integral and some fragmentary, the oldest dated in the 13th and the latest in the 19th century. Theological and liturgical analysis of their content helped us to recognise the phases and stages in the evolution of eucharistic services of the Serbian Orthodox Church as well as to understand historical, cultural and theological context at the time of their formation. By comparative analysis with Greek, Bulgarian and Russian sources, their mutual influences and stylistic-teleturgical interactions came to light. A particular attention is paid to a Serbian Athonite redaction of Patriarch Philoteos Kokkinos’s translation of the Diataxis/Διάταξις and its infulence on the rise of hand copying and first printed Serbian euchologia in the 16th century. 126 INSCRIPTIONS Chairs: Emmanuel Moutafov, Georgios Pallis Elena Kostić – Georgios Velenis, New Interpretation about the Content of the Cyrillic Inscription from Bitola Bojan Miljković, Two Oldest Inscriptions of Hilandar Monastery Theodora Ioannidou, Founding Inscriptions in Churches Painted by the Workshop of the Cretan Painter Pagoménos (the 1st Half of the 14th C.): Corrections and New Readings Tsvetan Vasilev, Bilingualism of the Post-Byzantine Mural Inscriptions in the Balkan Art: Historical Background and Function Glycérie M. Chatzouli, L’épitaphios brodé de 1787 par la collection ecclésiastique du Monastère de Mega Spilaion en Péloponnèse/Grèce Elena Kostić Thessaloniki, Greece; ejakostic@yahoo.gr Georgios Velenis Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, School of Philosophy, Department of History and Archaeology, Thessaloniki, Greece; velenis@hist.auth.gr New Interpretation about the Content of the Cyrillic Inscription from Bitola The authenticity and dating of the well-known Cyrillic inscription from Bitola, which was brought to light in 1956 during the demolition of Çavus mosque, where it had been placed in second use as a threshold, is being reviewed. Since then, it has been kept at the local museum. It consists of a 0,98 x 0,61 x 0,27 m. marble slab, broken into two pieces. A relatively small part of the bottom left corner of the inscription is missing. The text consists of 12 lines with missing letters both at the beginning and at the end of each line. The bottom left part which accounts for one quarter of the inscription text has been damaged and no traces of its letters have survived. Although the inscription is of exceptional interest, the first study that attempted to fill in the missing text, was carried out by Vladimir Mošin only one decade after it was brought to light. Since, it has been the subject of studies of numerous researchers. Most of them reckon that the inscription is the last written source of the First Bulgarian State with an accurate dating, while others question this view and argue that it dates from the 13th century. According to a third view that was expressed ten years ago, the inscription is falsified. The most extensive study about the inscription was conducted in 1970 by Jordan Zaimov, who had a different view than Mošin about the missing text. Even though his suggestion was deemed unfounded, it is still embraced today by modern researchers in publications about the history of the First Bulgarian State. After an on-the-ground examination of the monument, we found out that the inscription carrier originates from an older building, most likely from the Roman era, as evidenced from the top narrow surface of the marble, where there are holes and channels to fit Π-shaped metal joints. This contradicts the view that the inscription could have had another line on the top side of the inscribed surface, which was allegedly removed when it was placed in the place of the threshold. We also found out that the indicated date from the creation era (‘anno mundi’) was not read correctly despite the fact that all its numbers are clearly defined. It seems that the inscription editors were led to a mistake because of a reference made in the text to an emperor called John whom they mistook for Ivan Vladislav thus placing the dating of the inscription to the years of his reign (10151018). Nonetheless, the year indicated on the inscription corresponds to the year 1202/3, i.e. the years of Ivan I, known as Kalojan (1197-1207), who, that same year, annexed to his acquisitions a large part of the western Balkans. It seems that it is an inscription that, looking back at the past, mentions some historical events with a view to connecting the newly-established Second Bulgarian State to the glorious past of the Cometopuli and, in particular, Tsar Samuel. 128 Bojan Miljković Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, Institute for Byzantine Studies, Belgrade, Serbia; bojan.miljkovic@vi.sanu.ac.rs Two Oldest Inscriptions of Hilandar Monastery Both inscriptions are in the monastery’s katholikon. The older is on the door marble frame on the south façade of the inner narthex. + Κ(ύρι)ε βοήθη τῶν δομ(ητόρ)ων Μιχαὴλ, ... + Βαρνάβα[ς] ... δοῦλ(ος) Χ(ριστο)ῦ + Lord, help builders Michael ... + Barnabas ... Christ’s servant This unique inscription in the Byzantine world – according to its position and material in which it is inscribed – contained the names of builders and stonecutters, Greek masters, who built and decorated the new Hilandar katholikon, upon the wish of Serbian King Stefan Uroš II Milutin. The scribe Barnabas could be the master-builder, as he left a trace about himself at the end of the inscription. Of his collaborators, only Michael is known by name. The time of their work in Hilandar can be rather accurately established. For the church decoration, these masters also used parts of the marble decoration which was not the work of their hands. Except of the older spolia, those are eight consoles with human and animal heads, three of which are embedded in the western portal of the church. The stylistic analogies categorically show that these pieces were made by carvers who were at the same time decorating one monastery katholikon in Serbia – the St Stephen church in Banjska, near Zvečan. The construction of this church may be dated with certainty to the period between 1312 and 1316. It was led by the Bishop of Banjska Daniil, former hegoumenos of Hilandar – the cleric in whom the ktetor Stefan Uroš II Milutin placed the greatest trust. Upon his return, Daniil brought to Hilandar from Banjska the eight stone consoles that would adorn the western parts of the church which was – around 1315, also in the final phase of construction. The second inscription is in the arcosolium that was subsequently added at the level of parapet panels on the inner side of the bifora on the northern wall of the old narthex. It is written in white letters on the green background, in three rows, behind Christ-child at the bosom of Virgin Mary. pr(y)stavI se rabq bo/Ii rypo[q dMKq iliris%ki& vq lyt(o) pϡ#9 God’s servant Repoš, doux of Illyria, reposed in 6939 Judging by the sequence in which John Castriot’s sons are mentioned – in his charter of 1425/6 whereby he bestowed upon the Hilandar monastery the villages of Radostuše and Trebište northeast to Debar, Repoš was the second-born son of this Albanian nobleman, who ruled the area in the basin of the Mat river, north and east to Krujë, including the neighbouring Debar and the environs. Awaiting a conflict with the Turks, over the following two years John Castriot aimed to ensure a safe refuge for himself and his family. Before 17 August 1428, with the agreement of the hegoumenos and hieromonachos Athanasios and the entire Hilandar brethren, he bought four adelphata in St George’s pyrgos above the monastery for sixty florins, ensuring the right to lifelong stay for himself and his three sons – Repoš, Konstantin and Djuradj. However, John Castriot retained a part of his old territories as a Christian sipahi of the sultan in 1431. Under such circumstances, probably at the beginning of the same year, Repoš went to Mount Athos, where he soon after died. 129 The Hilandar brethren buried him as the son of the reputable monastery benefactor in the inner narthex and adorned his tomb with frescoes. Although, like his father, he did not have any title during his life, in both Hilandar documents, John and his sons are simply called gospodinq, Repoš was in the inscription posthumously called duke (Greek: δούξ). The ordering person left an incidental testimony to his erudition in the following word which denotes the ethnicity of the deceased. The Albanians were Illyrians (Ἰλλυριοί) for George Pachymeres at the beginning of the 14th century, and for the most of the later Byzantine scholars, historians, philologists and writers, such as Thomas Magistros, Nikephoros Gregoras or Joseph Kalothetos, including contemporary chroniclers and men of letters, such as the autokrator Manuel II Palaiologos or Kritoboulos of Imbros. Theodora Ioannidou Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Thessaloniki, Greece; theodora.ioannidou@gmail.com Founding Inscriptions in Churches Painted by the Workshop of the Cretan Painter Pagoménos (the 1st Half of the 14th C.): Corrections and New Readings In the present communication founding inscriptions are being examined, others signed by the painter Pagōménos himself, either alone –seven cases– or in co-operation with other painters – four cases–and others not signed by him, attributed however to his workshop with certainty. At the first place, in almost all the inscriptions under study emendations have been introduced, limited to issues of better reading and decoding either of individual characters or of abbreviations and letter combinations (ligaturae). Still, several are the cases in which words or whole phrases and verses, not previously pointed out, have been read for the first time. These new data brought in by these re-readings may be either referred to the founders’ names or related to the information needed for an accurate dating of the monuments, and even unrevealed the identity of a previously unknown co-painter. Indicatively let us mention the inscription of the church of St. John the Theologian in Trachiniákos of Kándanos (1329), where the two superscribed successive phases that make up the text content are clarified and an attempt is made to record and transcribe the illegible first phase. This was not in vain since we have acquired some founders’ names. Distinguishing is also the case of the church of the Archángeloi in Kúneni (Váthē), where for the first time the signatures of both painters have been detected as well as the relation between them:…Io(annis) Pagōménos’ and Nikolaos’ his son. While the date in this is not any more legible, in an incised inscription, however, on the marble lintel of the gate, the year was readable: 684…, dating the church between 1331 and 1341. We have also managed to read –as the late St. Maderakis have done before us– the signatures of Pagōménos and Nikolaos in the church of St. John the Theologian in Kálamos, completed according to our reading at the 24th of May, 1340. Panaghía at Kádros is another monument of the same workshop dated also for the first time: on the endings of the arms of the porous cross in the conch window the year 6847 (=1338/9) is incised. The main, however, contribution of this research concerns the founding inscription of the church of St. Demetrius in Leivadás (1315-16), in which next to the already, quite recently and correctly, 130 recognized and read Pagoménos’ signature, the name of a hitherto unknown painter of the Western Crete has been also detected. This painter, however, Nēphon, signs the work at Leivadás in the first position while Pagōménos’ signature is following, something also apparent in the artistic processing of the wallpaintings, in which the secondary painter, in this case Pagōménos, seems to be limited in an auxiliary role. Actually, the artistic stream represented in Leivadás differs from what we get from the rest of Pagōménos’ work. Thus, it is now sufficiently justifiable the observed there discordance between the actual style of the paintings and the known style of Pagōménos, used to be considered as the main, if not the only, master in the church of Leivadás. Painter Nēphon, then, is the main master of the frescoes in Leivadás, and consequently of all the other churches stylistically and graphologically related to Leivadás, such as the churches of Christ in Teménia and St. Photius in St. Theodoroi (western part), both in Sélinon, and the church of Christ in Kepháli, Kíssamos (1320), as well. Tsvetan Vasilev Sofia University “St. Kliment Ohridski”, Sofia, Bulgaria; cvetanv@gmail.com Bilingualism of the Post-Byzantine Mural Inscriptions in the Balkan Art: Historical Background and Function Cyrillic and Greek texts, simultaneously and systematically inscribed on wall paintings, occur regularly from the period of the late Byzantine art (1204–1453) on. Their appearance in the church of The Mother of God Evergetis in Studenica (1208–1209) is correlated by V. Dzhourich with the personal activity of St Sava and the preparation of the Serbian ecclesiastical independence. On the other hand, I. Djordjevich notes the pragmatic function of the Cyrillic inscriptions analyzing the frescoes in the chapel of St George, Hilandar monastery, dated to thirteenth century. Influence of Greek language upon Cyrillic text can be detected in an inscription from Boyana church (1259), Bulgaria. All of them indicate the efforts of the medieval Balkan countries to lay claim on both the continuity and the reception of the Byzantine cultural heritage. The Ottoman invasion in fifteenth century, however, brought a dramatic change regarding the function of the Greek language inscriptions on the wall paintings: these texts were no longer an expression of national identity, but only an attempt to revive – at least partially – the already lost prestige of the Eastern Orthodox Christianity. The difficult circumstances for building and renovating monasteries and churches in the sixteenth and seventeenth century put their impact on the character and language features of the Greek inscriptions from that period. Wall painting is often commissioned to itinerant painters with less professional experience not only in decorating churches, but also in the Greek language. The data of more than two hundred and twenty seventeenth-century Greek inscriptions, examined by the author of this paper, provide evidence for further conclusions upon the functions of the bilingualism in post-Byzantine art, which could be summarized, as follows: 131 1. Functional bilingualism, prevailing in the late Byzantine art before the Ottoman conquest. Its peculiarities are determined by the demands of the bilingual audience in regions with mixed Slavic and Greek population. This type of bilingualism is attested in the mixed inscriptions of the church of St George, Staro Nagorichino (1316–1318), Republic of Macedonia, and in the church of Dormition of the Mother of God, Gračanica, Kosovo. 2. The second type could be defined as asymmetrical bilingualism – in this case the level of the second (or Greek) language is lower than the level of the first (Slavonic) language. The difference between the functional and the asymmetrical type of bilingualism is easily perceived in the comparison of the language of an epigram from the scroll of John the Baptist in the church of St Nicetas, Banjane (c. 1320), Republic of Macedonia, and the scroll of the same prophet in the narthex of Kremikovtzi monastery St George. 3. The last type of bilingualism could be described as fictitious – it is attested mainly in the postByzantine churches from Serbia, Bulgaria, and Macedonia in the sixteenth and seventeenth century. The main feature of that type of bilingualism is that both the audience and the scribes have no sufficient knowledge of Greek language. The last type of bilingualism is a natural consequence of another important aspect – the texts from the scrolls of prophets and saints had rather the function of sacralized complement to the paintings. These theoretical observations will be exemplified by analysis of particular Greek inscriptions, some of which unpublished or read and commented anew. Glycérie M. Chatzouli Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Thessaloniki, Greece; glychatz@theo.auth.gr L’épitaphios brodé de 1787 par la collection ecclésiastique du Monastère de Mega Spilaion en Péloponnèse/Grèce Le monastère historique de la Dormition de la Vierge bien connu sous le nom « Mega Spilaion » a été construit précisément niché dans les rochers de Chelmos, à une distance de 20 kilomètres au sud-est d’Eghion à Péloponnèse en Grèce. Parmi les trésors de la collection ecclésiastique du monastère y existe un épitaphios brodé sur une pièce de tissus en dimensions 72 x 100cm. Il a été exécuté sur soie rouge, à l’aide du fil d’or et d’argent. Le Christ, représenté au milieu de l’étoffe est étendu sur son sépulcre. Son corps est brodé de fil de soie ; couleur de peau, tandis qu’une écharpe couvre les reins. A droite du Seigneur se tient la Vierge, assise, ayant sur ses seins la tête de son fils, tandis que de l’autre côté du sarcophage Joseph d’Arimathie, barbu tenant le linceul, se courbe du côté des pieds. Égaré par sa douleur saint Jean embrasse la main du Seigneur. Une Myrophore prend part au drame terrestre de Jésus. Le disciple Nicodème, figuré debout, ajoute le groupe des Deuillants. Le ciborium fait de cinq colonnes, d’où quatre veilleuses sont suspendues, remplit le fond. De deux côtés du ciborium des anges planés haussent les mains sous les gestes de deuil regardant attentivement 132 bien affligés le groupe des Deuillants. A la partie gauche de l’étoffe liturgique se présente Golgothas couronné de trois croix nues. Séparés par le sujet central du Thrène, on a placé les figures des évangélistes à côté de leurs symboles, aux quatre coins de l’épitaphios. Tout en bas du voile liturgique, on lit la dédicace brodée, en lettres majuscules : «ΔΙΑ ΣΥΝΔΡΟΜΗΣ ΚΑΙ ΕΞΟΔΩΝ ΤΟΥ ΑΓΙΟΥ ΚΑΘΗΓΟΥΜΕΝΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΒΛΑΧΣΑΡΑΙ ΤΟΥ ΚΥΡΙΟΥ ΒΗΣΣΑΡΙΩΝΟΣ ΠΕΛΟΠΟΝΝΗΣΙΟΥ ΜΕΓΑΣΠΗΛΑΙΩΤΟΥ ΑΨΠΖ » (=1787). L’inscription nous renseigne sur les noms du monastère, du donateur et l’année de l’exécution de l’épitaphios. On signale que le voile liturgique a été commandé à un atelier de Constantinople. Il a été dédié en 1787 au monastère de la Vierge de Valaque Sérail à Constantinople. L’higoumène de Valaque Sérail Bessarion de Péloponnèse, qui venait de Mega Spilaion, s’est chargé de la dépense. Un document de Juillet 1786 qui a été signé par le patriarche Procope (1785-1789) précise que l’higoumène de Mega Spilaion Bessarion allait se charger de la restauration du monastère endetté de Saint Démétrios de l’île d’Antigonos- aujourd’hui Antigoni- des îles de Princes, qui appartenait à la Métropole de Chalcédoine. Aux chrysobulles de Février 1769 et de Juin 1748/Novembre 1785, les voévodes Jean Grégoire Alexandre et Jean Michel de Constantin Soutzos ont attribué le Monastère désert de la Dormition de la Vierge, qui était situé au Valaque Sérail de Constantinople, aux soins et à l’administration spirituelle de Mega Spilaion. Plus précisément au deuxième chrysobulle se fixent les aggravations économiques dont s’est chargée la dignité abbatiale du Monastère pour les offices bien proportionnés de l’Eglise, ainsi que des autres activités dans la ville. En plus, les higoumènes et les prêtres de Valaque Sérail doivent prier pour la paix des habitants orthodoxes de la région de Valachie. L’équilibre des personnages de l’épitaphios de 1787, ainsi que la technique des fils en or et en argent et le dessin bien soigné montrent précisément que cette broderie appartient à une qualité de niveau supérieur. En prenant compte : a) de l’épitaphios de 1748 -en dimensions 90 x 60cm- de SaintSépulcre (Panagiou Taphou) du Patriarcat de Jérusalem, b) de l’épitaphios de 1751 du Musé Byzantin (N. BXM 21278) –en dimensions 76,5 x 109cm - provenant de l’Exarchat de Jérusalem, tous les deux des œuvres de Mariora et c) de l’épitaphios du deuxième quart du XVIIIème siècle–en dimensions 122 x 101cm - du Monastère de Grigoriou du Mont Athos, peut-on conclure que l’ épitaphios de 1787 a été exécuté peut-être à l’atelier constantinopolitain du cycle d’une des élèves (les religieuses Sophronie, Areti, Irène, Agathe, Marie etc.) de la fameuse brodeuse Mariora Pherzoulachi (17231758), fille de Kousi dont son atelier se situait au Monastère de la Vierge Kamariôtissa de l’île de Chalke aux îles des Princes. 133 SCIENCE IN THE BYZANTINE WORLD Chairs: Alain Touwaide, Stavros Lazaris Danilo Valentino, The Interesting Case of Iatrosophion from MS. Taur. B.VII.18: Manuscript Belonging to Classical Greek Medicine Tradition or Work from Late Byzantine “Practical-Use Literature”? Erika Gielen, From Flatulence to Intestinal Erosion: Medical Knowledge in the Non-Medical Oeuvre of Nicephorus Blemmydes Illya Bey, Византийская философия: в поисках определения Ilias Nesseris, Mathematics in the Twelfth-Century Byzantium Christos Kafasis, Cultural Exchange between the Byzantine and the Islamic World: Persian Astronomy in the 14th Century Trebizond Alberto Bardi, Bessarion and Persian Astronomy Francesco Monticini, Rêver les astres qui nous font rêver : astronomie et oniromancie à Byzance Illya Bey, Византийская космография: расположение стихий Dragana Van de Moortel Ilić, The Cosmology of Aristotle and Plato in Serbian Medieval Churches: The Frescoes in the Bogorodica Ljeviška Church, Lesnovo and Visoki Dečani Monasteries as Case Studies Danilo Valentino Centre for the Study of the Manuscript Cultures of the University of Hamburg, Hamburg, Germany; valendani@live.it The Interesting Case of Iatrosophion from MS. Taur. B.VII.18: Manuscript Belonging to Classical Greek Medicine Tradition or Work from Late Byzantine “Practical-Use Literature”? The iatrosophia are collections of medical recipes, which were widely disseminated during the late and post-Byzantine era. Written in a sort of early Modern Greek, these works were intended for practical usage, however their contents are often drawn from texts belonging to classical Greek medicine: by analyzing them, it is possible to widen our perception of “practical-use literature” (Gebrauchsliteratur) in Byzantium and to offer hints on alternative ways in transmitting classical Greek works in that society as well as in the following centuries. An interesting sample of iatrosophion is transmitted by MS. Taur. B.VII.18. This is a 16th century manuscript located in the Turin National Library, whose main source is the Pseudo-Galenic work De remediis parabilibus. The author employs it without comments and adds new text to it, making changes in both form and structure. The goal of this paper is to show features and contents of iatrosophion from Turin and especially to focus on modification processes of its sources, with the intention of proposing innovative criteria for the edition of this kind of “practical-use literature” and of readjusting our picture of culture in the late Byzantine era. Erika Gielen KU Leuven, Leuven, Belgium; erika.gielen@kuleuven.be From Flatulence to Intestinal Erosion: Medical Knowledge in the Non-Medical Oeuvre of Nicephorus Blemmydes Nicephorus Blemmydes, born in Constantinople at the very end of the 12th century, was one of the key figures of the literary and theological scene in the Empire of Nicaea. To most scholars, Nicephorus Blemmydes is especially known as clergyman, who actively participated in in theological debates with the Latins and Armenians on the procession of the Holy Spirit and the use of (un) leavened bread. Besides, he also acted as teacher, his most famous pupil being the future emperor Theodore II Lascaris. His two most famous and most popular works, his Epitome logica and Epitome physica, were clearly written for purposes of higher education, offering a useful overview of what a young student was supposed to know about logic and physics. Yet, besides monk and philosopher, there is one other important aspect of the person of Blemmydes, which has hardly been studied up to now: Blemmydes the physician. 135 In his Autobiographia, Blemmydes himself states that he had “occupied himself with the theory and practice of medicine for about seven years.” This is not a complete surprise, giving the fact that medicine was his father’s profession. However, there is no evidence of Blemmydes himself acting as a physician in a city or hospital. Moreover, some medical works have been ascribed to Nicephorus Blemmydes, yet their authenticity is most uncertain. The aim of this presentation is to show that this statement of his about his years of medical education and actual practice should nonetheless not be discarded as excessive boasting about an exceptionally broad education. I will analyze various passages from several of Blemmydes’ (non-medical) works (De virtute; De anima; Autobiographia; Typikon …) that unmistakably point at Blemmydes’ medical interests and knowledge. In this way, one will be able to better appreciate the multifaceted personality of Nicephorus Blemmydes. Illya Bey Hussite Theological Faculty, Charles University, Prague, Czech Republic; politsovet@gmail.com Византийская философия: в поисках определения Статья посвящена поиску определения понятия «византийская философия». Поднимаются такие вопросы, как правомерность существования и употребления этого термина, проводится разделение между понятиями «византийская философия» и «философия в Византии». Рассматриваются также определения философии, использованные византийскими авторами, возможность отделения философии от теологии, philosophia theologiae ancilla. Затрагиваются вопросы влияния аристотелизма и платонизма на развитие философии в Византии. Ilias Nesseris Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Institut für Mittelalterforschung, Abteilung Byzanzforschung, Vienna, Austria; iliasnesseris@yahoo.gr Mathematics in the Twelfth-Century Byzantium It is widely accepted that the twelfth century was the golden era of rhetoric in Byzantium and a time which many other literary genres thrived as well. But above else, it may be argued, it was the golden era of higher education, since in the many schools that functioned in Constantinople during the twelfth century taught many intellectuals of a great calibour, such as Theodore Prodromos or Eustathios of Thessalonica to name but a few. The works of Homer, the classics and other authors that had entered the school curriculum continued to be taught uninterruptedly, while new works and handbooks were composed by these scholars in order to cover their needs in the classroom in the fields of poetry, rhetoric and philosophy. Alongside these subjects the Quadrivium, which consisted of mathematics –i.e. arithmetic and geometry– together with harmonics (the ancient music theory) and astronomy, continued to be taught. 136 Nevertheless the study of mathematics in this period has received very little scholarly attention so far, so that quite often it is admitted that there is a gap in our knowledge between the 11th and the 13th century, or more precisely between Michael Psellos on the one hand, and Nikephoros Blemmydes and the scholars of the early Palaeologan period, Maximos Planudes and George Pachymeres, on the other. The aim of this paper is to shed some light in this breach, first by referring to the ways in which the twelfth century scholars exhibited their knowledge of ancient Greek mathematical works, for instance by mentioning or quoting passages from authors like Nikomachos of Gerasa or Euclid. Furthermore by focusing more closely on their teaching activities, since in some instances we can trace not only what subjects exactly they taught, but also who were their students; such was the case of Manuel Sarantenos, the future Patriarch in Nicaea (1217-1222), who was initiated in the study of Diophantos by his teacher Nikolaos Kaloethes, an expert on this very difficult subject. It is no matter of fortune then that another student of Kaloethes, the monk Prodromos, was to become the instructor of Blemmydes in higher mathematics in the beginning of the second decade of the thirteenth century. Of even greater importance is of course the location of works that were composed ad hoc for the study or teaching of the mathematical works of Antiquity. Thus a central position in our paper occupies the identification and analysis of some hitherto unknown scholia of Eustratios of Nicaea, Michael Ephesios and a certain Nikolaos Dishypatos in specific passages of the Nikomachos’ Introduction to Arithmetic, which serves to illustrate the point that this work continued to be commented upon (earlier commentaries existed from the early byzantine period by Iamblichos of Chalkida, John Philoponos and Asklepios of Tralleis) and most probably taught in the Comnenian period. Finally, another necessary step is the tracing of all the manuscripts with mathematical content that were copied at that time, but also of previous centuries that continued to be in use and circulation in the scholarly circles of the capital during this period. In conclusion our detailed analysis aims at showing that the twelfth century clearly constitutes one of the missing links in the long chain of the dissemination and the study of mathematics in Byzantium bridging thus this gap in our knowledge. Christos Kafasis Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität, Institut für Byzantinistik, Byzantinische Kunstgeschichte und Neogräzistik, Munich, Germany; Christos.Kafasis@campus.lmu.de Cultural Exchange between the Byzantine and the Islamic World: Persian Astronomy in the 14th Century Trebizond Andrew Libadenos, a second-rank Byzantine scholar of the 14th century, left Constantinople in 1335 and travelled to Trebizond, where he had the opportunity to receive a better education in astronomy „not according to the Athenian, but after the Chaldean method“. At the dawn of the 14th century and for about 50 years we can indeed observe the development of astronomical studies influenced by the so-called Islamic astronomical school in the capital of the Komnenian Empire. 137 The establishment of an astronomical tradition in Trebizond must be attributed to the activities of Gregory Chioniades, a Byzantine intellectual who was educated in astronomy at the end of the 13th century in the Ilkhanid Persia. Chioniades translated the astronomical handbooks he used during his studies into Greek and tried to introduce Islamic astronomy in Byzantium without any real success due to the negative attitude of Byzantine literary circles towards any foreign wisdom and especially towards Islamic astronomy which was linked to astrological predictions. Chioniades didn’t have any important influence by his work in Byzantium, he became however a distinguished person in the pocket Empire of Pontos, which he visited many times on his way to and from Persia. Emperor Alexios II the Great Komnenos supported the activities of the Byzantine scholar, whose work and heritage were kept in Trebizond which subsequently became attractive for Byzantine students wishing to study Persian astronomy. Trebizond lost its special place as a center of astronomical studies after the successful reintroduction of Islamic astronomy into Byzantium in the middle of the 14th century. The development of astronomy in the Empire of Trebizond constitutes a main part of my doctoral research on scholars and their literary work in the Empire of Trebizond. In my presentation I will give a brief overview on the scholarly activities in the field of astronomy in Pontos and on the factors which led to the establishment of an Islamic-influenced astronomical school in the region and what impact it had on the so-called Palaeologan Renaissance. Alberto Bardi Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität, Munich, Germany; alberto.bi@libero.it Bessarion and Persian Astronomy In 13th and 14th century Byzantium foreign astronomical knowledge, especially the one stemming to Persian tradition, gets the attention of Byzantine scholars. Among the byzantine scholars interested in astronomy is Cardinal Bessarion. Bessarion’s interest in astronomy, especially for Ptolemy’s Almagest, as well as his relationship with the astronomer Regiomontanus and his controversy with Georgios Trapezountios are well known. Nevertheless this interest of Bessarion lacks of detailed analysis from technical point of view: his collections of astronomical and mathematical text have never been carefully surveyed. However Bessarion is among the scholars writing Greek texts of Persian astronomical tradition. In fact he is the copyist of an anonymous astronomical text of Persian tradition contained in the manuscript Marcianus graecus 333 Z (dated before 1450). This text is entitled Παράδοσις εἰς τοὺς περσικοὺς κανόνας (Instructions for the Persian Handy Tables), it is delivered in almost eighteen manuscripts, among which the oldest was written before the year 1374 by the byzantine mathematician Isaak Argyros (ca. 1300-1375); it is still unpublished, I am currently working at its edition. The Text is a commentary to Persian astronomical handy tables, a widely-spread genre from 138 13th century on in Byzantium. The genre’s ancient model is the Small Commentary to the Handy Tables by Theon of Alexandria (4th century), while the most recent model is the Commentary by Stephanus Alexandrinus (7th century). The manuscript Marc.gr.333 Z contains also other astronomical and mathematical texts (e.g. Euclid), all written by the hand of Bessarion. My paper focuses on Bessarion’s mathematical integrations I found out in the Persian astronomical text copied by himself in the manuscript Marcianus graecus 333 Z. I give some information about the text from both historical-philological and astronomical perspective, then I consider and explain the importance of Bessarion’s mathematical integrations. Compared to the texts delivered in the manuscripts of the Instructions, the text written by Bessarion contains two essential differences: a text-addition and algorithms. The text addition is a calculation method for syzygies (conjunction of sun and moon), which is not attested in the other manuscripts. In most passages where the other manuscripts deliver calculation tables, Bessarion writes the same calculation, but in algorithmic form. The additional text and also the algorithms were brought into the Instructions by Bessarion during the writing process: I found out that he integrated this text from an astronomical work contained in the manuscript Vaticanus graecus 1059 (beginning 15th century), written by John Chortasmenos, master of Bessarion in Constantinople: here the additional text is among astronomical texts of Isaac Argyros and the algorithms are in the Third Book of the astronomical work by Theodoros Meliteniotes. Among the algorithms only one is original by Bessarion and it deals with the latitude of Mercury and Venus. The legitimization of this mathematical procedures has its roots in the ancient mathematical works, e. g. the Metrica von Heron (1st century A. D.), the works of Diophantus, Pappus and Theon from Alexandria: this is a canonical language survived for thousand years. Bessarion’s integrations provide evidence of his activity during his learning years (before 1440) at the school of Chortasmenos and Plethon as well as his abilities in using the mathematical language. Francesco Monticini University of Rome 3, Rome, Italy / École pratique des hautes études, Paris, France; fazenda9@gmail.com Rêver les astres qui nous font rêver : astronomie et oniromancie à Byzance « Toutes les choses qui se trouvent dans l’univers sont composées et ont une forme propre; si nous regardons leur essence, nous saisirons leur unité ». Ainsi écrivait Nicéphore Grégoras dans son commentaire à l’ouvrage Sur les Songes de Synésios de Cyrène. Si nous nous efforçons de bien comprendre la manière byzantine de voir le monde, nous sommes nécessairement confrontés aux concepts exprimés par ces mots. Il n’est donc pas par hasard que pendant sa vie le même Grégoras s’occupa de sujets si éloignés à nos yeux comme les rêves et les astres. En fait, l’homme byzantin ne 139 trouvait rien d’étonnant dans la considération que notre esprit et l’univers obéissent tous les deux à la même hiérarchie et partagent aussi le pouvoir de donner des prophéties. C’est pourquoi un prodige astral et un rêve représentent à ses yeux la même chose, à savoir un signe. Certes, pendant les deux dernières décades l’astronomie et l’oniromancie byzantines ont fait l’objet de plusieurs études spécifiques; toutefois, j’essayerai de porter notre attention sur leurs interrelations dans le cadre de la même culture. Étant donné l’étendue du domaine, je me limiterai à commenter deux seuls exemples. D’abord, je prendrai en considération l’ouvrage Liber thesauri occulti, écrit à Constantinople en 1165 par Romanus Pascalis, interprète latin de l’empereur Manuel Comnène. Dans sa plus grande partie cet ouvrage traduit des passages tirés des Onirocritica d’Artémidore et d’Achmet, même si l’auteur tient compte aussi de la philosophie arabe, notamment d’Al-Kindi et d’Averroès. En effet, Romanus insiste beaucoup sur la primauté de l’astronomie dans l’interprétation des rêves, car, il affirme, « impossibile est naturas et vices rerum perfecte cognoscere, nisi a superioribus sedibus a quibus dependent eliciantur ». À son avis, il est donc impossible d’interpréter correctement les images oniriques et leurs véritables significations cachées (archana ac mystica) sans avoir recours à la geometrica ratio, c’est-à-dire sans tenir compte des influences que les astres, en tant qu’objets supérieurs, exercent inévitablement sur nos vies et donc sur nos esprits. Par la suite, j’approcherai la question d’un point de vue différent. Il est bien connu, en fait, que les rêves entretiennent toujours une relation très proche avec la culture du rêveur : le même phénomène est présent aussi à Byzance, comme on peut le constater, par exemple, dans l’Onirocriticon du Pseudo-Daniel, où les astres figurent même dans les songes, au point qu’une comète rêvée devient un signe à interpréter de la même façon d’une comète réelle. Nous trouvons alors toute une série de songes étroitement liés à la culture partagée par les rêveurs de l’époque, où effectivement l’astronomie jouait un rôle central. Il s’agit de songes devenus désormais très rares (ou même disparus) dans notre culture contemporaine, comme rêver le soleil qui se trouve au-dessous des nuages ou le soleil qui se lève à Occident. Illya Bey Hussite Theological Faculty, Charles University, Prague, Czech Republic; politsovet@gmail.com Византийская космография: расположение стихий Статья посвящена космографическим воззрениям в Византии, а также особенностям концепций таких популярных авторов как Василий Великий (Шестоднев), Псевдо-Кесарий Назианзин (Вопросоответы) и Григорий Палама (Сто пятьдесят глав). Наибольшее внимание уделяется теме, пограничной между космологией и географией, а именно – космографии. Речь идет скорее о более частном вопросе: об умозрительном количественном соотношении стихий воды и земли в космосе и о следствиях, к которым приводят такие построения. Рассматриваются также теории плоской и шарообразой ойкумены, их соотнесенность с воззрениями Аристотеля, а также предельное развитие концепции исомойрии у Григория Паламы. 140 Dragana Van de Moortel Ilić Gentbrugge, Belgium; dragana.vandemoortel@gmail.com The Cosmology of Aristotle and Plato in Serbian Medieval Churches: The Frescoes in the Bogorodica Ljeviška Church, Lesnovo and Visoki Dečani Monasteries as Case Studies The cosmology in medieval Christian Europe was Aristotelian, characterized by the Earth in the centre and surrounded by the planetary spheres as well as the sphere of fixed stars. According to Aristotle, the ‘prime mover’ and most perfect was God, heaven was regarded as nearly perfect, the planets were seen as much less than perfect and the most imperfect planet of all was the Earth. Subsequently, in the Hellenistic, or more specifically, Hermetic world, it was considered that the way back to God is through the planetary spheres and that ‘the soul’s shedding of seven human qualities at each planetary sphere may be the origin of the seven cardinal sins’. Plato wrote that the cosmos was ensouled and that the Creator ‘framed the soul according to his will’, and she ‘began a divine beginning of never ceasing a rational life enduring through all time’. Plato’s idea of the immortality of the soul might be reflected in particular frescoes in Serbian medieval churches. The Aristotelian presentation of the cosmos is most clearly to be seen in the southern section of the narthex in the Lesnovo monastery. Located near the astrological signs, there are 5 concentric circles and words written in the Old Church Slavonic language from Psalm 148:3: ‘Praise him, sun and moon’. This image is one example of the synergy of Christian and Hellenistic cosmology. On the arch of the Northern wall in the Bogorodica Ljeviška church, there is a fresco with Hellenistic elements, portraying Sybille, Plato and Plutarch on the vertical section. One can argue that the paintings of the winged naked figures, which are found in all three case studies and which might represent souls, reflect the philosophy of Plato and other prominent Greek philosophers. For example, in Lesnovo, planet names are found next to the winged figures inside strange polygon-like shapes. These winged figures might then represent the souls of these planets. In several frescoes of the Visoki Dečani, the figures without wings inside the Sun and the Moon might symbolise the souls of these heavenly bodies. Plato wrote that in the ensouled cosmos every soul was assigned to a star, which could then relate to those medieval frescoes depicting the souls of the cosmic bodies. In the central part of the Visoki Dečani monastery, located on the ground under the central dome, there is a twelve-pointed ornament or a rosette that could either symbolize the cosmic cycle, the God of light and Christ as the Sun, or perhaps the twelve months as the movement of the Sun over the course of a year. On the northern side of the central dome, above this rosette, there is a fresco called The Crucifixion of Christ. On this fresco, on both the left and right side above Christ, there are paintings of tear-shaped forms with figures inside. The figure on the left side, wearing a cloak around his body and across his left shoulder, resembling a himation, possibly represents the Sun. On the right side, a painting of the Moon is portrayed with a figure inside, wearing a cloak wrapped around the hips. Those figures have been the subject of controversial theories but most likely they also represent the souls of the Sun and the Moon. 141 TUESDAY, 23rd AUGUST RETHINKING THE PASSION CYCLE Conveners: Maria Vassilaki, Nektarios Zarras AGIA MARINA / SAINT MARGARET Convener: Wendy R. Larson NEW FEASTS, NEW SERMONS: THE CULT OF MARY ON THE EVE OF ICONOCLASM, IN BYZANTIUM AND BEYOND Conveners: Beatrice Daskas, Francesca Dell’Acqua PALAESTINA BYZANTINA I: NEW BYZANTINE STUDIES IN ART Convener: Moshe Fischer PALAESTINA BYZANTINA II: NEW BYZANTINE STUDIES IN ARCHAEOLOGY Convener: Lee I. Levine NARRATING EVENTS AND PORTRAYING CHARACTERS IN THE WORKS OF THE LATE BYZANTINE WRITERS – PART 1 Conveners: Ruth Macrides, Maja Nikolić NARRATING EVENTS AND PORTRAYING CHARACTERS IN THE WORKS OF THE LATE BYZANTINE WRITERS – PART 2 Conveners: Ruth Macrides, Maja Nikolić TYPE AND ARCHETYPE IN BYZANTINE CULTURAL LANDSCAPE Conveners: Jelena Bogdanović, Marina Mihaljević THE EARLY BYZANTINE EMPIRE ‒ PART 1 Chairs: Michel Kaplan, Geoffrey Greatrex 142 HAGIOGRAPHY ‒ PART 1 Chairs: Marina Détoraki-Flusin, Georges Sidéris BYZANTIUM MEETS ANCIENT LITERATURE Chairs: Marina Loukaki, Darko Todorović THE FIRST BULGARIAN EMPIRE Chairs: Vassil Gjuzelev, Kirił Marinow ECONOMY IN THE BYZANTINE WORLD Chairs: Triantafyllitsa Maniati-Kokkini, Raúl Estangüi Gómez BYZANTINE LITERATURE IN TRANSLATION ‒ PART 1 Chairs: Johannes Michael Reinhart, Viktor Savić BYZANCE APRÈS BYZANCE – PART 1 Chairs: Hediye Melek Delilbaşi, Aleksandar Fotić BIBLE IN BYZANTIUM: EXEGESIS AND LITERARY INSPIRATION Chairs: Paul Blowers, Sébastien Morlet BYZANTIUM AND THE EAST Chairs: Leif Inge Ree Petersen, Ekaterina Nechaeva CHURCH, FAITH AND CULTURE IN MEDIEVAL SERBIA, BULGARIA AND RUSSIA Chairs: Slavia Barlieva, Tatjana Subotin-Golubović HAGIOGRAPHY ‒ PART 2 Chairs: André-Louis Rey, Pablo Adrián Cavallero BYZANCE APRÈS BYZANCE – PART 2 Chairs: Elena N. Boeck, Andrei Timotin 143 RETHINKING THE PASSION CYCLE Conveners: Maria Vassilaki, Nektarios Zarras Maria Vassilaki, Passion Cycles in Venetian Crete Michele Bacci, Icons of Narratives: Passion Cycles in Panel Painting between Byzantium and Venice Nektarios Zarras, The Passion Cycle in Churches of Mystras: Issues of Space and Function of the Cycle in the Panagia Hodegetria and the Peribleptos Judith Soria, Narrating the Eucharistic Sacrament: The Passion Cycle in Mural Paintings from the Late 13th Century in Byzantium and Serbia Manuela Studer-Karlen, The Depiction of the “Christ Anapeson” in the Context of the Passion Scenes of Christ Marka Tomić Đurić, Eucharistic Symbolism and the Passion Scenes in the Prothesis Chamber at Markov Manastir Tatiana Tsarevskaya, The Passion Cycle in the Program of the Altar Decoration and the Problem of Its Roots in Novgorod Churches of the Late 14th Century Ekaterine Gedevanishvili, The Representation of the Passion Cycle in the Ikvi Church and Its Connection to the Current Theological Debates in Georgia Ivana Jevtić, Rethinking the Passion Cycle: Representation of Emotions, the Emphatic Response and Narration in Late Byzantine Painting Warren Woodfin, The Passion and Liturgical Textiles: Veiling and Revealing the Sacrifice of Christ Maria Vassilaki University of Thessaly, Volos, Greece; maria.vassilaki2@gmail.com Passion Cycles in Venetian Crete This paper examines Passion cycles depicted in churches of Venetian held Crete in an effort to understand what changes had occurred and why. It will focus on fourteenth-century churches and will select examples in which Passion cycles with a strong Western influence appear as a result of the presence of the Venetians and most probably of the activity of Mendicant orders in the island of Crete. At the same time it will look at Passion cycles which show how closely Cretan painters were able to follow the developments of the Passion cycle in Late Byzantine churches. To make these points clear two key monuments will be selected: the church of the Transfiguration of Christ in Temenia, Selino in the prefecture of Chania and the monastery church of the Virgin Gouverniotissa in Potamies in the prefecture of Heraklion. Michele Bacci University of Fribourg, Fribourg, Switzerland; michele.bacci@unifr.ch Icons of Narratives: Passion Cycles in Panel Painting between Byzantium and Venice In the 13th and 14th centuries, Passion cycles started being introduced not only in the decoration of religious buildings, but also in a number of icons and diptychs, originally associated with individual forms of piety. Even if it is currently assumed that such developments were basically associated with the spread of a new religious sensibility originating in the West and being especially fostered by the Mendicant orders, it is a matter of fact that analogous objects became widespread enough even in Greek contexts, as is indicated by a number of meaningful objects, including a 13th century icon of the Assumption encircled by Passion scenes, now in the Byzantine Museum in Pedoulas, Cyprus, and the fragment of a 14th century diptych now in the Museum of Vlatadon Monastery in Thessaloniki. Moreover, the largest group of painted panels displaying a Passion cycle originating in the West date from the earliest half of the 14th century and stands out for its distinctively Byzantinizing forms, associated with contemporary Palaiologan painting. The present paper aims at investigating the extant Byzantine and Venetian examples of icons displaying a Passion cycle from a distinctively comparative viewpoint, with a special focus on the analysis of their shared compositional and iconographic features. These objects will be interpreted as cross-cultural items intended to suit the devotional sensibility needs of individual believers, regardless of their religious affiliation. Emphasis will be laid on their diffusion in the Mediterranean, in connection with the emergence of meditational practices associated with the Passion and Holy Land pilgrimage. 145 Nektarios Zarras University of Münster, Münster, Germany; nectarios.zarras@gmail.com The Passion Cycle in Churches of Mystras: Issues of Space and Function of the Cycle in the Panagia Hodegetria and the Peribleptos The Passion cycle is preserved in the decoration of most of the monuments at Mystras, either in fragmented form, as in St Demetrios-Metropolis, Sts Theodore, Hagia Sophia and the gallery of the Panagia Hodegetria, or in its full synthesis, as in the Peribleptos. All the developments in the depiction of the cycle in Palaiologan painting are represented in these monuments, depending on the dimensions and the particular character of the building. Narrativity, which in the Passion cycle attains its finest expression during the Late Palaiologan period, is one of the basic modes of rendering the cycle, with clear liturgical influences from Holy Week. The cycles in St Demetrios, Sts Theodore and the Hodegetria are examples of narrativity observing the temporal sequence of the events, as this emerges from the Gospel account and the ritual of the Holy Week. Episodes known from the Middle Byzantine period continued to be popular in Palaiologan times (Betrayal, Denials of Peter). However, secondary incidents too (Joseph of Arimathea asking Pilate for the Body of Christ), which complement the main scenes, point to the iconographic development of the cycle in this period, through the painters’ desire to innovate with unusual subjects. In addition to narrativity, the Passion cycle at Mystras is distinguished by potent symbolism, which imposes a different conception in its treatment. In the southeast chapel of Hagia Sophia the restrictions of space, in combination with the personalities of the donor and the painter, created impressive iconographic solutions, such as the iconographic types of Christ, which are related directly to his Passion: The Man of Sorrows and the Holy Mandylion. Without doubt, the most remarkable Passion cycle at Mystras is in the Peribleptos, where a superb combination of narrativity and theological symbolism is encountered. The cycle here comprises some ten scenes, which unfold in the diakonikon and the south aisle. Τhe representation of the Anapeson together with the Holy Mandylion in the apse, as well as the rare scenes of narrative character, compose a Passion cycle of superlative conception, worthy of the donor, as well as of the painter who executed it. 146 Judith Soria Centre d’histoire et civilisation de Byzance, Paris, France; judith.soria@yahoo.fr Narrating the Eucharistic Sacrament: The Passion Cycle in Mural Paintings from the Late 13th Century in Byzantium and Serbia This paper will deal with the narrative images of the Passion of Christ in late Byzantine mural of some churches of northern Greece, Macedonia and Bulgaria. This cycle has a clear narrative sequence showing the story of the sufferings of Christ from the Last Supper to his death, and sometimes to his resurrection. Going around the nave and passing through the sanctuary space, such cycles participate in the construction of the space of worship. The oldest occurrences of this iconographic program include the Prôtaton in Mount Athos, the Virgin Perivleptos in Ohrid, SaintGeorges in Staro Nagoričino or the Church of the Trinity in Berat. A study of the images shows that the narrative form given to these cycles, far from being accidental, bears meaning. By setting the wall paintings as a whole within their liturgical context and considering their distribution in space we can to understand the Eucharistic and mystagogic discourse produced by the narrative. The articulation of the iconography of the bêma and this narrative cycle is particularly significant. The bêma iconography consists of the superposition of images related to Incarnation and Liturgy, with the Theotokos in the semi-dome and the Communion of the Apostles and the Liturgy of the Bishops below. At the image of the Communion of the Apostles, then, the horizontal narrative of the Passion meets the vertical program of the apse. I will show that such a configuration places the Eucharist at the heart of the bêma iconographic programme. Manuela Studer-Karlen University of Fribourg, Fribourg, Switzerland; manuela.studer@unifr.ch The Depiction of the “Christ Anapeson” in the Context of the Passion Scenes of Christ Christ as a child with open eyes is resting on a cushion. He’s leaning his head on his right hand, in his left hand is a rolled scroll. The first known image of Christ Anapeson is depicted in the Protaton Monastery of Mt. Athos form the late thirteenth century. Subsequently, the topic appears in Byzantine churches of the fourteenth and fifteenth century. Its place within the church is variable; the iconographical details, the added figures and the accompanying inscriptions are changeable. A point of interest is also to study briefly the representations in other materials like manuscripts, icons, and textiles as well as the parallels with related scenes. 147 The subject of this presentation is the complex interpretation of the scene, and it is necessary to consider the textual sources of the Old Testament (Gen. 49, 9 and Psalm 120, 1) and the liturgical, exegetical and homiletic commentaries on these texts, such as sermons of church fathers and liturgical hymns and prayers, and their impact on the iconography of Christ Anapeson. Studying the context of the depiction of Christ Anapeson it comes obvious that it’s mostly an integral part of the cycle of the Passion of Christ. It has been ascertained that the liturgy of Holy Week, from Holy Thursday to Holy Saturday, had the greatest influence on the fresco painting. The cycle of the Passion was depicted according to the Passion narratives that are read out during the liturgy. One can single out several cases in order to show the meaning of the topic of Christ Anapeson. The attention is focused on the question for which reason the Anapeson is included in the cycle of the Passion of Christ and how it is linked to the liturgical ceremony. For this problematic the Epitaphios Threnos, the lament interpreted as the weeping of the Virgin for her son, who died on the cross, plays a predominant role, a rite which was known in church liturgy from the end of the thirteenth century on. The conclusions should provide explications for the meaning of the image of Christ Anapeson and the thematic program in a Paleologean church and should illuminate our understanding of the experience of the church as a liturgical space used by a wide spectrum of the Byzantine community. Marka Tomić Đurić Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, Institute for Balkan Studies, Belgrade, Serbia; marka.tomic@gmail.com Eucharistic Symbolism and the Passion Scenes in the Prothesis Chamber at Markov Manastir The closing scenes of the painted cycle dedicated to the Passion in the church of St Demetrios in Markov Manastir (1376/77) are placed in the prothesis chamber. The north wall features the Crucifixion, which is accompanied by the Deposition form the Cross and the Entombment of Christ, on the east wall. The unusual placement of the scenes from Christ’s Passion will be analyzed in the light of the liturgical symbolism of the northern pastophorion and its painted decoration, taking into consideration similar examples in Byzantine art. The impetus for devising this form of thematic programmes may be brought into relationship with an intensive development of the prothesis rite (proskomedia) in the Eastern Christian world in the 14th century. The link established between the narrative episode of Christ’s death on the cross and the liturgically symbolic representation of the deceased adult Christ resting on a stone tomb in the niche – over whose body St Stephen the Archdeacon and St Peter of Alexandria perform the prothesis rite, highlights the paschal symbolism of the Eucharistic worship of the Eastern Church. The first part of the Eucharist, the prothesis rite, evokes the equivalence and simultaneity of the crucificial and the Eucharistic sacrifice. 148 Tatiana Tsarevskaya Ministry of Culture of Russian Federation, State Institut for Art Studies, Moscow, Russian Federation; tsarturie@yahoo.com The Passion Cycle in the Program of the Altar Decoration and the Problem of Its Roots in Novgorod Churches of the Late 14th Century The narrative Passion cycles in altar space of the two Novgorod Churches of 1370th – The Transfiguration on Il’ina Street and St.Theodore Stratelates – represent unusual parts of their decorative programs. First of them, made by Theophanes de Greek, occupied originally the walls of bema (only a few fragments is survived), the second, much more better preserved and made by anonymous contemporary of Theophanes, besides that includes the upper zone of apse, unfolding there counterclockwise and closing inside the alter space. Significantly that echoes of this system are traced in altar paintings of some cathedrals of late Russian medieval period (16-17th century), thus indicating its fairly long existence. This bold innovation made to the stable structure of the Byzantine altar decoration is fully correlated with the symbolism of the altar space and quite consistent with previous development of the theme of Eucharistic sacrifice. However, this innovation suddenly finds common ground with the Western tradition. Early announced in altar of Santa Maria Antiqua in Rome and later in some Roman churches (Abbey Church of Saint-Savin-sur-Gartempe, Saint Martin in Nohant-Vic, etc.) this tradition received a new impetus from the mid 13th century under the influence of spirituality of the Franciscans and Dominicans, with their keen interest to the theme of human sufferings of Christ, His holy blood and wounds. The Passion scenes in the pictorial triptychs and polyptychs of Ducento and Trecento become a typical for the altar decorations of Italian churches, spreading influence throughout the Catholic West and the Levant and, moreover, getting into some Orthodox mural painting in the Balkans. Since the first half of the 14th century the Passion cycle - brief or more developed – had acquired a monumental quality as part of the apse fresco-decoration in some Franciscan churches belonged to Genoese colonies of the Adriatic coast (the churches of St. Trifon and St. Mary Collegiate in Kotor, the Church of Assumption in Savines), as well as in Cyprus (in the altar of the Royal chapel in Pirga), in the painting of which the Greek artists were involved. There are a number of precedents when the Orthodox Greek artists of the highest level worked in the Catholic churches. Keeping the Byzantine style, they reworked more or less considerably the traditional Orthodox iconographic formula with regard to the requirements of the Latin clergy. Undoubtedly, such cooperation did not pass without a trace and enriched the thematic and iconographic repertoire of these artists and inspired them to a more creative approach in using of the Byzantine canon. It is known that before coming to Russia, Theophanes the Greek worked in Genoese colonies - Galata (Pera) in Constantinople and Kaffa in the Crimea. Novgorod, where he arrived then, was a large commercial center with an open atmosphere of cultural life, not constrained by the rigid 149 framework of Byzantine canons, as show the original altar frescoes of local 12th century churches. Here the famous Greek master known as “advanced sage and philosopher” could realize his artistic innovations within the Orthodox faith in accordance with the new aspirations of the time. So, he could be involved in the transmission of tradition, Latin in its origin, on the Novgorod soil. A new version of altar decoration with the Passion cycle presented by Theophanes in the Church of Transfiguration seems to have found a lively response in a creative environment of Theophanes worked that time in Novgorod, who resolutely followed it. Ekaterine Gedevanishvili George Chubinashvili National Research Centre for Georgian Art History and Heritage Preservation, Tbilisi, Georgia; guguchli@yahoo.co.uk The Representation of the Passion Cycle in the Ikvi Church and Its Connection to the Current Theological Debates in Georgia The wall painting of the Church of St. George at Ikvi presents one of the most important examples of 12th century Georgian monuments. The first layer of the murals was executed after the death of King David the Builder (1089-1025) – the greatest ruler of Georgia who brought most of the lands of the Caucasus under his control and turned the Georgian kingdom into the most powerful state in the Near East and the Caucasus. Ikvi as a specific example interestingly illustrates the cultural upraise and esthetical changes of the epoch. What makes the Ikvi murals exceptional is its nonstandard iconographic arrangement of the decoration. Moreover the adornment of the dome presents one of the few examples of 12th century painted domes surviving in Georgia, showing a unique program not only for Georgian, but for Byzantine art in general. The murals of Ikvi contain at least two main phases: the principal images in the naos were painted during the first half of the 12th century, while the representation of the Last Judgment covering the western cross-arm was completed later, most probably in two phases at the beginning and the middle of the 13th century. The Ikvi murals are the sole surviving example in Georgian medieval art and to my knowledge, in the art of the Christian East where the several Christological scenes appear in the drum of the dome. Here we find the Transfiguration and three scenes of the Passion cycle - the Crucifixion, the Deposition, and the Lamentation, while the summit of the dome presented the scene of the Ascension of Christ, a subject which has a long history in the decoration of Byzantine domes. It seems that the choice of the dome program was determined by the particularly high drum of the Ikvi dome and the painter was inspired by the ‘classical’ Byzantine tradition of locating the Christological scenes to the squinches of the dome. But still, the choice of the Passion scenes forming a tripartite narrative image looks quite unbalanced. Three episodes of the Passion comprising a miniature cycle give a special significance to this theme in the whole programme. 150 It is well known that a special interest in the Passion cycle is already evidenced in the art of the post–Iconoclastic period. Yet, scholars have singled out the Comnenian epoch as showing a new and special interest in this subject within Byzantine art. The theological debates, as well as aesthetic changes are regarded as the main inspiration for this interest. Georgia responded to the theological discussions raging inside the Byzantine capital, but there was one, I would say, “magisterial” theological current that had an important influence on Georgian culture – the counter to Armenian Monophysitism, the major rival confession to Greek Orthodoxy in Georgia. This centuries-old theological opposition between neighbors grew especially fervent during the 12th century, when most Caucasian lands were brought under Georgia’s control. The impact of this dispute upon Georgian culture can be traced throughout the centuries, but it was especially strong during the period under consideration in this paper. It should be noted that this heresy also became active in Byzantium through the coalition of the Syrian and Armenian Monophysite churches occurring in the 11th-12th centuries. What makes this coalition even more acute is the alliance of the Monophysites with the Roman Catholic Church - in spite of the doctrinal disagreement they found in accordance with the liturgical practice of the Eucharist. I even argue that the actuality of the Monophysite faith in the history of the theological thought of Byzantium during this period is underestimated in scientific literature. I will not dwell upon the Byzantine reaction to these events and will only note that the “global” scale of this heresy can also be felt in the Georgians’ attitude toward their neighbors. Obviously Georgia was strongly concentrated on Monophysitism, even regarding it as a theological problem of the first degree, though always generalizing it and discussing it with the leading Christological heresies of church history, showing the “ecumenical” context of this opposition. Tinatin Virsaladze was the first in Georgian scholarly literature to study the immediate influence of these disputes upon Georgian medieval painting. This approach inspired further research regarding it as the key theme for understanding the iconographic programs of Georgian murals. This context must have played a decisive role in the selection of the scenes of the dome program at Ikvi. The location of the Passion scenes in the drum of the dome - the physical ‘crown’ of the whole space, so to say - assigned a conspicuous role to this subject, turning it into the main dogmatic message of the murals. Being set out from the overall program of the decoration, the Passion cycle is primarily perceived as an answer to the Monophysites, whose position regarding the relationship between Christ’s human and divine natures can be formulated as such: it was the Divine Logos Who had suffered and died on the cross. It is not accidental that a special emphasis by its location has been given to the Transfiguration in the ordering of the scenes. The Transfiguration was regarded as the symbolical prefiguration of the Passion of Christ. Due to this context, it is often included in the Passion cycle (St George at Kurbinovo, the Church of the Transfiguration at Miroje). This link is tangibly shown at Ikvi by an angel of the Crucifixion gesturing towards the scene of the Transfiguration. But still the latter is primarily perceived here within its theophanic context, which is even underlined by the fairly red mandorla of Christ, an iconographical detail which is not typical of Byzantine art. The location of the Transfiguration as the ultimate expression of the dogma of the two natures of Christ alongside the Passion scenes would reinforce the Christological interpretation of the image, turning the dome programme into a manifesto of the Calcedonian Creed. 151 It is well known that the shift of the iconographical type from a “triumphal” crucifixion to a representation of Christ dead on the cross first evidenced in the Sinai icon was connected to an argument of St Anastasios of Sinai against the Monophysites: the Crucifixion is proof of Christ’s physical humanity and his physical death. In fact, the designer of the Ikvi murals gives the tripartite repetition of the image of - to put in St. Epiphanius of Cyprus’ words - the “dormition of Christ’s flesh”. It is noticeable that the chronological sequence of the compositions has changed – the Crucifixion is followed here by the scene of the Lamentation. Thus, the Crucifixion has appeared to be vis-a-vis of the scene of the Deposition and the similarity of the structure and iconography of these compositions seems to “double-up” the significance of this scene. One even has an impression that the Crucifixion occurs here twice, showing in this way the dogmatic importance of the latter. The inscription of the cross sounds instructive: “Jesus Christ, Lord of Glory”. The Pauline words can be found in many Byzantine images, though they appear as one of the most important arguments against the Monophysite heresy in the polemic works of Georgian as well as Byzantine theologians (St Euthymius the Athonite, Niketas Stethatos). The juxtaposition of the Lamentation with the scene of the Transfiguration also might be understood as a reflection of one of the most crucial issues of these theological discussions - the soteriological aspect of the Christological dogma. The dead Christ is facing here towards the image of the Transfiguration, evoking another symbolical context of this feast as a prefiguration of the Resurrection and the glorification of mankind – the first Adam is opposed to the “second, glorified Adam”, the context which is tangibly stressed in the scene of the Ascension represented above (For by man came death and by man the resurrection of the dead. St. Paul, 1 Corinthians, 15:21-22). It would not be an exaggeration to see in the arrangement of these scenes the influence of the very concrete issue of the “doctrine of incorruptibility” declared by the radical followers of Monophisitism among Armenians. According to their belief, the body of Christ was incorruptible and immortal during a moment of his conception, with the reasoning being an even more extreme denial of the human aspect of salvation than was done by the Severian Monophysites. The messianistic significance of the Passion reflected in the dome program would have been reinforced even further within the context of the liturgy on Good Friday, as if it were making a textual comment in regard to the imagery of the dome. It is obvious that the concept of the dome program determined the focal accent of the wall painting of the second layer as well. Alongside some typical scenes of the Last judgment, we find here “the Entry of Christ into Jerusalem”. The Entry of Christ in Glory - the ‘preface’ of the Passion story - was also perceived as a symbol of the Resurrection and the Second Coming of Christ in patrology. Thanks to its triumphal context - the motive of Adventus, it evokes the eschatological significance of this feast even thematically. Its location just behind the image of Hades and scenes of hell is visualizing feast’s messianistic significance conveying a sense of ‘destroying’ Hell, calling to mind liturgical texts regarding the Entry feast as the victory over the death. At a first glance, this ‘out-of-context’ inclusion of the opening scene of the Passion cycle interacts with the adornment of the dome and ‘transforms’ the whole program of the Last Judgment, symbolically turning the space of Ikvi Church into the heavenly Jerusalem. If we take in account the liturgical context of this scene – a direct connection to the preparation of the host revealed in the liturgy of the Palm Sunday - the soteriological significance of the Passion becomes even more prominent. 152 The dogmatic message of the Ikvi murals culminates in the central image of the sanctuary – the Mandylion above the masonry throne. This location of the Holy Face is regarded in special literature as a “local” iconographic feature of Georgian medieval painting and is primarily explained by the special cult of the Holy Face in Georgia. But it is apparent that the consistency of this tradition was also closely attuned to Georgian-Armenian polemics. It is difficult to imagine something more argumentative against the teaching of “mia physis” than the image of the Mandylion, a historical portrait of Christ – or so to say image –argument itself, visualizing the dogma of the Incarnation. Ivana Jevtić Koç University, Department of Archaeology and History of Art, Istanbul, Turkey; ijevtic@ku.edu.tr Rethinking the Passion Cycle: Representation of Emotions, the Emphatic Response and Narration in Late Byzantine Painting Dense narrative cycles inflected with theatric, dramatic and emotional qualities represent a distinctive feature of Late Byzantine wall painting. Realistic approach to expression of suffering and the psychological characterization of grieving are particularly striking in the cycle of the Passion of Christ where painted figures show their state of emotions in telling facial expressions, sometimes of unprecedented intensity and overtness. Building up on recent work of David Freedberg and Vittorio Gallese on motion, emotion and empathy in the esthetic experience, this paper explores how the depiction of such emotionally charged expressions and evocative gestures influenced the way in which the beholder approached and perceived the Passion of Christ. New ways in which emotions were represented in such narrative cycles seem to follow the logic of the ‘embodied simulations’, neural processes that, according to David Freedberg and Vittorio Gallese, lie at the core of the emphatic response to art. By looking closely at the cycle of Passion, the aim of this paper is to discuss the relation between the representation of emotion, the need for strong emphatic response and the narrative turn in Late Byzantine painting. Warren Woodfin City University of New York, Queens College, New York NY, United States; warren.woodfin@qc.cuny.edu The Passion and Liturgical Textiles: Veiling and Revealing the Sacrifice of Christ The Epitaphios of Milutin Uroš, one of the earliest of preserved Byzantine epitaphioi, is also one of the most interesting from a liturgical standpoint. The unusual, vertical orientation has attracted comment, but so too has the dress of Christ. Instead of the usual loincloth to cover his nudity, there is what is unmistakably a representation of a veil, the little aër, used to cover the bread on the paten. 153 The image on the textile thus uncovers a paradox: the veil covering the Eucharistic offering shows the bread to be the crucified body of Christ, while the fictive veil, covering the image of Christ like the veil over the prosphora, shows him to be bread. The epitaphios is unmistakably liturgical in its function, which would originally have been to cover the gifts of bread and wine during the Great Entrance. Its imagery aligns with the Byzantine mystagogy of the liturgy that sees in this procession a symbolic reiteration of Christ’s burial procession. At the same time, it speaks directly to the real (or anticipated) presence of Christ’s body in the gifts as they are brought to the altar. Painted images of the melismos, or Eucharistic fraction, similarly manipulate representations of liturgical veils and vessels to bring out the sense in which the Eucharist is a reenactment of Christ’s passion, death, and resurrection. The sequence of liturgical actions and their symbolism is frequently blended, as, for example, the preparation of the bread in the prothesis and the actual consecration of the gifts on the altar. At St. George in Kurbinovo, the apse fresco of the melismos shows a fictive altar directly behind the actual altar. On this painted altar lies the young Christ Emmanuel, covered by a decorated aër, and accompanied by the asterisk, the article meant to keep the veil from physical contact with the bread. In different compositions of the melismos, one sees the adult Christ of the epitaphios, or the infant Christ. In a handful of cases, the infant Christ is seen as being dismembered by the painted holy clergy. Paradoxically, this is precisely the vision recorded as the unbearable sight afforded an unbelieving Jew who happened to witness the Divine Liturgy. When, according to the legend, he confessed the truth of Christianity, the vision was taken away and the likeness of bread restored to the prosphora. The paradox of the image of the melismos is that it purports to show “the really real” but cannot in fact be taken literally as a theologically sanctioned view of the Eucharistic sacrifice. Moreover, it is not the adult Christ of the crucifixion that is seen, but an infant, who cannot be literally the subject of the sacrifice. Nevertheless, it is the infant Christ, or the Christ Emmanuel type, that dominates the imagery embroidered on veils for the paten and chalice. Unlike the West, where the image of the akra tapeinosis, transformed into the imago pietatis, assumes the role of embodying the Eucharistic sacrifice, Byzantium avoided the collapse of the symbol and its referent by keeping the liturgical symbolism from fully merging with the symbolism of the Passion. The exchanges between the young Christ and the Christ of the Passion, as well as between iconographic markers of a liturgical context (veils, vessels, attendant angels) and a narrative context (mourners, cross, tomb) always represent cross-references rather than the full merging of the two. The imagery on veils helps to sustain both the link and the difference between Passion and Liturgy. 154 AGIA MARINA / SAINT MARGARET Convener: Wendy R. Larson Levent Boz, Who Was the Patron Saint of the Medieval Transylvanian Town of Mediaş? Stavroula Constantinou, Body Work in the Legend of Agia Marina Graham Jones, Geographic Aspects of the Cult of Dragonomache Saints Wendy R. Larson, Iconography and Patronage: From Marina’s Hammer to Margaret’s Dragon Monica White, Marina as Dragon-Slayer: A Comparative Approach Andrey Vinogradov, The Greek Martyrdom of St. Marina: Toward a Critical Edition Levent Boz Paris, France; leventboz@hotmail.com Who Was the Patron Saint of the Medieval Transylvanian Town of Mediaş? My Master’s thesis, “Anatolian Carpets in the Mediaş St. Margaret Church, Transylvania”, explained the reasons how Anatolian-made carpets reached Transylvania and were to be admired as unique pieces of art, by focusing my research on the rich carpet collection of Saint Margaret’s Church in Mediaş. This study brought to the fore the question of which St. Margaret was the patron saint of the Medieval Transylvanian Saxon town Mediaş, because in the Christian World, more than ten Saints are named Margaret. It seems logical to nominate St. Margaret of Hungary because Transylvania was part of the Kingdom of Hungary until the sixteenth century. We also know, however, that Saint Margaret of Antioch was also an important Saint of the Kingdom of Hungary, especially during the Árpád era. In this study, I am going to argue why I believe that St. Margaret of Antioch is the patron Saint of Mediaş, and the reasons why St. Margaret of Hungary is not. I will present Hungarian and Transylvanian Saxons documents, some important statements made in the letters of the clergy, entries in martyrologiums and ongoing traditions/activities in today’s Transylvania as supporting evidence to help us to understand her cult in the Principality, and illustrate that she was indeed the patron Saint of Mediaş. Last but not least, I also would like to present some images of Saint Margaret of Antioch from the Transylvanian towns of Târnava and Boian to prove the existence of her cult from the north to the south of Transylvania during the Middle Ages. Stavroula Constantinou University of Cyprus, Nicosia, Cyprus; konstans@ucy.ac.cy Body Work in the Legend of Agia Marina In his famous book Body Work: Objects of Desire in Modern Narrative, Peter Brooks argues that the body is a powerful dynamic of storytelling. A similar function of the body may be detected also in the legend of Agia Marina which is a story that writes the body and is written by the body. The present paper examines the literary depiction of the holy woman’s body, its narrative uses and its function as a guarantor of female holiness. 156 Graham Jones University of Oxford, Oxford, United Kingdom; graham.jones@ouce.ox.ac.uk Geographic Aspects of the Cult of Dragonomache Saints The idea of the righteous champion’s vanquishing of the demonic serpent appears to move seamlessly westward from the Byzantine East, but the champion’s identity varies from region to region. Alongside the universal champions like Michael, George and his fellow military saints, and Marina/ Margaret – more local heroes arise, not least in the Balkans, while further west popularly venerated bishops particularly take on the role. Renewed contact with the Byzantine East may help to explain Marina/Margaret’s eventual pre-eminence where Michael’s local patronage is relatively weak. Wendy R. Larson Roanoke College, Salem VA, United States; larson@roanoke.edu Iconography and Patronage: From Marina’s Hammer to Margaret’s Dragon In both Byzantium and the West, Marina and Margaret have two modes of portrayal: static depictions in which female saints are nearly interchangeable, and as unique dynamic figures: Marina strikes the head of a demon with a hammer, and Margaret bursts from the belly of a dragon. The gender of patrons sponsoring images in a given context offers insight into the make-up of the cult in both East and West, and its concerns. Monica White University of Nottingham, Department of Russian and Slavonic Studies, Nottingham, United Kingdom; monica.white@nottingham.ac.uk Marina as Dragon-Slayer: A Comparative Approach One of Marina’s most famous attributes was her vanquishing of a dragon, an act connecting her with a rich tradition of dragon-slaying in Byzantine hagiography. Although Marina’s method of dispatching the dragon (i.e. bursting through its belly after being swallowed alive) was unique, she was not the only female saint to overcome this type of monster, nor was she the only saint to undertake such a challenge without using a sword or other weapon. This paper will investigate the description of dragons and dragon-slaying in Byzantine hagiography and discuss Marina’s place within these diverse and often surprising sources. 157 Andrey Vinogradov National Research University, Higher School of Economics, Moscow, Russian Federation; ampelios@gmail.com The Greek Martyrdom of St. Marina: Toward a Critical Edition The Greek Passion of Saint Marina was published only once — in 1886 by the famous Hermann Usener (Н. Usener, Acta s. Marinae et Christophori, in Festschrift zur fünften Säcularfeier d. CarlRuprechts Universität zu Heidelberg, Bonn, 1886, p. 15–46). The edition is based on two manuscripts: Par. gr. 1468 and 1470, with partial use of Latin translation and Cod. Vat. Pal. gr. 4 which presents, according to Usener, a different recension of the Martyrdom. All the later researchers who studied the Greek tradition of St. Marina used only this edition. Later P. F. Halkin in his edition of the Bibliotheca hagiographica graeca (Bibliotheca hagiographica graeca, Brussels, 1957, p. 84–86) identified several revisions of the Passion (BHG 1167c, 1167x, 1168, 1168b, 1168c, 1168e). In addition, in the hand-written catalogue of hagiographic manuscripts in the Society of Bollandists, Brussels, he listed 40 manuscripts of the Passion (I thank the Society and personally X. Lequeux for kindly providing this material). Preparing a critical edition of the Passion of Saint Marina, I have studied its text in some Greek manuscripts, mainly in microfilms (from Institut de recherche et d’histoire des textes, section grécque, Paris) and digital copies available online or courtesy of the libraries. 16 following manuscripts have been used: Athos Vatopedi 84 (79), late 9th – early 10th c., ff. 213-222 Jerusalem Patr. 6, 9th – 10th cc., ff. 223-230 Lesbos Agiou Ioannou 57, 13th c., ff. 145v-160 London British Museum Add. 25881, 16th c., 243-254v Messina S. Salvatore gr. 77, 12th c., ff. 56v-70 Milan Biblioteca Ambrosiana F 99 sup., 11th c., ff. 118-124 Oxford Bodleian Library Barocc. 148, 15th c., ff. 262-267v Paris BNF gr. 1021, 16th c., ff. 38-51 Paris BNF gr. 1468, 11th c., ff. 211v-224 Paris BNF gr. 1470, AD 890, ff. 132-141 Turin Biblioteca Nazionale gr. 80, 10th c., f. 118 Vatican BAV gr. 866, 12th c., ff. 216-219v Vatican BAV gr. 1538, late 15th c., ff. 248v-281 Vatican BAV Ottobon. gr. 12, 12th c., ff. 152v-162 Vatican BAV Ottobon. gr. 290, 16th c., ff. 1-31 Vatican BAV Ottobon. gr. 422, AD 1004, ff. 193-204v The text of the Martyrdom in the manuscripts was compared at three different points: in the beginning (Usener 15.6–16.21), the middle (Usener 30.26–31) and the end (Usener 46.15–27). Preliminary results of this comparison are as follows. 158 1. The recension stemma of the text looks more complicated than it appeared to Usener and to Halkin. It is possible to suggest not two but three recensions of the text. 2. The recension, presented in the two Paris manuscripts and taken by Usener as the base for his edition, is found in only four other manuscripts: Vatop. 84, Ambr. F 99 sup., Taur. gr. 80, and Vat. gr. 866. Inside this edition one can distinguish three families of manuscripts: the first (= BHG 1165; Par. gr. 1470; Taur. gr. 80); the second (= BHG 1166; Par. gr. 1468; Vatop. 84) and third, not reflected in Usener’s edition (Ambr. F 99 sup.; Vat. gr. 866). None of them can be securely identified as original. 3. The second recension is represented by seven manuscripts, including Pal. gr. 4 partially used by Usener. Within this recension one can distinguish two families: the first (= BHG 1167) consists of Pal. gr. 4, Hier. Patr. 6, and Mess. gr. 77; the second – of Sin. MΓ 66, Par. gr. 1021, Barocc. gr. 148, and Ott. gr. 290. It is noteworthy that the readings of the earliest extant manuscript of the Martyrdom from Sinai coincide with the readings of post-Byzantine manuscripts. All of the revisions of the text, mentioned above, probably derive from this recension. 4. The third recension combines the readings of the first and second recensions, but is much closer to the later. One can distinguish two families: Ott. gr. 12 and 422 (South Italian?); Lesb. Ioann. 57, and BL Add. 25881. The text of the Martyrdom in Ott. gr. 422 and BL Add. 25881 differs substantially from the original Passion. 5. The date of the Sinai manuscript and of the protograph of Par. gr. 1470 from the 2nd quarter of the 9th century indicate that the first and second recensions of the Passion differed even before the 9th century. Neither one of them can be confidently considered to be original, therefore a future edition should take into account both versions, and perhaps even come in the form of two separate texts. 159 NEW FEASTS, NEW SERMONS: THE CULT OF MARY ON THE EVE OF ICONOCLASM, IN BYZANTIUM AND BEYOND Conveners: Beatrice Daskas, Francesca Dell’Acqua Ernesto Sergio Mainoldi, The Introduction of Marian Feasts in Byzantium Mary B. Cunningham, From Palestine to Constantinople: Seventh- and Eighth-Century Greek Homilies on the Dormition Maria Lidova, The Chalkoprateia Image of the Annunciation and Material Evidence for a Lost Iconography Beatrice Daskas, The Akathist Hymn in the Early Medieval West Diego Maria Ianiro, “Credere virginem in corde per fidem.” Images of Mary in the Libri Carolini Natalia Teteriatnikov, On the Iconography of the Hypapante in Byzantine Art Francesca Dell’Acqua, On the Iconography of the Hypapante in Western Art (And the Earliest Latin Homilies on the Feast) Ernesto Sergio Mainoldi Morimondo, Italy; emainoldi@tiscali.it The Introduction of Marian Feasts in Byzantium The introduction of Marian feasts in the Byzantine liturgical calendar was planned according to the imperial project to promote the capital city as the Theotokoupolis. During the 5th and the 6th century Constantinople became gradually the centre of the cult of the Virgin, through the transferring into the capital of her relics–consisting of her clothes, supposedly still conserved in Jerusalem–, the development of the liturgical cult, and the insertion of new feasts in the liturgical calendar. Justinian assumed this project, that was inaugurated by his predecessor Elia Pulcheria, and brought it to its almost definitive output. His vision of the role of Constantinople not only as the political guide of the empire, but also as the leading centre of the orthodoxy in the whole ekoumene, was destined to find in the cult of the Virgin a fundamental support. The development of the liturgical cult was also related with the reconstruction and embellishment of the Marian shrines already venerated in the Polis. The veneration of the vestments of the Virgin was also conceived to orient the providential and protecting intercession of the Virgin as following the geographical axis Jerusalem-Constantinople. The New feasts, celebrating the most important facts in the life of Mary (the Presentation to the Temple, the Dormition etc.), were also accompanied by the construction of new Churches dedicated to these hagiographical events, and were intended to fix a definitive hagiographical version of the life of the mother of God after the Crucifixion. Aim of this paper will be the reconstruction of the historical outline of the series of the Marian feast in the Byzantine liturgical cycle, with a special regard to the occasion of their creation and the theological basis that has lead to their definition. Mary B. Cunningham University of Nottingham, Nottingham, United Kingdom; MBCunningham.Corran@btinternet.com From Palestine to Constantinople: Seventh- and Eighth-Century Greek Homilies on the Dormition This paper will examine the development of the Greek homiletic tradition surrounding the feast of the Virgin’s dormition and assumption into heaven, which was celebrated in Palestine in the fifth century but added, by the late sixth and middle of the seventh centuries, to the Constantinopolitan and Roman liturgical calendars, respectively. Basing their teaching on the apocryphal ‘Palm of the Tree of Life’ version of the dormition narrative, preachers explored the doctrinal and devotional implications of the legend. The Palestinian writers, including Theoteknos of Livias and John of Damascus, linked their praise of the Virgin with physical landmarks in Jerusalem, including the house (containing the ‘upper room’ mentioned in Acts 1:13) at Sion and the tomb at Gethsemane. 161 The focus for all early Byzantine preachers, however, remained the mysterious disappearance of the Virgin Mary’s body from her tomb and the nature of her afterlife in heaven. The surviving homilies reveal differences in their theological and pastoral interpretation of these events, which reflect not only the various geographical backgrounds in which they were composed, but also some diachronic development between the early seventh and mid-eighth centuries. Maria Lidova British Museum, London / University of Oxford, Oxford, United Kingdom; mlidova@hotmail.com The Chalkoprateia Image of the Annunciation and Material Evidence for a Lost Iconography The Chalkoprateia church of Constantinople is known to have been one of the main Marian shrines in the city. Built most probably in the fifth century, it was decorated and renovated on several occasions in the course of its history. At the time of Justin II (565–78) the wall decoration of the church is said to have been expanded and two scenes were added to the original program representing the feasts, one if which, that of the Annunciation, would be traditionally celebrated in this basilica. Information on the Chalkoprateia image is provided in a famous ninth-century account of a miracle that happened to a boy, Elias, who was saved from death by the Virgin after he had fallen into a well. According to this source, the Chalkoprateia image was marked by the presence of an image of the Pre-Incarnate Lord being held by the Mother of God. Cyril Mango who studied this text in his classic article on “The Chalkoprateia Annunciation”, states that the only artistic equivalent of this scene known to him in Byzantine art is found in a couple of unusual twelfth-century representations of the Annunciation. Without questioning the validity of this association, this paper attempts to expand the range of material artifacts that can be considered in relation to the Chalkoprateia image. I intend to discuss a number of very small Late Antique objects that clearly indicate the existence of an early Byzantine Marian iconography. These images, to my knowledge, have not yet received scholarly attention or been included in the indices of Christian art. Beatrice Daskas Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität, Munich, Germany; b.daskas@gmail.com The Akathist Hymn in the Early Medieval West The aim of the present communication is to offer insights into the early reception of the Akathist hymn in the early medieval West. The evidence provided by early Latin homilists suggests that the imagery of this hymn was already circulating into specific western milieux, well before its alleged translation into Latin by the Bishop of Venice Christopher around AD 800. In this perspective, taking into account the hints offered by the Marian homilies of Ambrosius Autpertus (†784), monk 162 and briefly abbot of the Benedictine monastery of San Vincenzo al Volturno in central Italy, I will discuss the role played by Rome in conveying the eastern hymnographic and homiletic tradition about Mary to the West in the period of the “Greek Papacy” (678–752). Diego Maria Ianiro Caserta, Italia; ianiro@gmail.com “Credere virginem in corde per fidem.” Images of Mary in the Libri Carolini During the sixth session of the Second Nicene Council, the image of the Virgin holding the Christ child was taken as a visual evidence of the fulfillment of an Old Testament prophecy: The virgin will conceive and give birth to a son (Is 7, 14). For Byzantine theologians such a depicted prophecy could be misunderstood only by ignorant people; the learned ones, instead, should have to venerate and kiss it in order to be worthy of it. This statement is comprehensively commented in chapter IV, 21 of the Libri Carolini: as the prophecy is a matter of faith that cannot be seen but only believed; so the mysterium of virginity needs to be trusted “by faith in the heart.” Therefore, according to the Libri Carolini, the mystery of Mary cannot be seen or understood in pictures, and for the same reason adoring any image of the Virgin is a senseless act. This is the starting point for an enquiry on the representation of the Virgin in the eyes of Carolingian theologians, who seem to display a poor knowledge of – or a lack of interest in – the eastern Marian tradition. Natalia Teteriatnikov Washington D.C., United States; nteteriatnikov@yahoo.com On the Iconography of the Hypapante in Byzantine Art This paper discusses the change in iconography of Hypapante from Late Antiquity through the period after Iconoclasm. It attempts to explain changes by using the contemporary homiletic literature and liturgy. The iconography of Hypapante from Antiquity till the Renaissance has been surveyed by Dorothy Shorr. Henry Maguire, on the other hand, focused on the depictions of the Christ Child in the hands of Symeon in the Middle and Late Byzantine periods which he proposed is based on homiletic literature. Yet the changes of iconography of Hypapante through Late antiquity and after iconoclasm in Byzantium were not clearly defined and explained, which I intend to do here. Originally, the Hypapante (meeting) was an important but minor feast, which was a part of the liturgical calendar in Jerusalem already in the fourth century. Images of Hypapante for this period are rare. The fifth-century mosaics of Santa Maria Maggiore present the Hypapante or the Presentation of Christ in the Temple as a biblical narrative. It shows Symeon near the temple meeting Joseph holding sacrificial doves following by Mary holding Christ, who according to 163 Jewish tradition forty days after giving birth brought Jesus into the temple. Using biblical sources, early homiletic literature included vivid descriptions in sermons of church fathers, as for example Gregory Nazianzen, Basil the Great or John Chrysostom. In ca. 542, emperor Justinian upgraded the status of the feast as one of the twelve major feasts celebrated (2 February) throughout the Byzantine Empire. One mosaic image of Hypapante is found in Constantinople, which was made after the establishment of the feast. The mosaic icon of the Presentation of Christ in the Temple from the Kalenderhane, Constantinople (third quarter of the sixth century) shows only Mary presenting the Christ Child to Symeon. Here the figures of Joseph and the temple are omitted. Thus the image does not provide information as to where the scene occurred. The kontakion of Romanos the Melodist (sixth century) which was written for the feast and read in Hagia Sophia, focuses on Mary holding the Christ Child and Symeon; Joseph and the prophetess Anna, and the temple are omitted from his text. He just added a choir of angels. The ring from the Dumbarton Oaks collection, Washington, D.C. (early seventh century, Constantinople?) depicts the same iconographic formula as the mosaic from the Kalenderhane. It seems that the artisans of the Kalenderhane image and the Dumbarton Oaks ring were familiar with Romanos kontakion and followed his model for constructing images. During the eighth and ninth centuries the depiction of the scene underwent further changes; several images show the scene at the altar. The earliest is an enameled cross of Pope Paschal I (817824) from Museo Sacro, Vatican, which was probably made by the byzantine artisans in Rome. It depicts Mary and Josef presenting Christ Child to Symeon; Christ is shown above altar. The ninthcentury cross from Pliska, includes the image of Hypapante on the obverse. By excluding Joseph’s figure, the artisan focuses on Mary, holding the Christ Child above the altar, and Symeon. Another example is the mid-ninth-century Khludov Psalter, Moscow, Historical Museum, fol. 163v, where Symeon stands behind the altar stretching his hands through the columns of the ciborium above it, whereas Mary holding the Child in front of the altar is followed by Joseph holding doves. By depicting Symeon’s hands stretching above the altar and below the ciborium the artisan confirms the action of Symeon bringing the Child to the altar. Christ stretches his hands toward Symeon as a sign of recognition of his divinity and fulfilment of the prophecy. The major iconographic change in both the reliquary cross from Pliska and the Khludov Psalter is the introduction of the altar. The images preserved from the ninth and tenth century on with some variations follow this model where altar became an important symbol of Christ and the Eucharist. The Khludov Psalter was produced in the circle of Patriarch Methodius (788/800 – June 14, 847), and included the newest trends in iconography introduced by the iconophiles. As Henry Maguire has suggested, some late ninth-century images of Hypapante already show the Christ Child held by Symeon, an iconographic feature which was often depicted in the Middle and Late Byzantine art. Nonetheless from the mid. ninth century on the scene of Hypapante was always depicted at the altar. Some cases show the altar under a ciborium. Presenting an altar under ciborium transforms the image of the temple into a sanctuary of a contemporary church familiar to worshipers. The altar as described in the homilies of Patriarch Germanos of Constantinople (d.733), Josef the hymnographer (d. 886), and George of Nicomedia (2nd half of 9th c) were probably the sources of a new iconographic type of Hypapante, which become a model with some variation in depiction of participants of the scene in the Middle and late Byzantine period. 164 As suggested, iconography may rely on a variety of sources including liturgy and homiletics. After iconoclasm, the depiction of the old biblical story acquires a new liturgical role, where the focus is on Christ and an altar, and their Eucharistic meaning. At the same time depicting Mary at the altar manifests her purity and her role in the Virgin Birth. This transformation in iconography and its variations can be explained by the response to the feast of the church fathers which they express in new sermons and liturgical hymns. Francesca Dell’Acqua University of Birmingham, Centre for Byzantine, Ottoman and Modern Greek Studies, College of Arts and Law, Birmingham, United Kingdom, F.DellAcqua@bham.ac.uk On the Iconography of the Hypapante in Western Art (And the Earliest Latin Homilies on the Feast) The celebration of the Presentation in the Temple of the newborn Christ recalled by the Gospel of Luke (2, 22–39) is first recorded in Jerusalem by the late fourth century, then in Constantinople, and by the seventh century in Rome at the latest. Involving the urban crowd, the candle-lit procession which re-enacted the arrival of the Holy Family in Jerusalem is recalled by the earliest original Latin homilies composed for the feast: those of Bede and Ambrosius Autpertus. The latter was an eyewitness of the celebration. Because of the many themes involved in the event – the presentation of the newborn in the Temple, the purification of the mother from giving birth, the prophecy of Symeon, the death of Symeon after recognizing the Christ-Light as the Saviour – the Presentation in the Temple became the object of different interpretations, as attested by texts and visual arts. As will be demonstrated, these various interpretations reflected substantial changes in the religious mentality, which were often a consequence of major doctrinal controversies tainted by international political tensions, especially between the seventh and the ninth centuries. In a scene that is absent in the earliest representations of the event, an altar appears below Christ Child while Mary hands him to Symeon in the early ninth century. This will be explained through reference to the emphasis placed on the Incarnation and the sacrifice of Christ by the on-going theological discourse, and by the homilies of Bede and Autpertus on the feast in particular. 165 PALAESTINA BYZANTINA I: NEW BYZANTINE STUDIES IN ART Convener: Moshe Fischer Lee I. Levine, The Flourishing of Jewish Art in Late Antiquity and Its Far-Reaching Implications Rina Talgam, Art and the Development of Religious Identities in the Holy Land in Late Antiquity Mati Meyer, Hiding in Plain Sight: The Second Coming and the Last Judgment in the Vatican Psalter, gr. 752 Aliza Steinberg, Gender, Representation, Status, Dress Code, Adornment and Bodily Modification as Reflected on the Mosaics Pavement within the Historical-Geographic Area of Eretz Israel towards the End of Late Antiquity Lihi Habas, Artistic Changes and Developments in the Churches of Israel and Transjordan under Islamic Rule Lee I. Levine Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Institute of Archaeology, Jerusalem, Israel; leei.levine@mail.huji.ac.il The Flourishing of Jewish Art in Late Antiquity and Its Far-Reaching Implications From their emergence as a recognizable group ca. 1200 BCE, Israelites made use of art in a variety of ways. Nevertheless, in the ensuing millennium and a half art played a secondary role in the Jews’ religious and cultural identity. Only in the Late Roman and Byzantine eras did Jewish art emerge in a hitherto unprecedented scope, intensity, and variety. This lecture will address four issues regarding this phenomenon: 1) What were the types of motifs that comprised this artistic repertoire and where did they appear? 2) Why did such art surface in the third century and flourish only thereafter? 3) Who was responsible for these developments, and what sector of society does it represent? 4) In the religious and cultural spheres, how does Jewish art compare with the evidence from contemporary literary sources? Does it confirm, supplement, or challenge our impressions regarding Jewish identity and the response of Jews to the challenges presented by Christian rule? It will be suggested that the artistic evidence (and indeed the archaeological record generally) presents a contrasting picture of Jewish society from that of the literary remains. While written sources reflect the tendency of many Jewish religious elites to withdraw from the regnant Byzantine culture, focusing heavily on internal, particularistic issues, art demonstrates the willingness of large swaths of the Jewish population to engage and interact with the surrounding culture, demonstrating a marked proclivity towards accommodation and adaptation. Rina Talgam Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Jerusalem, Israel; rina.talgam@mail.huji.ac.il Art and the Development of Religious Identities in the Holy Land in Late Antiquity In my paper I wish to demonstrate that from the third century onwards, prior to the victory of the church, Jewish art engaged in a deep and meaningful dialogue with Christianity and Christian art. Echoes of the polemic conducted in the mixed metropolises of Caesarea and Antioch in the third and fourth centuries found their way to the ears of Galilean Jewry. The gradual shift of the local polytheistic population towards Christianity and, on a much smaller scale, the partial acceptance of Christian ideas by Jews drawn towards minut began during the pre-Constantine era, leading to a circumstance in which the “Others” against whom the Jew had to define himself were not only pagans but also Christians. Christian presence in the Holy Land became increasingly significant in 167 the second half of the fourth century and during the course of the fifth and sixth. The erection of commemorative churches at sites sacred to Christianity both within and outside Jewish settlements, the transformation of few synagogues into Christian loca sancta, the beginning of Christian pilgrimage, the construction of large churches in mixed cities with Jewish majorities with imperial or patriarchal support, and the transfer of Christian clergy all heightened the Christian presence in the Galilee, expanding the points of contact between Jews and Christians. For Jews in the eastern Galilee, Christianity was an entity that could not be ignored. Churches arose in prominent locations in Sepphoris and Tiberias, Christian liturgy also being conducted in Christian holy sites in the heart of Jewish villages such as Nazareth, Capernaum, and Cana. The municipal spaces common to Jews and non-Jews and the contact with pilgrims afforded an acquaintance that both sharpened the controversies and created a basis for mutual influence. The polemics between Christians and Jews over the reading of the biblical text, the attitude towards the sacrifices offered in the Temple, the priesthood, and the calendar are exemplified in synagogue decorations. Jewish art can only be understood by examining the religions and cultures into which it came into contact and its attitude towards them and self-definition, being characterized by a conceptual dynamism and a perpetual check on the efficacy of its responses and changes. Mati Meyer Open University of Israel, Jerusalem, Israel; matim@openu.ac.il Hiding in Plain Sight: The Second Coming and the Last Judgment in the Vatican Psalter, gr. 752 A central question in the study of the Second Coming and the Last Judgment and their portrayal in Byzantine art relates to the maturity phase of this iconography. It has been argued that the eschatological formula crystallized in a small number of works during the eleventh and twelfth century. Conspicuously absent from this scholar discourse are references to a series of images in an illuminated Psalter (Vatican City, Bibl. Apost. Vat., gr. 752), which can be regarded as an iconographic eschatological program on its own. The manuscript, dated to 1058/1059, may have been made in the scriptorium of the Studios Monastery in Constantinople. Bringing together those illustrations, which are virtually “hiding in plain sight,” I consider their relevance to the eleventhcentury formative stage of the Second Coming and the Last Judgment iconography and the possible reasons for their appearance in this particular Psalter. The proposed paper argues that the exceptional program was shaped as an expression of a personal agenda aiming for eternal redemption, which would have made sense for both the unknown commissioner and recipient of the book. If the commissioner was a monastic or other ecclesiastical authority as Kalavrezou et al. conjectured (1993), he may have seen in the book, especially in the eschatological images, a didactic tool to caution the addressee, possibly an emperor, against his sinful behavior. Also, the eschatological cycle may reflect the widespread expectation and firm conviction of the Byzantines that the world would come to an end by the year 1000. The millennium apocalyptic conviction was shared by both religious circles and Byzantine emperors. 168 Aliza Steinberg Hod Hasharon, Israel; aliza.steinberg@gmail.com Gender, Representation, Status, Dress Code, Adornment and Bodily Modification as Reflected on the Mosaics Pavement within the HistoricalGeographic Area of Eretz Israel towards the End of Late Antiquity During Late Antiquity, clothing constitutes an element pertaining to the material culture, enveloping the individual’s body and serving as a sort of “second skin”. It reflected gender, social norms, aesthetic aspects and function of men’s, women’s (and children’s) modifying movements, that enables examination the role and status of these figures in society among a multi-cultural population comprising pagans, Jews and Christians, who decorated their houses and places of worship with mosaics, in various cities throughout the Empire. The encounter between the traditional Roman apparel and that of the non-Romans blurred the borders, leading to a mutual influence and the integration of military and civilian elements of adornment and dress. The correlation between the archaeological finding of woven fabrics and dress together with the contribution of the ancient writings led to the conclusion that in many cases the items of clothing and their accessories appearing in the mosaic floors imitated reality, reflecting the accepted forms and appearance of the periods during which the mosaics were created. This talk focuses on the terminology, typology, iconography, the adoption of both Western and Eastern influences, and the attitudes of ancient and modern writers to clothing and appearance. Lihi Habas Hebrew University, Institute of Archaeology, Jerusalem, Israel; habas@gmail.com Artistic Changes and Developments in the Churches of Israel and Transjordan under Islamic Rule The discovery of churches and mosaic pavements dated to the Umayyad and the beginning of the `Abbasid periods in Israel and Transjordan attests to the continued existence of a prosperous, active and creative Christian community. The majority of the local population remained Christian, and the churches continued to function as religious buildings. The dated inscriptions, such as those in Israel: the church at Khirbet el-Shubeika, the church at Tamra, a chapel in Ramot, the Funerary Chapel at Beit Safafa, and the church of the monastery south of Horvath Yattir, and those in Transjordan: the Church of Saint Stephen at Umm al-Rasas, the Theotokos Chapel at Wadi `Ayn al-Kanisah, the Church of the Virgin Mary at Madaba, the churches at Rihab and others, attest to an organized community with a bishop, an archpresbyter, priests, archdeacons and deacons, and 169 a congregation of donors and believers. Moreover, there is evidence in the region for the activity of builders and mosaic craftsmen who constructed and decorated Christian and Muslim religious buildings as well as the Caliphs’ palaces. This period witnessed the renovation of churches that had stood since the sixth century, such as the chapel at `Ayn al-Kanisah in the Mount Nebo area, the Church of the Virgin Mary at Madaba, and the third phase in the Kathisma Church at Jerusalem. New buildings were constructed, such as the church at Khilda in the Philadelphia/Amman area, the Church of St. Lot at Deir `Ain `Abata, the church at al-Quwaysmah, the church at Ma`in, and others. All of these attest to a conciliatory and tolerant attitude toward the Christian community on the part of the Muslim authorities. From the artistic-iconographic point of view, the motifs that were common in mosaic pavements in the Byzantine period continued in use in the Islamic period, but with a new preference for interlacing, sometimes aniconic and sometimes with figures. There is no evidence for a trend of abstract mosaics without figures after the 7th century; in fact, figurative mosaics appear side by side with mosaics containing geometric interlacing. Despite this, detailed architectural and artistic analysis of the churches and mosaic pavements of the Umayyad and the beginning of the `Abbasid periods reveals changes and developments with regard to the decoration of new or renovated churches with geometric carpets and development can be discerned in the design of geometric interlacing. During this period, the geometric repertoire reaches a developmental peak in the creation of rich and intricate patterns that become extremely complex. This article analyzes the changes taking place in the interlacing and net motifs. Since the trends occur in both churches and Umayyad mosaic pavements, it is interesting to follow the relationship between Christian and Islamic art of this period and to examine the influence on Christian society of the new aesthetic trends that arose within Muslim society. 170 PALAESTINA BYZANTINA II: NEW BYZANTINE STUDIES IN ARCHAEOLOGY Convener: Lee I. Levine Gideon Avni, Agricultural Landscapes in Byzantine and Early Islamic Palestine (6th - 10th Centuries CE) – Continuity and Change Shlomit Weksler-Bdolah, Jerusalem in the Fourth Century – A City in Transition Joseph Patrich, A Digital Corpus of Early Christian Churches and Monasteries in the Holy Land Moshe Fischer, Palaestina Byzantina through Its Column Capitals: Kautzsch 80 Years Later Jacob Ashkenazi – Mordechai Aviam, Galilee in Late Antiquity – Societies and Landscapes in Change Gideon Avni Israel Antiquities Authority, Jerusalem / Hebrew University, Jerusalem, Israel; avnigid74@gmail.com Agricultural Landscapes in Byzantine and Early Islamic Palestine (6th - 10th Centuries CE) – Continuity and Change The countryside of Palestine in Late Antiquity was dotted with hundreds of villages and farmsteads, forming one of the most extensive agricultural landscapes of the Mediterranean in Late Antiquity. The mass production of wheat, oil and wine was documented in numerous archaeological reports and comprehensive studies, which emphasize the expansion of settlement between the fourth and seventh centuries, and their contraction following the Arab conquest. This picture of “rise and fall” was recently challenged by new studies that focus on the ancient fields and their context, revising the chronological framework for their use. The archaeological research of rural hinterlands Palestine included the dating of agricultural terraces in the Negev Highlands and the Jerusalem region with OSL (Optically stimulated luminescence) methodology. A detailed analysis conducted in a number of research areas shows that most of agricultural systems attributed to the Roman period had, in fact, been established during Byzantine times, and continued to function uninterruptedly until the tenth and eleventh centuries. Following these observations, a new chronological framework is suggested here for the intensification and abatement of agriculture in Palestine and surrounding regions. In addition, the excavations in the Arabah Valley and southern Jordan facilitated a clearer chronological framework for the expansion of agriculture into these fringe zones in the Early Islamic period. A number of qanat underground irrigation systems in the vicinity of these farmsteads indicates that the first penetration of this unique technology was associated with a demographic and economic peak under Muslim rule. The comprehensive study of the hinterlands of Palestine show a shift from the agricultural commodities that prevailed in the Roman and Byzantine period to new systems of commercial exchanges in agricultural goods during Early Islamic times. The picture that emerge connect the expansion of agriculture and irrigation systems into the fringe zones to a demographic and economic prosperity that began in the Byzantine period and continued during the seventh – tenth centuries, evidencing changes in the patterns of production and consumption of agricultural goods. Shlomit Weksler-Bdolah Israel Antiquities Authority, Jerusalem, Israel; shlomitwb@gmail.com Jerusalem in the Fourth Century – A City in Transition In the late third century, Jerusalem, then known as the Roman colony of Aelia Capitolina, was a medium-sized, un-walled city, with free-standing city gates marking its limits. It had a typical orthogonal layout with colonnaded streets, public squares and triumphal arches. Some pagan 172 temples and sanctuaries, as well as civilian, public buildings adorned the cityscape. The camp of the Tenth Roman Legion lying on the summit of the southwestern hill, was already abandoned by that time. The population of Aelia Capitolina comprised of Roman citizens, veterans of the Tenth Roman legion and their families, and Roman administrators, as well as local merchants and followers of the army that settled in the city, and adopted Roman lifestyle. The legalization of Christianity by the Edict of Milan (313 CE), and the following Christianization of Jerusalem by the emperor Constantine (at 324 CE), significantly changed the status of Jerusalem, and affected its urban topography. The city, now named Aelia, or in its former name: Jerusalem/Hierosolyma, became a destination of Christian pilgrimage, and this, in turn, encouraged the development of its Christian, holy topography that characterizes Jerusalem to this day. Churches and monasteries were built around the city, commemorating events of Jesus’s times. The population grew, and the settled area of the city expanded to the south, beyond the original Hadrianic limits. About a century later, the city was surrounded by a new, wide - perimeter city wall, that united within the limits of Aelia/ Hierosolyma the former areas of Aelia Capitolina, the abandoned military camp that was now known as Zion, and the southeastern hill. The transition of Jerusalem from a pagan Roman city in the second and third centuries (the Roman period), to a Christian, holy city (in the Byzantine period) lasted for the whole of the fourth century. A severe earthquake that hurt the city on May 363, may have encouraged a quick change thereafter. In the lecture, I will discuss some aspects of this transition, and especially the adjustment of the urban topography to the significant cultural changes, as reflected by recent archaeological research. Joseph Patrich Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Jerusalem, Israel; patrichj@mail.huji.ac.il A Digital Corpus of Early Christian Churches and Monasteries in the Holy Land The purpose of this Digital Corpus is not only to establishing an informative corpus that is entirely new in the case of monasteries and updated in the case of churches, but also to reassess the existing studies, based on a much fuller list of sites and structures. Information derived from the literary sources and the epigraphical finds will be integrated with the archaeological remains. On the basis of this comprehensive and updated corpus, maps (general, regional and according to bishoprics) will be prepared, and a synthesis will be written, addressing various aspects, such as: - The chronological evolution up to the Arab conquest and beyond. The study of the inscriptions is a key element for dating. This information has a bearing on the rate of Christianization of the country at the beginning of the Christian regime, and on the survival of Christian communities under the Muslim regime. - The location and geographical distribution of churches and monasteries, as reflected in general, regional, and chronological maps (both electronic and in print). This will enable to differentiate between zones populated mainly by Christians and those occupied by Jews and Samaritans, and to define the borders between these communities. 173 - The typology and physical structure of both churches and monasteries, including their ornamentation. - The bearing of architecture on the daily life of the monks and on the rituals conducted in the churches: the liturgy of the Word and the Eucharist, baptism, the cult of saints and martyrs, and burial in churches. - Inscriptions and the literary sources are also an important source of information about Church officials, monastic administration, interrelationships with lay society (both in the urban centers and in the countryside) and more. - Economic aspects: agricultural installations (wine and oil presses), cultivation of orchards, fields and gardens, handicrafts, donations, imported and locally made wares, imperial, provincial and ecclesiastical involvement, etc. In the lecture the structure and usefullness of the application will be presented. Moshe Fischer Tel Aviv University, Department of Archaeology, Tel Aviv, Israel; fischer@post.tau.ac.il Palaestina Byzantina through Its Column Capitals: Kautzsch 80 Years Later In 1936 Rudolph Kautzsch published his monumental Kapitellstudien. Already on page 1 he noted „Es ist deutlich: eine Geschichte des spätantiken Kapitells kann heute noch nicht geschrieben werden.“ It seems that this is true today as well, 80 years after his publication. For the first time Kautzsch has put at our disposal a real overview of Late antique capitals from several areas in the Eastern Mediterranean. In spite of many regional studies regarding late antique capitals such as Asia Minor, Syria, and Greece a revision and updated version of Kautzsch’s opus is lacking. One of the main reasons for this situation has been revealed by the first reviewers of the book very soon after its apparition; thus, Krautheimer’s remarks (1939) are still relevant claiming that “while the relative chronology of these groups [of capitals according to their typology, my remark, M.F.] is quite convincing, the transformation of the relative chronology into an absolute chronology supported by well-established dates is frequently missing.” And he concludes that “further support could have been obtained by linking up the capitals with dated elements of architectural decoration other than capitals…” which is still today a real desideratum. An attempt is made here to fill this gap by presenting a series of capitals of both imported marble and local stone emphasizing their typology as well as their archaeological and architectural context. Analyzing the relationship between architectural decoration and liturgical furniture (often better dated than decoration) occurring in the same ensemble with capitals seems to be one of those attempts. We are focusing on several sites of Byzantine Palestine where such decorative elements have been accurately examined like Caesarea, Ascalon, Beth Guvrin, Elusa a.o. By doing so we hope to use the capitals for reconstructing several aspects of the history of Palaestina Byzantina. 174 Jacob Ashkenazi Kinneret Academic College on the Sea of Galilee, Department of Land of Israel Studies, Jordan Valley, Israel; yaki@kinneret.ac.il Mordechai Aviam Kinneret College, Kinneret Institute for Galilean Archaeology, Department of Land of Israel Studies, Jordan Valley, Israel; maviam53@gmail.com Galilee in Late Antiquity – Societies and Landscapes in Change The substantial economic growth in the Levant during Late Antiquity is readily apparent from the contemporaneous upsurge in new rural settlements. An integral part of this development was the marked transformation of the religious built environment (cultural landscape), as private churches, martyria, and monasteries were erected throughout the East Mediterranean countryside. Following up our earlier studies on the Galilean Byzantine period countryside, we will show that monastic compounds buoyed the community’s agricultural production. The lion’s share of monasteries near villages was established by local magnates. Owing to these compounds’ agricultural arms, such as wine presses, they had a strong impact on both the faith and economic fortunes of the rural Christian masses. By introducing local and regional factors, we will expound on the influence of monastic and other ecclesiastical ventures on the Galilean rural society. Besides catering to the flock’s liturgical and spiritual needs, the monasteries improved the local agricultural yield. In presenting this case, we aim to introduce a new paradigm for comprehending socio-economic and religious developments in rural societies in the Late Antique Levant. 175 NARRATING EVENTS AND PORTRAYING CHARACTERS IN THE WORKS OF THE LATE BYZANTINE WRITERS – PART 1 Conveners: Ruth Macrides, Maja Nikolić Paraskevi Sykopetritou, Narrating Ceremonial Events of Accession and Portraying the Palaiologan Imperial Ideology in the Works of the Late Byzantine Historiographers (1261–1354) Anita Belcheva, Patrons and Recipients of Manuel Philes’ Poetry. The Person and the Persona of the Poet Angeliki Papageorgiou, Βάρβαρός τε καὶ τὰ πάντα ἄστοργος καὶ μηδὲν σεμνὸν ἐπὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἔχει καταπροϊέμενος: The Image of Serbia and Milutin in Byzantine Historiographical Texts Bojana Pavlović, Nikephoros Gregoras on the Meaning and Perception of History Aikaterini Andritsou, Observations on Nikephoros Gregoras’ Literary Treatment of Written Sources in Roman History Žarko Petković, Classical Authors in the Histories of John Cantacuzenos – Two Examples Paraskevi Sykopetritou University of Cyprus, Nicosia, Cyprus; s.sykopetritou@gmail.com Narrating Ceremonial Events of Accession and Portraying the Palaiologan Imperial Ideology in the Works of the Late Byzantine Historiographers (1261–1354) My communication aims not only to contribute to the increasing scholarly interest with reference to late Byzantine imperial ceremonies, but also to provide a fresh insight to Palaiologan political ideology through a re-reading of the relevant historiographical sources, namely the narratives of George Akropolites, George Pachymeres, Nikephoros Gregoras, and John VI Kantakouzenos. With special emphasis on the period between 1261 and 1354, I will examine some of the widely unexplored functional aspects of the Palaiologan accession rituals and their ideological ramifications as symbolic acts performed to publicize the transfer of power and legitimize the rights of the late Byzantine dynastic succession. Anita Belcheva Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Thessaloniki, Greece; belchevaanita@gmail.com Patrons and Recipients of Manuel Philes’ Poetry. The Person and the Persona of the Poet As the most prolific poet of the early Palaeologan era, Manuel Philes had come to contact with members of the byzantine elite and wrote a significant number of poems to different aristocrats and officers of the imperial court. Was he more familiar with some of them and which are the indications therefore in his poems or the poetic convention doesn’t allow us to see that clear? Are there evidences which indicate the grade the donor ‘takes part’ in what he ‘orders’ demanding to be said in the poem or is it just different levels of expression? There are also a number of poems which the poet had written, as it seems, for practical purposes addressing different persons each time and asking usually for material goods and benefits for himself. The study of the relations between Philes and his contemporaries through his poems gives considerable indications which can be taken into account in order to ‘re-construct’ the person and the persona of the poet. 177 Angeliki Papageorgiou National and Kapodistrian University of Athens, Athens, Greece; agpapageo@slavstud.uoa.gr Βάρβαρός τε καὶ τὰ πάντα ἄστοργος καὶ μηδὲν σεμνὸν ἐπὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἔχει καταπροϊέμενος: The Image of Serbia and Milutin in Byzantine Historiographical Texts Byzantine authors of narrative sources tend to draw vivid images of the Empire’s allies and enemies. Milutin (1282-1321) fitted both categories, given the fact that his policy towards Byzantium changed over time. The first reference to Milutin is in 1272, when Emperor Michael VIII approached Stephan Uros I (12434-1276) in order to form a marriage alliance between the Byzantine ruler’s daughter and young Milutin. Although this alliance never materialized, Byzantine historians seize the opportunity to produce a series of colorful characterizations both of Serbia and of its way of life. The image the historiographers paint is based on the feeling of Byzantine supremacy. With that in mind, Serbia is pictured as an unwelcome, harsh place, rich though it may be. Its inhabitants are described as barbarians who, although competent on the field of battle, are ignorant of the proper mode of fighting. Milutin too is a barbarian, fickle, weary, unworthy of the emperor’s glory; and yet he is so strong and dangerous that he manages to marry the emperor’s daughter. Bojana Pavlović Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, Institute for Byzantine Studies, Belgrade, Serbia; bojana.pavlovic85@gmail.com Nikephoros Gregoras on the Meaning and Perception of History Byzantine historiography in general, as a continuity of historiographical genre conceived in antiquity, mainly dealt with the portrayal of events and deeds of the emperors and most prominent historical figures that shaped the history of the Empire. Stories about commendable achievements or, on the other hand, dishonorable and undeserving actions, about the change of fortune and the fickleness of human destiny were recorded in the works of Byzantine historians and have, therefore, been preserved for posterity. The didactic and educative role of these works was generally connected to the hope in a better and brighter future. Thus, historians perceived themselves as people whose duty it was to, guided by the hand of God, teach their contemporaries and future generations how to avoid mistakes of their ancestors and, therefore, build a better society. This point of view was also expressed in the introductory part of the Roman History written by the 14th century Byzantine historian, Nikephoros Gregoras. He stated that he thought little of the mentioned historians’ self-perception, until he realized that his predecessors were utterly entitled to it. History is, according to him, a vivid and eloquent voice and it is truly a messenger of God’s majesty. 178 It passes through centuries showing the past events to those that are yet to come, indicating, at the same time, the actions and achievements of people, showing what the wise men had philosophized about the nature of things, what they had understood and what not. Perceived as one of the most magnificent of the Creator’s achievements, as well of man’s literary engagement, historical narrative was, therefore, intentionally chosen by the authors as the most appropriate “genre” for expressing their attitudes and views on the events and characters they wrote about. It is important to note that most of them wrote as eyewitnesses and active participants in the events of their time, which is a fact that is often denoted as autopsia in the modern historiographical works. The position of an auvto,ptij, thus, gave the writer a more active role within the narrative itself, enabling him to influence the immediate reception of his message. Accordingly, it was the author who, through his work, connected the past with the present. This can surely be said for the historical work of Gregoras who took as his starting point the year 1204, the fall of Constantinople in the hands of the Latins and carried the course of his narrative to the year 1356. His conception of history and apprehension of historical time and moments, as well as the difference in the way he viewed the past and the present will be analyzed from three main perspectives: perspectives of time, space and characters. In order to present the differences in the work and changes of the writer’s views two particular reigns will be in the focus of attention: that of Michael VIII Palaiologos and John VI Kantakouzenos. The reigns of these emperors were chosen for reason. It has already been noticed that the two mentioned rulers embodied the imperial ideal as understood by Gregoras. Moreover, the times and political situation in which Gregoras described both of their reigns changed and so the narrator’s perceptions and apprehensions changed too. The time of Michael VIII Gregoras portrayed from certain temporal distance, whereas he was not only an eyewitness, but rather an active participant in the events of Kantakouzenos’ reign. The reasons for Gregoras’ writing were altered which also influenced the writer’s conception and apprehension of history and its course. The circumstances in which he wrote about the first Palaiologos were filled with certain hope in the better future (the reign of Andronikos III 1328-1341) and the events he presented were exhibiting Empire’s arousal and renewal. Contemporary events (those of Kantakouzenos’ reign), however, proved to be very unfortunate for himself as well as for the Empire and its prospective survival. Aikaterini Andritsou National and Kapodistrian University of Athens, Athens, Greece; aikaterini.andritsou@gmail.com Observations on Nikephoros Gregoras’ Literary Treatment of Written Sources in Roman History The communication focuses οn aspects of Nikephoros Gregoras’ management of the historical material in his Roman History. Gregoras promises to narrate briefly τὰ μετὰ τὴν ἅλωσιν τῆς βασιλευούσης τῶν πόλεων and picks out specific events to expand on. He draws on the content of various written sources and modifies it at will. Different literary techniques are employed in order 179 to recreate historical episodes of the author’s choice: digressions, proverbs, dramatization, paradox, insertion of portraits and authorial intrusion serve to summarize or enrich the depiction of the historical events. The use of such techniques ultimately aims at adapting the given data according to the author’s and his audience’s literary preferences. The material examined here regards the period between the Fall of Constantinople to the armies of the Fourth Crusade in 1204 and its recapture in 1261. Gregoras’ sources for the passages under consideration are identified and the established relationship between the works of Gregoras’ immediate predecessors and Roman History is investigated in terms of structure, content, kind of narrative and verbal expression. The above mentioned particular characteristics of historical narrative form an integral part of Roman History and reflect Gregoras’ literary contribution in Byzantine historiography. Žarko Petković University of Belgrade, Faculty of Philosophy, Belgrade, Serbia; zarkopetkovic@gmail.com Classical Authors in the Histories of John Cantacuzenos – Two Examples It is well attested that Byzantine authors were keen to show how well they were acquainted with classical literature and culture. In that manner, Euclides, one of the participants in Plato’s Theaetetus, was mentioned at the beginning of John Cantacuzenos’ historical oeuvre. According to Cantacuzenos, recent history of the Empire could be explained in different ways. Namely, the blame for the Civil War could be cast either on the grandfather (Andronicos II), or on the grandson (Andronicos III). Their deeds, continues Cantacuzenos, have double explication, as Euclides had demonstrated. It had been – long ago – argued that Euclides is one of Socrates’ followers, or to be more precise, a friend and a pupil of the Athenian, present also during his dying hours. (Plato, Phaedo, 59 C). However, the question what is (true) knowledge (Th. 146 A), or the relativity of truth, pointed out by Cantacuzenos, is not linked to Euclides in Plato’s Theaetetus, although he is mentioned in the dramatic frame of that dialogue. Relativity of truth is not linked to Euclides anywhere else in Plato’s work either. Therefore, bearing in mind that Diogenes Laertius described Euclides in his writing as “eristic” (2.106 --107), it should be assumed that Cantacuzenos was acquainted with Βίοι καὶ γνῶμαι τῶν ἐν φιλοσοφίᾳ εὐδοκιμησάντω, or with the treaties used by Diogenes Laertius (for example, Aleksandar Polyhistor, who is mentioned in Diogenes’s text). The second example of the influence of classical literature on Cantacuzenos is to be found somewhat later in the narrative (1.36). Namely, Cantacuzenos writes that Andronicus III and himself - as Grand Domestic – requested the presence of Serbian envoy, monk Kalinikos, in order to discuss with him the alliance and friendship with the Serbian King (Milutin). The specific phrase Cantacuzenos used (symmachia kai philia) led us to postulate that he was an assiduous reader of Polybios or Appian, who were writers of choice among the Byzantine elite on the subject of orthodox version of Roman past and who themselves had frequently used that expression. 180 A further assumption is possible - an even more probable one. The same phrase (symmachia kai philia) is used by the author of the 1 Maccabees (8.20). As it can be argued with certainty that Cantacuzenos was familiar with this text, it is inevitable to conclude that he should have been aware of that particular phrase as well. This does not, however, exclude the possibility that classical Greek authors, mentioned above, were read by the Byzantine Emperor. It is noteworthy to point out that an expression used to denote a practical tool of Roman Republican diplomacy, reached a Roman Emperor more than 1500 years later - by means of a religious Hebrew text. 181 NARRATING EVENTS AND PORTRAYING CHARACTERS IN THE WORKS OF THE LATE BYZANTINE WRITERS – PART 2 Conveners: Ruth Macrides, Maja Nikolić Stavroula Solomou, La présentation littéraire des femmes dans l’Histoire de Cantacuzène Dejan Gašić, Portraits of the Byzantine Emperors in the Fourteenth Century. John V Palaiologos and John VI Kantakouzenos – Literary Antipodes in Doukas’s History Dušan B. Simić, The Civil War (1341-1347) in the Historical Work of Doukas Konstantinos Moustakas, The Context of Chalkokondyles’ and Kritoboulos’ Writings Maja Nikolić, John Argyropoulos’ Paramythetikos to Constantine XI Palaiologos on His Mother Helene Palaiologina’s Death Stavroula Solomou National and Kapodistrian University of Athens, Athens, Greece; stavroula.solomou@gmail.com La présentation littéraire des femmes dans l’Histoire de Cantacuzène Les femmes, qui sont narrées et sont décrites dans l’Histoire de Jean Cantacuzène, sont étudiées à travers le prisme littéraire et constituent le centre de l’annonce précise. Tout d’ abord, la composition des ‘‘portraits’’ féminins et bien sûr pas seulement des impératrices, mais de toutes les figures féminines est recherchée entièrement, par leurs qualités et leurs valeurs, que le narrateur leur prête. De plus, dans le niveau narratif, il est à savoir, si les motifs littéraires communs, qui articulent le texte, comme l’amitié, la légalisation du pouvoir de Cantacuzène, le dévouement à Anne de Savoie, l’honnêteté, la sincérité, les sentiments de peur et d’angoisse, se reflètent dans l’esquisse des femmes. Les ‘‘topoi’’ littéraires, en ce qui concerne les ‘‘portraits’’ féminins, sont intégrés dans la tension générale du narrateur, qui crée autour de lui une atmosphère d’intentions pures, qui sert au caractère d’apologie et de propagande de son œuvre. Enfin, au niveau lexical (les mots, la syntaxe) les qualités d’esprit et d’âme, leurs émotions sentimentales, qui sont incorporées dans le dessin général de l’auteur, sont évaluées par l’intermédiaire des exemples précis. Dejan Gašić University of Belgrade, Faculty of Philosophy, Belgrade, Serbia; dejan.gasic@pr.ac.rs Portraits of the Byzantine Emperors in the Fourteenth Century. John V Palaiologos and John VI Kantakouzenos – Literary Antipodes in Doukas’s History In keeping with manners of the literary epoch of the Palaiologian dynasty, in the course of which the Byzantine emperor was routinely extolled as a political ideal of wisdom, whether actual or desirable, even though in his “The Fall (Ἅλωσις) 1453“ historian Doukas, not feeling under the necessity of depicting the late Roman history (Δούκας), did not remain immune to the indirect original findings and the aforementioned receptive literary form which caused him to produce his work Historia Turco-Byzantina (1341-1462). Made up of XLV chapters, Doukas’s tale begins in the biblical fashion–with Genesis, which is of course fairly concise, then unfolds disjointedly and very dynamically until 1341, when the narration in a minute detail records the lineage of the Palaiologian dynasty. The very first lines of this genealogy reveal the author’s concise statements about the two Byzantine basileis, the two namesakes - two antipodes: John V Palaiologos and John VI Kantakouzenos, where the former inherited the throne due to the premature death of his father Andronicus III (1328-1341), while the latter is presented to the reader as one who raised the juvenile emperor John V (παιδαγωγούμενος παρὰ κυρίου Ἰωάννου τοῦ Καντακουζηνοῦ). 183 Although it is superfluous to point out that the personalities of both Roman rulers are wellknown in Byzantine studies, it is evident that neither primeval sources nor concise medieval studies bestowed a lot of beautiful words upon John Palaiologos as basileus, and even fewer upon his personal qualities and character. On the other hand, John Kantakouzenos, although a writer himself, in his own memoirs wrote of himself as a historically tragic hero. The accounts of his fellow writers often attributed to him the traits of an ideal administrator capable of providing his homeland with the joy of peacefulness and prosperity, while in historiography he is recognized as one of the most outstanding historical figures of the late Byzantine era. In accordance with the above-mentioned, this paper strives to shed light upon the historical portrait of the two basileis and the prerogative of their imperial titles preserved in sources from XIV and XV century, where Doukas’s post festum portrayal of them was viewed in relation to what the author felt as a vivid millennium-old richness of literary expression in the conception of a ruler (κάτοπτρα ἡγεμόνος). The common denominators for the virtues of an ideal administrator in the works of zealous authors from XIV century—where the attitudes of Demetrius Cydonius and Nicholas Cabasilas stand out—are hermetically and spiritually well-rounded: prudence (σωφροσύνη), wisdom (σοφία), justice (δικαιοσύνη), courage (ἀνδρία) complemented by esoteric attributes of confessional nature: altruism (φιλανθρωπία) and piety (εὐσέβεια). In the sources from the last period of Byzantium, all three basileis (Manuel II, John VIII and Constantine XI) deserved to be called emperors and philosophers or guardians of the law, whereby some writers preserved a centuries-old political tradition which regarded the emperor as νόμος ἔμψυχος. Although this premise reached its peak with the thought of Georgius Gemistus Plethon or John Argyropoulos, the political and thought paradigm from the late Roman literary epoch can be adequately explained by saying that philological portraits of emperors in the twilight of their state are inextricably linked to the protection of the motherland and people. This hypothesis is very similar to that of the historian Doukas (circa 1400-1470), which he subtly made use of in his literary conception of legal context and the properties of the long imperial heritage, and which is very skilfully elaborated upon in his work through the prism of the emperors’ personalities. Writing in a lapidary fashion while forming a picture of the protagonists - the antipodes, Doukas was aware that Turcocracy had spilt and spread like magma across the Roman territories; childhood, adolescence and adulthood of John V were completed, he grew old, and there was an air of lethargy about him (μεθ ὅσης ναρκότητος), whereas he felt a twinge of envy for the sensible (ἀνδρί σθνετῷ) and very belligerent (πολεμικὰ μαχιμωτάτῳ) John Kantakouzenos, the glorious bloom of his generation, due to the fact that the latter had stirred up hatred among the Romans (Rhomaioi). For those who are virtuous are envied the most (καὶ γὰρ φθονοῦσι μᾶλλον τοῖς μᾶλλον ἐπ᾿ ἀρετῇ προιοῦσιν). 184 Dušan B. Simić University of Belgrade, Faculty of Philosophy, Belgrade, Serbia; dus.simic@gmail.com The Civil War (1341-1347) in the Historical Work of Doukas In this paper we have analyzed how and in what manner historian Doukas describes the civil war in the Byzantine Empire from 1341 to 1347, devoting special attention to his perception of the conflict, the terms which he used for it, his attitude toward its protagonists, as well as questions of chronology and possible sources for his narrative. By studying his work, we discovered that he gives very simplified and biased account of this conflict with much incorrectness, omitting to mention numerous important persons and events. Moreover, he makes some material mistakes which, to all appearance, are not consequences of an intentional distortion of facts but of his ignorance. Besides, we have established that Doukas sees causes of this conflict primarily in hatred and envy of the opponents of Cantacuzene among members of the Senate, because of his intentions to marry his daughter to John V. Also, this historian sees the blame for the war in figure of the empress Anna of Savoy. When it comes to the way in which Doukas perceives this conflict, we have concluded that he comprehends it as a civil war. This conflict and what happened during it, Doukas sees as God’s punishment for support of the Romans to the usurpation of Michael VIII. Concerning the consequences of this war, he is aware of how much they were disastrous, not only for Byzantium but also for other countries, since they opened door to Turkish penetration. He also realizes that this war enabled the rise of Serbia and its proclamation of the empire. In his words, which show Doukas’s awareness of the fatalness of this conflict certain byzantonocentric tendencies of this historian are also reflected. By the analysis of his work, we have also found out that Doukas is very inclined to John Cantacuzene, about whom he often writes in superlatives and tends to unburden him of responsibility for outbreak of the war and events during it, especially cooperation with the Turks. When it comes to the opponents of Cantacuzene, the extent of his odium towards them is different. Thus, we can say that he has the most negative attitude towards Alexios Apokaukos, but in the same time, the way in which he writes about him, betrays that Doukas was not fully aware of importance of his role in this conflict. As for Anna of Savoy, although he blames her, among others, for the war, it is noticeable that when writes about her, he doesn’t use a single abusive epithet, which may tell something about his scruples and gives impression that this historian doesn’t place her in the same category with others enemies of Cantacuzene. Concerning John V, Doukas writes about him with undervaluation, emphasizing his youth and stressing that he was under the tutorship of Cantacuzene, and in description of the later events, his attitude toward him becomes much more negative and insulting. In connection with chronology of this conflict, he gives only few inaccurate determinants of time. The most important of them concerns the engagement of Cantacuzene’s daughter and Orhan. Despite the fact that neither Cantacuzene nor Gregoras mention in explicit way this engagement, one may connect this data with the arrival of the envoy of Byzantine usurper to sultan which agreed upon concluding of the marriage. When it comes to sources for his narrative, we believe that material mistakes which Doukas made exclude the possibility that he based it 185 on works of Gregoras or Cantacuzene. To all appearance, as the main source for his description of events he used some unknown lost source, inclined to Cantacuzene, whose author was probably not in the center of events nor was he a contemporary of them. Also, it is not impossible that for some specific details about the massacre after the murder of Apokaukos, he used as a source words of his grandfather, Michael Doukas. Konstantinos Moustakas University of Crete, Department of History and Archaeology, Rethymno, Crete, Greece; moustakas@uoc.gr The Context of Chalkokondyles’ and Kritoboulos’ Writings Michael Kritoboulos and Laonikos Chalkokondyles have been considered as Historians of the Fall of Constantinople, even though their work does not primarily focuses on the fall of Byzantium, but on the history of the Ottomans. Actually, they are Byzantine writers of Ottoman history, and their texts stand as complementary the one to the other. They also write in a pro-ottoman perspective, that is openly expressed by Kritoboulos and more discreetly by Chalkokondyles. In so far as Kritoboulos is concerned, he is known to have composed his History while a resident of Ottoman Constantinople, moreover, he directly addressed it to sultan Mehmed II. In the case of Chalkokondyles, however, his whereabouts when he composed his Demonstrations of Histories are quite obscure, and until recently he was believed to have composed it either in Italy or in Venetian Crete. By taking into account evidence that suggests that not only Kritoboulos, but Chalkokondyles too, composed his text as a resident of Constantinople, the two authors’ associations, and the influences that can be detected in their work, we establish the context in which they wrote. Maja Nikolić University of Belgrade, Faculty of Philosophy, Belgrade, Serbia; genoveva011@gmail.com John Argyropoulos’ Paramythetikos to Constantine XI Palaiologos on His Mother Helene Palaiologina’s Death John Argyropoulos’ Paramythetikos to Constantine XI Palaiologos on his mother Helene Dragaš Palaiologina’s death (in Serbian historiography known as the only Byzantine Empress of Serbian background) is one of the four monodies written on this occasion. Whereas three of the monodies, i.e. of George Scholarios, John Eugenikos and George Gemistos Plethon, were published, translated into Serbian and given historical comments, Argyropoulos’ Paramythetikos has not yet been the subject of researchers’ interests. Nevertheless, John Argyropoulos’ Paramythetikos is noteworthy for several reasons. First of all, it could be a significant source providing us with some new data on Helene Palaiologina’s biography, which are in general very scarce. While the other three encomiasts are rather restrained 186 in designating the Empress’s origin, Argyropoulos remarks that she belonged to the genos of emperors. This information could suggest her imperial background either in connection to the Serbian emperor Stefan Dušan, through her possible grandmother Theodora, or to the Komnenoi of the Empire of Trebizond. In the case of the latter, it would be another indirect information to testify to her father’s second marriage with the princess of Trebizond, Eudokia Komnena. However, since Argyropoulos wrote another paramythetikos and dedicated it to Constantine’s brother, the emperor John VIII Palaiologos, one can notice that these texts, except for the first four pages in Lampros’ edition, are completely identical, differing in some details narrating exactly the afore mentioned biographical data. This raises a question whether these testimonies could be taken as credible information on the past or whether they are just simply literary figures in the service of the rhetorical conception of the author. Still, their adjustment and contextualization suggest that these testimonies, although imprecise, are basically not incorrect. The fact that these two texts are almost identical also indicates that the first one, composed on the occasion of John VIII Palaiologos’ death, was not publicly delivered, which accords with generally negative political atmosphere and feelings towards the late unionist emperor. This implies that not only these two texts should be observed in mutual context, but the other two Argyropoulos’ texts of the same aim as well: a monody on the death of John VIII Palaiologos and even Basilikos dedicated to Constantine XI. Paramythetikos to Constantine XI could be valuable and remarkable testimony in a wider social context of the time in which it was composed. Namely, it contains parts from which looms its author’s sharp personality as a critic of the social phenomena of the late Byzantium, known from his other famous work, Comedy of Katablatas. Finally, all of the four mentioned texts, which are the only ones of rhetorical nature in Argyropoulos’ opus, reveal the political attitude of author himself and his apprehension of time and space in which he lived. Since Argyropoulos was supporter of the Union of the Churches, a comprehensive analysis of all of his rhetorical works could make a significant step in a more thorough evaluation of one of the most apparent discords in the Byzantine society: between the supporters and the opponents of the Union. 187 TYPE AND ARCHETYPE IN BYZANTINE CULTURAL LANDSCAPE Conveners: Jelena Bogdanović, Marina Mihaljević Filip Ivanović, Type and Archetype in the Aesthetics of Dionysius the Areopagite and Maximus the Confessor Galina Tirnanić, Invisible Bonds: Image and Its Source of Power in Byzantine Popular Belief Ljubomir Milanović, The Body of Christ as Relic Archetype Mabi Angar, Types and Archetypes of Byzantine Head Reliquaries Anna Adashinskaya, A Guide for Last Journey – The Mother of God Hodegetria as Typical Receiver of Funerary Prayers in Late-Byzantium Svetlana Smolčić Makuljević, Type and Archetype of the Holy Mounts in the Byzantine Balkans Čedomila Marinković, The Iconography of the Temple in Jewish art: Type or Archetype? Maria Cristina Carile, The Image of the Temple in Byzantium: Formation and Meaning of a Figural (Architectural) Type Marina Mihaljević, Type and Archetype: The Case of Nea Moni’s Double Colonnettes Ida Sinkević, Five-Domed Churches in Byzantine Architecture: Type or Archetype Jelena Bogdanović, The Canopy as “Primitive Hut” in Byzantine Architecture Filip Ivanović Van Leer Institute, Jerusalem, Israel; filiwycat@yahoo.com Type and Archetype in the Aesthetics of Dionysius the Areopagite and Maximus the Confessor In the highly aestheticized language of (Pseudo-)Dionysius the Areopagite, God is presented as the archetype of beauty, according to which the members of famous Dionysian hierarchies should model themselves by imitating God and thus reaching perfection. As a matter of fact, the only way the soul can imitate the divine beauty is to constantly look up at the archetype, the transcendent beauty. The Areopagite’s successor, Maximus the Confessor talks about returning to the Archetype in order to restore the beauty of the image in which all human beings were created. This task was exemplarily performed by Moses, who, according to Maximus, “having made God Himself the type and paradigm of the virtues, he modelled himself on Him, like a picture preserving beautifully the copy of the archetype”. For both Dionysius and Maximus, the type-archetype pair does not have only aesthetic significance, but also points to deeper ontological, ethical and soteriological dimensions. This paper aims at analyzing these aspects in these two great thinkers, thus reaching a comparative appreciation of certain important features of their systems of thought, which had further implication for the Christian doctrines of icon, deification, virtue, etc. Galina Tirnanić Oakland University, Rochester MI, United States; tirnanic@oakland.edu Invisible Bonds: Image and Its Source of Power in Byzantine Popular Belief This essay draws parallels between superstitious manipulations of pagan statuary in Constantinople and the mechanisms through which Orthodox images were believed to operate in Byzantium. I explore the concept of type and archetype to better understand the source of power of images in a variety of Byzantine contexts. As a point of departure I analyze superstitious powers ascribed to some antique statues in the city, such as Athena at the Forum of Constantine and those of Herakles, Kalydonian boar, and an eagle clutching a snake at the Hippodrome. Persistent, yet adaptable, late antique and medieval beliefs in supernatural function of images were based on principles of persuasion through visual analogy between images and what they stood for. Extending the analysis to the phenomenon of bleeding icons and the miraculous working of saints’ relics, I examine the underlying commonalities between images used in supernatural and Orthodox practice. Icons and relics were loci of saints’ holiness, but the relationship between them and the entities they represented was theologically complex. Similarly, some statues in the city were supernaturally connected to entities whose powers could be harnessed by practitioners of sorcery. What did it mean 189 for an ancient Greek sculpture of a boar to represent a Byzantine emperor and how is that relationship connected to Christian iconographic traditions, such as a lamb standing in for Christ? How did development of icon theory impact magical practices and beliefs and vice versa? How did it affect popular religion, the prevailing understanding of images, and the way the human body was understood in relationship to divinity? Essentially, the essay explores the status of images and their function in Byzantine culture with a particular emphasis on the bonds between images and their archetypes. Ljubomir Milanović Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, Institute for Byzantine Studies, Belgrade, Serbia; milanovic.ljubomir@gmail.com The Body of Christ as Relic Archetype The body of the deceased saint was expected to manifest its holiness by incorruptibility (i.e., to show no evidence of decay) and by the flow of myro, a pleasant fragrance, which was frequently recorded to have emanated from the tomb. The saintly corpse would often, although not always, be found to have the capacity for miraculous healing. The veneration of saints’ relics and their frequent discovery in an uncorrupted state affirms that the physical world has the potential for being transfigured and resurrected, as it participates in the restoration of humanity to the beauty of the Divine Image and Likeness. The incorruption of the saints was understood as a sign that some of them were blessed with divine power even before they died. That the power of the saints was still active even after their death gave them a paradoxical status of being neither fully dead nor alive. This allowed them to continue to be present in everyday life. Many church fathers and theologians referred to the saint’s dying as falling asleep, confirming their ambivalent status of being in a state of living death. Medieval writers, as Victricus of Rouen, went so far as to apply the language of divinity to the saints, and particularly to their relics. He speaks of the saints as sharing immortality with God the Father. Some theologians believe that the body of Christ was a holy relic during the three days it spent in the tomb and therefore presents an archetype for holy relics. Drawing upon this body of thought, this paper will examine the role of body relics as a type and locate its possible prototype in the body of Christ. The case study for this paper will be the uncorrupted relics of the fourteenth century king Stephan Dečanski in monastery of Dečani, Serbia. Based on the king’s biography, it is known that at some point after the death of king Stefan Dečanski in 1331, his body was moved to Dečani and buried in the southwest part of the church. The king’s body was later translated in the solemn ritual from his tomb to the front of the main chancel barrier. Here they were deposited in a wooden coffin, probably underneath the icon of Christ. 190 Mabi Angar Institut für Altertumskunde, Abteilung Byzantinistik und Neugriechische Philologie, Cologne, Germany; mabi.angar@uni-koeln.de Types and Archetypes of Byzantine Head Reliquaries Even to this day, the handbook Die Reliquiare des christlichen Kultes und ihre Entwicklung (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1940), one of several compendia on the sacred arts of the Middle Ages by the renowned theologian and art historian Joseph Braun SJ (1857-1947), provides an indispensable tool for the study of medieval reliquaries. Based primarily on the small corpus of surviving Byzantine reliquaries, however, Braun postulated a scarcity of types for the Byzantine realm in contrast to the West with its multitude of reliquary types. Various types such as the anthropomorphic head bust, figurines, the architectural reliquary, and others were ruled out as unimaginable in Byzantine art. Only the staurotheke – the rather flat, almost two-dimensional container for fragments of the True Cross – was acknowledged as an independent achievement that was relevant and stimulating for art production in the medieval West. As admirably broad, learned, and handy as Braun’s overviews doubtlessly are, his influential typology has led to some distorted views of Byzantine sacred goldsmith art and Orthodox piety, especially in the context of relic veneration. In my paper, I will illustrate the problems of art historical typologies when dealing with the relatively small corpora of surviving objects, provide some alternative approaches, and discuss some conceivable types and archetypes for head reliquaries. Anna Adashinskaya Central European University, Budapest, Hungary; adashik@gmail.com A Guide for Last Journey – The Mother of God Hodegetria as Typical Receiver of Funerary Prayers in Late-Byzantium In the present paper, I am going to explore why one can encounter the image of the Virgin of the Brephokratousa type (probably Hodegetria) in several late-Byzantine funerary compositions: the laywoman’s tomb (the Myrelaion), chapel of Pachomios (Hodegetria Monastery, Mystras); monk and boy tomb (Dormition Church, Longanikos); Ostoja Rajakovic’s grave (Peribleptos Church, Ohrid); burial of Manuel Palaiologos (Sts Theodores’ Church, Mystras); and several funerary icons. In all these cases, the enthroned or standing Virgin is depicted making a gesture of acceptance: with one hand she holds her son showing him to the supplicant, while with another, stretched, arm she benevolently accepts the prayers of humans and invites them to visual dialogue. The “theatrical character” of the postures taken by the praying people and the responding Virgin was noted by T. Papamastorakis, who compared them with the texts of funerary epigrams. Thus, the Virgin was seen as a guide, helper, and mediator, which was underlined in the inscriptions accompanying the portrait of Manuel Palaiologos calling the Mother of God “μεσητεύη αὐτῷ εἰς τὸν Κ(ύριο)ν.” 191 In my hypothesis, the great interest toward this iconographical solution, similar to the famous Hodegetria image, can be explained in several ways: 1) On a practical side, Hodegon became increasingly popular as a burial place for Constantiopolitan nobility. The funerary function of the Hodegetria icon was already present in the demand of John Komnenos for the Hodegetria procession to his tomb in Pantokrator Monastery. Later, Theodore Balsamon described at least two tombs situated on the monastery’s territory (one of them belonged to Stephanos Komnenos), while in Palaiologan time, Andronikos III choose Hodegon as the place for his own tomb. Finally, a donation act of the Sinianoi family (1390) shows that even the members of low nobility could expect to be buried there. Not having children, the Sinianoi passed to the monastery their house in Constantinople expecting the brotherhood to build in return a tomb for the couple and commemorate them twice a week. 2) Underlined in histories about Hodegon, widely-spread in Palaiologan time, as well as in hymnography, the symbolic and theological meaning of Hodegetria as a guide started to be understood as a guide to salvation through her role as petitioner to Christ. Nikephoros Kallistos Xanthopoulos called her “conductor to divine rest” and “the guide on the way to your Son,” while the palladium of Trebizond, equally Hodegetria icon, was called “showing the way to the good ones.” Moreover, Byzantine church hymns called directly in many instances Mary “a guide to salvation” (πρὸς σωτηρίαν ὁδηγοῦσα). In funerary images, this motif of guidance was expressed in the Virgin’s gesture of open arm directing the supplicant to look at Christ-child. 3) From a social point of view, the veneration of Hodegetria icon became more widespread, that is, more popular among lower classes. The number of laics belonging to the Hodegon confraternity raised and, from the late-14th century on, one can encounter several people with either non-noble or low-noble origin having the surname of Hodegetrianos. Possibly after the dedication of the month of August to Hodegetria in 1297 and re-establishing the public veneration of the icon under the Palaiologoi, the cult of the image spread throughout the empire and lead to the establishing of numerous churches with dedication to Hodegetria. The size and importance of these foundations varied from family chapels on distant Byzantine periphery to the rich and spacious ensembles, as the one in Mystras. Svetlana Smolčić Makuljević Metropolitan University Belgrade, Belgrade, Serbia; svetlana.smolcic@metropolitan.ac.rs Type and Archetype of the Holy Mounts in the Byzantine Balkans The holy mounts of the Byzantine world are constructed on territories which visually memorize significant Christian events, life of holy people and energy of the sacred place. Monasteries, parakklesions, monks’ hermitages, memorial spots, holy springs, pilgrimage roads and icons on rocks, define the network of sacred topography and visual culture of Christian holy mounts. The archetype of Christian holy mounts can be seen in judaistic and ancient holy mounts, as well as in the experience of ancient Slavic people. One of the significant models of Byzantine holy 192 mounts established on the archetype example is Mount Sinai. The paper will consider the relation and typology of holy mounts in the Byzantine world established on the archetype of Sinai and dispersion of this model in the frame of Orthodox culture in the Balkans and region of Serbia, Montenegro, Bulgaria and Albania. The typology of holy mounts depends on different types of religious life. Holy mounts are formed in the sacred landscape of nearby cities, mountains or in the vicinity of lakes and seas. Addressing questions such as the identity of those who create and have impact on the visualization of holy mounts, this paper explores the relationship between the Christian visual concept and folk religiosity, superstition and magic. Čedomila Marinković Belgrade, Serbia; cedomilamila@gmail.com The Iconography of the Temple in Jewish art: Type or Archetype? In the history of Jewish art the Temple iconography appears already in 1 c. C.E. on the coins from the time of Bar Kohba revolt. From that time on the imagery of the Temple continue to reappear in different context in Jewish art from frescos in Dura Europos, trough floor mosaic of the early Galilee synagogues to the catacombs of Rome. During Middle Ages representations of the Temple can be found in the illuminated manuscripts, especially in the Haggadot. Some of the question raised by this paper will be: was the Jewish representation of the Temple the one that shaped all the later representations of the Temple, especially in Byzantine art? Are there any differences between the Temple representation in Sephardic and Ashkenazi visual imagery? Are the Temple representations narrative or symbolic and what layers of meaning they are conveying? The case study for my paper will be the representation of the Temple in Sarajevo Haggada. Maria Cristina Carile Università di Bologna, Dipartimento di Beni Culturali, Ravenna, Italy; mariacristina.carile@unibo.it The Image of the Temple in Byzantium: Formation and Meaning of a Figural (Architectural) Type Scholarship on Christian iconography has considered the temple as a mere setting for Presentation scenes drawn from Christ’s childhood and, later, from the Virgin’s life. In this contribution, I will define the archetype for this represented architecture, explore its architectural form, and attempt an understanding of the relationship between the image and its meaning, throughout the long course of Byzantium, with particular attention to the Balkans. 193 The type utilised to represent the Temple in Late Antique imagery is quite clear, as it reproduces the forms and the overall image of the classic Greek – and then Roman – temple. With the passing of time however, the image of the Temple became more stylized, reduced to a few elements: a canopy structure, an altar and – sometimes – a chancel barrier. Throughout the Mediterranean, variants of the Temple in Presentation scenes are enriched with other architectural forms, such as towers at the sides, or domes. Through the analysis of forms and the definition of the theoretical framework in which they make their appearance, I will reflect upon the archetype of the temple image. Finally, I will discuss the possible placement of the temple image – between archetype and type – within contemporary architectural theories, although applied to the particular field of represented architecture. Marina Mihaljević Državni Univerzitet u Novom Pazaru, Novi Pazar, Serbia; mmihaljevic@gmail.com Type and Archetype: The Case of Nea Moni’s Double Colonnettes The architecture of the famous church of Nea Moni (1042-1055), built by Constantine IX, and its unique layout have been much debated. It has been already noted that its innovative structural system, so-called domed-octagon, reveals certain incongruities between the church’s lower square naos, and its upper octaconch vaulted structure. According to the nineteenth-century tradition the plan of the church was a copy of the “plan of Holy Apostles the small, that is, the smaller Church of the Holy Apostles”. In that respect, a theory by Ch. Bouras proposed that the church’s upper portion might have been a replication of the centrally planned mausoleum of Constantine the Great in the complex of the Constantinopolitan church of the Holy Apostles. The church itself displays the conspicuous consistency of design elements in the interior and on the exterior of the church. The interior of the church is adorned by the circle of the double colonnettes, which unify the lower and the upper portions of the church. The reconstruction of the original appearance of the church’s dome reveals that the double marble colonnettes were incorporated in the corners of the drum restating thus the interior design on the exterior of the church. The architecture of the church has been mainly treated through its interior arrangement, and the presence of the double colonnettes was mainly discussed within the context of the possible Armenian sources of Nea Moni’s domed-octagon plan. The design is conspicuously present in several other Middle Byzantine monuments, among them at the katholikon of the Vatopedi monastery, the church of the Virgin Eleousa in Strumica, and most probably at the Constantinopolitan church of the Virgin Muchliotissa. The aim of this presentation is to examine the significance of this design beyond the evolutionary typological considerations. It aims to establish the possible archetypes of Nea Moni’s design, and the models of their application. While keeping in mind medieval understanding of replication as expressed in the writings of Dionysius the Areopagite, John of Damascus, Theodore the Studite, Maximus the Confessor, and others, the presentation will examine, within the framework of modern architectural discourse, whether these examples can approximate medieval understanding of type. 194 Ida Sinkević Lafayette College, Art Department, Easton PA, United States; sinkevic@lafayette.edu Five-Domed Churches in Byzantine Architecture: Type or Archetype Five-domed churches have been extensively studied by Byzantine scholars. Varied in their esthetic and structural features, these churches were a subject of numerous discussions regarding their origin, symbolic meaning, as well as their complex spatial and architectural articulation. While distinguished for sophisticated architectural techniques, these churches also provided fertile soil for the appearance of new iconographic elements that significantly impacted programmatic solutions and spatial articulation of the interior decoration. This paper aims at furthering our understanding of the five-domed churches in Byzantium by examining possible models or prototypes for these monuments and the ways in which they were perceived by medieval beholders. Were five-domed churches a separate group of Byzantine buildings marked by their distinctive exterior and, as such, an architectural type, or were they based on a common prototype, carrying a deeper symbolic message that would distinguish them as an archetypal icon? In answering these questions, the author examines structural and architectural features of these buildings, the programmatic specificities of their decorative ensembles, and literary sources relevant to understanding Byzantine perception and reception of these monuments. Jelena Bogdanović Iowa State University, College of Design, Department of Architecture, Ames IA, United States; bogdanovicjelena@gmail.com The Canopy as “Primitive Hut” in Byzantine Architecture Can we speak of a canopy – an architectonic object of basic structural and design integrity, most often comprised of four columns and a roof – as a “primitive hut” in Byzantine architecture? This paper examines several examples of surviving canopies in Byzantine-rite churches and theological texts that mention canopies as a corpus for investigating the possibility that in the architectural theory, Byzantine canopies can be viewed as a type of the “primitive hut” - the ideal principle (archetype) for architecture - that was first outlined by Vitruvius in the 1st c BCE and later theorized by Laugier in the 18th century. A particular focus will be placed on canopies as liturgical furnishings and the basic structural units of the Byzantine church itself – a four-columned structural core with a dome and vaulted bays. The relations between these “ideal structures” understood as “primitive huts” of different sizes and scales and how they were materialized in Byzantine churches allow us to discuss canopies as basic units for the definition of various Byzantine architectural “types”. Moreover, selected references on canopies, and more generally on concepts of space and place 195 from the philosophical and theological texts by Dionysius the Areopagite, who first introduced the philosophical notion of type and archetype, followed by Byzantine theologians, such as John of Damascus, Theodore the Studite, Maximus the Confessor, and Patriarch Germanos, may help us shed light on the meanings of the type and archetype in Byzantine architecture and how much they differed from or were similar to the “primitive hut” recognized in architectural theory. 196 THE EARLY BYZANTINE EMPIRE ‒ PART 1 Chairs: Michel Kaplan, Geoffrey Greatrex Nicolas Charles, Les rites religieux militaires sous Constantin : nouveau modèle pour Byzance ou avatar romain tardif? Georgios Deligiannakis, Imperial and Christian Patrons for Salamis/Constantia in the Fourth Century Łukasz Pigoński, Marcian, the Soldier-Emperor, and the Early Byzantine Military Elites Jaime de Miguel López, Exile, Prison and Physical Tortures against Pagans during the Reign of Emperor Zeno (474-491) Aitor Fernández, Afflictis longae: Physical Punishments, Seclusion Penalties and Capital Executions amongst Military Elites within Phocas’ Revolt Marko Drašković, The Economic Aspects of the Aqueduct Abuse and the Relating State Policy in the V Century Byzantium Oriol Olesti Vila, The Byzantines and Spania. New Data Coming from an Unpublished Manuscript: The Ars Gromatica siue Geometria Gisemundi (ACA, Ripoll 106) Andrzej Kompa, Higher Education in Constantinople – A University or Not? Nicolas Charles Université Paris Sorbonne, Paris / Université de Grenoble-Alpes, Grenoble, France; charles.nicolas@hotmail.fr Les rites religieux militaires sous Constantin : nouveau modèle pour Byzance ou avatar romain tardif? La notion de changement à Byzance conduit à s’interroger sur la figure du fondateur et du rapport à la nouveauté dans la constitution des traits distinctifs du monde byzantin. En effet, tant dans les sources antiques que dans la recherche actuelle, l’empereur Constantin peut se voir attribuer la paternité de plusieurs innovations politiques et religieuses. Ces dernières font régulièrement l’objet de débats et d’approches renouvelées. À partir de mes recherches sur les rites religieux des empereurs romains païens et chrétiens, je discuterai plus précisément les dispositifs cultuels militaires censés avoir été inventés par Constantin. Les prières collectives à l’armée évoquées par Lactance et Eusèbe de Césarée mais aussi l’existence d’une chapelle de campagne sont autant d’éléments pouvant apparaître comme propre à l’élaboration d’une nouvelle vision romano-chrétienne de la guerre. Il est donc essentiel de chercher à étudier précisément leur supposée nouveauté, leur interprétation historique et leur pérennité sous les successeurs immédiats de Constantin et dans le monde protobyzantin. Sur la longue durée, une analyse exhaustive de la vie religieuse des empereurs romains laisse entrevoir des perspectives nouvelles, en particulier dans le domaine des rapports complexes entre l’individuel et le collectif. Georgios Deligiannakis Open University of Cyprus, Nicosia, Cyprus; g.deligiannakis@ouc.ac.cy Imperial and Christian Patrons for Salamis/Constantia in the Fourth Century The paper re-considers the fourth-century history of Salamis/Constantia of Cyprus by asking the following questions: who was responsible for the reconstruction of Salamis after the earthquakes of AD 332 and 342? What evidence do we possess about the emperor Constantius II (337-361) as the city’s re-founder? When was the provincial capital transferred from Nea Paphos to Salamis/ Constantia? What do we know about the progress of Christianity in the same period? Written sources are particularly confusing regarding the city’s re-foundation. It is here argued that the re-founding of the city by Constantius II should not be taken for granted and possibly Constantine had also played a key-role. Nor should the emperor have entrusted the bishop of Salamis to supervise the rebuilding of the ruined city in the 340s. Similarly uncertain is the year when Salamis/Constantia became the metropolis of the province. Different possibilities on all these issues will be suggested. It must be noted that the Christian history of Salamis in Late Antiquity has been distorted by the career of Epiphanios, bishop of Salamis/Constantia (365/7-403). It is argued that the newly founded city of Salamis/Constantia enjoyed neither a prominence among the other bishoprics of 198 the island in the fourth century, nor perhaps an elaborate cathedral, nor even a major pilgrimage site, compared to what we trace already in other parts of the island. Comparing Cyprus with the evidence of Antioch and other important eastern cities, a complex and much wavering religious atmosphere across the island can be suggested. Łukasz Pigoński Uniwersytet Łódzki, Katedra Historii Bizancjum, Łódź, Poland; pigonski@zoho.com Marcian, the Soldier-Emperor, and the Early Byzantine Military Elites The Late Roman political system was heavily reliant on the army and its command. The will of the commanders was one of the, if not the most important, factors when choosing an emperor. The military influence on politics, especially in the age of barbarization, is often pictured negatively, or even, as one of the factors that contributed to the political crisis of the 5th century. The aim of this paper is to re-evaluate the impact of the military elites on the early Byzantine politics exemplified by Marcian’s reign (450-457). His predecessor, Theodosius II when making decisions regarding political affairs relied on court faction, especially the eunuch Chrysaphius. This, and the failure of Theodosius’ foreign policy, marked by defeats at the hands of Huns and Vandals, caused a dissent among the military elite. Most important members of that political faction were the generals Flavius Zeno and Flavius Ardaburius Aspar. When the emperor died, they seized an opportunity, allied with the emperor’s sister, Pulcheria against Chrysaphius, and used their political influence to choose Marcian as the next emperor. In the past Marcian was an officer in Aspar’s ranks, and he had neither the wealth, nor noble heritage that would allow him to seize the throne. It is clear that the general specifically picked Marcian, so he could potentially influence the emperor to do his bidding. While the military elites of the Empire, especially those of barbarian descent, are often being accused of disloyalty to the common cause, a careful analysis of the situation before, and during Marcian’s reign proves that it was a much more complex matter. Even though most ancient authors condemned the emperors who weren’t independent in their decision making, Marcian was almost universally considered as a good emperor. There is also no indication of any conflict between the emperor and the generals, while there are multiple accounts of such political struggle during the reigns of both Marcian’s successor and his predecessor. It is very likely that the emperor not only owed his imperial power to the military elites, but also cooperated with them closely, having similar political views in most matters. Marcian’s primary achievements were the containment of the Hun menace, stabilization of the northern border and reduction of the taxes, which was exactly what the generals wanted. The analysis of Marcian’s reign shows that the early Byzantine military elites had clear political goals that stretched far beyond achieving simple personal gains. They had their own vision of how the imperial policy should be conducted and what was good for the Empire. Oftentimes their ideas faced the opposition from the court faction or ambitious emperors, like Leo I, which then resulted in political conflicts. However, Marcian, the soldier-emperor, shared these views and cooperated with the military elites. The result was the seven years of stability, which should challenge our judgement on the influence of the army on early Byzantine politics. 199 Jaime de Miguel López Universidad de Alcalá, Alcala de Henares, Spain; jaime.miguel@edu.uah.es Exile, Prison and Physical Tortures against Pagans during the Reign of Emperor Zeno (474-491) The IV century marks the beginning of the end of the traditional Roman religion. The Edict of Milan in first place and the Edict of Thessalonica in second, represent the definitive insertion of Christianity in the society and institutions of the Empire, leaving the paganism in a second place, even being pursued by the Roman law, that since the time of Theodosius have included strong anti-pagans provisions. Despite this and the political rise of the various Christological doctrines –facing each other for the control of the Church-, we realise that at the end of the Vth century, important redoubts of paganism are still remaining inside the Roman World, showing themselves especially in the most important knowledge centres in those moments, like the Schools of Alexandria, Athens and Syria. Therefore, according to the testimonies of authors like the neoplatonist philosopher Damascius and the miaphisite Zacharias of Mytilene, would exist a relative peaceful coexistence between pagans and Christians during the reign of the emperor Zeno; although this, does not mean that there are no conflicts and turbulent times when this peaceful coexistence breaks out. One example of this breakdown, would be the case of the conflict with Paralius, a Christian scholar who is beaten by a group of pagan students from the School rolled by Horapollon in Alexandria around the year 486. This issue was going to promote an organized attack by the religious and imperial authority against the pagan community of Alexandria. In this paper, we will study precisely these violent moments when the peaceful coexistence between Christians and pagans were broken, putting special attention to the punishments imposed to these pagans from the Imperial court of the Emperor Zeno, taking also a special care about the penalties of exile, imprisonment and physical tortures applied to those damned pagans. To do that, we will drop our attention to contemporary and secondary literary sources, the different epigraphical testimonies preserved and also the Roman legislative corpora. Likewise, we will try to set up if it would be possible to know at this time, if there was an official persecution against the pagan communities from the Imperial power or otherwise, to know if these attacks to the paganism were produced attending just to the different political, religious and social situation of that time. To conclude, we must indicate that this paper is included within the research lines which are being done by the project: Historical Contexts of Imprisonment Penalties Application in the Eastern Mediterranean Empire (5th – 7th centuries a. D.): Cases and Legislation (HAR2014-52744-P), financed by the Spanish Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness. 200 Aitor Fernández Universidad de Alcalá, Alcala de Henares, Spain; aitor.fdezdelgado@gmail.com Afflictis longae: Physical Punishments, Seclusion Penalties and Capital Executions amongst Military Elites within Phocas’ Revolt The revolt of the Roman field army stationed in the Danube limes during the autumn of 602 marked not only the abrupt end of Maurice’s regime and the bloody elevation to the purple of its leader Phocas, but also, leaving aside some exceptions, the effective purge of the most part of the military and civil palatine elites closely linked to the previous emperor. Beginning with an overhaul of the main narrations which deal with the insurrection, beyond its undeniable and far-reaching political consequences both in the short and in the medium-long term for the Empire, this communication, which is inscribed within the research project «Contextos históricos de aplicación de las penas de reclusión en el Mediterráneo Oriental (siglos V-VII): casuística y legislación (HAR 2014-52744-P)», intends to focus on the form and implications of the violence that was inflicted in the frame of this rebellion towards a particular group of the highest echelons of the society: the military. In this way, and taking into account primarily the information provided by the various written sources, we will analyze the circumstances, patterns and meanings of the diverse chastisements imposed on the key figures of the Roman army, beginning with Maurice himself, in order to determinate whether they were arbitrary measures or, on the contrary, were according to the law, their degree of exceptionality or continuity as well as the message that the new imperial administration headed by Phocas tried to send out through them. Marko Drašković Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, Institute for Byzantine Studies, Belgrade, Serbia; marko.draskovich@gmail.com The Economic Aspects of the Aqueduct Abuse and the Relating State Policy in the V Century Byzantium The paper deals with the constitutions which were issued by the Augusti Theodosius II and Zeno in order to curb the abuse of aqueducts. These are - two constitutions of Theodosius II directed to Cyrus of Panopolis, praetorian prefect of the East, a constitution of Theodosius II directed to Eutichius, praetorian prefect of the East, a constitution of Zeno addressed to Adamantius, eparch of Constantinople, as well as the constitution of Zeno directed to Sparacius. These constitutions are being analyzed in context of other contemporary or same-epoch sources - constitutions concerning public and private construction (especially on financing of state buildings and on repressing of private building-entrepreneur abuses), constitutions on the relevant financial and administrative obligations of the members of senatorial order and other landowners, constitutions prescribing the relating competencies of praetorian prefect of the East, eparch of Constantinople and provincial governors, and also relating data of the narrative 201 sources (primarily, Socrates Scholasticus and Zosimus), letters (primarily of Libanius), papyri, notitiae of the capitals, treatises, panegyrics, and the representative results of archaeological analysis. First of all, the paper comments the economic and administrative context of abuses that appear in the narrative preambles of constitutions - issuance of permissions for aqueduct connection by unauthorized persons (mainly provincial officials), distraction of aqueduct- and reservoir water for irrigation of private suburban villas and water-mills, unauthorized construction and modification of state water-pipes, infringing of aqueduct-keeping principles, privatization of the other public water-supply facilities, illegal diversion of revenues belonging to civic aqueduct fund, as well as bribery of hydrofylaces (usually by imperial manor administrators). The central part of the paper is devoted to the analysis of economic, social, political, administrative, and financial contexts standing behind the considered state anti-abuse policy, led by the imperial consistory, praetorian prefect of the East and eparch of Constantinople. The imperial policy considered includes analysis of the following matters - issuance of more precising procedure rules for imperial grant of connection to state water facilities, special penalties prescribing for circumvention of the imperial authority in the same matter, expansion of hydrofylaces` authority to search private homes, cancelation of rescripts allowing privatization of public water facilities, reinforcement of the rights for Hadrian’s aqueduct use, protection of aqueduct supply for thermae and nymphaea, confiscation of land estates, mills and gardens irrigated by aqueduct usurpation, extension of regulations concerning the minimal distance between private buildings and aqueducts, supplementation of the water-distribution principle in private buildings, grant of new revenues for the maintenance of aquaeducts, introduction of the new officials authorized for control of existing aqueduct`s funds, etc. A special effort is taken to identify and reconstruct the parts of social and administrative mechanisms of the state-property abuses in early Byzantine epoch, as a general background of the aqueduct abuse. Also, the paper discusses the possibility of “innovations” concerning this sort of abuse, in regard to the practice of IV century. Finally, the said government measures are being considered in the context of more general economic- and social policy of the fifth-century Empire, especially policy directed against the administrative abuses and senatorial struggle for new privileges. Oriol Olesti Vila Sabadell, Spain; oriol.olesti@uab.cat The Byzantines and Spania. New Data Coming from an Unpublished Manuscript: The Ars Gromatica siue Geometria Gisemundi (ACA, Ripoll 106) The recent edition of an early medieval manuscript, the Ars Gromatica siue Geometria Gisemundi, based on two manuscripts dated in the ninth century (mostly ACA Ripoll 106), has offered new information about the activities of the Roman and Byzantine land surveyors in Hispania. The manuscript has preserved a description of Spain’s provinces division in Late Roman times (Discriptio Hispaniae), focused specially in the Carthaginensis region. The author based this text on several unpublished ancient sources, from the early empire to the byzantine period. The text 202 mentions several land surveying activities, like the construction of a network of roman roads during Constantinean times, the modification of the provincial boundaries during th 6th c. A.D., or the main role of Cartagonova as the capital of the Byzantines. The text explicitly mentions also the territorial activities in the Iberian Peninsula of a byzantine emperor, likely Maurice, and brings new light to this obscure period, which is usually characterized by the tensions between the Visigothic monarchy and its oriental occupants, the milites Romani. Curiously, during the Maurice government we know the presence of the Dux Comitiolus - Comenciolus in Cartagonova (CIL II, 3420), the existence of some boundary disputes with the Visigotic King Reccared (settled by the intervention of Pope Gregory I), and likely this land surveying activities mentioned in this unpublished manuscript. Finally, our paper will discuss the historical context of these activities, and their relation with the complex political situation of the Byzantine Spania, including the possible existence of several boundary agreements between the Visigothic Kingdom and Maurice, the Byzantine emperor. Andrzej Kompa University of Łódź, Łódź, Poland; andrzejkompa@o2.pl Higher Education in Constantinople – A University or Not? Constantinopolitan imperial school (5th-6th centuries) has acknowledgedly a significant place in history of education. Paradoxically perhaps, it seems to be our ‘internal knowledge’, almost completely unrecognized or forgotten outside the Byzantine studies. Partially, it is because of the reservations of the Byzantinists regarding the use term ‘university’ in relation to that 5th-century Theodosian establishment. The term is often put in the inverted commas or treated only semiseriously. And yet, as the role of late ancient education is still being stressed and the understanding of the problem fostered, it seems to be the right time to reconsider the basic question: was it a university or not? Reasons for hesitations are known: we do not see at the Capitol an institutional organization formed with the system of superiors and subordinates, there were no faculties, nor academic titles and diplomas. Highly individualised character of schooling shaped rather the mentor-pupil relations, and not the student-institution ones. And it is true, we cannot assume that the higher education in Constantinople ran incessantly through the centuries and that the constitutions of Theodosius the Younger, albeit never abrogated, remained perpetually in the legal system for more than antiquarian reasons. We may only suppose that the imperial school functioned untroubled until the end of the 6th century, as witnessed e.g. by John the Lydian, and to a minor degree also in the 7th century up to Justinian II (as the costly building investments were still undertaken, also the instruction of the future officials seem probable, in reduced scope, and maybe within the complex of the Great Palace). An attempt to re-establish the school was ventured by cesar Bardas in the 9th century, but it was only a century later when the fortunate imperial decisions reinvented the Byzantine university anew. Thus, although the continuity of education was preserved, an institutional one is something we cannot expect. 203 With this being taken into account, the arguments that support the positive answer, recollected together, seem more convincing, both in number and in weight. Firstly, a failure of the initiative in the long run should not reduce to nothing the initiative itself, even more so the first dozen decades of its functioning did not encounter any major obstacles. Secondly, lack of the boards, principals and subordination of one professor to another, should not lead to the assumption that there was no academic community on spot, as there were many factors that bound the people involved together: the ways of employment and dismissal of the teachers, the auditoria, the customs, habits and feasts of the students (cf. the canons of Trullanum), the curricula for students (at least those who studied law). Imperial supervision and concern, careful differentiation between the public and the private teachers, and first and foremost the constitutions of 425, that so clearly delimitated the conditions of schooling are further major arguments. The specialists of different arts were united in one educational institution, they were classified and inscribed into general state programme. Despite the differences with the later medieval universities of the West, the Constantinopolitan school was a university, and after the decades of reluctant usage of this classification the term should be positively reconsidered at last. 204 HAGIOGRAPHY ‒ PART 1 Chairs: Marina Détoraki-Flusin, Georges Sidéris Anna Kryukova, An Earlier Unknown Version of the Vita of Xenophon, His Wife Mary, and Their Children Arcadious and John from the Collection of Manuscripts in the Russian State Library (270/Ia, N 68) Pablo Adrián Cavallero, Le changement de version. De la version longue à la version brève de la Vie de Jean l’Aumônier, dû à Léonce de Néapolis Guido Venturini, The Syriac Life of John the Merciful and Its Possible Contribution to the Edition of the Greek Text Olga N. Izotova, A Hagiographer Monk Sabas (ΙΧ C.) as a Participant of the Image Debates Eirini Afentoulidou, The Life of Saint Basil the Younger (BHG 264) and Philip Monotropos’ Dioptra: An Investigation of Possible Influence Mariafrancesca Sgandurra, La tradizione agiografica italogreca della Passio di santa Ciriaca Anna Kryukova Moscow, Russian Federation; akrukova@gmail.com An Earlier Unknown Version of the Vita of Xenophon, His Wife Mary, and Their Children Arcadious and John from the Collection of Manuscripts in the Russian State Library (270/Ia, N 68) The paper will discuss a newly discovered version of the Vita of Xenophon, his wife Mary, and their children Arcadious and John. This text has come down to us in a number of redactions, only two of which have been published. The Vita was originally discovered by Halkin in one of the manuscripts now kept at the Russian State Library. However, he erroneously identified the text as the Acts of Xantippe, Polyxena and Rebecca. In my paper I will provide the correct attribution of the text and compare its redaction to the published versions, as well as one unpublished redaction found in a manuscript from the British Museum (Brit. Mus. Add. 10073). My comparative analysis of these three versions of the Vita will shed light on the textual relationship between them and more broadly on the place of the Vita in Early Christian literature. Pablo Adrián Cavallero Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas de la Argentina, Buenos Aires, Argentina; pablo.a.cavallero@gmail.com Le changement de version. De la version longue à la version brève de la Vie de Jean l’Aumônier, dû à Léonce de Néapolis En 1893 Gelzer a publié deux versions de la Vie de Jean l’Aumônier. Mais en 1974 Festugière a édité la “version longue”, auparavant inconnue. On étudie ici les changements faits dans la version brève, qui ont été considérés en général par la critique, à fin d’évaluer sa cause et tirer en conséquence le caractère littéraire de la version. Son analyse permet voir que: 1. Il y a une cause «idéologique», qui consiste en supprimer de manière consistante tous les serments qui sont en bouche de divers personnages. Ceci répond à: 1) une erreur de compréhension du passage du Prologue 189; 2. à un respect pour le commandement évangélique. Cette version en remplace par des adverbes d’affirmation ou verbes de dire ou tournures exprimant l’état d’anime; elle supprime toute interjection invoquant à Dieu comme témoin. Également, elle remplace les aspects du paganisme comme les allusions à la fortune, et remarque la hiérarchisation sociale; elle transforme le besoin de cohérence parmi le dire et le faire par un adéquation parmi dire et penser; elle évite exprimer la connaissance de qu’est-ce que Dieu veut et elle remarque que tout miracle est fait par Dieu. 206 2. Il y a aussi une cause littéraire-culturelle répondant à la pratique de la métaphrase, qui habituellement abrège le texte et altère le style pour l’élever. Ainsi: a. Elle supprime ce qui est superflu ou insistant, la topicality; elle évite répéter les pronoms, les sujets, les charges; supprime des adjectifs et des éclaircissements, des commentaires et des effusions lyriques de l’auteur, des allusions à personnes externes au récit, la critique sociale; néanmoins, elle ajoute un éclaircissement syntactique s’il est nécessaire; b. Elles sont préférées les formes linguistiques classicistes et la morphologie plus traditionnelle; c. Ils sont actualisés certains détails, comme le prix d’un esclave; d. Le contenu est réarrangé lorsque la version longue fait un excursus. Tout cela démontre que la version brève s’adapte à la méthode des métaphrases, qui devinrent plus habituelles à partir du IXe siècle; à cause de la tradition textuelle, elle peut dater du Xe siècle; la version longue est sûrement l’originaire et les modifications effectuées dans la brève révèlent un changement culturel parmi le VIIe et le Xe siècle, qui inclut pas seulement des arêtes stylistiques et de rédaction mais aussi de pensée et d’intentionnalité idéologique. Guido Venturini Sapienza University of Rome, Rome, Italy; venturini.guido89@gmail.com The Syriac Life of John the Merciful and Its Possible Contribution to the Edition of the Greek Text The topic I am going to present is part of a larger research that I am developing within the frames of a PhD programme at the University of Roma La Sapienza, and is about the Syriac version of the Life of John the Merciful, originally written in Greek in the VII century by Leontios of Neapolis, and about the evaluation of its contribution to the reconstruction of the original Greek text. The Syriac Life of John the Merciful consists of a rather free translation, which sometimes becomes remarkably distant from the text preserved in the Greek codices, but which can be potentially very useful for the improvement of the Greek edition of the Life of John, published for the first time by Gelzer in 1893 and later by Festugière (1974) and Cavallero (2011). Until today, the only study highlighting the importance of the Syriac Life is that of V. Déroche about Leontios of Neapolis (1995), in which is reproduced the opinion of B. Flusin, based on two passages of the Syriac text. The scholar supposes that the Syriac version was translated from a very ancient and reliable form of the Greek text. Therefore a complete study of this version – missing until today –results to be inevitable, given its possible contribution to the improvement of the critical edition of the Greek text. The only edition available until today of the Syriac Life of John is that of P. Bedjan (1894). This edition, based on the codices BN 235 and BL Add. 14645, was composed without a proper philological method. The editor, who demonstrates not knowing the Greek text, does not specify 207 from which codex the readings were taken and does not provide any translation of the Syriac text. Therefore, this edition needs to be urgently revised, which I am aiming to conclude during my research. Furthermore, the research takes also into consideration the inedited Syriac redaction present in the codex BN 234. This recensio brevior contains some significant passages, which might bring into question and increase the few data that we have until now about the Syriac translation of the Life of a text of such a great importance in the Byzantine hagiographic literature. Finally, the Syriac Life of John the Merciful reveals to be particularly interesting for the comprehension of the dynamics of a Byzantine hagiographical work’s reception in the environment of Eastern Christianity. The Syriac Life of John in fact presents considerable modifications in several parts, which suggests an editing in an atmosphere connected to the Syriac Monophysitism. Olga N. Izotova St. Tikhon’s Orthodox University, Moscow, Russian Federation; matroskin2@list.ru A Hagiographer Monk Sabas (ΙΧ C.) as a Participant of the Image Debates The text concerns theory of sacred images in the lives of two saints of iconoclastic time by Sabas (ΙΧ C.), who was a monk and a byzantine writer. The text contains a brief sketch of Sabas’ life. On his own evidence, Sabas was acquainted with main characters of his works, st. Ioannikios the Great and st. Peter of Atroa. The hagiographer worked as a simple monk in monasteries of Asia Minor during their lives. The vitas were written by him later in the fifties or sixties of ΙΧ C., probably in the monastery of Antidion, besides st. Peter’s life was edited by the author himself. Following the information about the hagiographer the careful analysis of the passages concerning or making casual mention of sacred images is made. The first redaction of st. Peter’s life includes only a brief confession of the veneration of icons, but the second version has a rather more detailed excursus of holy images theory and the st. Ioannikios’ life contains three creeds relating icons. The general topics brought up in both lives are doctrine of Christ as the image of God the Father and a man as an image of God, which the hagiographer takes as basis of the image veneration, the christological basis of pro-image teaching, comprehension of iconoclasm as a kind of Docetism. Although the hagioghrapher was not one of the main disputants of iconoclastic controversy as well as he did not aim at writing a treatise refuting iconoclastic doctrine, reading his works carefully we can see he use quite complicated terminology of pro-icon writers elaborated at the end of the image debates, such as notion of «circumscription» (περιγραφή). Sabas does not only confirm dogmas of the Seventh Ecumenical Council (relative adoration proper to icons, moving of honor accorded to the image to its prototype), but also emphatically uses in his texts such concepts as an image of God the Father in Christ and an image of God in a man to ground permissibility of pictorial images. This condition enables to conclude that this theme may take on special significance during the second iconoclast period. 208 Eirini Afentoulidou Austrian Academy of Sciences, Division of Byzantine Research, Vienna, Austria; eirini.afentoulidou@oeaw.ac.at The Life of Saint Basil the Younger (BHG 264) and Philip Monotropos’ Dioptra: An Investigation of Possible Influence The new edition of the Life of St. Basil the Younger (D. F. Sullivan/A.-M. Talbot/St. McGrath, Washington, D.C., 2014) opened the way for further studies of this important 10th-century text. From the scarce information we possess the cult of this saint appears to be locally and chronologically limited. The text of his Life, however, had a considerable Nachleben, manifested in the rich Greek and Slavonic manuscript tradition. One of the reasons for its popularity must have been the vivid and detailed visions of the afterlife, from the posthumous judgment at the tollgates and the marvellous celestial dwellings to the Last Judgment. A further indication of the impact of the Life are the striking similarities with Philip Monotropos’ Dioptra, a text written over a century later and dealing, among other questions, with the posthumous fate of the soul and the Last Judgment. These similarities, concerning the content and also the wording, are so numerous that they allow the hypothesis of a direct influence. Mariafrancesca Sgandurra Università degli Studi di Roma Tor Vergata, Rome, Italy; mariafrancesca.sgandurra@gmail.com La tradizione agiografica italogreca della Passio di santa Ciriaca Il culto di santa Ciriaca, in greco Κυριακή, la martire “consacrata al Signore” o “nata di Domenica, giorno del Signore” (François Halkin), fu probabilmente trapiantato in Calabria al tempo della dominazione bizantina e finì per essere riferito ad una martire locale, santa Domenica di Tropea, come è avvenuto anche in altri casi. L’identificazione tra le due sante è stata sostenuta da numerosi studiosi, che hanno anche rilevato il valore simbolico di questo personaggio e la mancanza di storicità del suo martirio. È infatti evidente che il contenuto della Passio si snodi secondo le caratteristiche topiche delle passioni epiche, illustrate dettagliatamente dal bollandista Hippolyte Delehaye: Ciriaca, catturata in seguito all’editto di Diocleziano, passa da un magistrato all’altro, ognuno dei quali rivolge alla fanciulla esortazioni, adulazioni e minacce, secondo uno schema ricorrente che ha lo scopo di mettere in luce la fede della giovane martire e la sua perseveranza. Nella Bibliotheca Hagiographica Graeca sono repertoriate sette redazioni della Passio di santa Ciriaca, di cui sono stati pubblicati soltanto due testi, quello (BHG 462) edito negli Acta Sanctorum dal codice Ambrosianus D 92 sup., databile all’XI secolo, e la Passio BHG 462g pubblicata da Halkin dal manoscritto Mosq. 162 (Vlad. 380) dell’anno 1021/1022. Ho potuto già verificare che per le redazioni BHG 461z e BHG 462 non ci troviamo di fronte a due tradizioni distinte: l’unica differenza è rappresentata dal prologo, più ampio nella redazione BHG 461z, nella quale sono descritti lo stile di vita e la profonda fede dei genitori 209 di Ciriaca, l’inizio della persecuzione, l’arrivo degli inviati di Diocleziano nella casa dei santi e la cattura della famiglia. Nei Menologi la martire si ricorda in date diverse: 6, 7 o 26 luglio, 10 agosto e 14 maggio. Nell’intento di fare chiarezza nel dossier agiografico di santa Ciriaca, mi propongo di esaminare in questa sede l’interessante caso del manoscritto Messan. S. Salv. 29, un testimone che tramanda due Passiones della martire: le redazioni BHG 462c, prescritta per il 7 luglio, e BHG 462g, per il 10 agosto. Il suddetto codice costituisce, come è noto, il secondo volume di un Menologio la cui prima parte è tramandata dal ms. Messan. S. Salv. 30. La doppia commemorazione presente nel manoscritto di Messina è una prova significativa dell’importanza che la martire rivestì in ambito italogreco, milieu cui appartengono la maggior parte dei codici che tramandano la narrazione del martirio di santa Ciriaca. È possibile rintracciare nelle redazioni della Passio della martire elementi che le mettano in relazione con l’Italia Meridionale? Quali sono le caratteristiche compositive delle due Passiones tràdite dal Messan. S. Salv. 29 e quali le loro differenze? 210 BYZANTIUM MEETS ANCIENT LITERATURE Chairs: Marina Loukaki, Darko Todorović Jovana Šijaković, On the Issue of Christian Allegoresis of the Odyssey Valerijs Makarevičs, The Comparative Analysis of Ideas About an Ideal Person Represented in the Works of Plato and Grigory Nissky Yan Zaripov, Plato’s Theory of Tripartite Soul in Speech to Alexios I Komnenos by Theophylact of Ochrid Vessela Valiavitcharska, Rhetoric and Aristotle’s Antistrophos Ana Elaković Nenadović, The Criticism of Photius on Lycurgus’ and Aeschines’ Oratory Dragoljub Marjanović, The Term τρισκατάρατος in Byzantine and Serbian Medieval Literature Dragana Dimitrijević, Cicero in Byzantium: An Example of Roman Antiquarianism Dmitri Chernoglazov, Rereading Pseudo-Libanios’ Epistolary and Its Interpolated Versions Georgios Chatzelis, Innovation in the Sylloge Tacticorum Jovana Šijaković University of Belgrade, Faculty of Philosophy, Belgrade, Serbia; jovana.ninkovic@gmail.com On the Issue of Christian Allegoresis of the Odyssey According to the widely accepted view, Christian allegoresis of the Odyssey began to take shape among the early Christian authors, evolved with time and had a corresponding presence in late Byzantine Homeric exegesis. The study that will be presented challenges the understanding of the source material which is generally adduced as an argument for these claims and points to other relevant testimonies in sources which allow for the conclusion to be drawn about exegesis of this kind as undesirable. One of the main problems identified concerns the difference between the use of the Odyssey imagery as argumentative and stylistic element of a speech on the one hand and the interpretation of the imagery on the other hand. It will be shown that sections of early Christian writings which are cited as evidence for the existence of Christian interpretation of the Odyssey do not betray the intent to interpret the epic as an allegory for Christian teachings. Gnostic and Neoplatonic practices are taken into account as vital for comparison. With this emendation to the early state of affairs, the study sheds new light on overlooked traits of Homeric exegesis among XI century Christian scholars who rely heavily on Neoplatonic exegesis. Michael Psellos, the main source for these interpretations, speaks openly about the conversion of lies in “our truth” through allegory. The meaning linked to the text in this case is not attributed to its author or to the source of his inspiration or even to the nature of the text, but to the power of rhetoric. After the “Byzantine Platonists” none among the important Homeric teachers and exegetes (John Tzetzes, Eustathius of Thessalonica, Matthew of Ephesus) indulges in the so-called Christian allegoresis of the Odyssey. Some in this regard misread examples of exegesis are discussed, as well as those interpretations which draw on early Christian productive use of Odyssey imagery, but deprive it of specifically Christian connotations. Finally, through the analysis of relevant attitudes of Byzantine interpreters towards Homer and the Odyssey, with emphasis on the context that accompanies their exegetical works, it is explained why in fact the path of Christian allegoresis was not the path they would want to take. Valerijs Makarevičs Daugavpils, Latvia; valerijs.makarevics@du.lv The Comparative Analysis of Ideas About an Ideal Person Represented in the Works of Plato and Grigory Nissky For many centuries the philosophers addressed the issue of an ideal person solving it in correspondence with the spiritual needs of the time. On the example of the works by Plato and Grigory Nissky we will consider the changes of these views during the millenniums starting with the ancient times and finishing with the epoch of the developed Byzantine Empire. For Plato a person’s way to the ideal depends on their deeds and primogenitors. A person’s life experience may only 212 correct the result of the experience of the previous generations either for the better or the worse; the result of the life experience affects the personality development of the subsequent generations. Grigory Nissky considers that a body and a soul are born at the same time; it means that the soul has an imprint of the life experience of the previous generations. According to Grigory Nissky, every person can approach the ideal already in his life time. According to Plato who lived in the times of polyteism, only the elite layers of the society are capable for self-perfection. Grigory Nissky who lived in the monoteistic state considered that any person can achieve the ideal. Yan Zaripov Russian State University for the Humanities, Moscow, Russian Federation, zaripovyan@gmail.com Plato’s Theory of Tripartite Soul in Speech to Alexios I Komnenos by Theophylact of Ochrid In speech to Alexios I Komnenos Theophylact of Ochrid praises emperor’s military, diplomatic, missionary and administrative feats inspired by his courage (ἀνδρεία), temperance (σωφροσύνη) and prudence (φρόνησις). Although Theophylact devotes the most part of the panegyric to celebrating emperor’s courage, in this very part he simultaneously pays Alexios the compliment of his mildness (πραότης), namely his ability to forgive barbarians their insolence and to have mercy upon rebels. Furthermore, at the very beginning of glorification of deeds of ἀνδρεία Theophylact emphasizes that his addressee has elected reason as a king while spirit was appointed by him to serve as the reason’s bodyguard (βασιλέα δὲ τὸν λόγον χειροτονήσας, τὸν θυμὸν αὐτῷ δορυφόρον ὑπέθηκας). I argue that Theophylact’s approval of such mental hierarchy evolved throughout the oration has its origin in Plato’s theory of tripartite soul developed in Respublica. According to Plato the spirited (θυμοειδές) part of the soul assists rational (λογιστικόν) in restraining the appetitive (ἐπιθυμητικόν) and shows its courage (ἀνδρεία) in guarding the whole person from external enemies (442a–b). However, spirit is tamed by reason in the manner of a shepherd calling back a dog even if it is rightly anger at being wronged (440c–d). The example of such self-control is given by Theophylact in his description of emperor’s response to barbarian ambassadors’ forgery disclosed by him. After rebuking embassy’s guile Alexios still refrained from revenge because the adversaries had admitted their guilt. Theophylact is amazed by his lord’s temperance since another in Alexios’ place would not have ceased from vengeance until he had satiated wrathful spirit’s beast with Scythian blood (Ἄλλος… οὐ πρότερον τῆς δίκης ἐπαύσατο πρὶν αἵμασι Σκυθικοῖς εὐωχῆσαι τοῦ θυμοῦ τὸ θηρίον). Such image of unfair rage bears a strong resemblance to Plato’s allegory of zoomorphic soul which implies that satiating beast is equal to choosing injustice manifested in internal discord (588e–589a). Apart from being resistant to fits of excessive anger Alexios is praised for insusceptibility to base pleasures. Theophylact mentions Alexios’ temperance as a fact of common knowledge emphasizing the austerity of his life as well as devotion to his spouse. Besides, Theophilact’s bodyguard metaphor seems to be a positive conversion of Plato’s statement that a tyrant avoiding law and reason cohabits with certain slavish, mere mercenary, pleasures (ὁ τύραννος φυγὼν νόμον τε καὶ λόγον, δούλαις τισὶ δορυφόροις ἡδοναῖς συνοικεῖ 587c). 213 However, the most striking affinity with Plato’s theory of soul has the passage in which Theophylact approves of prudence’s supremacy over courage in Alexios’ decision-making. While prudence takes part in military affairs along with courage, in administering the affairs of the state it exerts its power alone. Similarly, Plato considering spirited part of a soul as an ally of rational does not intend that supreme power is somehow divided between them because only the latter is aware of what is beneficial for each of three parts and for the whole soul (442c). Moreover, bringing the virtues of different parts of soul into correspondence with particular activities Theophylact follows Plato’s analogy according to which both city and soul obtain justice if each part of soul/ class of city performs its own task (τὰ ἑαυτοῦ πράττειν) (441d–e). Theophylact’s use of this analogy is peculiarly apt since it enables to embody the ideal of fair ruling over both a soul and a state in a sole figure of the emperor. Vessela Valiavitcharska University of Maryland, College Park MD, United States; vvaliav@umd.edu Rhetoric and Aristotle’s Antistrophos Aristotle’s famous line ἡ ῥητορική ἐστιν ἀντίστροφος τῇ διαλεκτικῇ has given rise to much dispute and confusion among rhetoricians and Aristotelian commentators alike. A passing mention of choral lyric in Book Three of Aristotle’s Rhetoric has prompted a consideration of the relationship between rhetoric and dialectic in terms of parallels resembling the metrical correspondences between strophe and antistrophe. However, the similarity is not obvious, and the rhetoric commentators clearly find it unsatisfactory. Discussions of rhetoric as antistrophos usually appear in prolegomena preceding the Hermogenic corpus, where the definition, subject matter, and goals of rhetoric are expounded. The composite prolegomena that survive from the tenth and eleventh centuries do not limit the comparison of rhetoric to dialectic but also draw parallels between rhetoric and philosophy, medicine, gymnastics, and law. They give various explanations for the term antistrophos, ranging from subject matter to argumentation, to length of treatment, to method of exposition. What is conspicuous about the selection of material and its treatment is the prominent place ascribed to definition (as a concept) and conversion (the reciprocal transformation of propositions, terms, and even arguments). Rhetoric is not strictly paired with dialectic, but its definition includes from some form of convertibility between itself and other disciplines such as dialectic or philosophy or medicine. Here I suggest that the prominence of definition and of conversion in the rhetorical prolegomena reflects an argumentation interest – and subsequently, a pedagogical concern – which has its roots in the Iconoclastic period. The Vita of Patriarch Nicephorus makes a clear point that the mastery of definition and logical conversion is indispensable to the kind of intellectual arsenal required for settling the controversy about images. Likewise, Nicephorus’ treatises Against the Iconoclasts and Refutation of the Council of 815 show a concern for the correct use of both in practical argumentation. This suggests that the Iconoclastic controversy may have been instrumental to the selection and transmission of rhetorical theory during the ninth century and later. 214 Ana Elaković Nenadović University of Belgrade, Faculty of Philology, Belgrade, Serbia; aelakovic@yahoo.com The Criticism of Photius on Lycurgus’ and Aeschines’ Oratory This paper focuses on the analysis of Photius’ testimonies about life and literary style of two Athenian rhetoricians Lycurgus and Aeschines, who belonged to the famous Canon of ten Attic orators. The main subject of our research is comparison of the Photius’ criticism of the style and rhetorical skills of these two authors with some modern tendencies in description and evaluation of their oratory. Therefore, the research will be conducted on the corpus consisted from Photius Bibliotheca, speeches of the two orators aforementioned and some recent interpretations of their rhetorical means, in order to determine if and how the criticism on these two orators has evolved through centuries. Dragoljub Marjanović University of Belgrade, Faculty of Philosophy, Belgrade, Serbia; sigilopator@gmail.com The Term τρισκατάρατος in Byzantine and Serbian Medieval Literature Starting point of this paper is the account of a council against heretics which was held by the Serbian grand zupan Stephen Nemanja in his dominions in the late 12th century Serbia. Later, in the first half of the 13th century Nemanja’s son and hagiographer, the first crowned king Stephen Nemanjic utilized a specific technical term thrice accursed (τρισκατάρατος) in his account of the council which was convened. Our aim is to present the levels of cultural and literary traditions which were transmitted from various Byzantine literary genres, which stem from the attic oratory as far as the 4th century B.C. (Demosthenes’ Oration against Aristogeiton), through the literary works of the rhetor Lucian the Sophist in the second century A.D., and which later entered Byzantine tradition through pseudo chrisostomian works, and the liturgical and historiographical texts such as Romanus Melodus, George the Monk, and Constantine Manasses. We tend to present both the development in the meaning of the term thrice accursed in its long historical path from Demosthenes to Manasses, its shift from ancient pagan to Christian semantics and thus utilization in various genres of Byzantine literature, and finally its influence on the genre of Serbian medieval hagiography, especially in the works of Stephen the first crowned, St. Sava Nemanjic, and archbishop Daniel II in his Lives of Serbian kings and archbishops. 215 Dragana Dimitrijević University of Belgrade, Faculty of Philosophy, Belgrade, Serbia; dragana_dim77@hotmail.com Cicero in Byzantium: An Example of Roman Antiquarianism Cicero’s influence on Western European culture is very well known. However, almost nothing has been written on Cicero in Byzantium. While it is true that there is not a lot to report, as interest in the orator was neither widespread nor enduring, nevertheless, an investigation of references to Cicero by Byzantine authors remains a fruitful endeavor. This paper examines references to Cicero in Byzantine literature, and in particular their context and function. According to Egyptian papyri from the 4th and 5th centuries, Cicero’s works enjoyed significant status in school readings. However, they gradually fell out of favor, not only among popular readers but also among the educated élite. Cicero’s name became a sort of trope, an antiquarian example used when it was desirable to number the most important representatives of Roman culture, especially during periods in which the general social and cultural climate emphasized the Roman roots of the Byzantine tradition. A reference to Cicero by a Byzantine author did not reflect so much his personal preferences, as much as it reflected the prevailing social and literary trends at a given historical moment. Thus, we can say that mentioning Cicero’s name is a clear indicator that the author wrote in a period which emphasized Roman heritage, as transmitted by Greek intermediaries. Therefore, it is not surprising that among the Byzantine authors who referenced Cicero one can find Constantine VII Porphyrogennetos and Michael Psellos. Broader knowledge of Cicero’s works, closely tied to translating Cicero into the Greek language, only occurred again in the twilight of Byzantium, and could be said to represent the completion of a cycle. Dmitri Chernoglazov St. Petersburg State University, St. Petersburg, Russian Federation; d.chernoglazov@spbu.ru Rereading Pseudo-Libanios’ Epistolary and Its Interpolated Versions Epistolimaioi charakteres, in different manuscripts ascribed to Libanios and to Proklos, is a well-known text, representing (along with Pseudo-Demetrios’ Epistolikoi typoi) Greek epistolary theory of the Late Antiquity. It is generally assumed, that this small treatise, containing a small theoretical introduction and very short examples of prooimia to 41 types of letters, has nothing to do with high-style Greek epistolography and has not exerted any influence on letter-writing in Byzantium. As a rule, it is analyzed in the context of Early Medieval practical letters and documents, which are preserved in papyri. The text can be considered in an extremely different way, if we pay attention to its interpolated versions, which, though published by V. Weichert long ago (Demetrii et Libanii qui feruntur Τύποι ἐπιστολικοί et Ἐπιστολιμαῖοι χαρακτῆρες / Ed. V. Weichert. Lipsiae, 1910), remain completely 216 unexplored. These additions are large (some interpolated versions are four times longer, than original text) and very different - some of them concern the theoretical part, other are additional examples of letters, which are much more extensive than prooimia of the original version. The task of the present paper is to make some notes on date, content and style of these interpolations. The research is supported by the Russian Foundation for Humanities, № 15-03-00138 «Ancient logic and Byzantine intellectual tradition: aspects of reception». Georgios Chatzelis Royal Holloway University of London, London, United Kingdom; Georgios.Chatzelis.2013@live.rhul.ac.uk Innovation in the Sylloge Tacticorum The Sylloge Tacticorum is a tenth-century Byzantine military manual. As almost every work of Byzantine literature much of the contents of the Sylloge derive from classical or older Byzantine treatises. This concept of imitation (mimesis) has led many scholars to argue that Byzantine literature did not allow for innovations and that it did not present the reality of its time. This was considered a mainstream view not only for more general genres like historiography and hagiography but also for specialized literature like military manuals. The past twenty years this view has been challenged the by scholars who argued that Byzantine imitation was not slavish. They demonstrated instead that imitation was a creative process which updated and manipulated the tradition. While more popular genres of Byzantine literature, like historiography and hagiography, have been reapproached with the above fresh perspective, military manuals remain largely uninfluenced by it. The Sylloge Tacticorum is no exception. Some scholars have argued that it was merely a compilation slavishly copied from other sources. But is that really the case? Does the Sylloge Tacticorum remain clung to its ancient/older models? Or does it present an updated mentality on warfare and military innovations? This paper will explore how certain passages differ from their ancient models and how they were updated in order to better fit into a contemporary/Christian context and mentality. In addition, the appearance of military innovations such as new military formations and units will be discussed in connection with the contemporary challenges faced by the Byzantine armies in their struggle against the Arabs, while their gradual evolution in later manuals will also be highlighted. 217 THE FIRST BULGARIAN EMPIRE Chairs: Vassil Gjuzelev, Kirił Marinow Kirił Marinow, Geopolitics of the First Bulgarian State, Seventh-Eleventh Centuries Zofia Brzozowska, The Image of Maria Lekapene, Peter and the Byzantine-Bulgarian Relations Between 927 and 969 AD in the Light of Old Russian Sources Jan Wolski, Tsar Peter, Monastic Tsardom and Byzantinisation. A Historiographical Survey Mirosław J. Leszka – Kirił Marinow, Спорные вопросы правления болгарского царя Петра I (927–969) Trendafil Krastanov, Apostolic Diocese to Moravian Archbishops in Illyric St. Methodius, Gorazdus, John Exarch and St. Clement, Bishop of Tiberioupolis (893) and Velitza (906) in Provincia Bulgaria Occidental Karina Kapsalykova, The Slavic Military Commander in Byzantium: Dragshan of Voden Plamen Pavlov, Presian ІI – The Last Ruler of the First Bulgarian Empire (1018) and Pretender for Byzantine Crown Rumen Yordanov, Magistros Presiyan the Bulgarian and His Role in the Byzantine Empire (1018‒1030) Kirił Marinow University of Łódź, Łódź, Poland; cyrillus.m@wp.pl Geopolitics of the First Bulgarian State, Seventh-Eleventh Centuries One of the topics to be investigated under the research grant NCN DEC-2014/14/N/HS3/00758 (The Bulgarian state in the years 927-969. The Epoch of Tsar Peter the Pious) concerns political geography of the early medieval Bulgarian state. In the period in question, Bulgaria encompassed the areas lying in the north-eastern part of the Balkan Peninsula. Among these areas, exhibiting diversified topographical features, one can specify: a) Dobruja forming the final part of the steppes that extended from central Asia, along the northern coasts of the Black Sea, to the Balkan Peninsula. It lied at the end of the migration corridor used in the early Middle Ages by different nomadic tribes heading for the Balkan area. It is from this direction that the state founded in the lower part of the river Danube was in danger of being invaded. b) The Danubian Plain, whose southern part, the one lying between the lower Danube valley and the mountain range known as Stara Planina, formed – with the exclusion of the epoch of the Kometopouli dynasty – the nucleus of the Bulgarian statehood in the early Middle Ages. It was the so-called “inner area” of the Bulgarian state. Most densely populated, the area was home to the country’s political centres, including its capitals – Pliska and Great Preslav. c) The Foothills of the Stara Planina, the mountains of the Stara Planina and the mountain range of Sredna Gora, all of which were referred to in the Middle Ages as Haimos. The Stara Planina served as a natural barrier that blocked access to the Bulgarian interior. Similarly, the range of Sredna Gora constituted a barrier separating the areas of northern Thrace from the Sofia Valley. It formed an obstacle to be overcome by those who travelled from the north-west to the south-east. d) The Sofia Field. It was a long basin with Sredetz as its most important political centre. Two important routes intersected within the area – one, used for military purposes, ran from the north-west to the south-east; the other led from the north-east to the south-west, that is, from the Danube Plain, through the western part of the Stara Planina, to Macedonia. e) The Upper Thrace forming the hinterland of the western coast of the Black Sea. Filipopol was its most important urban centre, but the cities of Verroia and Stilvnos also managed to rise to a significant position. The rivalry between Bulgaria and Byzantium naturally took place in the Northern Thrace. f) A strip of the western coast of the Black Sea, from the Danube delta to the eastern ridges of the Strandja mountains. In its northern part, between a great river and Cape Emine, it was made up of a line of cliffs, thus making the interior difficult to access from the sea. The southern coast was more open towards the sea, having a number of important harbors along its length – Messembria, Anchialos, Sozopolis and Develtos. These harbours had a very important role to play in the relations between Bulgaria and Byzantium. 219 g) Rhodope Mountains occupying most of the southern area of the north-eastern part of the Balkan Peninsula. The mountains were bounded to the west by the Alpine massif of Rila and Pirin, constituting the so-called Rilo-Rhodope massive. h) Macedonia, a picturesque land of valleys and mountains. Its partition resulted in the development of settlement separatism. From the mid-ninth century Macedonia formed an integral part of the Bulgarian state and from the end of the tenth to the second decade of the eleventh centuries it was the nucleus of the Bulgarian statehood, with Prespa and Ohrid as its main centres. Its geographical formation helped the Bulgarians resist the Byzantine aggression over a long period. i) The lower Danube, stretching between the so-called Iron Gate in the west and the river’s delta in the east, cutting the Danube Plain in half and forming the northern, natural border of the nucleus of the Bulgarian state. The Danube was not an important demarcation line. In cultural terms, both of its banks developed in a similar fashion. j) Transylvania, stretching over the upland area, in the central part of contemporary Romania. Following the fall of the Avar Khaganate the Bulgarians ruled the land until the arrival of the Hungarian tribes. The issue of how long the region remained in their hands is still open to debate. It formed the northern border of the Bulgarian state, and due to its rich deposits of salt and silver it played, it appears, an important role in the economic life of the country. Zofia Brzozowska University of Łódź, Łódź, Poland; caryca_zofia@wp.pl The Image of Maria Lekapene, Peter and the Byzantine-Bulgarian Relations between 927 and 969 AD in the Light of Old Russian Sources Maria Lekapene was the granddaughter of the Byzantine Emperor Romanos I Lekapenos. In 927 she married Peter of Bulgaria, a son of Simeon I the Great. Her marriage solemnly concluded in Constantinople was aimed at strengthening the newly signed Byzantine Bulgarian peace treaty. The notes on the reign of Peter and Maria Lekapene in the sources of Bulgarian provenance are extremely scarce. The researcher is therefore required to derive information on them mainly from the records of Byzantine authors: Symeon the Logothete, Georgius Monachus Continuatus (GMC), Leo Grammaticus, Theophanes Continuatus, John Skylitzes, John Zonaras and Constantine VII. Their accounts include quite a detailed description of the wedding ceremony of Maria and Peter as well as of the conclusion of peace in 927 AD. The authors mentioned the recognition of Lekapene as the ruler of the Bulgarians and also included some passages on the activities of the couple during later years (e.g. passages on Peter’s action preventing an attempt to capture the Bulgarian throne by his younger brother John in 928 AD or on several trips of Maria to Constantinople). In Rus’ the information on the history of the Eastern Roman Empire and its relations with neighbouring Bulgaria was derived primarily from the Byzantine chronicles that were translated 220 into Old Church Slavonic. Among the above-mentioned works, both editions of the GMC were certainly translated into the language of the literature of Orthodox Slavs. GMC is an anonymous historiographical work of the 10th century that presents the description of events from 842 AD, i.e. from the moment where the proper narration of George Hamartolos ends. The message of this source is entirely convergent with the message of the chronicle of Symeon the Logothete when it comes to the passages pertaining to Peter and Mary. In Rus’ the translation of the later, more extensive version of this source (the so-called B-edition), which was done most probably in Bulgaria, was known already in the 11th century. The translation was characterised by its considerable faithfulness to the original Greek text. The Slavonic translation of the B-edition of the GMC probably formed the basis for the records pertaining to Peter and his wife Maria that can be found in the original Old Russian historiographical texts. A short note on the son of Simeon I the Great that was clearly inspired by this source can be found on the pages of the Russian Primary Chronicle under a wrong year 6450 AM: Simeon attacked the Croats and was beaten by them. He then died, leaving Peter, his son, as Prince of the Bulgarians. This record was repeated under 6450 AM or 6449 AM in a number of later Russian chronicles, including, among others, the Novgorod Fourth Chronicle, Sofia First Chronicle and Moscow chronicles. Definitely, the most comprehensive sequence regarding the reign of Peter and Mary, and the Byzantine-Bulgarian relations between 927 and 969 AD can be found in the second edition of the Hellenic and Roman Chronicle – a historiographical work from the first half of the 15th century, whose authors attempted to demonstrate the history of Rus’ in relation to general history. The passages pertaining to Mary and Peter constitute the reedited version of the Slavic translation of the relevant passages from the B-edition of the GMC. Three short records about Lekapene and her husband can also be found in the related works: the Russian Chronograph from 1512 and the Nikon Chronicle from the 16th century. The authors of these sources derived information on Bulgarian rulers not only from the GMC – the dependencies on the chronicles of John Zonaras and Constantine Manasses (known in their Slavic translation) as well as the elements taken from hagiography (e.g. a note on St. Ivan Rilski) can be found here too. Jan Wolski Uniwersytet Łódzki, Centrum Badań nad Historią i Kulturą Basenu Morza Śródziemnego i Europy Południowo, Łodź, Poland; jan.wolski@gmail.com Tsar Peter, Monastic Tsardom and Byzantinisation. A Historiographical Survey Writing about Tsar Peter and Bulgaria under his reign is difficult challenge for a historian. The source of difficulties is typical for medieval studies – low quantity and quality of information. It seems that in the situation of the lack of reliable primary sources we should carefully formulate opinions. However, problems and questions connected with Peter and his reign are not always regarded with appropriate cautiousness and moderation by modern historians. The unusual duration of Peter’s reign, when the state came away from the peak of power to Sviatoslav’s invasion, raise of 221 bogomilism, development of anchoritism and many surprising references to Peter in the texts from the following centuries deservedly caught the attention of many historians. However in the process of accumulation of knowledge on tsar Peter and his times some dubious hypotheses turned into commonly known facts (or just too often are presented as such). In this paper I show the source basis of some statements concerning byzantinisation of Bulgarian Tsardom and development of so called monastic Tsardom during Peter’s reign and to trace how this ideas where received and transformed in historiography – especially Bulgarian one. Mirosław J. Leszka University of Łódź, Łódź, Poland; mirleszka@poczta.onet.pl Kirił Marinow University of Łódź, Łódź, Poland; cyrillus.m@wp.pl Спорные вопросы правления болгарского царя Петра I (927 – 969) До сегодняшнего времени в научной литературе преобладала отрицательная оценка правления болгарского царя Петра I (927¬–969). Его представляли, как слабого правителя, лишенного значительных политических амбиций, сосредоточенного на религиозных вопросах, благочестивого, но пренебрегавшего жизненными интересами Болгарии. С правлением Петра связывается «византинизация» двора и государства, представление о беспомощности власти в решении проблемы венгерских набегов и распространение ереси богомилов. Петр считается виновником завоевания Болгарии в 971 году. Он представляется как полная противоположность Симеона I Великого (893–927), своего знаменитого отца – выдающегося полководца, политика, визионера, создателя могущественного средневекового болгарского государства (такую оценку этого правителя распространили столь авторитетные исследователи как Васил Н. Златарски или Петр Мутафчиев). Некоторые ученые, впрочем, высказывались против однозначно отрицательной оценки правления Петра. Они пытались или полностью его реабилитировать (Джон В.А. Файн млад., Пламен Павлов) или указывали на аспекты, заслуживающие другой, положительной оценки (Васил Гюзелев, Георгий Н. Николов). Их усилия, однако, так и не изменили неблагоприятного образа правления Петра в современной историографии. В течение нескольких лет мы занимаемся изучением истории раннехристианской Болгарии – в настоящее время в сотрудничестве с болгарскими учеными нами реализуется исследовательский проект: Болгарское государство в 927–969 гг. Эпоха царя Петра I Благоверного – Национальный Центр Науки, Польша, 2014/14/M/HS3/00758 – и полностью разделяем представление о потребности изменения образа правления Петра. Новый анализ источников диктует необходимость переоценки доминирующих представлений о нем, представлений, которые определяют функционирование этой личности в историческом сознании современников. 222 В сфере церковной политики царь Петр был деятельным правителем, кроме того, он был глубоко верующим человеком. К его заслугам можно отнести получение болгарским архиепископом сана патриарха, что произошло, вероятнее, в рамках мирного договора 927 г. (933/934 г. ?). Это событие символически завершило процесс формирования Церкви в Болгарии и обретения ею полной независимости. Царь не был инструментом в руках болгарской Церкви. Есть сведения, позволяющие утверждать, что он был в состоянии, в случае необходимости, подчинить интересы Церкви интересам государства. Петр был первым болгарским правителем, который в полной мере столкнулся с проблемой ереси. Осознавая, что он – царь, обязанный заботиться о чистоте веры своих подданных, Петр проявил бдительность и принял необходимые меры для того, чтобы остановить развитие богомильства. Определенно, нельзя говорить о подчинении Петра Византии. Это не означает, что царь был противником византийского влияния в сфере культуры или религии (лучшим примером этого является его переписка с патриархом Феофилактом). Кроме того, не исключено, что он использовал византийские образцы в области организации государства. Трудно также найти подтверждения представлениям о том, что болгары не справлялись с венгерским вопросом. Политика Петра принесла Болгарии более сорока мирных лет. В это время не велись войны. Внутренняя ситуация в стране была стабильной. После разгрома оппозиции со стороны братьев, власть царя не подвергалась опасности, что свидетельствует о его неоспоримом авторитете. Эпоху Петра нельзя представлять как период ослабления болгарской государственности, по крайней мере этого не позволяют сделать источники. Петр, несомненно, был самостоятельным правителем. Болгария не потеряла независимость при жизни Петра, это случилось через два года после его смерти. Когда он умирал, угроза со стороны Русов была предотвращена. По крайней мере, временно. Можно полагать, что обладая всей своей силой царь смог бы, как многоопытный правитель, успешно противодействовать второму набегу Святослава. О том, что современники и последующие поколения не возлагали на Петра ответственность за упадок Болгарии, свидетельствует хотя бы тот факт, что на него ссылались борцы за независимость. Его именем прозвались: Делян, предводитель восстания 1040 г., Константин Бодин, провозглашенный болгарским царем во время ополчения Георгия Войтеха в 1072 г. и Теодор-Асень, основоположник восстания, которое привело к возрождению болгарской государственности в восьмидесятых годах XII в. 223 Trendafil Krastanov Sofia, Bulgaria; trendafilk@abv.bg Apostolic Diocese to Moravian Archbishops in Illyric St. Methodius, Gorazdus, John Exarch and St. Clement, Bishop of Tiberioupolis (893) and Velitza (906) in Provincia Bulgaria Occidental New sources give possibilities to make a hypothesis, that St. Methodius was a Bishop of Pannonia on the diocese of Andronicus, an apostle of the 70th and after 873 as Archbishop of the town Morava in Ilyricum. Because in this time this part of Illyricum was in Bulgarian state, as a Methodius is in The Du Cange Catalogue Archbishops of Bulgaria. A canonic Nota sobre el arzobispada de Bulgaria de Escorial (Tovar 1962, Prinzing 1978) demonstrated continuation of the Justiniana Prima as Bulgarian Church similar to Church of Cartagena with a primas or прэболии In slavonian or Bulgarian or Slavic language for ὁ πρῶτος, i. e. the first. Therefore, “The first Bishop of Bulgarian Language” is first in chronological order (869) when Bulgaria is in the diocese of Roman Church (866-870) and as the first primas archbishop of the Provincia Illyricum or Provincia Bulgaria occidental St. Methodius after 873-885, followed by St. Gorazdus (885-) and by John the Exarch five years after Methodius Interim in Moravia annis quinque, interpontificio durante, tandem Johannes Moravus in locum Methodii cooptatus est… (Бърлиева 1992). John archbishop of Bulgaria in the end of 9th century (Йорданов 2013) consecrated Clement as bishop of Tiberiupolis (893) and after them as bishop of Velegrad or Velitza (906) (Cod.Vat. gr. 2492, f.85v Кръстанов 1999). There are and now memory about same Bishopric Velitza in Papal yearbook Vescovati titolari Bela (Velitza), Provincia Bulgaria occidental in Annuario pontificio per l’dmmo 1972, p.608. I suppose that John Exarch “worked in Rome” as diplomat, translator of a Tolkovno evangelie or the 40 Homilies for the Gospel to pope Gregori the Great from Latin language in his native Bulgarian language, “fidelis” intrusive to pope John the eighth, Exarch, archbishop of Bulgaria and the first patriarch of Bulgaria in the time of Symeon (917-927) is made a legend about apostolic continuation of the Bulgarian patriarchate similar as the patriarchate of Constantinople, increased from apostles of the 70-th and introduced from imperators Constantine the Great and Justinian the First. 224 Karina Kapsalykova Ural Federal University after named B. N. Yeltsin, Ekaterinburg, Russian Federation; carinne.kapsalikova@gmail.com The Slavic Military Commander in Byzantium: Dragshan of Voden Byzantium annexed the planed Bulgaria at the end of the X century. The revolt against Byzantine administration was headed by Samuel – an ambitious military leader, who was brought up on the stories of his father, Nicholas Comita. He told his son about victorious campaigns of Bulgarian Tsar Simeon and the power of his state. Samuel managed to win over not only the representatives of noble families. He also put forward talented but common military commanders. This practice inherited the fate of young state in the hands of the elite, which, primary, has been linked by kinship and obligations, and secondary, was torn by internal conflicts. A certain number of military leaders deserted to the enemy, i.e. Byzantine emperor Basil II. He conferred honorable title (has not given real power) to any commander, in exchange for the voluntary surrender of the city. But he gave nobody real power. However, Dragshan of Voden defended his castle up to the end. According to legend after capture of Voden, Basil ordered a brave commander for the count. The lack of well-trained military personnel and information of chronicler John Skylitzes suggested quite different version of events. Dragshan settled in Thessaloniki, married the daughter of senior priest of St. Demetrius church. He became the father of two sons. After the terrible Battle of Kleidion (1014) Bulgarians refused of the idea restore the independent Bulgaria of Tsar Simeon the Great. Former Samuel military commanders faced a choice in 1018: to go to Preslav, to Basil II, and sign the capitulation or to raise the anti-Byzantine rebellion in the Tmor (Macedonia). During 1014-1018 the Byzantines rendered resistance to Habra’s, Elemag’s and Ivatz’s forces. Dragshan tried to escape but unsuccessfully. After the third escape (approximately 1018) when Bulgarian forces were defeated, Dragshan was put on a stake. The greatest Serbian and Bulgarian commanders, that is Bogdan, Dragomuzh, Ilitza, Krakra of Pernik and his brother, son, thirty-five leaders, signed capitulation in Preslav in 1018. All of them received high Byzantine titles patrikioi and anthypatoi. Moreover, Dragshan’s supports, Ivatz, Havra and Elemag were also in Mount Athos in 1019-1020. It is known at that time three boyars turned out to be in Mount Athos. One of them, John (Ivatz is probably the name used military environment) bought a small monastery near the Zograf Monastery. The tragic fate of Dragshan of Voden is poorly described in historical chronicles. Even these data show that the transition of Slavic commander to the Byzantine service as difficult for him. The generation of Dragshan had to give up the dream of Bulgaria’s independence and seek integration into the world of the Byzantine elite. Work is executed at financial support of the “Russian Foundation for Humanities”, the project No. 16-31-00027 “The byzantine army in VIII-XI centuries: organizational structure, command of the armed forces, everyday life”. 225 Plamen Pavlov University of Veliko Tarnovo “Ss. Cyril and Methodius”, Veliko Tarnovo, Bulgaria; pl.pavlov@abv.bg Presian ІI – The Last Ruler of the First Bulgarian Empire (1018) and Pretender for Byzantine Crown Presian, the great son of Tsar Ivan Vladislav (1015-1018) in fact is the last ruler of First Bulgarian Empire. In the spring and the summer of 1018 he is the leader of the resistance to Byzantine conquest in Albanian mountain Tomor. Eventually Presian II and his brothers were forced to surrender, and were integrated into the court nobility in Constantinople. There Presian was granted the high court title of magistros, like the previous ruler of Bulgaria to be deposed by the Byzantines, Boris II (969-971). About a decade later, in the late 1026 and 1030, Presian became involved in the conspiracy against Emperors Constantin VIII and Romanos III Argyros. Presian was once again implicated in a plot, together with his mother Marija. This time Presian was planning to marry princesse Theodora, a daughter of Constantine VIII, and to usurp the throne. This is an attempt of the bulgarians to defeat the Byzantium from “inside”. The plot was discovered, and Presian was blinded and tonsured as monk in 1030. His subsequent fate is unknown, but the gravestone of a certain “Prince Presian” found in Michalovce / Mihald, Slovakia (then part of Huhgary) may indicate that he immigrated to Hungary and died there in 1060/1061. In Presian’s actions appear the Bulgarian political ideology from the X-XI century. Rumen Yordanov Sofia University “St. Kliment Ohridski”, Sofia, Bulgaria; rumen.yordanov4@gmail.com; r.yordanov@outlook.com Magistros Presiyan the Bulgarian and His Role in the Byzantine Empire (1018‒1030) The purpose of this short message is to present the Bulgarian uprisings and resistance movements against Byzantine rule in the 11th century. After the death of Emperor Basil ΙΙ (976 – 1025) Byzantium was rocked by a series of shocks. Spoke coups, attempted secession of parts of the empire. The boundaries of the empire are exposed to constant attacks. Two biggest Bulgarian uprisings in (1040-1041) and (1071-1072) profoundly shaken European possessions. The actions of Bulgarians are widely reflected in Byzantine sources. 226 ECONOMY IN THE BYZANTINE WORLD Chairs: Triantafyllitsa Maniati-Kokkini, Raúl Estangüi Gómez Refik Arikan – Nurfeddin Kahraman, Road System around Bithynia during Byzantine Period Chrystalla Loizou, Recapturing the Dynamic Rural Landscape of Medieval Cyprus: 12th – 15th C. Jon Seligman, Were there Villages in Jerusalem’s Hinterland during the Byzantine Period? Georgios Charizanis, Landed Property (Metochia) of the Monasteries of Athos in Byzantine Thrace Pavel Kuzenkov – Nikolaj Bystrickij, Текущие подходы к накоплению и анализу цифровых данных византийской истории Max Ritter, An Overlooked Clerical Post: The Prosmonarios and His Relation to the Changing Economy of Byzantine Pilgrimage (5th-11th Cent.) Katerina Ragkou, Modelling Networks of Interaction and Exchange in the Late Byzantine Peloponnese, Greece (12th-14th Centuries) Grigori Simeonov, Animal Husbandry and Pastoral Life in Northern Macedonia from the 11th to the 13th Century Refik Arikan Bilecik Şeyh Edebali University, Art and Science Faculty, History Department, Bilecik, Turkey; refikarikan@gmail.com Nurfeddin Kahraman Bilecik Şeyh Edebali University, Art and Science Faculty, Geography Department, Bilecik, Turkey; refikarikan@gmail.com Road System around Bithynia during Byzantine Period It is not only road systems which serve dominance claims, but also occupy a vital place as a power instrument. Road systems were used through transportation of army at war it was also an indispensable instrument for trade networks as well as taking the existence of state back of the beyond. In this context, Byzantine Empire, while generating one of the most important elements for humankind, was able to take its influence, through these road nets constituted by bridges and milestone to the lands dominated. Courier service has great importance for the rendering of power. In Byzantine period, the main road, from Belgrade via Edirne (Adrianople) to Istanbul strait, had been extending to Izmit (Nikomedia) passed to Anatolia side. Thus, Izmit until the establishment of Istanbul (Constantinapole), was the center of Roman Empire in Asia Minor and it had rendered a service as a first distribution point of Anatolian road system. From there routes leading to Black Sea (Phontus) coasts were covering a distance to the territorial enclaves of Anatolia. Hence, the main road, extending from İzmit to Anatolia, was leading to Iznik (Nikaea) and from there via Osmaneli (Lefke) was bifurcating through Ankara (Ancyra) and Eskişehir (Dorylaion). Milestones, bridges and roads fitted with stones, still existent, have the evidences for this road nets. Sakarya River (Sangarios) was one of the obstacles in the proceeding of the road net reaching to Lefke surroundings. It was extremely hard to cross this ferocious river described as a hell by traveler Ibn Battuta. Romans had built enormous bridges to cross this obstacle dominating the main road. Even though none of these bridges reached today, their remnants have certain clues. The bridge, to which we refer, is located close to Selçik Village encountered at 3 kilometers far from and northwest of Osmaneli province. This bridge, following the milestones is one of the most important points of main road extending to Anatolia. In this context we have determined another bridge remnant in the same place through our field research. This ultimate bridge constructed by six arches three of which is under the water was devastated by this river. In this study, this bridge has no records in literature, it will be dealt with the road net surrounding it and the remnants of this road net penetrating into Anatolia will also be examined. 228 Chrystalla Loizou University of Cyprus, Nicosia, Cyprus; loizou.chrystalla@gmail.com Recapturing the Dynamic Rural Landscape of Medieval Cyprus: 12th – 15th C. Cyprus constituted the ground of many diverse civilizations since antiquity thanks to its advantageous and strategic location as a nodal point for trade in the Eastern Mediterranean. The aim of this study is to identify and analyze the evolution of settlement systems in the rural landscape of Cyprus from the Middle Byzantine period to the end of Frankish domination (c. 12th -15th A.D). In the late 11th and 12th centuries, the island was a province of the Byzantine Empire falling within Constantinople’s sphere of influence and experiencing a period of prosperity. Within this framework, large inland estates, churches and monasteries were established. In 1191 Richard the Lion Heart’s conquest of Cyprus marked the beginning of the long period Latin domination on the island. The interaction between Latins and Cypriots on Cyprus occurred within the context of an administrative transformation which included the establishment of a western feudal system. In order to read the settlement systems of this period, I will attempt to capture the diversity of the medieval rural landscapes of the island and to consider the extent to which settlement patterns were influenced by political, cultural, and religious changes. The areas of the Troodos Mountain Range and the Vasilikos Valley will be used as case-studies. These geographical regions were chosen because of various landscape parameters and availability of archaeological data. The Troodos Mountain Range, located roughly in the centre of the island, is a unique physical landscape with a wide range of geological formations. It is characterized by steep sided valleys and broad undulating open plains, enriched by the alluvial deposits of seasonal rivers and rivulets running to the coast. On the contrary, the Vasilikos Valley comprises one of a series of river valleys that drain the eastern end of the Troodos Mountain Range down to the southern coast of the island. The river weaves through eroded foothills and passes by the modern dam, from where is embraced by steep walls enclosing a sheltered flood plain and low flanking terraces until the coast. Intensive surface surveys have been conducted in these two contrasting landscapes with different methodologies, interdisciplinary approaches and techniques. Therefore, the main aim of this paper is to compare and analyze the survey results in order to highlight similarities and differences between the landscapes. In particular, it will address: i) what archaeological sites formed settlement sites and what are their characteristics, ii) what was the density of sites in the countryside, iii) in what ways the geographical locations of the sites affected the habitation, and iv) how the social, political and economic transformations were reflected in the settlement systems. 229 Jon Seligman Israel Antiquities Authority, Jerusalem, Israel; jon@israntique.org.il Were there Villages in Jerusalem’s Hinterland during the Byzantine Period? The centrality of the village to the Byzantine economy and settlement pattern has been stressed by number of scholars. A number of regional studies of rural settlement have detailed villages in Byzantine Palestine and Syria, while others have given considerable attention to its very definition. Literary sources emphasis the place of the village, with 85% of settlements listed in the Onomasticon termed as villages, and 37 villages identified as located within the hinterland of Jerusalem. However, only seven sites have remains that can be unambiguously accepted as a village. The remainder have limited or no remains that can be classified as a village. It is judged that the origin of this settlement pattern should be sort in the historical development of land ownership which developed in the hinterland of Jerusalem following the Jewish revolts that had left the land both devoid of settlement and expropriated to imperial ownership. Possibilities for the usual processes of land redistribution over the coming centuries were limited, probably because of lack of available people to rejuvenate the villages. Certainly farms were built and operated by tenants. But this settlement form was not a catalyst for the rebuilding of villages which require time, socialisation, stability, state non-interference and organic growth to develop and endure. In their place the Byzantine landscape was covered with farms and monasteries on lands probably rented or gifted by the state. Still, a number of villages did formulate. Typically in this period the villages occupied the topographical periphery and agricultural margins of the area, along the edge of the cultivated region and the Judaean desert. Only here could free small-holders find lands outside the hands of the crown that permitted villages to develop without the intervention of the state administrators. In my view the success of these villages was in part as service centres to the many monasteries found just a few kilometres distant, as many of the largest villages were located adjacent to the main centres of monasticism. Not only were these the only villages in the Jerusalem area, they are also the only villages specifically referenced in the ‘Lives’ of Cyril of Scythopolis. Still, the area west of the line of desert margin villages was not void of settlement. Here crown lands were granted to private individuals and to ecclesiastical institutions. The areas between Jerusalem and the Shephelah becoming the domain of monasteries, farms and possibly a small number of hamlets. 230 Georgios Charizanis Democritus University of Thrace, Department of History and Ethnology, Komotini, Greece; gchariza@he.duth.gr Landed Property (Metochia) of the Monasteries of Athos in Byzantine Thrace In Thrace, during the Byzantine period, land and other property was held by Thracian and Constantinopolitan monasteries and by major monasteries of Athos, such as the Great Lavra, the Vatopedi and the Pantocrator monastery. The paper deals with the landed property (metochia), which included farmland, pasturage, fisheries, watermills and workshops of the above mentioned monasteries of Athos. These properties were acquired over the centuries by the monasteries of Athos. The paper also deals with the important economic and spiritual presence of the monasteries of Athos in Thrace. Pavel Kuzenkov Lomonosov Moscow State University, Moscow, Russian Federation; pk407@mail.ru Nikolaj Bystrickij Lomonosov Moscow State University, Moscow, Russian Federation; nb@rusistin.ru Текущие подходы к накоплению и анализу цифровых данных византийской истории Современные перспективные возможности по хранению и наглядному представлению исторической информации, связанные с развитием ИКТ, открывают возможность накопления в цифровом виде больших массивов формализованных исторических данных и разработки методов их анализа. Исторической наукой изучаются события и явления, которые определяют состояния и изменение участников (объектов) исторического процесса. Исследуемые объекты могут осуществлять действия или сами подвергаться внешним действиям или процессам. Онтологически основные виды действий или процессов можно разделить на 6 основных категорий согласно их форме (вещественной или информационной) и содержанию (перемещение, обработка, хранение). Сообщения, содержащиеся в исторических источниках, в большинстве случаев, сообщают о результатах действий или процессов. Таким образом, исторические события (факты) выступают как отражения результатов целенаправленных действий или нецеленаправленных процессов. Действие, по своей природе, обладает определенной пространственно-временной длительностью и может быть представлено в виде вектора, начинающегося событием начала действия (initio) и заканчивающегося конечным событием завершения действия (finis). Последнее является определяющим событием, так как именно оно характеризует анализируемое 231 состояние объекта по завершении действия, т.е. фиксирует результат действия. События характеризуются однозначными временными и пространственными параметрами. Действия и процессы могут находиться друг с другом в различных, в том числе темпоральных (временных) и на их основе – каузальных (причинно-следственных) отношениях. Темпоральные отношения между временными интервалами хорошо описываются с помощью аппарата интервальной временной логики, разработанной Джеймсом Фредериком Алленом. Одной из основных задач исторического исследования является выявление каузальных цепочек событий. И здесь, важным элементом анализа исторических данных является создание методологии установления и описания каузальных связей между действиями (событиями) объектов исторического процесса. Результаты действия-причины, представленные конечным событием, являются исходными факторами для действияследствия. Кроме того на следствие могут влиять другие факторы, в том числе сопутствующие обстоятельства, которые тоже могут быть результатами каких-то процессов и действий. Степень влияния каждого фактора различна и фиксируется его интенсивностью. Если для следствия-процесса факторы оказывают непосредственное влияние, то для следствиядействия факторы влияют на целеполагание действующего объекта. Оценивая совокупность известных ему факторов, субъект формулирует цель действия и выбирает оптимальную форму действия по ее достижению. При этом неправильная оценка факторов или неполные данные о них могут приводить к ошибкам целеполагания. В действительности, каждое действие имеет и противоположную составляющую – противодействие. Можно рассматривать их совместно или дифференцированно. В действие, как и в противодействие вовлечены два участника – активный объект и пассивный объект, меняющиеся местами. Таким образом, при совместном рассмотрении, каждый объект имеет свой собственный набор факторов, являющихся причиной, а также свое собственное действие (противодействие), являющееся следствием. В докладе представлен опыт накопления и анализа исторических данных по византийской истории 860–910 годов в Научно-исследовательской информационно-справочной системе «ИСТРОН». Max Ritter University of Mainz, Mainz, Germany; apries@gmx.net An Overlooked Clerical Post: The Prosmonarios and His Relation to the Changing Economy of Byzantine Pilgrimage (5th-11th Cent.) When reading Byzantine miracle reports one frequently encounters mentions of an ecclesiastical office called prosmonarios and paramonarios. From this point of departure it seems worthwhile to assemble all the evidence on this clerical post from inscriptions, ecclesiastical historiography, as well as imperial and canon law in order to identify its functions and diffusion in the Byzantine church. 232 Since Darrouzès’s “Recherches sur les Ὀφφίκια” it is common knowledge that prosmonarioi held a rather inferior office whose main function was to guard the churches’ moveable property, especially during night. A detailed analysis may show that a reduction to this duty alone is a plain oversimplification. Moreover it is likely that this office has a strong interrelation to pilgrimage activity. This becomes evident when looking at the testimonies from both Late Antiquity and the Middle Byzantine period (covering the time span of the 5th-12th c.), in both Latin and Greek. First of all, an interesting pattern emerges: in the sources of Syro-Palestinian origin the term paramonarios is used; while prosmonarios preponderates in the core-regions of the empire, without any semantic difference appearing in their notion. In Latin, most often the office was rendered as mansionarius. Secondly, usually the office holder was consecrated as presbyter or deacon, although this was not deemed mandatory according to ecclesiastical law. Thirdly, they actually were part of the administrative staff of a church, as the Codex Iustinianus (I 3, 46) and Leontius’ Vita on John the Almsgiver reveal. Their duty was not only to protect the churches’ inventory like the liturgical objects made of precious metal, but also to add and arrange new votive offerings in the church. They are also mentioned in regard to distribution of food offerings to the poor and guiding the pilgrims who usually did neither know the locality nor the procedures to follow when visiting a pilgrimage sanctuary. The effective distribution of testimonies of prosmonarioi among several Constantinopolitan shrines (St John in Oxeia, St Anastasia, Theotokos in Chalkoprateia, St Diomedes, St Euphemia in Chalcedon), Anatolian pilgrimage churches (Euchaϊta, Latomion, Chonai, Myra) and pilgrimage centres in the Near East (Qal’at Sem’an, Abu Mina, Alexandria’s former Serapeion, Caesarea maritima, Gerasa) underlines a correlation between pilgrimage traffic and the occurrence of this very office. This observation may help to identify hitherto unknown churches with pilgrimage activity in the future. Katerina Ragkou Universität zu Köln, Archäologisches Institut, Cologne, Germany; kragkou@uni-koeln.de Modelling Networks of Interaction and Exchange in the Late Byzantine Peloponnese, Greece (12th-14th Centuries) From a socio-political perspective, the 12th and the 13th centuries saw the flourishing and the collapse of the Byzantine Empire, as well as the reorganization of societies in the Late Byzantine Period. The literary sources and the limited archaeological records from the Greek peninsula certify that the 11th, and in particular, the 12th century was a period of remarkable economic and demographic advancement, which affected the urban centres and he countryside of medieval Greece. A period of transformation in interaction and exchange followed the Sack of Constantinople in 1204 and the dissolution of the Byzantine Empire, as well as the subsequent establishment of various Latin States across the eastern Mediterranean. This paper focuses on the Peloponnesian peninsula and presents the current state of research on its economic developments from the 12th up to the 14th century, a period characterized by the 233 transition from Byzantine to Latin rule. In doing so, certain aspects of network theory are applied in order to investigate interaction and socio-economic differentiation in the Peloponnese during this period. This will provide a well-defined framework for modeling and interpreting the changes that the transition from Byzantine to Latin Rule brought to the settlements of the Peloponnese. In particular, emphasis is placed on the inter-relationship of socio-economic networks on local, regional and inter-regional scale throughout the period in question; this multi-scalar interaction triggered and greatly influenced the social, political and economic transformation that occurred during these two centuries. This research is based on the archaeological record and a reconsideration of literary sources within the afore-described framework. This synthesis of data and the use of network theory provide an integrated approach to the dynamics of human settlement and socio-economic structures, especially regarding complex economic interactions and changes in social relations. Grigori Simeonov Universität Wien, Institut für Byzantinistik und Neogräzistik, Vienna, Austria; grsim@gmx.at Animal Husbandry and Pastoral Life in Northern Macedonia from the 11th to the 13th Century This paper deals with the different types of animal husbandry attested in Northern Macedonia from the early 11th to the late 13th century. The first one was the transhumance that involved people, predominantly of Vlach and Cuman origin, who according to the testimony of Kekaumenos and the documents of the Athos monasteries moved together with their livestock and family between their higher pastures situated in the mountains of modern Bulgaria and the Republic of Macedonia in summer and the lower valleys near the Aegean coastline in winter. The above mentioned sources inform us above the habitation and housing of herder practicing transhumance and their families; it should be stressed that Vlach women also carried for the animals and worn male clothes that made their everyday work easier. During their daily activity in a multinational province such as Northern Macedonia different ethnic groups came into contact. This fact caused not only interaction in the field of material culture and everyday life but it lead also to prejudice towards the other because of their occupation. A good example is Kekaumenos who considered seasonally moving Vlachs dangerous, cowardly and treacherous. This shows the mentality of a local nobleman such as him but the reality was a little bit different–the occupation of the Vlachs was not a problem for their being involved in the large scale trade with dairy products during the 12th century. According to the Ptochoprodromika poems the cheese Vlach shepherds produced was exported far beyond the boundaries of Macedonia and reached the markets of Constantinople itself. The transhumance delivered the greater part of dairy products and wool necessary to local inhabitants and merchants but this was not the only form of animal husbandry practiced in Macedonia. The archives of the Athos monasteries and the documents of the monastery of Saint George near Skopje illustrate the structure of the agricultural land that belonged to a local peasant 234 community. It comprised of different types of pasture land near the village and offered the necessary fodder for the animals. The sources show that almost every peasant household had different species of domestic animals farmed for food, leather, wool or used as draft animals. The writings of the Ohrid archbishop Demetrios Chomatenos concerning cases of divorce and heritage show that even people living in the towns also earned their living by caring for domestic animals. In my paper I shall present briefly two examples–the one reveals the case of a certain pottery maker in Ohrid, the other deals with the priests in the bishopric of Pelagonia. While trying to trace the daily life of herders and the role of husbandry in everyday life and medieval economics, one can also use the available archaeological material and some wall paintings from the Republic of Macedonia. The animal bones that archaeologists found in medieval burial grounds and especially in the Late Medieval town of Prilep can help us to determine not only the different animal species that were bred in ancient time but also to study such aspects of daily life as eating habits and food supply. The last methodological topic to be presented deals with some wall paintings from the Republic of Macedonia that are connected to medieval animal husbandry. Some of them represent Christian saints such as Blasios (Nerezi) and Mamas (Manastir/Mariovo) who were known for their help as protectors of herdsmen and life stock and in this way they were depicted with objects typical for the life of a herdsman. The last wall painting to be discussed in the paper is the depiction of the shepherds at the Nativity from the church of Saint George near Kurbinovo and the church of Saint Nicolas in Varoš/Prilep that may represent some elements from the outlook of a medieval herdsman. 235 BYZANTINE LITERATURE IN TRANSLATION ‒ PART 1 Chairs: Johannes Michael Reinhart, Viktor Savić Neža Zajc, Byzantine Literary Models and Patterns of Reception: Translation and Transformation in the Slavonic and Middle Eastern Traditions Aneta Dimitrova, Which Greek Versions of Chrysostom’s Commentaries on Acts and Epistles Were Translated for the 10th C. Old Bulgarian Chrysorrhoas Collection (Zlatostruy)? V. Rev. Tihon Rakićević, Eschatological Vision of Theodore Stoudite (Chilandar 387) in the Life of Saint Simeon of the Typikon of Studenica Monastery (IX H 8 [Š 10]) Zorica Vitić, The Mediterranean World in The Vita of St. Pancratios of Taormina Lora Taseva, Tetrasticha des Theodoros Prodromos in einer unbekannten serbischen Übersetzung des 14. Jahrhunderts Polydoros Goranis, Θεματικές και μεταφραστικές προσεγγίσεις στον κώδικα σερβικής ορθογραφίας του 16ου αιώνος με τίτλο: «Πανοπλία Δογματική» του Ευθυμίου Ζιγαβηνού Peter Toth, Visions of the Afterlife between East and West: An Unknown Latin Translation of the Greek Apocalypse of the Virgin Mary Neža Zajc Slovenian Academy of Sciences and Arts, Ljubljana, Slovenia; agnezajc@gmail.com Byzantine Literary Models and Patterns of Reception: Translation and Transformation in the Slavonic and Middle Eastern Traditions An unusual fact stands out: none of the listed manuscripts was wholly written in hand by Maxim the Greek – all Slavic manuscripts of Maxim the Greek were copied or were written from his dictation. Only preserved marginalia and author’s interventions were identified as original writing of his. Apart from his Slavic legacy, there are some Greek manuscripts with his confirmed handwriting (Michael Trivolis as copyist, correspondent, translator); there are also some of his notes in Latin. That moment of his literary work in Slavic should be examined as following: his translational method was significantly different from the previous practice of translating the texts in Slavic, known as cyrillo-methodian translations, because it showed not the word-by-word translation, but sentence-by-sentence method, where the idiomatic usage was the guiding principle of translation, following the words phrases and word combinations. One could conclude that this phase was realised by certain Russian scriber – to whom Maxim the Greek was dictating in Slavic. On the second stage of the translational process his texts reflected careful studying of each single word or expression, but with a special observation on the rhythmical order, very close to the wording in Greek (t. i. sublexical morphemic translation correspondences). Within that Maxim paid attention significantly on the stress of the word that could have the same stress as in Greek, what was dominant for the accentuation in the spoken Russian language of the 16th century. It has been noticed by now that variations, especially among words that in his prayers obtained the form of three stresses what intensified different but not accidently constant pronunciation as it appeared in some South-Western Slavic dialects (Slovene and Čakavian, as Antonina Filonov Gove discovered, The Slavic Akatistos Hymn, Munchen 1988, 153-155, 93, n. 18) had no such distinction in Russian. Additionally Maxim’s language reflected the important attempt to find a correspondence with the Greek grammatical constructions, due to his willing to achieve certain accordance with the Greek grammatical categories. The second phase of his writing Maxim concluded with his critical reading of the scriber’s text within which he was making his author’s corrections on the margins of the manuscript pages. Described translational process was familiar to him from the Florentine period that he spent in the scholar’s collaboration with Ioannos Laskaris. Such method was extremely useful in the translation of the poetical devices and in conclusion the desired effect as the phonetical echo of Maxim’s constant prayer was achieved. Not surprisingly Maxim accepted that kind of the textual treatment as well in the process of his own writings: he wrote-and-dictated his works, and in the following stage, he corrected, and clarified the meaning of each single, theologically decisive word. That significantly intensified the condensed stylistic manner and the periodically rhythmical effects of his texts, using prominently the constructions, based on anapest accentuation and assonance metrical pattern, combined with the caesura ending of the theological denotation of the thought. This could be an explanation why not a single text in Slavic that Maxim wrote had been preserved. 237 Maxim the Greek managed to create his own Slavonic language (a significant idiolect) in which he expressed his complexed Orthodox theological system, highly marked with biblical studies and liturgical path. His works reflected his personal prayers that confirmed his constant monastic practice. His willing to purify the Slavic language was the result of his wish to pray properly in the concordance with the Greek Orthodox theology. The example of his successful goal of the synthetic theologicallyliturgical prayer, realised in the terms of ‘inner living with Jesus Christ’ represents his Canon to the Holy Spirit Paracletos (Кано= мол6еб=4 = къ бжcтвеному и3 покланzемому Паракли1ту). This long prayer reflects several aspects of confessing prayer (especially providing personal speech by the Greek apostrophos as an element of prosoidia), known already from the oldest period of Slavic literacy when some prayers were directly translated not only from Greek to Slavic, but also from Latin, when in 9th century one could found single examples of personal (liturgical) prayers. The moment of the prayer that could offer the believer a pious end of mortal lifetime could be at the same time crucial also as an iniciatory moment for the beginning of the daily writing for personal spiritual purification of Maxim the Greek. In the prayer-poem “Canon to the most Holy Paracletos” Maxim the Greek used the basic principles of monastic creating the prayer ‘Akathyst’, and the liturgical chants. After the introduction and repeating the 50th Psalm there is trinitarian model of short literal formulas that were identified as practice, unique for Maxim the Greek. However, similar instructions one could find also in the personal prayers among South Slavic manuscript that were dedicated to profound worship the Holy Mother of God. In the beginning of “the Canon to the Holy Paracletos” Maxim the Greek contemplated in an authentic ‘diataksis’ form of the Vatopaidi Monastery 16th century prayer (Н. Д. Успенский, Византийская литургия: историко-литургическое исследование – анафора: опыт историко-литургического анализа, Москва: Изд. Совет русской православной церкви 2006, 212) about the interior of the Temple or Church (“та• Бг7о раdуи6сz две~р> гcнz 7 непрходимаz.”). The latter was in fact an implicit addressing the Holy Mother of God (the icon from Vatopaidi, called ‘Paramithia’ (RGB, Rog. Kladbishe, No. 302, fol. 432 v.; RGB, MDA, 173/I, no. 42, additional) from the 13th century. It was a liturgical rule to worship the icon of Vatopaidi before leaving the Church, and the Father superior (an igumen) of monastery was every time giving the keys from the doors of monastery to a doorkeeper. Maxim the Greek was telling a story about the foundation and the establishment of the Holy Monastery of Vatopaidi Icon of the Mother of God in the manuscript (Moscow, GIM, coll. Чуд. № 34, л. 236об. -240), but the copy of that icon was firstly transmitted to Russia in 17th century on the request of the Patriarch Nicon. The mentioned formula could as well corresponded to the prayer to the Holy Theotokos of Iviron, called ‘Вратарница’), about which as well Maxim the Greek wrote a legend and submitted to Russian the story of the Holy Mount Athos. The latter Ihor Ševčenko had found similarly in the poem in the Milan manuscript where represented the decorous temple of the Church of the Theotokos Pammakaristos, erstwhile of the Constantinopolitan Patriarchate (whereas the verses mention of the Patriarch Pachomios dated them between 1505 and 1514, ( I. Š. The Four Worlds and the Two Puzzles of Maxim the Greek, Paleoslavica XIX/2 (2011) 298-99). In the Greek Psalter (Sankt Petersburg, RNB, Gr. 78, Sof. 78, fol. 160 v.) Maxim the Greek subscribed the two-language Kontakion to the Announciation of the Mother of God were also observed the related correspondences. By such theological-liturgical manner in the personal practice of the inner prayer Maxim the Greek not only revealed the devout creativity of the first Slavic church poet, Constantine the 238 Philosopher (a brother of Methodius), Who created the similar accordance in Сanon, Памzть свzтааго и великааго мученика Христова Дьмитриэ (R. Jakobson, Selected Writings. VI. Early Slavic Paths and Crossroads, 1985, 306), but Maxim also created in the Slavic language an exact poetical equivalent of the oldest patterns of Christian liturgy as might be found in Greek liturgical manuscripts from the ninth century. Maxim the Greek polished the Old Church Slavic liturgical language to the certain level that it could serve him as analogous and parallel voice to the Greek language of the Gospels, focusing on the devotion the Christian God of the Holy Trinity. Aneta Dimitrova Sofia University “St. Kliment Ohridski”, Sofia, Bulgaria; netanette@gmail.com Which Greek Versions of Chrysostom’s Commentaries on Acts and Epistles Were Translated for the 10th C. Old Bulgarian Chrysorrhoas Collection (Zlatostruy)? The paper discusses the Greek sources of the Old Church Slavonic translations in the so called Chrysorrhoas collection. This collection of Chrysostomian and pseudo-Chrysostomian homilies was put together at the beginning of the 10th c. presumably in Preslav. The selection of the texts and the undertaking of the translation was conceived and inspired by the Bulgarian tsar Symeon (893– 927), as it is revealed in the ancient foreword of the book. A large part of the collection consists of the ethica of John Chrysostom’s New Testament commentaries – several dozens of the homilies were selected, translated, sometimes abridged and combined in new compilations. Although only later copies of the open manuscript tradition are extant, they still preserve much of the original quality of the Old Bulgarian archetype. Each of the texts gives an opportunity for linguistic research and allows insight into the process and principles of translation, but it also requires an investigation of the Greek original. Chrysostom’s commentaries are preserved in hundreds of unedited Greek manuscripts and it is well known that many of the texts have a “rough” and a “smooth” version besides the numerous variant readings throughout the manuscript transmission. Yet few of Chrysostom’s works have a critical edition – the researcher must either be content with Patrologia Graeca, or start a laborious examination of the manuscripts. The comparison of the Slavonic translations of Chrysostom with their Greek correspondences as attested in Patrologia Graeca reveals that in some cases there are significant discrepancies between them as opposed to the otherwise fairly accurate rendition of the original. This refers especially to the Commentaries on Acts and some of the Epistles. In a number of cases we are lucky to have access to manuscripts which differ from the edition and give answers to some of the questions in the Slavonic translation, allowing us to determine which Greek recension was used by the Old Bulgarian translators. However, many other examples suggest, that there must have been still other Greek versions, or that the translators treated the original quite creatively. 239 V. Rev. Tihon Rakićević Manastir Studenica, Serbia; manastir.studenica@gmail.com Eschatological Vision of Theodore Stoudite (Chilandar 387) in the Life of Saint Simeon of the Typikon of Studenica Monastery (IX H 8 [Š 10]) Saint Sava came to Studenica from Mont Athos in 1206/7 AD. Upon his arrival, the abbot Sava started writing the introduction for the Typikon of Studenica more precisely the Life of the benefactor Saint Simeon. The Life of Saint Simeon is academically elaborated. The researchers have found the sources which made impact on inception of the writing. The primary source is Nemanja and Sava’s Founding Letter (Muniment) of Hilandar written in 1198 AD. In the Life of Saint Simeon (the title which interchanges with Nemanja’s Biography or Benefactor’s Biography written in Studenica) there are few information taken from the Typikon of Hilandar written by Saint Sava (Chapter 2, Chapter 3). Until now the origin of Life of Saint Simeon epilogue is unclear. It comes from the description of monk Simeon’s spirituality and personality. The mentioned place concisely expresses Sava’s monastic spirituality in Studenica in the early thirteenth century, ie. his fundamental instructions addressed to Studenica monks. For this reason the claim has been that it is the independent text written by Saint Sava. These instructions are bond of the Life of Saint Simeon and the Typikon of Studenica. The Typikon actually begins with these instructions. The Life of Saint Simeon narrates Nemanja’s biography in the light of the Second coming of Christ and the Final Judgment to all people. The concluding Sava’s instructions advocate the mind of monks as in the mood of contemplating God overcome by the contemplation of paradise beauty and angelic joy. The monk’s mind should be preoccupied in what state are the soul or righteous or sinners, the Kingdom of God or the eternal torment. In this vision it is stated that Christ’s countenance will be brighter than the sun. This is what the brethren of Studenica should talk and worry about, to take care of that and to live accordingly as advocated by Saint Sava. Based on Nemanja’s biography in the light of the Final Judgment and based on these instructions, a monk is ready to attend the following instructions of the Typikon (Chapter 4 and further). Out study has shown that a part of the prologue of the Typikon of Studenica is not an original work written by Sava, but taken over from Theodore Stoudite’s sermon to a larger extent and written probably in the period of 821 and 826 AD. In the following study there are comparative overview of the Life of Saint Simeon endings (IX H 8 [Š 10]) and the oldest Serbian-slavonic and Hellenic manuscripts of the medieval Byzantine period with Stoudite’s sermon which became a model for Sava’s work. The Serbian-Slavonic manuscripts are: Hilandar 387 (the second quarter of the thirteen century), Decani 87 and HAZU IV d 4 (both by the end of thirteen of the beginning of fourteenth century). The Hellenic manuscripts are: Ambr. gr. C 02 (the end of ninth century), Paris. gr. 1018, Ottob. gr. 251 (the early tenth century), Ambr. gr. Е 101 sup. и Gr. II, 40 (both from twelfth century). These are the oldest known manuscripts regarding Stoudite’s sermon which became a model for 240 Sava’s work. The comparative overview given in a chart is followed by our comments relating to differences in particular places of the manuscripts and its theological significance. This explains ways in which Sava was instructing the brethren into the monastic and worshiping lifestyle in Studenica. These instructions determine the comprehension of the Typikon of Studenica which follows them (Chapter 4 and further). Besides, the methodology of including Stoudite’s vision into Sava’s instructions became transparent. Zorica Vitić University of Belgrade, Faculty of Philology, Belgrade, Serbia; zv2207@gmail.com The Mediterranean World in the Vita of St. Pancratios of Taormina The Vita of St. Pancratios of Taormina, written by Pseudo-Evagrios, is usually dated into the second half of the 8th century, and it seems to be an important document of Iconodulic propaganda. A new edition (based on 6 mss. 10th–14th century), provided by C. J. Stallman-Pacitti, is available only in electronic form in the Oxford Text Archive (1039, University of Oxford, 1986, VP). John the Presbyter’s Slavic translation of the Vita has been long known in mediaevalist literature, thanks to his another translation: important and influential work of St. Athanasios of Alexandria – the Life of St. Antony. Except the translator’s name, everything else about these translations is uncertain, even the time they were made (10th century or the first decades of the 11th century). Apart from the data in the preserved John the Presbyter’s epilogue, the antiquity of the Slavic translation is confirmed by characteristics of the text itself: lexis, translator’s technique, typical errors in copying from Glagolitic into Cyrillic etc. The Vita of St. Pancratios has only been preserved in three Slavic manuscripts, the older two of which are Serbian (from 13th and 14th century, ed. Z. Vitić, Belgrade, 2014, ŽP), whereas the third is a considerably more recent Russian one (17th century). This novelistic hagiography, verbose and iterative, contains many anachronisms, but it also reveals a dynamic and complex panoramic view of the Mediterranean world at the time: important cities, harbours, islands, shores, as well as their inhabitants – local rulers, pagan philosophers, newly baptized Christians, martyrs, heretics, sailors, traders etc. No matter whether the author of the Vita creates authentical, realistic scenes situated in various local places, showing his first hand knowledge of Taormina and Sicily, or whether he applies the usual topoi in his descriptions (Antioch, Pontos), the Slavic translator must have had a difficult task to find an appropriate mode of transcribing rare and specific toponyms and anthroponyms. The shore of the bay below Taormina: priplouhomq na mysto. naricaEmoE, fak‘lonq (Φάλκονι VP17), ne ou/e bya[e pristani{e na mysty tomq, nq malq izlazq. bya[e bo mysto koumirqsko, wt%q& byswvq wdrq/imo. i byswvq mno/qstvo bya[e na nEmq. ne bo, nq to bya[e gradq zeli]nQi, fal‘koniliinq. matere fal‘konE. vqnouka menJina. (ŽP215) 241 The shrine of idol Lysson in the “Tetrahipion”: vqzido[e na tetraiponq (Τετραιϊππίω̣ VP74). i raspousti[e propovydqnikQ po gradou. i snide se nesvydomo mno/qstvo l}dii. i vqskliknou[e glas(o)mq ]ko/e zylo slQ[ati. i vqzido[e vq prytorq. imou{e skroboti;qnQE vyiE. i mursinQ vq roukahq svoihq. i E[e vonifanti]. i privedq[e i prydq lus‘sonomq postavi[e. (ŽP256) Epaphroditus’ mission to the South: proide /e slouhq vq vsa wkrougn]] mysta taa. wt%q& melefora (Μελαμφόρου VP140) mystqnaago staryi[inQ. do petronikiE paladiEvQ (Πετρονίκης Παλλαδίου). razmla/denaago prImori]. ishode{aa do alqsa. platamqskago (τη̃ς ά̉λσοτης Πλατάμου) potoka. (ŽP277) Calabria in The life of Tauros (the self-contained episode within VP): akulinq /e pride vq taurovQ domQ. i ne wbryte ni;eso/e. nadya[e /e se ]ko vq Edinoi wt%q& doubravqnQhq gorq Es(tq). i proide vsa mysta kalavriiska] i{e taura m(y)s(e)cq Edinq. wt%q& primori] salinqskaago (Σαλινω̃ν VP169). do houlqskaago (Κογχύλου) potoka. i termona (τέρμονος). i do gorq turopolqskQhq (Τυροπόλεως). (ŽP378) Lora Taseva Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, Institute of Balkan Studies and Centre of Thracology, Sofia, Bulgaria; lemtaseva@gmail.com Tetrasticha des Theodoros Prodromos in einer unbekannten serbischen Übersetzung des 14. Jahrhunderts Theodoros Prodromos gilt als einer der fruchtbarsten Schriftsteller des 12. Jahrhunderts. Die byzantinische Überlieferung seiner jambischen und hexametrischen Tetrasticha auf die Haupterzählungen des Alten und des Neuen Testaments wurden in den 90-er Jahren des vorigen Jahrhunderts von Grigorios Papagiannis (1997) gründlich erforscht. Im Zusammenhang mit der Untersuchung der Rezeption der Synaxarien zum Triodion und Pentekostarion des Nikephoros Kallistos Xanthopulos bei den Südslaven bin ich in den serbischen Handschriften des 14. und 15. Jahrhunderts auf unbekannte Tetrasticha gestoßen. Sie befinden sich vor dem entsprechenden Synaxarion und sind mit ihm thematisch verbunden. So stellen sie ein Analogon zu den kalendarischen Versen von Christophoros Mythilinaios dar, die oft in dieser Position vorkommen. Auf der Grundlage von textologischen Untersuchungen konnte das byzantinische Original identifiziert werden. Es hat sich gezeigt, dass alle Tetrasticha eine Übersetzung der Verse aus dem Zyklus des Theodoros Prodromos darstellen, die Themen aus dem Evangelium zum Inhalt haben. Im Vortrag werden die möglichen Wege des Eindringens dieser Tetrasticha in die serbische Literatur diskutiert, und ihre Übersetzungstechnik wird mit den südslavischen Übersetzungen der kallendarischen Verse von Christophoros Mithylenaios aus derselben Epoche verglichen. 242 Polydoros Goranis Kavala, Greece; virgilious@hotmail.com Θεματικές και μεταφραστικές προσεγγίσεις στον κώδικα σερβικής ορθογραφίας του 16ου αιώνος με τίτλο: «Πανοπλία Δογματική» του Ευθυμίου Ζιγαβηνού Ο Ευθύμιος Ζιγαβηνός υπήρξε ένας από τους πιο σημαντικούς εκπροσώπους του 12ου αιώνος, όμως πολύ λίγα στοιχεία που θα φώτιζαν την προσωπικότητά του και τις προσωπικές του καταβολές μας έχουν διασωθεί. Το έργο του με τίτλο Πανοπλία Δογματική το έγραψε έπειτα από παράκληση του αυτοκράτορος Αλεξίου του A ΄. Δημιουργείται, όμως, εύλογα το ερώτημα για ποιους λόγους επιλέγεται να μεταφραστεί ένα έργο του 12ου αιώνος ή τμήμα του και να τιτλοφορηθεί ένας κώδικας χειρογράφων, εφόσον θεματικά πρόκειται για μια συλλογή πατερικών κειμένων που πραγματεύονταν το ζήτημα των αιρέσεων, που σαφώς και απασχολούσε τη συγχρονία της Βυζαντινής επικράτειας. Οι μεταφράσεις Ελληνικών έργων στη Σλαβονική γλώσσα αποτελούσαν μέρος μιας ευρύτερης διαδικασίας μετακίνησης του Βυζαντινού πολιτισμού και μέσα από αυτή τη φιλολογική δραστηριότητα επήλθε η συνάντηση και όσμωση μεταξύ της Βυζαντινής Αυτοκρατορίας και των Σλαβικών κοινωνιών. Εμείς θα προσπαθήσουμε να προσεγγίσουμε θεματικά και με έμφαση τους λόγους που οδήγησαν στην επιλογή της συγγραφής του συγκεκριμένου κώδικα σερβικής ορθογραφίας των μέσων του 16ου αιώνα και να εμβαθύνουμε στα ιστορικά συμφραζόμενα της εποχής. Τέλος, θα εξετάσουμε το προφίλ των αντιγραφέων του κώδικος με στόχο να κατανοήσουμε τις ιδεολογικές και πολιτικές πιθανώς προεκτάσεις της μετάφρασης τέτοιου είδους δογματικών κειμένων. Peter Toth British Library, London, United Kingdom; peter.toth@bl.uk Visions of the Afterlife between East and West: An Unknown Latin Translation of the Greek Apocalypse of the Virgin Mary The most important Christian ”guides” to the netherworld before Dante’s Divina Commedia were furnished by various types of visions attributed to biblical authorities as the Apostle Paul or saints and holy men as Macarius of Egypt, St. Patrick of Ireland or the Byzantine Basil the Younger. Of all these descriptions of hell and afterlife, it was the so-called Apocalypse or Vision of Paul that was regarded as the earliest and probably the most popular and authoritative one. This early-third-century apocryphal vision, however, despite its wide popularity in East and West, has started to be more and more suspicious in the eyes of Byzantine theologians from the ninth century onwards. In order to save its basic message, the Apostle’s supernatural travel to the netherworld has been „translated” and „upgraded” into a theologically more tolerable travelogue: the Apocalypse of the Virgin Mary. Now it is the Virgin who, just like Paul in his Apocalypse, 243 is guided by the Archangel Michael through the netherworld and is introduced to the different torments of the damned there. At the end of her visit, deeply moved by the tortures of the suffering Christian sinners, she supplicates Christ to suspend their punishment, which is granted and during the fifty-day period between the Resurrection and the Pentecost they have a short pause to feel the joy of Christ’s resurrection. This characteristically Byzantine description of the netherworld and the Virgin’s intercessory power on behalf of the souls has become one of the most popular texts of the Byzantine Middle Ages. Preserved in dozens of manuscripts in Greek, Slavonic, and Romanian, the Apocalypse of the Virgin Mary is usually considered to be completely unknown in the Western tradition. In four thirteenth-fourteenth-century manuscripts, however, I managed to find a complete, but hitherto unrecorded Latin translation of the travelogue of the Virgin’s descent to the hell. The present paper will is a detailed examination of the Latin text of the Virgin’s Apocalypse. After outlining the basic features of the manuscript-tradition I will survey and analyse the different characteristics of the language and style of the Latin text. On the basis of a detailed comparison of the Latin text to the Greek and Slavonic versions of the apocryphon I argue that the Latin translation, which is obviously a medieval version presumably from the thirteenth century, was made not from a Greek, but – in a rather unique way – from a Slavonic original. Beside a historical and philological evaluation of the Latin translation and its origin I will also make an attempt to explore the traces of the Latin version of this medieval Greek apocryphon in European literature and art. 244 BYZANCE APRÈS BYZANCE – PART 1 Chairs: Hediye Melek Delilbaşi, Aleksandar Fotić Natalia Ziablitcyna, Surroundings of Sophia Palaiologina: The Influence on the Russian Theological Thought Aleksandar Fotić, Hilandar’s Monks from Kalamaria Metochion in the Service of vigla (17th C.) Nikita Khrapunov, Through Travellers’ Eyes: The Discovery, Interpretation, and Sacralization of Byzantine Crimea, 1783-1827 Anca Mihaela Sapovici, The Parenetic Works within the Romanian Culture: Between Tradition and Innovation Andrii Domanovskyi, Byzantium after Byzantium in Ukrainian Perception Jeroen Geurts, The Pope and the Patriarchs. The Lifting of the Schism in Cuba and the Saving of the Byzantine Identity Natalia Ziablitcyna Russian Academy of Sciences, Institute of Scientific Information on Social Sciences, Moscow, Russian Federation; gornitsa@yandex.ru Surroundings of Sophia Palaiologina: The Influence on the Russian Theological Thought The marriage between Byzantine princess Sophia Palaiologina and Grand Prince of Moscow Ivan III was arranged by a famous Greek scientist, Cardinal Bishop and the Latin Patriarch of Constantinople Basilios Bessarion. He was one of the representatives of the Eastern Orthodox Church in the Council of Florence who signed the union with the Roman Catholic Church in 1439. After the fall of Constantinople Cardinal Bessarion attempted to restore the Byzantine Empire, so he negotiated with Western princes a crusade against the Ottomans. The marriage of Sophia and Ivan III could make Russia accept the union of the Council of Florence and perhaps join the crusade. Some theologists who could exert the influence arrived in Russia in the retinue of Sophia in 1472. At the turn of the 15th and the 16th centuries there existed a community of writers and translators headed by Archbishop Gennady Gonzov (so-called “Gennady circle”) in Novgorod the Great. It is known that there were links between the surroundings of Sophia Palaiologina and the participants of the “Gennady circle”. The question is how far the influence spread. A. D. Sedel’nikov wrote directly about the Roman Catholic influence in Novgorod and noted that “the religious attack” on Russia left a lot of literary monuments. E. Wimmer opposed him that the influence is noticeable neither in the religious practice nor in the theory, so the members of the “Gennady circle” appealed the Roman Catholic experts for their needs, but a competent corrector defended them from the non-Orthodox confession. M. B. Pl’ukhanova divides the activity of the direct surroundings of Sophia Palaiologina (the Greek and Italian group) and the Gennady group more strictly. In her opinion the first group exerted covert Uniate influence. She points out the translation of the “Disputatio contra Arium” by PseudoAthanasius, which contained the phrase “Filioque” in the Creed and was used at the Council of Florence, other translations and a transmission of some topics as the results of their activity. But according to her, Gennady and his group didn’t take part in it consciously. However, a linguistic observation on the Church Slavonic translation by a translator of the “Gennady circle” of the “Probatio adventus Christi” by Nicolaus de Lyra makes it possible to suppose the perception of the ideas of the Council of Florence in this community as well. 246 Aleksandar Fotić University of Belgrade, Faculty of Philosophy, Belgrade, Serbia; sasafotic@gmail.com Hilandar’s Monks from Kalamaria Metochion in the Service of Vigla (17th C.) Between numerous Byzantine institutions that Ottoman Empire adopted was the institution of vigla. It was known only from the kanunname for Rodos – Kos issued in the first half of 16th century. Village residents were obliged to watch and warn the state authorities of possible suspected vessels. Two 17th century documents from the Archive of Hilandar Monastery prove that even monks were obliged to fulfil this compulsory duty and serve as viglacis. Although it was not mentioned in the documents, we can assume that they were exempted from certain taxes. Nikita Khrapunov V. I. Vernadsky Crimean Federal University, Simferopol, Russian Federation; khrapunovn@gmail.com Through Travellers’ Eyes: The Discovery, Interpretation, and Sacralization of Byzantine Crimea, 1783-1827 Among unexpected consequences of Russian expansion in the Black Sea area in the late eighteenth century was the discovery of the archaeological sites in the Crimea by European intellectuals. They found out that this relatively small peninsula possessed extraordinary Byzantine heritage, embodied in fragmentary narratives and numerous archaeological monuments, including the Empire’s largest outpost in the northern Black Sea area, Cherson (antique Chersonese). 1783– 1827 became the years of linking written tradition and yet unstudied monuments of material culture, when Byzantine past of the Crimea was gradually comprehended in terms of science, religion, and political ideology. Particular contribution to these reflections was made by travellers, who introduced the Crimean history and archaeology to the public thought and produced several stereotypes, which survived in scholarly and public discourses to these days. Besides, it is a good example of how Byzantine heritage was studied and used for current political needs. There are a few dozen travelogues from the period discussing Byzantine monuments in the Crimea, which mistakes are more demonstrative for pursuing lines of thought than correct interpretations. Among the riddles were “cave monasteries” carved high in the cliffs and abandoned in the age of Ottoman domination. Travellers combined the Enlightenment ideas on natural history, local tradition, and their own observations to suggest that these sites appeared in the year dot, when the Crimea laid on the sea bottom, with summits of its mountains forming an archipelago above the waves. Other authors ascribed these sites to runaway Byzantine monks and connected them with Orthodox abbeys in continental Russia, where also were artificial caves. Gilbert Romme supposed that this technology was borrowed by retinue of Prince Vladimir of Rus’, who came to the Crimea in ca. 989 to be baptised there. 247 Armchair historians suggested several locations for Byzantine Cherson, in various places in the Crimea and outside. Practical travellers collected evidences that the city existed in the southwestern tip of the peninsula. Understood as a symbolic inclusion of Russia into Civilization, this baptism supplied the Crimea with especial importance for the modern Russian Empire. Crimean region got a coat-of-arm in “Byzantine style.” But for decades, the idea of sanctity of Cherson did not take roots in public thought. Yet in 1822, Robert Lyall wondered why the Russian did not venerate the place whence their faith came. On the contrary, Edward Clarke used the destruction of archaeological monuments as an argument for the “barbarian” nature of the Russians. Naïve attempts of cultural heritage interpretation gave birth to the Russian archaeology in its modern sense. Ironically, archaeological investigations also supplied the church with material monuments to be sanctified. 1827 excavations uncovered three Byzantine churches on the site of Cherson, thus raising public interest to Christian antiquities of the Crimea. In 1846, Metropolitan Makarii’s History of the Russian Church proclaimed Cherson the true centre of ancient Russian history, and in 1850, a modern monastery was established in the site of Cherson to commemorate Prince Vladimir’s baptism. This research has been financially supported by the Russian Foundation for Humanities, project no. 15-01-00104. Anca Mihaela Sapovici Romanian Academy, “Iorgu Iordan – Al. Rosetti” Institute of Linguistics, Bucharest, Romania; mihaela.sapovici@gmail.com The Parenetic Works within the Romanian Culture: Between Tradition and Innovation The Wallachian Voivode Neagoe Basarab delivered to the posterity a work of particular importance not only for the Romanian Literature, but significant for the entire cultural space of the post byzantine Balkans, in general. Dating from the first quarter of the 16th century, The Teachings of Neagoe Basarab to his Son, Theodosios belongs to the genre of mirror of princes, being an authentic reflection of the political ideology of the 16th century and a systematization of the principles of the absolutist monarchical type of governing. The Teachings of Neagoe Basarab to his Son Theodosius served as a model for at least one other work, a text that followed the model more or less accurately in content and style. This later work belongs to a Greek hierarch established in the Romanian countries, an erudite scholar and a prodigious transcriber. He produced an Advice to Prince Alexandru Ilias, ruler of Wallachia, whom he served for a few years. Entitled Ἐδῶ γράφομεν τίνας παῤῥανγγελίας ὅπου ἐνουθετήσαμεν τὸν ἐκλαμπρότατον αὐθέντην Ἰωάννην Ἀλλεξανδρον βοεβόδα, ὅταν ἧτον εἰς τὸ σκαμνί του (Here, we are delivering some advices we have taught to the over bright Lord Alexander, when he was on his throne), the text was written in the beginning of the 17th Century, being published in printed form in 1638 in Venice, and reprinted for more than twelve times until 1806, usually bound together with a chronicle in verse about the Prince Michael the Brave written by Sir Stavrinos the Vestiary. 248 Apart of these two earlier works, we know about another four such “Advices”: • The one written by Petru Movilă, then Archimandrite and Abbot of Pechersk Lavra, consisting of 15 chapters assembled as an Introduction to the Triodion printed in 1631 in Kiev, and dedicated to his brother, Moise Movilă, the fresh holder of the throne of Moldavia at that moment. • The “Advices” of Metropolitan Anthimos the Iberian (Georgian), Νουθεσιαι Χριστιανικοπολιτικαι πρὸς τὸν Εὐσεβέστατον, καὶ Ὑψηλότατον Αὐθέντην καὶ Ἡγεμόνα πάσης Οὐγκροβλαχίας, Κύριον, Κύριον Ιωάννην Στέφανον Καντακουζηνὸν Βοεβόνδα, Τοῦ Πανιερωτάτου, καὶ Θεοπροβλήτου Μητροπολίτου Κυρίου, Κύριου Ανθίμου, τοῦ ἐξ Ἰβήρων, Νεωστὶ τυπωθεῖσαι, μετὰ καὶ τινων ψυχωφελῶν Εὐχῶν ὅλης της Εὐδομάδας. Ἐν τῇ ἁγιωτάτῃ Μητροπόλει, τῇ ἐν Βουκουρεστίῳ, Ἐτει τῷ σωτηρίῳ αψιε, printed in Bucharest by the author himself. • The “Advices” of Prince Nicholas Mavrocordatos to his son, Constantine: Νουθεσίαι τοῦ ἀοιδίμου αὐθεντου Νικολάου Βοεβόδα πρὸς τὸν υἱὸν αὐτοῦ Κωνσταντῖνον Βοεβόδα Αὐθέντην, δοθεῖσαι ἐν ἐτει αψκς • The parenetic work of Michael Fotinos addressed to his son, Theodore, written in 1781. All this late examples of rhetorical genre appeared as an effort to strengthen and recognize the certain principles and values that the paraeneses promoted from the beginning: the Christian values and teaching, emphasizing the exercise of virtues and strengthening the theocratic monarchic ideology. What else do these works have in common and what differentiates them? In what measure do they follow the canon of the parenetic genre, how much do they contextualize and, indirectly, constitute a mirror of their epoch? Was the assuming of the canon a self-aware fact? How far the innovation went? Are the paraeneses produced in the Romanian culture some good samples of the aulic ceremonial, enveloping “the greatness of the imperial power, their divine power, the political and religious meaning of the deeds of the Emperor” (Otto Treitinger)? The present text tries to find an answer to these many questions, proposing a comparative analysis of the mentioned works and a probe-taking of their political ideology, while also scrutinizing the cast of mind that each of those works let reveal. Andrii Domanovskyi V. N. Karazin Kharkiv National University, Kharkiv, Ukraine; andriy.domanovsky@karazin.ua Byzantium after Byzantium in Ukrainian Perception Notwithstanding certain achievements in the study of the Byzantine influence on Ukrainian history, the Ukrainian humanities (history, philosophy, political science, etc.) have so far been unable to offer a properly Ukrainian vision of Byzantium and the Byzantine cultural and civilizational heritage. The Ukrainian perception of the Byzantine myth has been relinquished unconditionally to the talons of the Russian imperial discourse. In the view of most Ukrainian intellectuals the Byzantine component of Ukrainian history still remains an entirely negative experience, and it is often related as something external, imperial and anti-democratic, formulaic, pharisaic and anti-Ukrainian. 249 In the Ukrainian perception of Byzantium, the Russian imperial myth of Moscow as the Third Rome dominates entirely, and, having received and accepted the Russian view of Byzantium, Ukraine has only two strategies to choose from: either to acknowledge herself as part of Russia and share in the latter’s imperial vision of Byzantium, or, rejecting the Russian imperial project, to build an identity of her own, interpreting Byzantium and the Byzantine heritage as something essentially alien, negative, and external, as something that should be gotten rid of as soon as possible. Characteristic in this sense are the references to Byzantium, Byzantine heritage and its traits by the leading Ukrainian public intellectuals. Meanwhile, outside the Russian vision of Byzantium, there exists a variety of other, sufficiently productive approaches. Such is, for instance, the Western European view, within which we can clearly distinguish the peculiarities of the national schools of such “great historiographical powers” as Germany, Great Britain, and France. Or there is the American view (and the United States is also, without a doubt, a “great historiographical power,” in the sense that it explores the entire span of world history, from the primitive society in all corners of the globe and the early civilizations to the contemporary history of every country of the modern world and all the various modern social groups and aspects of life). Within the limits of the possible, the Russian Empire also strove to be a “great historiographical power,” the Soviet Union became one for a time, and the present-day Russian Federation is making the last-ditch effort to maintain this status. Concerning Byzantium, both the Russian Empire of the nineteenth and early twentieth century and the Russian Federation of the present had/have a special sentiment, experiencing it as part of their own history, which has inevitably and strongly empowered the Byzantine studies in the context of the study of Russian history. Some countries that in no way can be counted among the “great historiographical powers” – Greece, Serbia, or Bulgaria – also have proven capable of developing their own visions of Byzantium and its heritage within their national historiographies (we will not now dwell on the question of why, in what context, and for what reasons the study of Byzantium developed in such remote and separated from the Byzantine heritage countries). It would appear that visions of Byzantine history akin to the Serbian or Bulgarian should have emerged in the Ukrainian intellectual space, but Ukraine’s continuing in the gravitational intellectual pull of the Russian state, eventually made the differentiation and formulation of an independent Ukrainian vision of the history of Byzantium and the significance of its heritage impossible. Jeroen Geurts Rijksuniversiteit Groningen, Groningen, Netherlands; j.geurts@rug.nl The Pope and the Patriarchs. The Lifting of the Schism in Cuba and the Saving of the Byzantine Identity Byzantine cultural identity is reflected in the convergence of religious life in the Americas. Syrian and Lebanese refugees of the last quarter of the 19th and first quarter of the 20th centuries brought their rituals and religious objects such as the Byzantine image of the Hodegetria to their new homes in the West. Until the war in Syria in 2011 the ties between these immigrants and their Christian-Orthodox home lands in the East were strong. 250 When the Great Schism occurred between Eastern and Western churches in 1054, knowledge of the mutual religious identities declined. The Fourth Crusade worsened relationships further. Negotiations at the Council of Florence and talks of a union of the Churches shortly before the fall of Constantinople both caused dissense among Byzantines. The first Patriarch under Ottoman rule, Gennadius II and others saw the West as a threat to the Byzantine existence. Immigrants from the East could thrive in the New World. The Chedraui and Slim families for example. They are successful entrepreneurs, politicians or religious leaders in Mexican society. Antonio Chedraui and Atenagoras as leaders of the Mexican and Central American Eastern Churches received the Ecumenical Patriarch Bartholomew I in Mexico in 2006. Together with the Catholic Archbisshop Norberto Rivera they sang the Akathistos hymn to the Theotokos (connecting her to the Virgen of Guadalupe) and exchanged gifts. This harmoneous act did help to show that the position of one time immigrants in Mexico seemed to be one of cultural integration, but it was still no official statement of lifting the Schism. Subsequent events were of small impact. In 2002 John Paul II had met the Ecumenical Patriarch on the occasion of a Common Declaration on ecological awareness. Benedict XVI and Bartholomew I met in Istanbul in 2006, where the Pope returned relics that had been in Rome since the Fourth Crusade, and both men used words of brotherly love. Forgotten seemed that Paul VI and Athneagoras already formulated a joint declaration in 1965, and that the mutual excommunications of the Eastern and Western religious leaders had been removed. The meeting between the first Pope from the Americas, Francis and the Ecumenical Patriarch occurred in November 2014, and both presented speeches wishing an end to the Schism. The language and behavior the religious leaders used were characterized by humility and mutual respect. This, however, seemed to be a repetition of the step already made by the former Pope. It seemed another Patriarch would be needed to make a difference. Kirill, the religious leader of the Russian Orthodox Church spoke to the Pope and the world that reuniting the Churches was necessary for protection of the Christians in the Middle-East. In the winter of 2015-2016 it was obvious that Christian communities were under fire and that Russian troops were operating in the region. Kirill seemed to have a more resounding vote in addressing the differences between Eastern and Western churches than his Ecumenical colleague in Istanbul. The Pope invited him to come to Cuba, a place that is still boycotted by the Western powers, but an ally of Russia as well as a socialist bulwark in the heart of the American Catholic world. Why of all places there? Was the Schism actually lifted in Cuba? Was not actually the protection of old Byzantine religious identities in the Middle-East on the agenda? Why was not Bartholomew I invited? 251 BIBLE IN BYZANTIUM: EXEGESIS AND LITERARY INSPIRATION Chairs: Paul Blowers, Sébastien Morlet Eirini Artemi, Isidore of Pelusium and the Use of the Holy Bible in His Epistles Anastasia Barinova, New Forms of Old Narratives: Literary Use of Eschatological Conceptions in Some Middle Byzantine Texts Kosta Simić, Saints as Biblical Figures: On the Use of Typology in Liturgical Poetry Paraskevi Toma, Narrative Identity? Remarks on the “I” in Canons by Joseph the Hymnographer Diego Rodrigo Fittipaldi, Non-Biblical Readings in the Typicon of Mâr Saba: The Case of Haab Q 740 from Weimar Meredith Riedel, Photios’ Hermeneutic for Wisdom Literature in Amphilochia 9 Reinhart Ceulemans, Biblical Exegesis under Macedonian Rule Vasilije Vranić, The Biblical Exegesis as a Polemical Tool: The Melchizedek Tradition of Heb 7:1-5 in the Exegesis of Theodoret of Cyrrhus Aleksandra Kovačevič, Статья о Мелхиседеке в составе «Христианской Топографии» Козьмы Индикоплова Goran Mladenović, Theological-Literary Analysis of David’s 33 Psalm Eirini Artemi Athens, Greece; eartemi@theol.uoa.gr Isidore of Pelusium and the Use of the Holy Bible in His Epistles St. Isidore the Pelousiotes studied the Bible carefully. Through his letters, he interpreted various biblical passages and he explained different biblical themes. The word of the Bible was for the Father an infallible guide to overcome the pitfall of every heretical teaching, which threatened the salvation of believers in Christ. At the same time according to the inspired work of the Bible he could proclaim that there is One God in Three Persons. He emphasized the unity of God’s essence and at the same time he talked about the hypostases of the one God. Isidore knew, of course, that the human mind cannot grasp the incomprehensible wisdom, that God’s wisdom, since that God overlies the limits of the human mind. Finally with the help of hagiographical passages he could comprehensively cover the letters of issues other than doctrinal, moral, ascetic, educational and interpretive. In the Scriptures, he supported that the believer finds in Christ supplies to strive for social and moral progress, but mainly in order to conquer spiritual godly progression and perfection. The profound study of the Scriptures provides to the human being the ability to keep alive the flame of faith. It is a safe guide for the course of the life in Christ according to what the Triune God revealed in the Old Testament, the incarnated Word taught in the New Testament and the Apostles preached. Through Isidore’s letters, it seems the respect which nourishes the Holy Father for Old. and New Testament. For him, both testaments have the same worth as sources the Bible. They proclaim strongly and unambiguously the existence of one and at the same time Triune God. Simultaneously he ridiculed those heretics like Marcion who distorted the truth and became enemies to the Testaments. Anastasia Barinova Russian Academy of Sciences, Institute of World History, Moscow, Russian Federation; noble.marmot@gmail.com New Forms of Old Narratives: Literary Use of Eschatological Conceptions in Some Middle Byzantine Texts The Christian eschatology is a complicated system of beliefs which has been forming gradually for a long time, and provides a wide range of symbols, metaphors and characters that produced a variety of interpretations in the medieval world. In particular, Byzantine apocalyptic tradition is a rather well-researched phenomenon; we can speak about its theological foundation, political repercussions or in some cases regard it as historical source. But eschatological imagery also possesses a literary value as a part of literary culture, and it can be found in some works which are far away from Byzantine apocalypses and theological treatises. Sometimes eschatological symbols and allusions were successfully used not in strictly theological 253 or apocalyptic context but for literary purposes – with changes in meaning and, as a matter of fact, in the whole apocalyptic “conception”. The main subjects of this paper are rhetoric of the Book of Daniel in Miracula Sancti Demetrii (7 century) and analysis of the New Testament word usage in the episode of the Chronicle of Theophanes Confessor (9th century). th Kosta Simić Australian Catholic University, Banyo QLD, Australia; kosta.simic@gmail.com Saints as Biblical Figures: On the Use of Typology in Liturgical Poetry The aim of the present paper is to shed some light on the use of biblical models in Byzantine hymnography, particularly canons, during the middle Byzantine period. Modeling the saints on biblical figures was common in many genres of Byzantine literature, especially in sermons, panegyrics, hagiographical texts, and various monastic writings for spiritual edification. Along with associations between major events of the two Testaments through the use of typology and allegory, Christian writers very early established similar links between individuals as well. Several key Old Testament characters, including Joshua, son of Nun, Isaac, Joseph and others, were generally seen as types of Christ. Gradually this perception was extended, and the interrelation was also developed between biblical personages and Christian saints. This practice was one of the ways to demonstrate the idea of unity between the Old and New Testaments, and especially the notion of continuity in the history of the chosen people of the “Old” and “New” Israel. Byzantine hymnographers made a major contribution in this regard, and this is an aspect of hagiographical poetry in which they probably displayed the highest degree of originality. The canon, a dominant hymnographic genre during the period under consideration, was developed by inserting troparia between the verses of the biblical odes chanted in matins. Hence, it was quite natural for liturgical hymns to be profoundly permeated by biblical themes. Hymnographers, by elaborating upon the biblical odes, included many ideas contained in them in their poetic works. Furthermore, Byzantine poets did not confine themselves exclusively to biblical odes when they sought scriptural models for the saints. Among the persons mostly invoked in their hymns were Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, Moses, David, and Elijah. From the New Testament, their favourite individuals were Paul, Peter, and John the Baptist. The faithful were exhorted to recognize biblical personages in the saints they praised. The large number of such examples in Byzantine liturgical poetry suggests that hymnographers used hymns as an additional and highly effective avenue of biblical interpretation. This fact further highlights the importance of this genre of Byzantine literature during a period when traditional and more conventional biblical hermeneutics went into sharp decline. 254 Paraskevi Toma University of Cyprus, Nicosia, Cyprus; s.sykopetritou@gmail.com Narrative Identity? Remarks on the “I” in Canons by Joseph the Hymnographer As a member of the Constantinopolitan intellectual elite and as a teacher in a wide circle of disciples, Joseph the Hymnographer had a considerable influence on the textual development of the canon. His oeuvre gives the impression of aiming at the formation of a firm liturgical life as a whole, rather than establishing the individual Christian subject. The first person perspective, which he often opted for his poems, was already present in the hymns of Romanus the Melodist and Andrew of Crete. The way Joseph decided to integrate these traditional expressive means into his poems reveals the literary inventory he had at his disposal. His ability, for instance, to make allusions constantly to the penitential “self ” of the Old Testamental Psalms and selectively to the ascetic instructions of the Church Fathers demonstrates his tendency to a skilled imitatio, but does not signify a personal narrative identity. Furthermore, due to the fact that the canons were publicly chanted, the hymnographers systematically transformed the personal “I” into the liturgical “We”, willing to reduce the distance between them and the congregation. On the other hand, the references to consciousness (συνείδησις) in the hymns can lead the auditor to an inaccurate perception of a conscious “I”, as the term draws attention to the spiritual self-awareness. Nonetheless, this initial impression fades away after an in-depth examination of the accompanying adjectives, which derive mainly from Pauline Epistles. The tension between such stereotyped expressions and his inventive contextualization adds an implicit, though sensible, dynamic of appropriation. In other words, Joseph the Hymnographer achieved to versify the conventional poetic “I” by manipulating skillfully familiar language and by accommodating his carefully-worded phrases to the respective context. Diego Rodrigo Fittipaldi Universität zu Köln, Cologne, Germany; drfitti1978@yahoo.com.ar Non-Biblical Readings in the Typicon of Mâr Saba: The Case of Haab Q 740 from Weimar Within the basic constituent elements of the byzantine Divine Office´s celebrations are to be counted the readings, patristical and of other kinds, which will be the subject of my presentation. I will talk about the non-biblical readings in the byzantine monastic liturgical tradition, as it is present in the text of the Typicon of the Mâr Saba Monastery in Codex Q 740 of the Duchess Anna Amalia Library, in Weimar. Its edition is the subject of my PhD project, under the direction of Prof. Dr. Claudia Sode (Cologne). This specific topic was already analysed by Prof. André Lossky in a conference during the renowned Semaine d´études liturgiques of the Saint Serge Institute, Paris, but presented more as a comparative analyse of the relationship between the old sabaitical and 255 the studite traditions. Following his method, I will focus just on the historical development of the sabaitical tradition until the end of the 13th c. and beginning of the 14th. This presentation will consist of five parts: The first being a brief description of the source, i.e. the text as it is present in the Codex Q 740, and an explanation about its place in the historical evolution of the byzantine liturgical typica; the second describing the terminology used by the typica to talk about these readings; what follows is the distribution system of the readings along the liturgical year; then the practical development and its relationship with the readings carried out in the refectory, i.e. during the monastic common meals; and lastly the different kind of readings: an enumeration, a description of the content and an analysis of some samples. With all this, I will try to present another step in the evolution of the tradition inaugurated when Saint Sabas founded the monastery in the VI C. that after his death was named in his honor. The structure of the Divine Office there carried out and there at some point transmitted as a text, the origins of which must be searched, among other places, in the old liturgical tradition of Jerusalem, became highly renowned. Abbreviating a long history of crossed influences, it was adopted from the 10th c. on as the basic norm for the liturgical life of monastic as well as of parish communities all along the Orthodox world. The text that I research is a version adapted to the use somewhere in the late Greek-speaking byzantine world, between the end of the 12th c. and beginning of the 14th c., being witness of the so-called “Constantinopolitan recension” of the typicon, which until now has not been thoroughly researched. Based on the previous and foundational studies of Aleksej Dmitrievskij, at the beginning of the 20th c., and the before-mentioned research of Lossky, I will try to present the continuities and discontinuities, innovations and variations in the evolution of this text. Meredith Riedel Duke University, Durham NC, United States; mriedel@div.duke.edu Photios’ Hermeneutic for Wisdom Literature in Amphilochia 9 The Amphilochia of Photios (d. ca.895) is a collection of letters that explain difficulties in the scriptures and related doctrines of the church. In Amphilochia 9, Photios applies himself to harmonising what appears to be a conundrum in Orthodox theological anthropology: How does one reconcile the saying of David ‘human life is like grass’ (Psalm 102.15) with the proverb of Solomon ‘man is great and precious’ (Prov 20.6)? [Πως του θεοπατορος Δαυιδ ειποντος ‘ανθροπος ωσει χορτος αι ημεραι αυτου’ και εξης, ο τουτου παις Σολομων αποφαινεται ‘μεγα ανθρωπος και τιμιον ανηρ’;] This is more philosophical than exegetical, in terms of the content of these particular biblical sayings from the wisdom literature of the LXX. Photios approaches the problem with several concerns in mind. First, he must deal with the immediate question of the significance of humanity in the divine oikonomia. The Orthodox view of humanity is very high, and its theological anthropology has had far-reaching influence on later church denominations in England the US, predominantly Methodist and Pentecostal. 256 Second, the sayings of two of the Byzantines’ favourite biblical models of kingship, David and Solomon, must be reconciled or harmonised without impugning either David (a model claimed by Basil I) or Solomon (the model later applied to Basil’s son, Leo VI). As biblical prototypes, the wisdom of these two Israelite kings, particularly for Byzantine emperors, cannot be overstated. After the period of exile in which Photios wrote the first 75 treatises of the Amphilochia, he rather famously authored two mirrors-of-princes, directed to the newly-baptized Boris-Michael of Bulgaria and to his former pupil Leo VI, so his analysis of these conflicting sayings is also useful to understanding how he theorized kingship and authority. Third, this short exposition demonstrates the use of wisdom literature in the early medieval Byzantine context, and the appropriation of Jewish scriptures and history into an explicitly Christian view of faith and identity. Reinhart Ceulemans KU Leuven, Leuven, Belgium; reinhart.ceulemans@arts.kuleuven.be Biblical Exegesis under Macedonian Rule In the first part of this paper I wish to document the ways in which the Septuagint text was transmitted and commented upon in the Byzantine empire under the rule of the Macedonian dynasty. Not only did in those centuries major changes produce themselves in the context of the handwritten transmission of texts (e.g. the μεταχαρακτηrισμός perseveres), but also important shifts in exegetical procedures took place (e.g. the transformation of compilatory exegesis). All of those aspects strongly influenced the Septuagint tradition, as I intend to show. In the second part of my presentation, I plan to interpret those changes and confront them with the historical context. In particular, I want to show to what extent the transmission and interpretation of the Septuagint was linked to the court of the Macedonian emperors. They are known to have used a literary program to promote their person, politics and authority (the so-called ‘Macedonian Renaissance’), but the contribution of biblical exegesis to that program has hardly been studied. In want to explore this line of research and will adduce concrete examples from a.o. the Octateuch, the Psalms and the Prophets. 257 Vasilije Vranić Saint Xavier University, Chicago IL, United States; vasilije.vranic@cantab.net The Biblical Exegesis as a Polemical Tool: The Melchizedek Tradition of Heb 7:1-5 in the Exegesis of Theodoret of Cyrrhus Theodoret, bishop of Cyrrhus, is arguably one of the most prominent theologians and universally accepted exegetes of the fifth century Christian Antiochene milieu. His various historical and doctrinal works include an extensive exegetical corpus on the Christian Bible. The value of his exegetical work is best attested by the fact that, despite the condemnation of his Christological works at the universal Council of Constantinople in 553 CE, his exegetical works remain a point of reference in the Eastern Church to this day. In his Commentary on the Letters of Paul, Theodoret provided an interpretation of Heb 7:15 reflecting the theological debates of his time and betraying his Christological provenance. There he argued that Melchizedek, an enigmatic king-priest mentioned in Gen 14:18-20, in fact had an ancestry and genealogy. He also argued against the perennial priesthood of Melchizedek stating that Melchizedek was a simple man, who had been born and eventually had died. This statement arguably put Theodoret at odds with the actual text of Heb 7:1-5. Theodoret’s commentary strongly emphasized the divinity of Jesus, juxtaposing it to Melchizedek’s humanity. The latter fact becomes interesting if we take into consideration that Theodoret wrote his commentary on Hebrews around 448 CE. That same year Theodoret (a fervent supporter and the literary champion of the Antiochene Logos-anthropos Christology) reached the peak in his battle against the Logos-sarx Christology of the Alexandrians, which, he believed, overemphasized Christ’s divinity at the expense of his humanity. The ultimate question in my paper is, “Why does Theodoret in so delicate a time for his Christological disputes open himself to possible criticism about being at variance with the sacred Scriptures?” I argue that Theodoret’s commentary on Heb 7:1-5 is a polemical dialogue with an existing Melchizedek tradition that has either directly or indirectly threatened his theological and pastoral interests. A comparison between Theodoret’s commentary on Heb 7:1-5 and Epiphanius’ Panarion 55 suggests that the polemic was directed against the Melchizedekians. 258 Aleksandra Kovačevič St. Petersburg, Russian Federation; avokathsam@gmail.com Статья о Мелхиседеке в составе «Христианской Топографии» Козьмы Индикоплова «Христианская Топография» –В греческой рукописной традиции известны три полных списка сочинения: Ватиканский (Vaticanus Gr. 699, к. IX в.), Синайский (Sinaiticus Gr. 1186, XI в.) и список библиотеки Лоренцо Медичи (Laurentianus IX. 28, XI в.) «Христианская Топография» - сочинение византийского автора Козьмы Индикоплова –датируется 547 – 550 гг. на основании сообщения Козьмы о его пребывании в Аксуме при царе Элесбоа и упоминания им двух затмений 547г. Сочинение Козьмы Индикоплова состоит из двенадцати Слов, сообщающих об устройстве Вселенной. В своем сочинении Козьма опирается на взгляды персидского ученого Мар Абы, воззрения которого основывались, в свою очередь, на традициях Нисибийской академии, бывшей центром несторианства, и учении Феодора Мопсуестского. Статья о Мелихиседеке находится в пятом Слове «Христианской топографии» в ряду повестований о патриархах. Пятое Слово самое большое по объему в «Христианской Топографии». Здесь Козьма дает характеристику каждому из 27 упомянутых им исторических персонажей Ветхого и Нового заветов. Рассказ о Мелхиседеке помещен им между сообщениями о Ное и Аврааме. Кроме того пятое Слово содержит подробный рассказ о скинии Моисея, сведения о переходе евреев через Чермное море, изобретении Моисеем письменности. В. ВольскаКоню («Cosmas Indicopleusts, Topographie Chrétienne. Introduction, texte critique, illustrastion, traduction et notes» Paris. 1970. T. 2. P. 86-93) считает, что пятое Слово «Христианской Топографии» несет отпечаток ярко выраженных несторианских представлений, и таким образом не могло быть написано Козьмой. Композиционно статья о Мелхиседеке в сочинении Козьмы состоит из двух частей. Первая часть представляет собой краткое сообщение о Мелхиседеке, в котором пересказываются библейские сведения о царе Салима. Вторая часть озаглавлена как «Подписание» (Παραγραφή) и содержит материал, дополняющий первую часть. Здесь Козьма указывает два ветхозаветных сюжета, в которых, по его мнению, речь идет о Мелхиседеке: Быт. 14:18-20 (встреча Мелхиседека и Авраама) и Быт. 25. 23 (Ревекка, спрашивающая о близнецах в ее утробе), затем Козьма приводит новозаветные сведения о неродословии Мелхиседека (Евр. 7. 3). Вторая часть статьи о Мелхиседеке в составе «Христианской Топографии» представляет собой достаточно традиционное толкование тех мест в тексте Библии, где содержится имя Мелхиседека. Исключение составляет сообщение Козьмы о встрече Мелхиседека с Ревеккой. Это сообщение является отражением довольно редкой традиции толкования Быт. 25. 22., которое, вероятно, отражает представления, бытовавшие в Нисибийской академии – преемнице академии в Эдессе, связанной с именем Ефрема Сирина. 259 Goran Mladenović Novi Sad, Serbia; gor.mlad1@gmail.com Theological-Literary Analysis of David’s 33 Psalm Contemporary Biblical science for decades now has been paying special attention to studying evolution of biblical text. Differences between first versions of book of the Old Testament and today texts are the result of incorrect translations and letter errors during rewriting. Therefore it is necessary, as much as possible, to study the Holy Bible written in Hebrew or Greek language. Bishop Athanasius (Jevtić), one of the most prominent Serbian theologians and excellent expert in Biblical languages, has translated the Psalter into Serbian language. His version of translation is the most correct and closest to the original verse written by Bible inspired poets. It has been an inspiration for the author of this paper to direct his theological-literary knowledge towards study of poetical thoughts mentioned in the Psalter taking care of philological, philosophical and theological concept. Special attention was drawn to David’s 33 psalm (MT: Psalm 34) written in acrostic – in MT out of alphabet range it is only a final verse and one letter is omitted (‫)ו‬, as one of the most beautiful individual grateful poems into which motives of prudent poetics are woven. With regard to the mentioned, there is no any perfect and final solution for understanding the Old Testament poetry, since language as the exegesis itself requires constant interpretation which never ends. Poetic thoughts pronounced by king David represent for every interpreter a task to make them understandable in any time. Therefore it is necessary that the interpreter, apart from knowledge of biblical languages, is familiar with test experience of many-centuries methods and practices in interpretation of holy texts. The interpreter has to be familiar with the Old Testament semiotic and to interpret the analysis of poetic thoughts of a poet which shall make easier their original understanding. In this undertaking an inexhaustible help offers the treasury of teachings of holy fathers and insight into the Old Testament experts. Psalm 33 was written as an individual expression of gratitude which in its contents has some motives of wise literature (Ps 33,11-21). The objective of such poetic construction was to induce with listeners and readers a desire for virtuous life, that is, true wisdom. However, poetic motives of appreciation and gratitude to God are not at all set aside. The poet, who presents himself as a teacher of wisdom (Ps 33,11), wrote verses 4 and 6 on the grounds of his own experience and there he generates the topic of God’s salvation which he shall broaden in other lyrics. The first part of this psalm (Ps 33,1-10) the poet wrote in gradation since there thoughts about God gradually follow according to strength and here the poet describes Jehovah as his Savior (refer to Ps 33,1-4.6). In continuation the poet develops this poetic thought in other lyrics (refer to Ps 33,5.7-10) where he emphasizes that God is the Savior and Protector to all true God-seekers. Life circumstances in which this psalm was written are presented in the title of this psalm. In The First Book of Samuel encounter of David and king Achish (1. Sam 21,10-15) is described. After the town of Nob– where priests used to live and which was located on the territory the Banjamin Tribe not far away from Jerusalem (v. Is 10,32) – fleeing from czar Saul David went to the town 260 of Gath, to king Achish. King Achish welcomed David. He believed that it was good to have such experienced warrior and military leader. However, the servants and courtiers did not agree with the king’s opinion. They warned him that David is a hero from Israel who killed their hero Goliath and that it is not safe to keep him in his service: Is this not David the king of the land? Did they not sing of him to one another in dances, sayling: Saul has slain his thousands, and David his ten thousands? (1. Sam 21,11). David’s bright shepherd’s mind soon realized that he found himself in very unfavorable position, surrounded with enemies. He started to act strangely: So he changed his behavior before them, pretended madness in their hands, scratched on the doors of the gate, and let his saliva fall down on his beard (1.Sam 21,13) When king Achish saw how poor this hero of Israel looked he let him go saying to his servants: Look, you see the man is insane. Why have you brought to me? Have I need of madmen, that you have brought this fellow to play the madmen in my presence? Shall this fallow come into my house? (1. Sam 21,14-15). And in remembrance to this miraculous and safe salvation David wrote this psalm. Athanasius from Alexandria in his interpretation of the psalm 33 believes that historical circumstances in which this psalm was written relate to the encounter of David and the priest Ahimelech (v. 1. Sam 21,1-9): Running away from Saul, David came to Ahimelech. To Ahimelech’s question for the reason of his coming David did not admit that he was running away from Saul but that Saul entrusted him a mission to ask for Goliath’s sword. Since he was telling one thing and thinking the other in the inscription of the psalm it is said: change your face. Opinion of the author of this paper is that lyrics of this psalm in fact relate to the 1. Sam 21,10-15 which is confirmed by statements of many Old Testament exegetes (Calvin, Tomić, Deissler, Constable, Spurgeon, Briggs, Delitzsch,Terrien etc). However, Saint Basil the Great in his interpretation of the psalm believes that this psalm reminds us of both events, namely of David’s encounter with the priest Ahimelech (in translation of Đura Daničić Ahimelech; v. 1. Sam 21,1-9) and king Achish (v. 1 Sam 21,11-13). 261 BYZANTIUM AND THE EAST Chairs: Leif Inge Ree Petersen, Ekaterina Nechaeva Ekaterina Nechaeva, High-Profile Defection between Rome and Persia in Late Antiquity: The Case of Constantine of Theodosiopolis Paweł Filipczak, The Byzantine Administration in Syro-Palestine on the Eve of the Arab Invasion. Selected Problems Ilhami Tekin Cinemre, Alliance with Hell: Romans vs. Armenians and Arabs Adrian Elias Negro Cortes, Tribute Payments in the Byzantium-Islam Frontier, an Origin for the Spanish Institution of the Parias? Magdalena Laptas, Byzantine or Non-Byzantine Rituals of the Nubian Rulers Maria Conterno, Greek, Arabic, and Syriac in Reconquered Syria (10th-11th Cent.) Тheodora Zampaki, Ibn Khaldūn on Byzantium: A Study in Sources Elvira Wakelnig, ʿAbd Allāh ibn al-Faḍl al-Anṭākī – An 11th Century Byzantine Philosopher and Theologian Writing in Arabic Valerio Massimo Minale, Legal Elements in Digenis Akritas Ekaterina Nechaeva University of Geneva, Geneva, Switzerland; ekaterina.nechaeva@gmail.com High-Profile Defection between Rome and Persia in Late Antiquity: The Case of Constantine of Theodosiopolis State of fluctuating conflict between Late Roman and Persian empires in many ways characterized and determined the reality of Late Antique period. This communication aims to analyze one of the many cases of high-profile individual defection that occurred between the two states. The two authoritarian “super-powers” tended not only to control the mobility of their subjects across the border, but to prevent them from permanently (or even temporarily) moving to the adversary state. Various reasons could cause this restraint: political, economic, demographical, military, those of “national security” etc. Therefore, any kind of voluntary migration was de facto a flight. A host side in such situation—when immigration could not become massive—was often interested in receiving the newcomers. Reasons to accept those escaping from a competitive power were also plenty, e.g. the desire to obtain information, the need for qualified workers. Late Antique reality must have presented numerous cases of various kinds of “emigration” or, given the above perspective, rather desertion and flight on all the societal levels. High-profile defection, however, received more attention of sources and we are much better informed about both civil and military elites in the context of unstable loyalties, than about the lower layers of Late Antique society. Constantine was a high military Roman officer and then a turncoat. In August/September of 502 he rebelled and betrayed to the Persians the city of Theodosiopolis in Armenia, which he was supposed to guard. We ignore the exact reasons of this act: according to Joshua the Stylite, Constantine felt some hostility towards the emperor Anastasius (Josh. Styl. 48). Evidence parallel to Joshua the Stylite’s omits the fact of Constantine’s betrayal and considers him a prisoner of Cavades (Malal. 16.9 (398); Zach. HE 7.3). Joshua’s information seems to be much richer and provides details about the subsequent events of Constantine’s life. Constantine, thus, successfully continues his military career among the Persians, becoming a general and fighting against the Romans. We know several stories of high-profile turncoats, switching sides and more successfully advancing their careers. Especially often, such flights were happening in the Eastern “border territories”, in Mesopotamia, in Syria, and in Armenia. In the absolute majority of the known cases, once the traitor has crossed the border and/or joined the enemies, there was no way back. Defecting and especially collaborating with enemies against the Roman cause was considered a high treason, fraught with the most severe punishment. Constantine, however, returns back to the empire two years after his initial switchover. After his surrender to the Romans, he was brought to the emperor, who chooses an outstandingly mild punishment for this traitor who betrayed the city that he was to guard and led the enemies’ troops against the Romans. Constantine was ordained as a priest and sent to Nicaea with a warning not to take any further part in affairs of the state. 263 The case of Constantine, therefore, is extremely interesting, being at the same time quite typical and absolutely extraordinary. We do not know why Constantine was treated so exceptionally, sources do not provide enough details. One may suppose some secret agenda behind these events. Was Constantine’s defection part of a bigger plan of advancing the Roman influence? The presumed connections between Constantine and the emperor might have played some role not only in the unusual grace of Anastasius, but also in the preceding events. Paweł Filipczak University of Łodź, Łodź, Poland; pawelfilipczak@uni.lodz.pl The Byzantine Administration in Syro-Palestine on the Eve of the Arab Invasion. Selected Problems The purpose of the paper is to recreate the administrative division of Syro-Palestine in the latter half of the sixth and the beginning of the seventh century. Excluded from my analysis is the issue of themes. Having already received a lot of attention from scholars, it is a complex issue and, as such, needs to be dealt with in a separate paper. The provincial administration system as existing in 610, the year in which Heraclius rose to power, was established by Emperor Justinian I, while the administrative division of Syro-Palestine inherited by this emperor took shape in the period of the early dominate. The system was threetiered, with the provinces forming its lowest level, the dioceses the mid-one and the prefectures the highest one. On Justinian’s initiative a significant change was introduced to the system. To the nine provinces which were in existence the emperor added a new one – Theodorias. The causes of the establishment of the new province remain unclear. Except for John Malalas’ chronicle one fragment of which seems to point to the causes in question, there is no other source in which the issue is explicitly dealt with. However, some information referring indirectly to the topic under discussion can be derived from the sources that discuss the Empire’s political history during Justinian’s reign. Ilhami Tekin Cinemre Karadeniz Technical University, Trabzon, Turkey; ilhamitekincinemre@gmail.com Alliance with Hell: Romans vs. Armenians and Arabs The conflict between the Romans and the Sasanians continued intermittently until the first quarter of the seventh century and finally came to an end at the battle of Nineveh, in 627, nearly four centuries after the beginning of the wars. However, the final blow hit the Sasanians in the shoulder, not by the Romans but by the Arabs. With tearful eyes and a breaking voice Ferdowsi 264 said that “Where have all the great Sasanians gone?” Immediately after the fall of the Sasanians, the Arabs were the new enemy hiding in the shadows in the eastern borders of Romans. The Arabs came quickly and quietly, “like a snake”, to Roman territories and attacked Armenia which was then under Roman power. The Armenians, suffering from the pressure of Arabs, asked for help from the Roman emperor. Constans II (641-668) tried to use the situation to his advantage and declared naxarar Teotoros Rshdouni as chief commander and marzpan in 643. At that period, Nerses III (641-661) was the catholicos of the Armenians and was standing close to the Romans. Thus, Constans II endeavored to convert the Armenian Church to seize the opportunity. But the council which was convened by Nerses III and Teotoros Rshdouni defied the Roman emperor’s proposal; whereupon Constans II dismissed Teotoros Rshdouni and appointed Smbat I Bagratuni as marzpan of Armenia in 653. The humiliated Teotoros Rshdouni now had no choice but to turn to the Arabs. Teotoros Rshdouni and Nerses III accepted the alliance proposal of Muawiyah I, the then commander, and the Armenians therefore collaborated with the Arabs against the Romans. Sebeos, Armenian historian and bishop, who lived in the seventh century, noted that “all the Armenian princes made a pact with death and contracted an alliance with hell”. The main purpose of this study is to emphasize the historical context of this “alliance with hell” and to examine the gains and losses of the Armenians after this pact. Adrian Elias Negro Cortes University of Extremadura, Cáceres, Spain; anegroco@alumnos.unex.es Tribute Payments in the Byzantium-Islam Frontier, an Origin for the Spanish Institution of the Parias? This paper aims to present the results of a productive new field of research. The parias were the payments done by the Muslim taifa kingdoms to the Christian kingdoms in Spain to prevent being attacked by them during the XI century. The Spanish scholars have analysed the parias as an institution that only was developed in Spain but we have found proof that the parias, although they were not called with this name, could have begun in the VII century in the Byzantium-Islam frontier. We have found payments similar of those done in Spain dated back to 659, date in which Constans II received tributes from Mu’awiya, the first Umayyad caliph. Those kinds of payments, sometimes being paid by the Muslims, most other times paid by Byzantium, will be traced and analysed in this paper. To finish, we will try to discover how could the Spanish kingdoms came to the idea of implementing those tributes in Spain and compare the realities of the VII-X century interaction between Byzantium and the Caliphates and the interaction between the Spanish Christian kingdoms and the Muslim taifa kingdoms during the XI century. 265 Magdalena Laptas Cardinal Stefan Wyszynski University, Warsaw, Poland; magda.laptas@gmail.com Byzantine or Non-Byzantine Rituals of the Nubian Rulers Following the Christianisation of the Nubian Kingdoms in the 6th century, the Maedieval art of the Sudan was included within a sphere of Byzantine influences. The Nubian iconography undoubtedly took a lot after Byzantium, however, one cannot forget about pre-Christian local tradition, which shaped the Nubian art. The Nubian society owed its prosperity and well-being to flooding of the Nile. Life processes were subject to this force of nature. Therefore it seems that some rituals practiced for centuries did not disappear with the introduction of Christianity. The aim of my presentation is to show how we can trace this pre-Christian tradition on the example of some Nubian paintings presenting Nubian rulers. These kings are presented in the apses holding a crown and sceptrum topped with a figure of blessing Christ. This Nubian sceptrum has much in common with an Egyptian medu – a sacred staff. Reading Nubian art not only from Byzantine but also Egyptian perspective seems to be necessary for better understanding of its phenomena. Maria Conterno Ghent University, Ghent, Belgium; maria.conterno@ugent.be Greek, Arabic, and Syriac in Reconquered Syria (10th-11th Cent.) The second Byzantine domination in Syria has been, so far, the object of patchy attention. A number of aspects have been addressed, and the period has been taken into account from different perspectives in a few substantial publications (such as Honigmann’s volume on the Eastern frontier of the Empire, Vest’s three-volume work on the history of the region of Melitene, and number of articles by Dagron, Cheynet, and Todt focusing more specifically the 10th-11th centuries), but a comprehensive study of the last hundred years of Byzantine Syria is still missing. Largely overlooked by Byzantinists is especially the intellectual production in the reconquered territories. The reason is that, in spite of the effort made by Constantinople to ‘re-byzantinise’ the region, Arabic and Syriac remained the predominant languages in the cultural and religious life of the local population. As a consequence, the study of the intellectual activity and the literary production in Syria between the 10th and the 11th centuries has been implicitly left in the hands of Orientalists, who are only recently taking an interest in the subject. The aim of the proposed paper is to draw scholars’ attention to this chapter of Byzantine history, focusing notably on that aspect. After a brief presentation of the historical framework and an outline of the social, ethnic, and religious landscape under the renewed Byzantine rule, I will offer an overview of the cultural centres in the reconquered territories, of their activity, and of the literary production in Greek, Arabic, and Syriac. The most remarkable feature of this new 266 cultural efflorescence in Northern Syria is undoubtedly the movement of translation of Greek Patristic texts into Arabic, which has been compared – for the amount of texts translated, for the prominence of the translators, and for the stimulus it gave to the contemporary and subsequent cultural production – to the Baghdad Greco-Arabic translation movement of the 8th-10th centuries. But the production of original works – theological, historical, hagiographical… – in Arabic should not be overlooked either. The Syriac sources, on the other hand, attest to a fervent scribal activity in the new Miaphysite monasteries established in the region of Melitene, and to a written production related to the tensions with the Miaphysite communities living under Muslim rule, as well as to the frictions with the Greek Chalcedonian hierarchy. The way in which the three languages interacted, and the influence such interaction had on the intellectual life of the region, will be therefore the main focus of the presentation. Тheodora Zampaki Kozani, Greece; dzampaki@yahoo.gr Ibn Khaldūn on Byzantium: A Study in Sources The aim of this paper is to examine how the Arab historian and sociologist Ibn Khaldūn (1333-1406) looked at Byzantium. There is a chapter in his Kitāb al-‘Ibar, Ibn Khaldūn devoted to Byzantium. This chapter is entitled “An account of the Ceasar kings from Heraclius and the [establishment of the] Muslim state to the extinction of their power and the disappearance of their condition”. In his narrative Ibn Khaldūn, first, presents certain outstanding events or achievements, as he calls them, for example the Arab conquest of Syria and Egypt, the sieges of Constantinople, and the subsequent expeditions in Anatolia under the Umayyads, Abbasids, and Hamdanids. Secondly, he gives special attention to the relations of the Byzantines with the Buigars, Armenians, Russians, Turks, and Seljuks. A third important aspect of Ibn Khaldūn’s treatment is a detailed account on the Frankish conquest of Constantinople (A.D. 1204), explaining, in some detail, the circumstances leading to it, and as well as the recapture of Constantinople by Lascaris. Ibn Khaldūn describes Constantinople as “a magnificent city, the seat of Ceasars, containing works famous for their construction and splendor”. His account in the Kitāb al-‘Ibar contains more or less an accurate list of Byzantine emperors. In this study, I also look into the sources upon which Ibn Khaldūn drew. It appears that Ibn Khaldūn’s interest in Byzantium follows a tradition which some of his predecessors established, starting with al-Yaʻqūbī (A.D. 897) and al-Masʻūdī (c. 896-956). This tradition focuses on the characteristics and the excellences of the peoples of other nations. 267 Elvira Wakelnig Universität Wien, Institut für Orientalistik, Vienna, Austria; elvira.wakelnig@univie.ac.at ʿAbd Allāh ibn al-Faḍl al-Anṭākī – An 11th Century Byzantine Philosopher and Theologian Writing in Arabic After more than 300 years under Arab rule, Antioch (Anṭākiya) was again Byzantine from 969 to 1084. This period coincides with the life of the Melkite deacon Abū l-Fatḥ ʿAbd Allāh Ibn al-Faḍl ibn ʿAbd Allāh al-Muṭrān al-Anṭākī, whose name ‘the Antiochian’ (al-Anṭākī) testifies to his ties with the city. Whereas hardly any biographical information about him survives, many of his works do. Among them there are Arabic translations of the Bible and Greek patristic literature as well as Arabic compositions which he compiled from an impressive number of sources, Greek and Arabic, theological and philosophical. My contribution focuses on his still unedited Book of the Delight of the Believer. This compilation is divided in four sections which are said to represent the division of the human body and contains 365 chapters so that the reader may have one chapter to read and contemplate each day of the year. In the first section one hundred philosophical and theological principal matters are treated, among them the Oneness of God, the creation of the world, the four elements, soul, body and intellect. A notably interesting section deals with the question whether God does or does not know the particulars. To answer this question Ibn al-Faḍl resorts to teleological arguments or arguments from design which have already been expounded by the second century Greek physician Galen to prove the wisdom of the Creator. Almost solely based on the evidence of the Creator’s wisdom perceptible to anyone in the human body, Ibn Faḍl al-Anṭākī deduces that God knows the particulars. In doing so, he closely follows the 10th century Christian author Yaḥyā ibn ʿAdī from Bagdad. This and other examples shall provide an insight into the cultural and intellectual milieu of Antioch which Ibn al-Faḍl al-Anṭākī was part of in the eleventh century. Valerio Massimo Minale Università Commerciale Luigi Bocconi, Milan, Italy, valerio.minale@unibocconi.it Legal Elements in Digenis Akritas The epic poem on the imaginary story belonging to the hero Basileios, better known as Digenis Akritas, tooks place in Anatolia and more precisely in a mountain region between Byzantine empire and Arabian world: therefore this kind of literary source could result of great interest also in order to understand, from a legal point of view, the life of a military chief on the edge concerning mainly his net of values (included the relation with the emperor); moreover the content of the eight chapters gives us the possibility to investigate some institutes – among them, for example, the oath and the marriage – full of social and historical implications. 268 CHURCH, FAITH AND CULTURE IN MEDIEVAL SERBIA, BULGARIA AND RUSSIA Chairs: Slavia Barlieva, Tatjana Subotin-Golubović Vassil Gjuzelev, Das Erzbistum-Patriarchat von Tărnovo und das Erzbistum von Ochrid in den Jahren 1230–1246 und später Tatjana Subotin-Golubović, The Ohrid Layer in the Liturgical Practice of the Serbian Orthodox Church Srboljub Ubiparipović, The Rite of Artoklasia in the Worship of the Orthodox Church from the 12th to the 15th Century Nenad Milošević, Relation between Serbian and Greek Orthodox Order of Worship during the Period from the 13th to the 15th Century Viktor Banov, L’importanza della riforma di Sant’Eftimij il patriarca di Tarnovo per la vita spirituale e culturale dei Balcani alla fine del XIV secolo Elena Gkartzonika, The Fourteenth-Century Serbian Elites at the Turning Point: Mrnjavčevići’s Purse and Life Gordana Janjušević Leković, Despina Hélène, poétesse avec le voile religieux, et son oeuvre et personnage médiéval dans la réception contemporaine Michael Bibikov, «Русские монастыри» в византийской Палестине Vassil Gjuzelev Bulgarian Academy of Science, Sofia, Bulgaria; byzassociation.bg@gmail.com Das Erzbistum-Patriarchat von Tărnovo und das Erzbistum von Ochrid in den Jahren 1230–1246 und später Zwei große Ereignisse in der Herrschzeit des Zaren Ivan Assen II. (1218–1241) hatten eine große Bedeutung nicht nur für die Geschichte Bulgariens, sondern auch für den Südosten Europas und die ganze christlich-orthodoxe Welt: 1.) sein Sieg über die Armee des Despoten-Basileus von Epirus-Thessaloniki Theodoros I. Komnenos (1215–1230) in der Schlacht bei Klokotnitza (9. März 1230); 2.) der Wiederaufbau des Bulgarischen Patriarchats mit einem Konzilbeschluss aller östlichen Patriarchen über die Erlangung eines dem ihren gleichen Ranges. Gerade diese zwei Ereignisse haben – in einer spezifischen Art – ihre Auswirkungen auf das Erzbistum von Ochrid in der Zeit des Vorstands eines seiner hervorragendsten Erzpriester Demetrios Chomatenos (1216–1235). Wie Georgius Akropolites (1217–1282) und die auf seine Darlegung folgenden byzantinischen Historiker davon zeugen, schaffte der Zar Ivan Assen II. nach der Schlacht bei Klokotnitza die „Herrschaft der Rhomäer“ (Ῥωμαΐκῆς ἀρχῆς) in einem großen Teil der Balkanhalbinsel ab – „alle unterwarfen sich ihm ohne Blutvergießen“; und so nahm das Bulgarische Zarenreich in seine Grenzen Adrianopel, Boleron, Seres, Pelagonien (Bitolja), Prilep und deren Gebiet, Großwalachien (Thessalien), Albanon und Illiricum auf. In den eroberten Gebieten wurden bulgarische Militärgarnisonen eingerichtet, es wurden Strategen und Steuerbeamte eingestellt. Die großen territorialen Erwerbungen des Bulgarischen Zarenreichs auf Kosten der früheren Herrschaftsgebiete von Theodor Komnenos sind in altbulgarischen Inschriften, Dokumenten und Schriftdenkmälern verzeichnet. In der Tărnovoer Inschrift von 1230 erklärt der Zar selbst, dass er im zwölften Jahr seiner Herrschaft nach Romanien ins Feld zog, das griechische Heer zerschlug, den König Kyr Todor Komnin selbst, zusammen mit all seinen Boljaren, gefangen nahm, sein ganzes Land „von Adrianopel und bis Drač (Dyrrachium) – griechisch und noch arbanassisch und serbisch“ einnahm, und dass Konstantinopel und die übrigen Städte in dessen Umfeld, in denen die Fruzen (Lateiner) herrschten, ihm ebenso unterstanden, da sie keinen anderen Zaren außer ihm hatten. In der Urkunde, die den Ragusanern bald nach der Schlacht gegeben wurde, sind die Städte und Gebiete des damaligen Bulgarischen Zarenreichs aufgezählt, in denen sie einen freien Handel treiben konnten: Bdin (Vidin), Braničevo (Kostolac), Belgrad, Tărnovo, das Gebiet von Zagora, Preslav, die Gebiete von Karvuna, Krăn und Boruj, Odrin (Adrianopel), Dimotika, die Gebiete von Skopie, Prilep und Devol, das Land von Arbanassen (Albanien). In einem Prolog-Text über die Überführung der Gebeine des Heiligen Illarion von Măglen nach Tărnovo vom 13. Jahrhundert ist kurz Folgendes verzeichnet: „Der neue Zar Ivan Assen, Sohn des alten Zaren Assen, nahm das Zepter des Zarenreichs an, wobei er über die Bulgaren, Griechen und Fruzen, ja auch über die Serben und Arbanassen und über alle Städte von Meer zu Meer herrschte und waltete“. Der Patriarch Euthymius (1375–1394) legte in der Vita der Heiligen Paraskeva (Petka) die Eroberungen viel ausführlicher dar. Ihm zufolge unterwarf der „fromme bulgarische Zar Ivan Assen, Sohn des alten Zaren Assen, das ganze Gebiet von Makedonien 270 sowie Seres mit dem ganzen Athosberg“, Solun (Thessaloniki) mit dem ganzen Thessalien, Trivalia (Serbien), Dalmatien und den Arvanitenstaat (Albanien) bis hin zu Dyrrachium. Zudem gab er auch die vom Zaren vorgenommenen erheblichen Veränderungen in der Kirche bekannt. „In ihnen [in den eroberten Gebieten] ernannte er feierlich Metropoliten und Bischöfe, wie seine lichten Chrysobullen in der ruhmreichen Laura auf dem Athosberg und in Protaton in ihrer klaren Gestalt davon zeugen.“ Zwei von diesen Veränderungen sind in der Athos-Erzählung über das Jahr 1235 erwähnt: zum Metropoliten von Thessaloniki wurde der Bulgare Michail Bratan (1230–1233) ernannt, und die Athos-Klöster gingen zur Verwaltung durch den Bischof von Jerisso über. In der griechischen Übersetzung der oben erwähnten, vom Patriarchen Euthymius verfassten Vita, die im Jahre 1618 von Matthaeus von Myra gemacht wurde, steht geschrieben, dass der Zar Ivan Assen II. jene Metropoliten und Bischöfe beseitigte, die von einer „Lateinerweisheit“ (λατινοφρονεῖν) angesteckt waren und die Dogmen des katholischen Glaubens annahmen. Der erreichte Sieg und die danach erworbenen Territorien und Bevölkerung berechtigten vollkommen den bulgarischen Herrscher seine Titulatur zu ändern. In den Urkunden von Dubrovnik und Vatoped lautet sie: Асѣнь царь Блъгарѡмъ и Гръкѡм (Assen Zar der Bulgaren und Griechen). Auf die gleiche Art und Weise führt er seine Titulatur auf dem bislang einzigen Goldsiegel von ihm auf: Іѡанъ Асѣнь царь Блъгарѡмъ и Гръкѡм. Zu dieser Zeit wurden auch die ersten Gold- und Kupfermünzen mit einer Inschrift zur Darstellung des durch den Heiligen Demetrius gekrönten bulgarischen Zaren geprägt: Іѡанъ Асѣнь царь Блъгарѡмъ. Bemerkenswert sind zwei Sachen, die mit dieser Münzprägung zusammenhängen: 1.) die Münzen wurden im Münzhof in Thessaloniki geprägt; 2.) der größere Teil ihrer Funde kommt vom Territorium des heutigen Makedonien, wobei bislang in Ochrid fünf Münzen, in Skopie – sieben, in Prilep – vier usw. gefunden wоrden sind. Alles bisher Dargelegte zeugt eindeutig und kategorisch von der durchgesetzten bulgarischen Hegemonie. Die Folgen davon hatten ihren logischen Gang, wie aus den angeführten Quellen ersichtlich wird – nach 1230 setzte der bulgarische Zar in den eroberten Gebieten erhebliche politische, administrative und kirchliche Änderungen durch. Die letzteren rührten von dem im Mittelalter etablierten Leitprinzip her: Cujs regia, ejus ecclesia. In diesem Zusammenhang entstehen überaus natürlich die Fragen: Welche Einstellung hatten der Zar Ivan Assen II. und das Erzbistum von Tărnovo zur Kirchendiözese von Ochrid und zu ihrem damaligen Vorsteher Demetrios Chomatenos? Wie wirkten sich auf den letzteren die vollzogenen Änderungen aus, wenn seine große Verbundenheit mit Theodoros Komnenos und der von ihm durchgeführten Politik berücksichtigt werden sollte? Wenn die byzantinischen Quellen auf diese Fragestellung keine Antwort geben, mangelt es in der gegenwärtigen wissenschaftlichen Forschung nicht an Behauptungen oder Annahmen. Der große Kenner von Ochrid und dessen Erzbistum Ivan Snegarov (1883–1971) ist der Ansicht, dass der Zar Ivan Assen II. dem Erzbistum von Ochrid die bestehende Autokephalie nicht absprach, dessen relative Selbstständigkeit bewahrte und dessen Eparchien nicht durch eine Integration in den Rahmen des Erzbistums von Tărnovo wegnahm. Seine Ansicht wird als maßgebend auch von anderen namhaften Forschern geteilt. Die sich mit der Geschichte des Erzbistums von Ochrid befassenden griechischen Byzantinisten und Slawisten ziehen es vor, diese Frage zu übergehen, indem sie auf die Beziehungen zwischen dem Bulgarischen Zarenreich und dem Kaiserreich Nikäa eingehen, wobei sie die altbulgarischen Quellen und die Tätigkeit der bulgarischen Geistlichkeit 271 außer Acht lassen. Ilija Iliev formuliert seinen Standpunkt wie folgt: „Auch wenn das Erzbistum von Ochrid und dessen Vorsteher zum Teil des Bulgarischen Staates wurden, bewahrten sie eine relative Selbstständigkeit, welche lediglich bei der Durchsetzung einzelner vom bulgarischen Herrscher bevorzugten Bischofskandidaturen verletzt wurde.“ Eine Lösung dieser umstrittenen Frage auf eine objektivste Art und Weise kann vorgenommen werden, wenn den Auskünften in den erhaltenen Quellen der Vorzug gegeben wird und das Verhalten des Erzbischofs von Ochrid Demetrios Chomatenos selbst und seine Einstellung zum erfolgten politischen Wechsel nachvollzogen werden. Vor allem ist es offensichtlich, dass der Zar Ivan Asen II. ein tolerantes Verhältnis zum Vorsteher des Erzbistums von Ochrid und zu dessen Würde bekundete. Wohlwollen ihm gegenüber bekundete auch das Erzbistum von Tărnovo. Demetrios Chomatenos legte eine Anerkennung der bulgarischen Zaren- und Kirchenmacht an den Tag. Dies fand einen direkten Ausdruck in einer Reihe von seinen Taten, die nicht immer hinlänglich berücksichtigt werden und auf die nicht zureichend Akzent gesetzt wird. Bereits zu Anfang seines Archiepiskopats zeigte er Besorgnis um seine bulgarische Gemeinde, indem er die sie kirchlich betreuende Geistlichkeit gleicher Abstammung bewahrte, wie dies aus dem Beschluss der Synode „über die Weihung von Priestern und Diakonen seitens der aus Zagora (Bulgarien) gekommenen bulgarischen Bischöfe“ (1218–1219) ersichtlich wird. Er bekundete eine beschützende und wohlwollende Einstellung zur Entwicklung des bulgarischen Schrifttums im Erzbistum von Ochrid, und dies ist aus den von der Zeit seines Erzbischofsdienstes erhaltenen schriftlichen Denkmälern deutlich sichtbar. Es ist kaum ein Zufall, dass einer von den bulgarischstämmigen in seiner Gemeinde die Hochachtung dem eigenen Kirchenvorsteher gegenüber mit einem Gebetstext im Apostol-aprakos von Ochrid von 1216–1235 zum Ausdruck brachte: „Herr Jesus Christus, Herrgott unser, erbarme Dich unser, amen. Beschenke, Du heilige Gottesmutter, den Erzbischof Demetrios mit Gesundheit“ (Господи, Иисусе Христе, Боже нашь помилуи насъ, аминъ. Донеси, свѣта Богородице, архиепископа Димитрїа се здравиемъ). Ein Beweis ist ebenso das berühmte Psalterium von Bologna (13. Jh.). Wie aus zwei Schreibnotizen darin zu entnehmen ist, wurde es von drei bulgarischen Schreibern (den Brüdern Jossif und Beloslav zusammen mit Tichota) in der „Stadt Ochrid, im Dorf genannt Ravne, beim bulgarischen Zaren Assen“ (въ Ѡхридѣ градѣ въ селѣ рекомъімъ Равне, при цари Асѣни блъгарскъімъ) geschrieben, d.h. während der Herrschaft von Ivan Assen II. Die dritte Schreibnotiz in diesem Manuskript ist von einer anderen Person – einem Geistlichen, der das Manuskript später kaufte: „Ich, der sündige Mönchspriester Danil erstand dieses Buch von Todor Grammatik von Ravne und gab die Ohrringe der Popenfrau und zwei Perperi inmitten der Stadt, in Bitolja…“ Der erwähnte Todor Grammtaik war ein bekannter bulgarischer Schreiber von der Zeit von Demetrios Chomatenos, der die griechische Sprache ebenso gut beherrschte, und das ist gut erkennbar an einer von seinen Schreibnotizen zu einem byzantinischen Manuskript: „† Das vorliegende Buch wurde von Todor Grammatik nach dem Einfall der gottlosen Tataren erstanden, als in Bulgarien Kaliman, der Sohn von Ivan Assen als Zar herrschte, für …Perperi im Jahre 6751 [1242– 1243], Indiktion 1. Und ihr, die das Buch lest, betet für mich, den Sünder, so dass ich mich durch eure Gebete vor der ewigen Quälerei rette.“ Der Erzbischof Demetrios Chomatenos, der nach 1230 seine Stellung bewahren konnte, erfreute sich allem Anschein nach einer guten Einstellung sowohl seitens des Zaren Ivan Assen II. als auch seitens des Erzbischofs von Tărnovo; Demetrios Chomatenos bekundete seinerseits in großem Maße ebenso ein Wohlwollen gegenüber der neu durchgesetzten bulgarischen Herrschaft im Erzbistum von Ochrid. Seine verschlechterten Beziehungen mit Nikäa und dem ökumenischen 272 Patriarchen wiesen keine Tendenzen von Verbesserung auf. Die Ernennung des Metropoliten von Ankyra Christophoros zum Exarchen für den Westen und seine Niederlassung in Thessaloniki gegen Ende 1232–1233 widersprach der Autokephalie des Erzbistums von Ochrid, welche von Tărnovo her anerkannt wurde. Allem Anschein nach in der Absicht, die eigene gute Einstellung zu den Bulgaren und zum Wiederaufbau ihrer Staatsmacht über seine eigenen Eparchien zu registrieren, verfasste Demetrios Chomatenos eine neue Kurzvita des Heiligen Kliment von Ochrid (†916) zum Tag seines Entschlafens (27. Juli) mit der Überschrift: „Andenken an unseren Vater Erzbischof und Wundertäter Kliment, Bischof von Bulgarien in Ochrid“. Dadurch verewigte er ihn eigentlich als Vorläufer des nun von ihm selbst besetzten Stuhls. Für den 25. November, an dem die Geburt „unseres heiligen Vaters, des Erzbischofs von Ochrid und Wundertäters Kliment“ begangen wurde, verfasste Demetrios Chomatenos einen Verskanon „zu seiner Lobpreisung“. Darin hinterließ er im Akrostichon seinen Namen und den gewöhnlich benutzen Titel: Κλῆμεντα τιμῶ, ποιμενάρχης Βουλγάρων Δημήτριος (Kliment ehre ich – Erzpriester der Bulgaren Demetrios). Sehr bald nach ihrer Niederschrift wurden die Kurzvita von Kliment und sein Kirchendienst ins Bulgarische übersetzt – vermutlich von einem Schreiber aus Ochrid, der mit dem Erzbischof verbunden war. Dieser Zeit soll ebenso eine Ikone mit der Darstellung von Jesus Christus mit einem kunstfertig gemachten silbernen Beschlag zugeordnet werden, die von Demetrios Chomatenos geschenkt und über die Zarentüren der Ochrider Kirche „Hl. Gottesmutter – Hl. Kliment“ angebracht wurde. In der Widmungsinschrift dazu führt er den Titel wieder: „Erzpriester der Bulgaren“ (ἐκ Δημητρίου ποιμηνάρχου Βουλγάρων). Durch die Benutzung dieses Titels anstelle des gewöhnlich angenommenen: „Erzbischof von Justiniania Prima und von ganz Bulgarien“ bemühte sich Demetrios Chomatenos allem Anschein nach darum, seine Verbundenheit mit den Bulgaren und den erfolgten Änderungen in dem unter bulgarischer Macht sich befindenden Erzbistum von Ochrid zu bekunden. Mit der Tätigkeit von Demetrios Chomatenos zu der Zeit, in der in seinem Erzbistum die bulgarische Macht durchgesetzt wurde, ist noch ein Beschluss von ihm in Verbindung zu setzen. Dieser ist zwar nicht exakt datiert, jedoch ist er auf die Zeit 1234–1235 (die letzten zwei Jahre von Demetrios’ Amtieren) zu beziehen. Dem Beschluss zufolge wurde die Eheschließung zwischen dem Sohn vom Statthalter (ἀντιπρόσοπος) des Gebiets von Ochrid, Radomir und der Tochter des „geheiligten Zaren“ (des bulgarischen Zaren Ivan Assen II.) nicht genehmigt. Die Ursache lag darin, dass der Zar, ohne eine Ehe mit der Schwester des Statthalters von Ochrid geschlossen zu haben, eine Tochter von dieser Frau hatte. Gerade diese Tochter, die von einer Mätresse stammte, und nicht von einer gesetzlichen Gattin des Zaren, konnte in diese Ehe nicht gehen. Die Ursache – die Mätresse war die Schwester des Statthalters, folglich die Tante von Radomir. Das führte zum Inzest. Es gab eine Verwandtschaft, d.h. Mitelternschaft, die die Realisierung dieses Ehebündnisses nicht erlaubte. Dafür sprach auch die körperliche Nähe der gebürtigen Schwester des Statthalters mit dem Basileos, d.h. dem Zaren Ivan Assen II. Die Verweigerung der Legalisierung von dieser Ehe bezog sich sowohl auf eine Anforderung seitens des Zaren wie auch auf eine Anforderung seitens seines Satthalters des Gebiets. Dieser Fall aus der bischöflichen Gerichtspraxis von Demetrios Chomatenos offenbart direkte gegenseitige Beziehungen mit dem Zaren Ivan Assen II. Außerdem deckt er die Präsenz einer Tochter des Zaren auf, abgesehen von den übrigen zwei Töchtern (Elena und Tamara), welche beim Namen nicht bekannt ist. 273 Die gegenseitigen Beziehungen zwischen Tărnovo und Ochrid in kirchlichen und anderen Aspekten werden ebenso durch weitere historische Quellen aufgedeckt, deren Verfassen auf das 14.– 15. Jahrhundert auf der Basis von früheren Mitteilungen zu beziehen ist. Bislang ist nur ein gewisser Teil von ihnen berücksichtigt worden. Ihre ganzheitliche Betrachtung führt zum Konstatieren interessanter und wenig bekannter Tatsachen. Im Synodikon der bulgarischen Kirche (13.–14. Jh.) werden unmittelbar nach dem Spruch des ewigen Andenkens der „Hocherleuchteten Patriarchen von Tărnovo“ – von Joachim I. (1232–1246) bis hin zum „Hocherleuchteten Patriarchen Evtimij“ (†1404) – die Metropoliten von Veliki Preslav, Červen, Loveč, Sredec (Sofia), Oveč (Provadia) und Drăstăr (Silistra) erwähnt, d. h. jene, deren Eparchien im 14. Jahrhundert innerhalb der Grenzen des Bulgarischen Zarenreichs waren. Unmittelbar danach werden die Vorsteher jener Eparchien erwähnt, die sich dem Patriarchat von Tărnovo beim Zaren Ivan Assen II. anschlossen, d.h. nach 1230: „Und die Metropoliten, derer wir nun gedenken, waren beim frommen bulgarischen Zaren Assen unter der Gewalt des Patriarchats von Tărnovo (подъ областїѫ Тръновскыѧ) und sie verstarben in dieser Zeit: Antonij, Danail, Metropoliten von Seres, ewiges Andenken; Anastassij, Epifanij, Dimitrij – Bischöfe von Velbăžd, ewiges Andenken; Joanikij, Sergij – Erzbischöfe von Ochrid (архїепископ ѡхрдстї), ewiges Andenken; Jakov, Porfirij, Joanikij – Bischöfe von Braničevo, ewiges Andenken; Sava, Teodossij, Dimitrij, Simeon – Bischöfe von Belgrad – ewiges Andenken ; Kiril, Dionissij – Bischöfe von Nišava, ewiges Andenken; Stefan, Kliment, Josif, Chariton, Metropoliten von Bdin, ewiges Andenken; Simeon, Metropolit von Filipisija, ewiges Andenken; Vasilij, Marko, Nikodim, Prokăl Dorotej, Partenij – Metropoliten von Messembria, ewiges Andenken“. Es kann uns nicht entgehen, dass der Name von Demetrios Chomatenos unter den erwähnten Erzbischöfen von Ochrid fehlt. Es ist klar, dass das Erzbistum von Ochrid unter der Hoheit des Patriarchats von Tărnovo stand und dass seine zwei Vorsteher ihm unterordnet waren. Es kann die Annahme gemacht werden, dass es seine Autokephalie in den Jahren 1230–1235 bis zum Tod und dem Ende des erzbischöflichen Amtierens von Demetrios Chomatenos bewahrte. Nach dem Wiederaufbau des Bulgarischen Patriarchats und dem Tod von Demetrios Chomatenos ging das Erzbistum von Ochrid gänzlich unter die Hoheit des Patriarchats von Tărnovo, und da wurden nacheinander die im Synodikon der Bulgarischen Kirche erwähnten zwei Erzbischöfe geweiht. Dies steht nicht im Widerspruch zur Auskunft in der Autobiographie des berühmten Theologen und Schreibers von Nikäa Nikephoros Blemmydes (1197–1272), dass er bei seinem Besuch in Epirus in den Jahren 1239–1240 den Vorstand von Ochrid (τῇ τῆς Ἀχρίδος προεδρίᾳ) ohne Hirten (ποιμένα) vorfand. Die Rückkehr des Erzbistums von Ochrid unter die Hoheit des in Nikäa sich aufhaltenden ökumenischen Patriarchen erfolgte als ein Ergebnis der politischen Veränderungen, die auf der Balkanhalbinsel in den Jahren 1246–1256 vor sich gingen. Als Resultat der aktiven Kriegshandlungen der Herrscher des Kaiserreichs von Nikäa zu dieser Zeit wurden Thrakien, die Gebiete von Rhodopen und Sofia, Makedonien samt Ochrid einverleibt. Erzbischof des geheiligten Erzbistums Bulgarien war im Jahre 1248 bereits Jakov (ὁ ἀρχιεπίσκοπος τῆς ἁγιωτάτης ἀρχιεπισκοπῆς Βουλγαρίας Ἰάκοβος), der auf dem Thron bis zum Jahr 1253 blieb – bis zum Rucktritt und bis zu seiner Widmung dem Mönchsleben auf dem Athosberg. Eine Reihe von griechischen Inschriften und Manuskripten von der zweiten Hälfte des 13. Jahrhunderts, die von Ochrid und der Umgebung stammen, zeugen von der aktiven Schreib-, Bau- und Stiftungstätigkeit der hiesigen Bischöfe und Schreiber. Darunter verdient die Schreibnotiz von Joan von Prespa vom Jahr 1271–1272 besondere Beachtung wegen 274 des Vorhandenseins von einer Reihe von Siedlungsnamen wie auch von Namen anderer Art: „†Dieses Buch Kirianidi wurde in der Festung, genannt Gangra, von der Hand des Joan von Prespa geschrieben (εἰς τὸν κάστρον τὸ λεγόμενον Γάγγραν διὰ χειρὸς Ἰωάννου τοῦ Πρεσπινοῦ), westlich von Prespa, nicht weit von der Festung Ochrid (ἀπὸ τὸν Ἀχρεΐδων τὸ κάστρον) im Jahre 6780. Gedenke, Herr, der Seelen der Gottesknechte Nikolaos und Evdokia“. Die Präsenz der griechischen Geistlichkeit im Erzbistum von Ochrid hinterließ Spuren in verschiedenen Sphären. Jedoch war die Dominanz des bulgarischen ethnischen Elements in seiner Gemeinde unumstritten. Nach der Wiedereinnahme Konstantinopels und dem Wiederaufbau des Byzantinischen Reichs im Jahre 1261 begann das Erzbistum von Ochrid Ansprüche darauf zu erheben, dass eine Reihe von Eparchien des Patriarchats von Tărnovo und des Erzbistums von Serbien sich ihm unterordneten. Es ist kaum ein Zufall, dass die byzantinischen Gesandten bei der Schließung der Union von Lion die Forderung stellten, dass diese für ungesetzlich erklärt und ihre Eparchien vom Westbalkan ins Erzbistum von Ochrid integriert wurden. Gerade in diesem Zusammenhang ordnete der byzantinische Kaiser Michael Palaeologos (1259–1282) zwei Jahre zuvor es an, dass die Urkunden abgeschrieben wurden, die in den Jahren 1019–1025 von Basileios II. Bulgarentöter (976–1025) dem Erzbistum von Ochrid gegeben wurden. Aus ihnen und insbesondere aus den erwähnten Siedlungsnamen ist der bulgarische ethnische Charakter der angegebenen Eparchien überaus deutlich zu entnehmen. In Verbindung mit der Klärung von der Art und Weise des Wiederaufbaus des Bulgarischen Patriarchats im Jahre 1235 hielt es Nicephorus Gregoras (1295– 1360) in seiner „Rhomäischen Geschichte“ kaum zufällig für nötig, die Beziehung des Erzbistums von Ochrid mit Bulgarien und den Bulgaren offenzulegen, wobei er behauptete, dass „der Bischof von Tărnovo (ὁ τοῦ Τόρνοβου ἐπίσκοπος) dem Erzbischof von Justiniana Prima (Ochrid) wegen einer alten Verwandtschaft mit dem dortigen Volk unterstand.“ Ochrid und das mit ihm verbundene Gebiet, auch wenn losgelöst vom Territorium des Bulgarischen Zarenreichs, nahmen einen wichtigen Platz im bulgarischen Geschichtsgedächtnis als Symbole seiner Anfangsgeschichte. Das ist deutlich ersichtlich aus zwei Zusätzen zur bulgarischen Übersetzung der Chronik von Konstantinos Manasses (12. Jh.), die vom Popen Filip im Jahre 1345 gemacht wurde. Im Zusatz zur Herrschaft des Kaisers Anastasij I. (491–518) steht geschrieben: „Beim Zaren Anastasij begannen die Bulgaren dieses Land zu erobern, wobei sie bei Bădin (Vidin) vorgingen. Und ganz zuerst begannen sie mit der Eroberung des unteren Landes von Ochrid (долнѧѫ земѧ Охридскѫ), und danach des ganzen Landes. Vom Kommen der Bulgaren bis jetzt sind 870 Jahre“. Und der Zusatz zum Text über die Herrschaft von Konstantinos IV. dem Bärtigen lautet: „Bei diesem Zaren Konstantin überquerten die Bulgaren die Donau und nahmen den Griechen jenes Land ab, in dem sie bis heute leben, nachdem sie diese zerschlagen hatten. Vorher hieß dieses Land Mösien. Indem sie viel und unzählig waren, bevölkerten sie auch dieses Land bei der Donau und jenes Land bei Dyrrachium (и онѫ до Драча) und noch weiter, weil sowohl die Walachen als auch die Serben, als auch alle anderen das eine sind.“ Im direkten Umgang zwischen den zwei Kirchenzentren ist ein weiterer durchaus interessanter Fakt belegt. Der Patriarch von Tărnovo Simeon, zusammen mit den Bischöfen von seiner Synode und beim Kozelebrieren mit dem Erzbischof von Ochrid Nikola, weihte und inthronisierte im Jahre 1346 in Skopie den serbischen Erzbischof Joanikij zum Patriarchen. Anwesend war auch der Prota 275 des Athosberges mit den Äbten der Klöster. Diese hierarchische Erhebung war zwar offenkundig vereinbart zwischen dem bulgarischen Zaren Ivan Alexandăr und dem serbischen König Stephan Dušan (1331–1355), jedoch löste sie eine negative Reaktion und die Anathemas der Synode des Konstantinopeler Patriarchats aus, der zufolge dieser Akt nicht kanonisch war. Die Beziehung von Tărnovo und dem Patriarchat von Tărnovo mit dem Erzbistum von Ochrid ist in einer Reihe von bulgarischen und slawischen historischen, kirchlichen und andersartigen Schriften vom 15. Jahrhundert belegt. Ihre Erwähnung verdient die Aufmerksamkeit mit Bezug auf die Feststellung der Dauerhaftigkeit dieser Beziehung im Geschichtsgedächtnis – sowohl im bulgarischen als auch im fremdländischen. Am Anfang des 15. Jahrhunderts wurde die „Erzählung über das Bulgarische und Serbische Patriarchat“ von bulgarischen Schreibern auf dem Athosberg zusammengestellt. Darin sind die Namen der Patriarchen von Tărnovo erwähnt, darunter auch Theophilakt von Ochrid – „Erzähler des Evangeliums“. Es wird die Behauptung vertreten, dass einst dem Patriarchat von Tărnovo „das Land von Ochrid und andere ferne Orte angehörten …Und da setzte der Erzbischof von Ochrid mit dem Segen des Patriarchen von Tărnovo seine Bischöfe auf.“ Diese Erzählung wurde ursprünglich im Fürstentum Litauen als eine kanonische Rechtfertigung der Erklärung von Grigorij Tzamblak (1415–1420) zum „Metropoliten von Kiewer Russ und ganz Russland“ im Jahre 1415 eingesetzt. Etwas später (um die Mitte des 15. Jahrhunderts) wurde die Erzählung den russischen Nomokanonen als Einführung beigefügt, damit das Recht auf eine Autokephalie der russischen Metropoliten begründet wurde. Im 16. Jahrhundert wurde eine andere Erzählung geschaffen – „Vernünftiges Bittgesuch der bulgarischen Zarin Maria“, in der festgehalten wurde: „Diese Zarin Maria begehrte es vom Herzen, die evangelische Schrift zu verstehen und bat Seine Seligkeit den Erzbischof von Ochrid Theophilakt darum, ihr das Heilige Evangelium deutend zu erörtern. Und als dieser ihr vernünftiges Bittgesuch empfing, setzte er sich hin und machte eine Auswahl aus der Deutung von Chrysostomos und umschrieb so kurz und bündig das in den vier Evangelien Gesagte.“ Die Geschichte der Beziehung des Erzbistums von Ochrid mit Bulgarien und den Bulgaren lebte in den Jahrhunderten fort und fand ihren Platz in den Schriften der bulgarischen Historiker im 18. Jahrhundert. (Übersetzung aus dem Bulgarischen ins Deutsche von Hristo Stantschev) 276 Tatjana Subotin-Golubović University of Belgrade, Faculty of Philosophy, Belgrade, Serbia; tsubotin@f.bg.ac.rs The Ohrid Layer in the Liturgical Practice of the Serbian Orthodox Church The history of early religious service in the Serbian church remains shrouded in mystery. Reliable information appears only after the Serbian church had become autocephalous. Until recently, it was believed that the earliest Serbian manuscripts were two gospels: Miroslav’s Gospel (circa 1185/95) and the gospel commissioned for Prince Vukan, Stefan Nemanja’s eldest son (circa 1200). Studies published in recent years have significantly altered and extended our knowledge about the earliest period of Serbian literacy. The medieval Serbian literary language, as well as Serbian literacy as a whole, was built on the foundations laid in the 9th century by Byzantine missionaries Constantine (Cyril) (†869) and his brother Methodius (†885). Recent research of early specimens of Slavonic literacy have confirmed that all important elements of the early form of the Serbian Church Slavonic language had already been formed and present in one of the oldest preserved examples of Slavonic literacy – the Codex Marianus, written in the Glagolitic script in the late 10th or early 11th century. In this context, it is important to note an epigraphic specimen – the Temnić inscription which is believed to have been created in the 10th or 11th century and also shares some features of the early Serbian recension; in addition, it contains some names from the group of the Forty Martyrs of Sebaste. Several fragments written in the Serbian Church Slavonic have been preserved from the 12th century and date from the first half or the middle of this century. These are the Gršković fragment and Mihanović fragment, both of which contain excerpts from the text of the second most important liturgical book of the New Testament – the Acts of the Apostles. In our studies of menaions (hymnographic anthologies containing services to the saints on the fixed dates of the calendar), we have discovered two fragments from two different menaions and have dated them to the last quarter of the 12th century. All of this has led us to thoughts about the liturgical books and rituals that must have been in use in Serbian lands in the 11th and 12th century. Since the fragmentary nature of extant material requires a special approach and a comparative analysis in relation to other (Russian and Bulgarian) preserved examples with a similar content from an older period, we have based our research on the diachronic approach. On the territory of Nemanja’s state (and certainly before this time), there must have existed some sort of ecclesiastical organization in Serbian lands. An interesting piece of information – and also a clue to the correct direction of our reasoning – is the peace treaty and godfather ties established between the Serbian archon Peter and the Bulgarian archon Simeon (897/8). This information suggests that a baptismal ceremony was performed, leading to the question where this ritual could have taken place. The first location that comes to mind is St. Peter’s Church in the region of Ras. And to perform the rite at all, the appropriate book would have been needed – an Euchologion (book of prayers). It is important to note that this book, known in the Byzantine Empire as the Euchologion, contained the Liturgy of St. John Chrysostom, the Liturgy of St. Basil and the Liturgy of the Presanctified Gifts, as well as the rites that make up the contents of the Book of Prayers (the Small Euchologion or Trebnik), including the rite of baptism. In the liturgical practice of Orthodox Slavs, this book was divided into two parts: Leiturgiarion (Služabnik) and the Book 277 of Prayers (Trebnik). It is believed that some parts of the Trebnik were translated into the Slavonic language as early as the time of Cyril and Methodius. In the context of missionary activities of the Thessaloniki missionaries, the rite of baptism is certainly the most important among the rites of the Trebnik. This could easily be the first intimation of the use of a liturgical book, probably a book in Slavonic in Serbian lands. After the Battle of Anchialus (917), the political circumstances led to the brief dependence of Serbian lands on Bulgaria; hence, it is possible that at this time the Bulgarian influence had contributed to the spreading of Slavonic literacy in Serbian lands. It is important to note that the period in question was the golden age of Bulgarian literature, which left a diverse and abundant literary legacy to all Orthodox Slavonic peoples. The Bulgarian state under Emperor Simeon made a great effort to conform all spheres of life – including the very important spheres of church organization and liturgical service – to the Constantinople models. The Bulgarian archbishopric (later Patriarchy), whose seat was located in Preslav, introduced the Typikon of the Great Church (Agia Sophia) into its liturgy. The part of the Serbian lands that was subordinated to the Bishopric of Ras now found itself under the jurisdiction of this church organization. It was precisely this bishopric that could have played one of the key roles in the spreading of liturgy in the Slavonic language and the books used in the service and written in the Cyrillic script. Following the Byzantine conquest of Bulgaria (971), the Bishopric of Ras was subjugated to the Greek metropolitanate seated in Drač (Durrës). The establishment of Samuel’s empire (976) facilitated the preservation of the existing tradition of Slavonic literacy in the Balkans. Later on, after the fall of Samuel’s state, the Bishopric of Ras was made subordinate to the Archbishopric of Ohrid in 1019. The Archbishopric of Ohrid itself had preserved both the old Slavonic worship traditions from the times of Clement († 916) and Naum of Ohrid († 910) and the liturgical service in Greek. Scholars have suggested a periodization spanning from the 10th century to the first half of the 13th century; the third period (1037-1180) is particularly important for our topic: during this period, the autocephalous Archbishopric of Ohrid was headed by a Greek archbishop and bishops. The Serbian lands were also placed under the jurisdiction of Ohrid. The lower-level clerics must have included some Slavs, who probably performed services in Slavonic areas in the Slavonic language, since it would have made little sense to use a language that the flock did not understand. The political situation throughout the 11th century and the first half of the 12th century determined the status of the church in Serbian lands or, more precisely, in the region of Ras. A not insignificant role in the political situation that favored the consolidation of Slavonic worship services was played by the relationship of the Ohrid archbishops with the grand zhupans of Serbia; particularly noteworthy were the efforts of John (Adrian) Komnenos, the Arhcbishop of Ohrid in the third quarter of the 12th century. Except the aforementioned 12th-century fragments, there are no reliable sources that could help us to shed more light on the questions concerning early worship services in Serbian lands. The comparative and diachronic approach used in our studies is dictated by the nature of examined manuscripts (hymnographic anthologies) and the texts contained therein. Since our research is primarily concerned with menaions and, if a need to systematically integrate the extant material presents itself, other hymnographic anthologies (octoechos and triodions), we have directed our intention to the contents and textological characteristics of some services, believing that their presence in the Serbian liturgical books is crucial for our attempts at reconstructing the liturgical practice of periods for which there are no extant written sources. 278 The oldest Serbian menaion is Manuscript No. 647 of the National Library of Serbia in Belgrade. This document is a convolute – a manuscript composed of several separate parts created independently of each other, sometimes even at different times and at some point joined together. The manuscript is composed of four parts, with the oldest dating from the second quarter of the 13th century and the last from the second quarter of the 14th and mid-14th century. The oldest part contains akolouthiai for September, October and November. The oldest preserved Russian manaions (late 11th – early 12th century) contain services for the same months, and are therefore suitable for comparing with the Serbian material. A comparative study of these materials has revealed that there are significant differences in the structure of the services, although their contents are almost identical. The services in the Russian manuscripts begin with sessional stichera (the faithful are seated - sedalen) and are followed by the other parts of the liturgy with no distinction between Vespers and Matins (evening and morning services). This structure is shared by the oldest Greek menaions dating from the 10th century. By contrast, the services in the manuscript No. 647 NLS do make a clear distinction between Vespers and Matins. However, the services in the Serbian manuscript are shorter and contain fewer texts than Russian manuscripts. It could be assumed that the model for NLS 647 had been an archaic manuscript from the peripheral parts of the liturgical area we are discussing. The Serbian menaion – roughly dated to the first half of the 13th century and conserved in the collection of the Bulgarian monastery on Mount Athos (Zographou I e 7) – contains parts of services with the same archaic structural characteristics shared by the aforementioned Russian menaions; the services from September 22 to the end of the month all begin with a sessional. The scribe seems to have made a compilation of different models; of course, it is possible that the manuscript he was transcribing was already composed in this manner. The Canon of Andrew the Apostle (Prōtoklētos or First-Called) by Naum of Ohrid was discovered in this manuscript. The authorship was determined based on the acrostic in the 9th ode which spells out his name – NAUM. The oldest Serbian festal menaion – Manuscript No. 361 in the SASA Archives from the mid-13th century – differs from the two aforementioned Serbian menaions in that its services are less developed, which would suggest an earlier time of creation; however, the structure of its services strongly resembles that of the services in NLS 647. The second part of SASA 361 contains an abridged Festal Triodion (Pentecostarion). Faced with a lack of other sources, we have focused on the textological characteristics of some services in this manuscript and their structure. In this regard, the extant Russian material offers a good foundation for this approach. The Serbian and Russian menaions from this oldest period both contain a number of texts written during the First Bulgarian Empire. Two names are associated with Ohrid – Clement and Naum of Ohrid. Although this discussion concerns the legacy of Ohrid in the liturgical practice of medieval Serbia, we cannot ignore an author from Preslav - Presbyter Constantine, whose works also feature in the Serbian manuscripts. This means that Constantine’s works were also included in the hymnographic repertoire in the liturgical books of the South Slavs. Clement was a prolific writer, and many of his works have been preserved in Serbian manuscripts, where the oldest known copies of some of his canons were discovered. Our Bulgarian colleague Georgi Popov has discovered the Canon for the Sunday of Pentecost in SANU 361; another two copies of this canon were found in Serbian triodions dating from the 13th century: 1) St. Petersburg, PNB F. p. I. 68; 2) Sofia, NBKM 202. The triodion manuscript tradition among the Slavs is particularly interesting. The triodion is believed to have been translated into Slavonic by Clement of Ohrid; in addition, he obviously added some of his own writings to the book. The first part of the SANU 361 manuscript (festal menaion) can be seen 279 as an anthology of early Slavonic ecclesiastical poetry; some of the services include: the canon to the Archangel Michael by Constantine of Preslav, the canon of Nativity by the same author, Clement’s canons to Euthymius the Great and the Presentation of Mary, as well as two cycles of Clement’s alphabetical stichera. The composition of some services in this manuscript reveals an uninterrupted link between Clement’s time and the Serbian 13th century. Manuscript No. 32 from the Decani Monastery (1320s-1330s) contains Clement’s canon to St. Apollinaris of Ravenna. The presence of hymnographic texts written by Clement of Ohrid for the Octoechos has been noticed in some older Serbian manuscripts. Troparia from Clement’s Canon of Repentance of the sixth mode have been identified in each one of the Canon of Repentance for the sixth mode in a Serbian Octoechos from the mid-14th century (Harvard, Houghton Library, cod. slav. 2 = manuscript No. 213 in the old collection of the National Library in Belgrade). In the canons for the first, fifth, sixth and eighth mode on Tuesday, troparia from Clement’s canons to John the Forerunner have been discovered. In the context of our attempts at uncovering the liturgical patterns of early Serbian liturgical services, a special place belongs to the cult of Saint Achillius of Larissa, the patron saint of the cathedral church of Samuel’s patriarchy. After his conquest of Larissa, Samuel translated the relics of Achillius to his capital on Little Prespa. His cult quickly spread on the entire territory under the jurisdiction of Samuel’s Patriarchy of Ohrid, prompting the need for the translation of services dedicated to this saint into the Slavonic language. The Greek manuscript dating from 1047 and kept at the Great Lavra Monastery on Mount Athos (Г 19) could have been used the source for this translation. A Serbian copy of this service has been preserved in the aforementioned manuscript SASA 361. As the cathedral church of the Bishopric of Moravica – one of the bishoprics under Sava’s Serbian autocephalous church – was dedicated to Saint Achillius, we can assume that this manuscript was created for the needs of this church. The present-day town of Arilje is located at the spot where the erstwhile monastery of St. Achillius once stood. After securing autocephaly for his church, Saint Sava began the process of codifying the liturgical practices in the Serbian church to mirror the services he had encountered during his sojourn on Mount Athos and visits to Constantinople and Palestine. The process of modernizing the liturgical practice and introducing (translating) new texts was certainly long, as evidenced by the aforementioned works of the Ohrid and Preslav hymnographic schools – albeit in abridged versions, these sporadically survived in the hymnographic anthologies used in the Serbian church almost to the end of the 14th century. The textological tradition of the Ohrid and Preslav hymnographic works – regardless of whether it was preserved in Russian or Serbian or Bulgarian manuscripts – is certainly stable. Bearing in mind that the Serbian manuscripts have not always preserved integral texts of some compositions (as in the case of the aforementioned Harvard Octoechos), we can safely conclude that the 13th century saw the process of repressing and replacing original Slavic hymnographic works by the standardized Byzantine repertoire. In this regard, the studies of menaions are somewhat more advanced; systematic research of Serbian triodions and octoechos has yet to be undertaken. The presence of Clement’s, Naum’s and Constantine’s poetic compositions in medieval Serbian hymnographic anthologies can be seen as reliable evidence about the influence of early Slavic liturgical services of Ohrid provenance. Menaion services in the three Serbian manuscripts (SANU 361, NLS 647, the Zographou menaion) have mostly preserved the archaic structure of early menaions from the Studite tradition and can hence be seen as the results of a conservative, provincial liturgical tradition. 280 In this brief overview, we have attempted to indicate the direction of our musings and attempts to discover the characteristics of Serbian worship services before the church became autocephalous. Due to the scope of extant material, we have chosen not to discuss Clement’s preserved occasional and panegyrical orations dedicated to particular feasts or saints. However, one should bear in mind that, for instance, Clement’s Panegyric to the Archangels Michael and Gabriel appears in a number of Serbian manuscripts, as do some of his other panegyric compositions. Systematic research of the presence of works from the Ohrid-Preslav production (both prose and verse) in Serbian manuscripts could help us resolve some of these questions concerning the historical Serbian liturgy. Srboljub Ubiparipović University of Belgrade, Faculty of Orthodox Theology, Belgrade, Serbia; ubisrba@gmail.com The Rite of Artoklasia in the Worship of the Orthodox Church from the 12th to the 15th Century Akolouthia of Artoklasia is an integral part of the All-Night Vigil in the Orthodox Church. Beside five offered prosphora loafs of bread, this rite implies offering and blessing of wheat, wine and oil as the exclusive and precious offerings in the liturgical tradition of the Orthodox Church. In this research we are examining historical and teleturgical development of Akolouthia of Artoklasia, and also its theological meaning during the period, from the 12th to the 15th century. Finally, at the end of this work there are going to be highlighted the relevant perspectives. Nenad Milošević University of Belgrade, Faculty of Orthodox Theology, Belgrade, Serbia; nemilosevic@gmail.com Relation between Serbian and Greek Orthodox Order of Worship during the Period from the 13th to the 15th Century Simultaneously with the organizing of the independent Church in the Serbian lands, St. Sava had chosen Monastic Typicon from the Mount Athos for the Order of worship in those lands. The circumstances of the urban life in the medieval Serbian state from the one hand, and undisputed and significant role of many monasteries from the other hand, had determined the inseparability of Typicon in the parishes and monasteries. Above all, gradually cessation of Asmatic typicon in the Byzantine Churches and domination of Monastic Typicon, was another fact which had enstrengthened St. Sava’s decision. This state of affairs had maden possible continuity of translation and usage of the Greek’s liturgical prototypes, almost without any kind of change. Such an orientation will be confirmed by the excepting of redaction of Patriarch Philoteus in the 14th century, and that redaction is going to remain permanent corner-stone of the Order of worship in the latter times. 281 Viktor Banov European Polytechnical University, Pernik, Bulgaria; vbanov@email.com L’importanza della riforma di Sant’Eftimij il patriarca di Tarnovo per la vita spirituale e culturale dei Balcani alla fine del XIV secolo Il contesto storico in cui vive sant’Evtimij, il patriarca di Veliko Tarnovo, è sotto il segno della lotta contro gli invasori turchi. Sono tre gli Stati principali alla vigilia dell’invasione ottomana nella Penisola Balcanica:Bisanzio,la Bulgaria e la Serbia. I rapporti reciproci come pure i rapporti con i turchi ottomani determinano la situazione politica nell’Europa Sud - Orientale alla fine del XIV secolo. Sotto la minaccia comune, i popoli slavi del Sud cominciano a cercare in modo più profondo la tradizione, la cultura, e la spiritualità bizantina. L’Ortodossia in pericolo si trasforma in forza principale per l’unione contro l’invasore venuto dall’Asia Minore. Durante questo periodo (XIV secolo) sul Monte Athos sotto la forma di risorgimento spirituale si crea una nuova corrente – l’esicasmo. Grazie ai rapporti rafforzati fra i popoli slavi, presto la nuova corrente spirituale abbraccia l’intero mondo greco e slavo. La Bulgaria diventa il terreno naturale per il suo sviluppo e centro per la sua diffusione fra gli slavi. Recenti studi concreti indicano che la riforma della lingua è stata fatta secondo le concezioni esicaste “del linguaggio”. Secondo esse per raggiungere la perfezione bisogna lavorare ugualmente con le immagini e le parole, cioè deve essere completamente chiaro qual’è l’essenza della parola, deve essere chiara la sostanza interna dei fenomeni. Secondo la dottrina dell’esicasmo, alla vera sostanza delle cose si arriva attraverso la contemplazione. Solo allora dietro l’ordinario si può intravedere l’irraggiungibile. L’altro momento significativo della riforma è la sua importanza panslava. Si assiste ad una specie di “ripetizione” dell’opera dei santi Cirillo e Metodio. È proprio cosi, la situazione durante il secolo XIV è simile a quella del IX secolo – il linguaggio deve scoprire in maniera ottimale la sostanza degli oggetti e degli avvenimenti. La lingua dei santi fratelli di Salonicco è panslava, dopo la riforma la lingua di sant’Eftimij diventa anche panslava. Si considera, che sant’Eftimij crea un programma completo, che include i parametri ecclesiastici, culturali e politici dell’allora mondo slavo. Realizzandolo egli persegue il raggiungimento dell’unità fra i diversi popoli. È chiaro che questa idea nasce come risposta all’avanzare del nemico comune – il battagliero islam. Dunque, solo nell’unità e nella strategia comune il santo di Tarnovo vede la possibilità di fare resistenza. Uno dei mezzi per raggiungere l’unità è possedere una lingua a livello panslavo. Il tempo però non permette di realizzare questo piano, che potrebbe essere davvero una cosa straordinaria riferito al mondo slavo dell’epoca. Dopo la caduta della capitale Tarnovo, l’opera del santo patriarca Eftimij non si perde. Anzi, lascia l’impronta nella letteratura dei bulgari, serbi, russi e rumeni. L’opera indica l’importanza di sant’Eftimij per la vita spirituale e culturale dei Balcani alla fine del XIV secolo. L’opera di Eftimij si diffonde e influenza, a diversi livelli e in modi diversi, le culture della Serbia, Vallacchia, Moldova e Russia. In Vallacchia e Moldova si sente la necessità di porre resistenza al cattolicesimo penetrante dall’Ungheria e dalla Polonia, da una parte, e all’Islam, dall’altra. Nella Serbia le idee della riforma di Sant’Eftimij e in particolare dell’esicasmo, vengono 282 diffuse da Romil di Vidin e Constantin Kostenečki. In Russia è dndato metropolita Gregorio Zamblak, uno dei discepoli più vicini a sant’Eftimij con altri ecclesiastici. Il più famoso è Cipriano, metropolita di Kiev (1376 -1406), che conosce l’esicasmo attraverso i discepoli di Gregorio il Sinaita in Bulgaria. Diffusa tra i popoli con lingue simili, la riforma di sant’Eftimij assume un’importanza panslava. Essa assume i parametri del movimento che si diffonde in tutto il mondo slavo del Sud e del Nord. Da qui possiamo trarre la conclusione che l’opera di san Eftimij è una tappa della realizzazione di una strategia globale, elaborata nelle celle silenziose dei monasteri esicasti. La riforma è la testimonianza, che le azioni dei seguaci dell’esicasmo in tutta l’Europa Orientale sono concordate, molto ben ponderate, perseguendo un unico scopo, che è comune. Elena Gkartzonika University of Ioannina, Ioannina, Greece; gkartzonika@yahoo.com The Fourteenth-Century Serbian Elites at the Turning Point: Mrnjavčevići’s Purse and Life Emerged both as contenders and immediate successors of the relatively centralized Serbian power, the late-14th-c. short-lived family of Mrnjavčevići can serve as an eloquent example of the translocations and the internal adjustments of the Serbian ruling elite during the Ottoman conquest. At the same time, their case can provide an opportunity for a multidimensional historical approach, aiming to facilitate the comprehension of the emergence of decentralized powers and, especially, their particular, often aristocratic, characteristics. The latter were initially acknowledged in connection to the preserved ancestral local administrative structures of župas but, at the same time, they were partially modified due to the Nemanjid dynasty’s external influences. Given the above, the said characteristics can reveal the reasoning of the strategic decisions made locally, after the death of the Mighty Stefan Uroš IV Dušan and the ongoing Ottoman expansion in his orthodox lands. Mrnjavčevići in particular, having a prior claim on the leadership of a larger administrative region and being fully embedded in the political and ecclesiastical structures introduced or preserved by Nemanjići seem to have taken advantage of the mobility observed along the constantly redefined trade side-routes. Due to their mediating economic activity, their stature increased and, consequently, they gradually managed to consolidate themselves in the administrative hierarchy of the Nemanjid court. Having emerged as middlemen in the service of the aforementioned ruling dynasty and, being in good terms with Mt. Athos monasteries as neighbors and contributors, they succeeded to emerge as strategic and military actors on the western coasts of the gradually fragmented Serbian lands and, likewise, in the campaigns against the Ottomans. Beside the political and military aspect of the aforementioned decentralization and the resulting fragmentation, the service provided by Mrnjavčevići to the ruling dynasty will also be explored from its financial and fiscal aspect. From these points of view, we will be able to better comprehend the conditions of the new era, which the Balkan population(s) will live through. 283 Gordana Janjušević Leković High School “Niko Rolović”, Bar, Montenegro; gordana.lekovic.10@gmail.com Despina Hélène, poétesse avec le voile religieux, et son œuvre et personnage médiéval dans la réception contemporaine Dans ce travail il s`agit de despina Hélène, l`épouse d`Uglješa Mrnjavčević, le despote serbe, qui est tué dans la Bataille de Maritsa, l’année 1371. C’est le période de désintégration d’état serbe (d’Empire Byzantin aussi) à cause d’invasion turque. Après le mort de son mari elle est devenue une religieuse, sous le nom Jefimija. Mais, elle était aussi l’artiste, poétesse et brodeuse extraordinaire, qui a créé son œuvre dans la prière et la solitude de sa vie chrétienne. Après le mort de Lazar, prince de Serbie, qui est tué dans la Bataille au Kosovo l’année 1389, despina Hélène a écrit son principal travail. Sa poésie d`or et des cieux – Louange au prince Lazar, c’est une broderie d’or sur soie, un oeuvre de poésie (religieux et médiéval) et des arts appliqués. C’est un thème d’histoire, patriotisme et de la foi: le mort et le sacrifice de Lazar, le saint, prince serbe qui est mort dans la Bataille au Kosovo, où il a „choisi l’empire au ciel“, pas „l’empire sur la terre“ (chanson de geste). Ce topos historique et leur présence dans l’œuvre superbe de Jefimija, la poétesse, était toujours l’inspiration pour les poètes, mais aussi pour les autres artistes. La religieuse Jefimija (despina Helene), c’est une figure tragique et sublime dans l’histoire de Serbie médiéval, mais qui brille avec un halo de tranquillité chrétien, générosité et de la vertu. La réception de son personnage était toujours liée avec une émotion de douleur. Douleur d’une mère dont le petit fils est mort, douleur d’une femme qui est devenue la jeune veuve à cause des événements tragiques historiques. Et aussi, douleur d`une despina serbe qui vois le désastre de Serbie sous l`invasion d`ennemie. Dans cet article nous explorons la réception de ce personnage féminin médiéval, son œuvre et sa destine. Douleur et solitude, ce sont des topos les plus importants dans la réception traditionnelle de ce personnage, même en œuvre de l’art moderne. Mais, c’est la douleur voilé, soufre d’une chrétienne. La recherche dans ce travail comprend la poésie Jefimija de Milan Rakić (le poète serbe très connu et important, l’auteur de la poésie moderne serbe de fin du XIXe et de début du XXe siècle), où l’opposition binaire sémantique produit l’effet esthétique. Aussi, nous explorons la chanson Jefimija de pop-groupe „Lutajuća srca“ (groupe de pop-musique yougoslave dans les années soixante-dix du siècle dernier) où on peut marquer le même topos (de solitude) et en même temps sa négation. Aujourd’hui, Jefimija est devenue un symbole et, en plus, la marque, „brand“ serbe. Ce nom est utilisé, par exemple, pour donner le nom du salon de beauté, du restaurant, de l’hôtel, de la clinique féminine pour le traitement des maladies du sein, de la boutique rideaux etc. La despina Hélène, Jefimija, en changements des temps et des sens, n’est plus seul. Dans la réception contemporaine de cette femme exceptionnelle, on peut marquer le topos de beauté de la femme, santé de la mère, création féminine, hospitalité et beauté de la maison, joie de vivre. Elle provoque associations de touche de soie et de la lumière, d’or en broderie et poésie. Maintenant, Jefimija est un „brand“ moderne. 284 Michael Bibikov Russian Academy of Sciences, Institute of World History, Moscow, Russia; mbibikov@mail.ru «Русские монастыри» в византийской Палестине В 1167 г. или в 1173 г. в Иерусалим прибывает паломница из дома Рюриковичей — святая княгиня Евфросиния Полоцкая —просветительница Белоруссии, «неокопанное корение Русьстей земли», как ее славили современники. Об этом повествует «Житие св. Евфросинии Полоцкой», созданное вскоре после кончины княгини и погребения ее у Иерусалима в Лавре св. Феодосия. Паломничество полоцкой преподобной явилось образцом чистоты помысла и благо честия. Она поклонилась Гробу Христову, потом поставила при гробе золотое кадило и принесла много даров Церкви Иерусалимской и Патриарху. Блаж. Евфросинья обошла и прочие достославные места в окрестностях Иерусалима; поклонившись с великим умилением святыням, княгиня поселилась в монастыре, называвшемся Русским и находившемся при церкви, выстроенной в честь и во славу Богородицы. Что касается свидетельства о Русском монастыре в Иерусалиме в последней трети XII в., текст «Жития Евфросинии Полоцкой» в этом отношении уникален. То, что княгиня останавливалась в Святом граде «у святыя Богородици в русском монастыри», является единственным, но очень важным упоминанием русской Богородичной обители в Иерусалиме, существовавшей уже в XII в. Но это не единственное свидетельство о древнерусских обителях в Святой Земле. В «Житии св. Саввы Сербского» сообщается, что сербский архиепископ во время своего первого паломничества в Иерусалим (в 1229 г.) жил в лавре св. Саввы Освященного «у святого Михаила в русском монастыре, вблизи великой церкви», отождествляемой с лаврским собором. Данные о русских монастырских постройках в Палестине подтверждаются и латинским «Паломничеством в Святую землю» вюрцбургского пресвитера Иоанна, посетившего Иеру салим в середине 60-х гг. XII в., т. е. практически одновременно с Евфросинией Полоцкой. 285 HAGIOGRAPHY ‒ PART 2 Chairs: André-Louis Rey, Pablo Adrián Cavallero Pierre Benic, La construction de la sainteté royale dans le roman hagiographique de « Barlaam et Joasaf » Luigi D’Amelia, The Laudatio S. Barae BHG 212 and Some Considerations in Favor of Its Traditional, but Recently Challenged, Attribution to John Mauropous (11th Century) Eirini Sophia Kiapidou, Theophylact of Ohrid’s Martyrdom of the Fifteen Martyrs of Tiberiopolis: A New Critical Edition Elissavet Chartavella, Ioannes Staurakios and His Encomium on St. Theodora of Thessaloniki Varvara Zharkaya – Lev Lukhovitskiy, «Don’t Put on a Friend’s Mask, but Pronounce an Impartial Judgment»: Constantine Acropolites’ Hagiographic Oeuvre in His Letter-Collection Mihail Mitrea, Placing Golden Flourishes: Miracle Tales in the Saints’ Lives of Philotheos Kokkinos Pierre Benic Université Paris 4 Sorbonne, Paris, France; pierrebenic@yahoo.fr La construction de la sainteté royale dans le roman hagiographique de « Barlaam et Joasaf » Au cours de notre recherche sur le roman de Barlaam et Joasaph, dans le cadre d’un mémoire de deuxième année de Master sous la direction de M. le Professeur Bernard Flusin à l’Université Paris IV Sorbonne, nous avons envisagé cette œuvre en tant qu’«encyclopédie chrétienne » et « synthèse de la sainteté. » La seconde partie du roman est centrée sur la Vie de saint Joasaph, de la conversion du jeune prince à son ascèse monastique. L’analyse philologique de cette partie de l’œuvre (par R. Volk) rend compte d’une intertextualité pour le moins imposante : on y retrouve des références à plus d’une dizaine de vies et de passions différentes. Pour autant, le personnage de Joasaph est garant d’une unité et ce n’est pas un personnage invraisemblable qui prêterait son nom à une compilation d’épisodes hagiographiques. Nous avons pu observer que la construction du texte hagiographique était accompagnée de la construction d’une sainteté nouvelle. Nous étudierons le statut du pouvoir dans Barlaam et Joasaph ; en particulier le rapport du saint à l’exercice du pouvoir politique. Il est d’abord présenté comme l’ultime tentation à laquelle est soumis le prince par son père mais Joasaph finit par accepter le gouvernement comme un sacrifice pour son royaume, afin de la conduire sur la voie du Salut. Toutefois, Joasaph ne renonce pas à son projet de vie monastique et, une fois qu’il a achevé la conversion de son peuple à la foi chrétienne, il se retire au désert. Le roman de Barlaam et Joasaph a été composé par Euthyme l’Hagiorite à partir du Balavariani géorgien, dont il fait la traduction en grec, qu’il tisse à son tour d’un très grand nombre de sources patristiques et hagiographiques. Il s’agit donc d’une sainteté qui vient d’ailleurs et qui se structure dans l’hagiographie byzantine à travers ce roman. Cette sainteté d’importation passe par le Caucase, où le récit du prince devenu ascète se christianise, avant de se nourrir d’apports byzantins sous la forme grecque que nous lui connaissons. Il conviendra de se pencher sur le statut de la paidéia : la préparation du prince à l’exercice du pouvoir n’est pas évoquée dans le roman et cette place est laissée à l’enseignement chrétien de Barlaam. Ainsi, le roman n’est pas un miroir du prince mais il demeure une lecture édifiante, une préparation à l’ascèse, qui fera de son lecteur un (souverain) disciple du Christ. Ce dernier point nous conduira à évoquer la postérité et la réception du roman de Barlaam et Joasaph. En effet, le personnage de Joasaph devient un modèle d’ascèse personnelle du souverain, en particulier aux XIIIème et XIVème siècles sous l’influence de l’hésychasme. Le texte quant à lui ne devient pas un modèle littéraire proposé à l’imitation mais il définit davantage des topoi nouveaux et des horizons d’attente propres à une branche de la littérature hagiographique qui connaitra son développement en particulier avec les Vies de saints souverains de Serbie. 287 Luigi D’Amelia University Ca’ Foscari, Venice, Italy, luigidamelia@libero.it The Laudatio S. Barae BHG 212 and Some Considerations in Favor of Its Traditional, but Recently Challenged, Attribution to John Mauropous (11th Century) As far as we know, the cod. Lesbos, Μονὴ τοῦ Λειμῶνος, 43, datable on palaeographical grounds to the 12th-13th century, is the only manuscript which preserves the Laudatio s. Barae BHG 212 (ff. 248r-261v), an elegant and rhetorically complex hagiographical text, unfortunately mutilated at the end. The text tells the story of St Baras, an enigmatic Egyptian ascetic who after spending some time in the desert moved to Constantinople, where, according to the monastic tradition (or rather, to a branch of it), he seems to have founded the Monastery of St John Prodromos in the so-called Petra neighborhood sometime between the end of the 5th and the beginning of the 6th century. The author of the Laudatio must have had very little and vague information available about Baras’ life, which he tried to complete and amplify in order to fulfil the devotional needs of an important place of worship in the Capital. The encomium of St Baras, when looked at closely, far from being a mere exercise of pompous and empty sacred rhetoric, reveals a noteworthy literary skill and a stylistic accuracy which are not common in the hagiographical byzantine prose. The text was published for the first time in 1884 by Athanasios Papadopoulos-Kerameus, whose “semicritical” edition surprisingly shows several reading errors, as I could observe while preparing a new critical edition of the Laudatio s. Barae. In the manuscript the title in red ink seems to attribute the encomium to a certain Ἰωάννης Μαυροπόδης, who has been traditionally identified by scholars with John Mauropous, the well-known Byzantine scholar, ecclesiastic and also teacher and friend of Michael Psellos (11th c.). In 2002 Xavier Lequeux contested this attribution referring almost exclusively to data which he was able to infer from the title, in which Ἰωάννης Μαυροπόδης is also called “monk” and “archdeacon” of the Monastery of St John Prodromos of Petra. Since the two cognomina Μαυροπόδης and Μαυρόπους do not coincide and in light of few other elements, the Belgian scholar argued that the John Μαυροπόδης, author of the Laudatio s. Barae, should not be identified with the above-mentioned John Mauropous (Μαυρόπους). My paper will demonstrate that the Laudatio s. Barae is most likely a work by John Mauropous, and not only on the basis of the information provided by the title of the text in the manuscript, but also of a brief analysis of the literary, linguistic and stylometric features of the encomium and a comparison of them with those of the works undoubtedly ascribed to the Byzantine scholar. 288 Eirini Sophia Kiapidou University of Patras, Patras, Greece; ekiapidou@upatras.gr Theophylact of Ohrid’s Martyrdom of the Fifteen Martyrs of Tiberiopolis: A New Critical Edition The Martyrdom of the Fifteen Martyrs of Tiberiopolis is one of the two hagiographic texts that Theophylact, the well-known Byzantine scholar and archbishop of Ohrid during the reign of Alexios I Κomnenos (1081-1118), composed drawing their topics on the local legacy of Ohrid. Apart from its hagiographic content, i.e. the life, the martyrdom and the miracles of the fifteen men who martyred in Tiberiopolis on the 27th of November in 362 and whose worship was widespread onwards among the orthodox populations of the Balkans, Theophylact’s Martyrdom provides a lot of information –often unattested in other works– about the history of the first Bulgarian State and Church. It may, therefore, be considered also as an important historical source for the region of Macedonia during the Middle Byzantine period. It is clear that with his work Theophylact wishes to place the local tradition of Ohrid regarding the martyrdom and the miracles of the Fifteen Martyrs of Tiberiopolis in the wider historical frame of Byzantium, beginning with the first Christian centuries and the persecutions by the emperor Julian (361-363), passing on to the christianization of the Bulgarians in the 9th century and reaching finally the 10th century, when Christianity had already been consolidated in the northern Balkans. A new critical edition of the Martyrdom has been recently published, accompanied with an introduction, Greek translation and extended commentary (see Θεοφύλακτος Αχρίδος, Μαρτύριο των Δεκαπέντε Μαρτύρων της Τιβεριούπολης, έκδ. Ε.-Σ. Κιαπίδου, [Κείμενα Βυζαντινής Λογοτεχνίας 8], Αθήνα 2015). In my contribution I shall discuss various aspects of the text, with special emphasis on its historical value in relation to Byzantine and local sources, its literary genre, as well as its relationship to Vita Clementis, the second hagiographic work of Theophylact, written in Ohrid as well. Elissavet Chartavella University of Cologne, Cologne, Germany; chartave@gmail.com Ioannes Staurakios and His Encomium on St. Theodora of Thessaloniki Ioannes Staurakios, who lived during the second half of the 13th century, has composed an encomium on one of the most significant saints of Thessaloniki from the middle Byzantine period, St. Theodora, whose hagiographical dossier is genuinely rich. Staurakios used as sources two older texts, the Vita of Theodora (BHG 1737) and the Narrative of the translation of Theodora᾽s venerable relics (BHG 1739), both written by Gregorios, a cleric of the metropolis of Thessaloniki, who lived in the 9th century. In my paper I will discuss various aspects of the encomium and examine Staurakios as a hagiographer, comparing the text with Staurakios᾽ other hagiographical works and with his source text. 289 Varvara Zharkaya National Research University, Higher School of Economics, Moscow, Russia; varvara.zharkaya@gmail.com Lev Lukhovitskiy Russian Academy of Sciences, Moscow, Russian Federation; lukhovitskiy@gmail.com «Don’t Put on a Friend’s Mask, but Pronounce an Impartial Judgment»: Constantine Acropolites’ Hagiographic Oeuvre in His Letter-Collection Constantine Acropolites, a prolific early Palaeologan hagiographer, authored 29 encomia (28 of them metaphraseis). The paper takes a closer look at Acropolites’ letters in which he mentions his hagiographic oeuvre. These letters — mostly cover-letters accompanying Acropolites’ texts sent to his addressees — shed light on Acropolites’ authorial self-consciousness. The impetuses for composing encomia (commission, own initiative, friend’s or teacher’s request), the style and rhetorical topoi of the letters addressed to different categories of Acropolites’ acquaintances, as well as stages of hagiographic reworking as presented in Acropolites’ letter-collection are analyzed. Mihail Mitrea University of Edinburgh, Edinburgh, United Kingdom; mixailmitrea@gmail.com Placing Golden Flourishes: Miracle Tales in the Saints’ Lives of Philotheos Kokkinos Miracles are the most evident mark of holiness (although they do not amount to holiness) and are an integral part of almost any saint’s life, be it in the form of bios (kai politeia), enkōmion, logos, hypomnēma, etc. Most often Byzantine hagiographers couch miracle tales throughout and especially at the end of their hagiographical compositions (i.e., posthumous miracles) in order to portray and promote the holy figures they praised. Notwithstanding the size and significance of his hagiographical œuvre including lives of saints old and contemporary, Philotheos Kokkinos (ca. 1300–1377/8), the most prolific and arguably most gifted Palaiologan hagiographer, has received particularly little scholarly attention. Into the narrative of his five vitae of contemporary saints—the hypomnēma of Nikodemos the Younger (BHG 2307), the bioi kai politeiai of Sabas the Younger (BHG 1606) and Germanos Maroules the Hagiorite (BHG 2164), the bios kai politeia kai enkōmion of Isidore I Boucheiras (BHG 962), and the logos on Gregory Palamas (BHG 718)—Philotheos weaved numerous accounts of healing and non-healing miracles which at times amount to almost one-quarter of the vita. Although these miracle accounts composed by Kokkinos are among the most successful literary compositions of this genre, little scholarly research has been dedicated to them, except the contributions by Rigo and Talbot on the miracles of Gregory Palamas. Therefore, they require further study. 290 The present paper constitutes a preliminary survey, contextualization, and analysis of all the miracle accounts in Kokkinos’ lives of contemporary saints. The analysis considers several aspects such as the mechanisms employed by the hagiographer to construct the miracle accounts, their typology, structure, mise-en-scène, and time-space particulars, the social status, age, and gender of the beneficiaries of the miraculous powers, the typology of afflictions healed, the description of the illness and of the afflicted, the role of the body, the psychological elements, the methods of healing, the effect of the miracle on the beneficiaries and on the textual/internal audience and their reaction (or lack of it), the social functions of the miracles (e.g., social acceptance and promotion of a saintly figure; social dynamics around a holy figure; ability to suggest a transformation, and activate paideia mechanisms), level of detail, linguistic registry, intertextuality, and finally the extent to which the narrator/author is present in his texts. As I argue, a thorough examination of these features points to Kokkinos’ agenda (among which perhaps his effort to patronize a truthful reception and interpretation of the miracles) and intended audience, and offers insights into his thought-world. 291 BYZANCE APRÈS BYZANCE – PART 2 Chairs: Elena N. Boeck, Andrei Timotin Nikolaos М. Bonovas, Nachweise der Existenz und des Betriebes von zwei Herbergen für Reisende im Delta des Flusses Strymon vom 11. bis zum 19. Jahrhundert Emanuela Timotin, Codifying Sins for Catechetic Purposes. The Romanian Tradition of the Byzantine Apocryphal Letter of Christ on the Observance of Sunday Anca Elisabeta Tatay, Woodcuts of Byzantine Tradition in the Early Romanian Writings Printed in Bucharest (1678-1830) Andrei Timotin, Le Code des usages de Gheorgaki le logothète (Jassy, 1762) et ses rapports avec la littérature byzantine de cérémonial Khatuna Todadze, Monastic Life in Georgia: Unknown Georgian Typicon Joan Davison – Jesenko Tešan, Byzantine Spirit of the ‘Undead’ and Its Legacy in the Sick Man of Europe Nikolaos М. Bonovas Serres, Greece; nikosbonovas@gmail.com Nachweise der Existenz und des Betriebes von zwei Herbergen für Reisende im Delta des Flusses Strymon vom 11. bis zum 19. Jahrhundert In der Umgebung von Amfipolis, entlang der ehemaligen römischen Egnatia Straße, befanden sich zwei byzantinische Herbergen, die höchstwahrscheinlich in gewissen Abständen entlang desselben einzigartigen Straßennetzes bis zur neueren Zeit waren. Zeugnisse ihrer Gründung, Lage und ihres zeitgleichen Betriebs belegt das Typikon (1083) des Klosters Petrizonitissa im heutigen Backovo, Bulgarien, zu dem sie gehörten. Beide Herbergen werden auch in Urkunden und Briefwechsel nachbyzantinischer Zeit genannt, welche in den Archiven der Klöster Vatopaidi und Pantokratoros (Athos) aufbewahrt werden. Zahlreiche Klöster der Mönchsrepublik Athos (Lavra, Vatopedi, Chilandari, Esfigmenou, Karakalou, Pantokratoros, Xeropotamou) hatten schon in byzantinischer Zeit Besitzungen im südlichen Teil des Tals des Flusses Strymon erworben. In den Wundern des Heiligen Athanasius steht geschrieben, dass das Kloster Lavra gegen Ende des 10. Jahrhunderts seine Vertreter zum Flussdelta schickte. Auch die Erzdiözese von Philippi hatte seit dem Jahre 1200 Besitzungen innerhalb des Deltas, wie auch das große Kloster Pantokrator in Konstantinopel Grundbesitze in der weiteren Umgebung hatte. Es gibt noch weitere Gründe zur Annahme, dass beide Herbergen zusammen mit ihren Anlegestellen (skallai) bis zur späten postbyzantinischen Epoche in Betrieb waren. Diese Anlegestellen zu beiden Seiten des Flusses und des Deltas Strymon werden häufig in Dokumenten zumindest der spätbyzantinischen und postbyzantinischen Epoche erwähnt. Die Aufnahme der Lage beider Herbergen in die Auflistung der Häfen, in denen venezianische Kaufleute laut Dokumenten der Jahre 1082, 1148 und 1278 tätig waren, liefert einen weiteren Beweis für die Untersuchungen. Nach der ursprünglich byzantinischen Form des Namens Marmari wurde ein Dorf nördlich vom Delta benannt. An derselben Stelle erhebt sich noch heute der gleichnamige Turm, der zum Kloster Pantokratoros (Athos) gehörte. Der Turm und die erste nächstliegende Herberge werden in Urkunden genannt, die im Archiv des oben genannten Klosters aufbewahrt werden. Pierre Belon, ein Augenzeugen aus dem Jahre 1546, beschreibt: „die Ruinen von Marmari befinden sich eine Seemeile von der Mündung des Flusses entfernt, wo griechische und ausländische Schiffe vor Anker liegen“. Dadurch definiert er den Ort, wo die zweite Herberge erbaut worden war. Weitere Beweise dafür sind Navigationsführer und Portulane - Seekarten mit den Ortsnamen aus dem 13. bis zum 16. Jahrhundert. Die osmanischen Handbücher von Piri Reis (1521 und 1526) zeichneten sich gegenüber anderen ähnlichen fränkischen oder griechischen Werken durch zahlreiche Informationen aus. Darüber hinaus gibt es Referenzen von bekannten Reisenden aus dem 16. bis zum 19. Jahrhundert und Landkarten, die zwischen 1916 und 1922 erstellt wurden. Die zweite Herberge lag an der Mündung des Flusses Strymon. Verschiedene spätbyzantinische, fränkische und frühosmanische Texte und Landkarten bestätigen, dass der wichtigste Ort - auf Türkisch Chai Agzi – sich auf der westlichen Seite des Deltas befand. Zwei bekannte Besucher, 293 Cousinery und Leake, beziehen sich auf die zweite Herberge Make Han auf der östlichen Seite des Deltas, in der Nähe der Mündung des Flusses, die im frühen 19. Jahrhundert wichtiger als die erste in Marmari wurde. Reste von diesen Gebäuden sind auf Landkarten (1916-1922) deutlich gezeichnet. Außerdem werden sie in der Beschreibung der Überfahrt der Mönche mit dem Heiligen Gürtel der Gottesmutter vom Kloster Vatopaidi (Athos) nach Serres (im 19. Jhd.) genannt. Emanuela Timotin Romanian Academy, Institute of Linguistics “Iorgu Iordan – Al. Rosetti”, Bucharest, Romania; etimotin@yahoo.com Codifying Sins for Catechetic Purposes. The Romanian Tradition of the Byzantine Apocryphal Letter of Christ on the Observance of Sunday This paper focuses on the Byzantine apocryphal writing The Letter of Christ on the Observance of Sunday, which enumerates the so-called instructions, that Christ would have sent to the faithful Christians by means of a letter sent from the heavens. The text seems to have appeared in the 5th century Jerusalem, was translated into many languages and is still transmitted in certain parts of Europe. The Letter of Christ has enjoyed an extremely remarkable transmission in the Romanian literature. It is preserved in more than 100 manuscripts written between the beginning of the 17th century and the first half of the 19th century and it has been constantly printed since 1862 (Timotin 2005). The present paper focuses on the most ancient Romanian versions of the text, analyses how Christ’s instructions become tools for identifying and codifying sins, and investigates how the transformation of the apocryphal text into a quasi-catechetic writing allows us connecting it both to contemporary juridical texts, and to apocalyptic writings describing the sinners’ penalties in the Other World (The Apocalypse of the Virgin, The Life of Saint Basil the Younger). The paper also inquires to what extent the codification of sins in the apocryphal writing was enhanced by the iconography of the Last Judgement and of female saints such as Kyriake and Paraskeve.ää Anca Elisabeta Tatay “1 Decembrie 1918”, Alba Iulia / Biblioteca Academiei, Cluj-Napoca, Romania; ancatatai@yahoo.com Woodcuts of Byzantine Tradition in the Early Romanian Writings Printed in Bucharest (1678-1830) Bucharest, the capital of Walachia, a cosmopolitan city, in which the flow of ideas came from various directions, caused a famous cultural center to be created here. Therefore, between 15731830 in Bucharest functioned several typographies which printed more than 350 titles in Romanian, Greek, Slavonian, Arabian, Russian, Bulgarian, Turkish etc., most of them religious books, but also didactic, scientific and literary ones. As quantity is concerned, this number places Bucharest on 294 the first position among all typographic centers which used to publish books for Romanians in the period of time 1508-1830. Particularly the religious books were decorated with fine woodcuts such as: title pages, illustrations, frontispieces, vignettes, etc. A good part of the about 200 illustrations, which have been found, represent iconographic themes specific to Byzantine-Balkan and Byzantine-Russian ambience. We’ll mention here the following images: The Sunday of all Saints (Cheia înțelesului, 1678, signed and dated „Ioanichie Bakov 1678”), of Ukrainian origin (Cazania of Petru Movilă, Kiev, 1637) to which are added elements coming from the Mount of Athos in the 17th century (Constantine and Helen are introduced in this theme); more variants have been found, the last one being present up to 1830; The Supper of Mamre (Advarium, the end of the 18th century, signed by Ioanichie Bakov, or in Octoih, 1774, signed by Popa Constantin); The Virgin Hodegetria (Evhologhin, 1722, or Slujba Sfintei Varvara și Sofronie din Atena și a Sfântului Hristofor din Mela, 1769); Constantine and Helen (Catavasier, 1742) is the favourite theme, which appeared in 5 variants; St. John Chrisostom, St. Basil (signed and dated „Dimitrios 1698”), St. Gregory (Liturghii, 1729) found in three further variants signed or not by other engravers; Descent into Hell (Apostol, 1643; Penticostar, 1743, signed by I. Bakov in 1700 etc.); Holy Women at the Sepulchre, The Healing of the Paralytic, Jesus and the Samaritan Woman, The Healing of the Man Born Blind, Ascension, Descent of the Holy Spirit (all of them in Penticostar, 1743, some of them signed by I. Bakov) have as sources of inspiration Ukrainian engravings from Kiev and Lviv from the 17th century; other variants of these themes can be found in 1768; The Vision of Peter from Alexandria (Penticostar, 1768, 1782, 1820). The stylistic features of Byzantine manner of the religious woodcuts of Bucharest are the following : a certain concern about stylizing, decorative effects and symmetry; frontal, hieratical and hierarchical rendering of figures; their heads are positioned at the same level (isocephaly), landscapes and architectural elements are more or less conventional, concentrated or superposed plans, the reverse perspective, clothes etc. The sources of inspiration of these engravings can be found in religious writings printed in the Romanian area (Buzău, Râmnic, etc.) or abroad (Kiev, Lviv, etc.). Therefore, throughout many centuries, the art of Byzantine tradition has been manifest in the book illustrations of Bucharest as regards both the approach of themes and of their style, a natural phenomenon for a people of Orthodox confession. This conservative character is due to the strict censorship of the Church, at that time. This work was supported by a grant of the Romanian National Authority for Scientific Research, CNCS – UEFISCDI, project number PN-II-ID-PCE-2011-3-0314. 295 Andrei Timotin Romanian Academy, Institute of South-East European Studies, Bucharest, Romania; andreitimotin@yahoo.fr Le Code des usages de Gheorgaki le logothète (Jassy, 1762) et ses rapports avec la littérature byzantine de cérémonial La communication étudie un texte roumain méconnu, le Code qui contient des usages anciens et nouveaux de leurs Altesses les Princes, écrit en 1762, à Jassy, par Gheorgaki, second logothète à la cour du prince de Moldavie, Grégoire Callimaki (1761-1764). Le Code, édité en 1939, décrit les cérémonies politiques de la cour moldave (l’avènement du prince, la réception des ambassadeurs, les séances du divan, etc.) et les cérémonies ecclésiastiques, qui ont leur origine dans le rituel de l’Église de Constantinople. Le texte appartient au genre de la littérature de cérémonial et s’inspire, au niveau de la structure et du style de composition, de deux textes byzantins de référence, le De cerimoniis de Constantin Porphyrogénète et le De oficiis du Pseudo-Kodinos. Ces deux textes ont connu une importante diffusion dans le monde slave et roumain à l’époque médiévale et pré-moderne, mais le Code de Gheorgaki représente le seul écrit original de ce genre qui nous soit parvenu. Ses rapports avec les deux textes byzantins de cérémonial restent à préciser, en mettant en évidence notamment les éléments d’innovation introduits par l’auteur moldave. La diffusion en Moldavie de l’œuvre du Pseudo-Kodinos, par l’intermédiaire des copies et des traductions, est également étudiée. Une attention particulière est prêtée aussi aux relations du Code de Gheorgaki avec les éléments de cérémonial dans la littérature historique moldave du XVIIe et du XVIIIe siècle, notamment dans les chroniques de Miron Costin et de Nicolae Costin et dans la Descriptio Moldaviae du prince Démètre Cantemir. Khatuna Todadze Georgian Technical University, Tbilisi, Georgia; khatuna_todadze@yahoo.com Monastic Life in Georgia: Unknown Georgian Typicon Georgian scientists have no common view whether hermitage has commenced as early as in 4 c., after adoption of Christianity as a state religion or not. So far, we can say for sure that the monachism has commenced in Georgia in 6th c. and from 8th c. it was widespread. Many monasteries were established in Tao Klarjeti (currently, within the territory of Turkey). Georgian monasteries operated abroad as well (Byzantium, Palestine, Syria). Naturally, monastic life required regulation. Three of cloistral rules existing in Georgia should be particularly mentioned: Sabatsminda, Studite Monastery and Athanasian Lavra regulations. While belonging to the same confession (Orthodox Christianity), Georgian dignitaries did not trust blindly the others’ rules and wrote the statutes for their monasteries with great responsibility and wisdom. Each monastery had its own statute. Only th 296 few, fragmented texts are maintained up to present. The only Georgian typicon maintained fully is the statute of Petritsoni Georgian Monastery written by Grigol, son of Bakuriani, Georgian of Tao. He was a great domestic of Byzantium. In 2013, we have published all Georgian typicons of 8th – 13th cc., known to the scientific circles; as well as unknown materials: the manuscript of 19th c. maintained with Korneli Kekelidze National Center of Manuscripts – brief version of the monastic regulations, part three, implying as such, that there were the first and second parts as well. The note in the end confirms that the third part was the last one - “This book belongs to Gerasime of Savane, the monk”. Location of Monk Gerasime is unknown - toponym “Savane” is quite frequent in Georgia. We are not aware as well, whether this text was written in the 19th c. or it is the copy of earlier document made in 19th c. The document consists of 20 chapters. According to the typicon, the monks’ primary obligation is to make Commandment of Christ the essence of their lives and follow Christian religion. The monk shall be silent in his cell, pray, read, work, never intervene into the others’ mistakes, speak about religion only and be polite. Accept the food silently and with gratitude and always remember the Lord’s sorrow. The monk must always pray wholeheartedly, get up and go to bed praying to Guardian Angel. This is the remedy against all sins. The vows made shall never be broken, disobedience is unacceptable, monk must love his superior as he loves his father, be obedient, patient and pray for others, believing that all members of the brotherhood are better than he is. Monastic life excludes any relations with the women, fury, gluttony, excessive drinking and bad language. The monk’s mind shall be closed for bad intentions, his sight shall avoid all temptations, his ears must never listen to vain and light talks, and he must never judge others. The monk shall live for the Lord only. Only this is the way to peace, love, pray for the wrongdoers. This is the substance of monastic life, generally, moral code of Christianity, permanent commitment to excellence. This typicon differs from the other Georgian typicons with its form and partially – with its contents. Generally, it should be noted that irrespective of common monastic discipline rules in Orthodox world, Georgian typicons are characterized with certain special features. Certainly, the situation in the state, centuries-ling traditions and ethnical psychology have been influencing the monastic life. 297 Joan Davison Rollins College, Winter Park FL, United States; jdavison@rollins.edu Jesenko Tešan University College Cork, Cork, Republic of Ireland; jesenko.tesan@cantab.net Byzantine Spirit of the ‘Undead’ and Its Legacy in the Sick Man of Europe This paper examines the source and consequences of permanent liminality in the Byzantine Empire. The paper argues that the ambiguous and incomplete identities of individuals, groups, and society associated with the arrested liminal period(s) contributed to the decline of the Empire. Further, and significantly, the unresolved situation of disaggregated identity, or spirited away demos, persisted in the Ottoman Era and continues to infect contemporary socio-political affairs in regions in the Balkans. The paper analyses the role of pseudo-intellectuals and sophists who derail the democratic and philosophical Hellenist traditions of the Roman Empire. The research compares and links the institutional attempts of the Byzantine and Ottoman Empires to manage and manipulate differences and distinctions through mechanisms such as theatricalisation and the millets. The argument concludes that these strategies created the basis for the perpetualisation of the sick man of Europe to the extent they focused on juggling the distinctions and identities of the empires rather than pursuing the development of the democratic self. Thus in liminality is revealed and contained “undead” and viral spirits, sometimes manifested in populist or extremist leaders, which trick the demos. 298 WEDNESDAY, 24TH AUGUST BYZANTINE LITERARY MODELS AND PATTERNS OF RECEPTION: TRANSLATION AND TRANSFORMATION IN THE SLAVONIC AND MIDDLE EASTERN TRADITIONS Conveners: Anissava Miltenova, Vassya Velinova PERSPECTIVES CENTRE-PÉRIPHÉRIE DANS LE MONDE BYZANTIN Conveners: Ghislaine Noyé Bougard, Annick Peters-Custot SAINT GREGORY PALAMAS AND BARLAAM THE CALABRIAN IN THE CONTEXT OF THE 14TH-CENTURY BYZANTINE PHILOSOPHY & THEOLOGY Conveners: Yannis Kakridis, Mikonja Knežević, Dmitrij I. Makarov CHANCERIES AND DOCUMENTARY PRACTICES IN SOUTHEAST EUROPE (13TH–15TH CENTURIES) Conveners: Stanoje Bojanin, Kyrill Pavlikianov, Mirjana Živojinović BYZANTINES AND THE BIBLE ‒ PART 1 Conveners: Reinhart Ceulemans, Barbara Crostini, Mariachiara Fincati BYZANTINES AND THE BIBLE ‒ PART 2 Conveners: Reinhart Ceulemans, Barbara Crostini, Mariachiara Fincati EPIRUS REVISITED – NEW PERCEPTIONS OF ITS HISTORY AND MATERIAL CULTURE – PART 1 Conveners: Lioba Theis, Christos Stavrakos, Galina Fingarova, Fani Gargova EPIRUS REVISITED – NEW PERCEPTIONS OF ITS HISTORY AND MATERIAL CULTURE – PART 2 Conveners: Lioba Theis, Christos Stavrakos, Galina Fingarova, Fani Gargova TRADE ROUTES IN THE BALKAN PENINSULA: THE NUMISMATIC EVIDENCE (10TH–15TH CENTURIES) Conveners: Vasiliki Vasso Penna, George Kakavas MATERIAL CULTURE Chairs: Orsolya Heinrich-Tamaska, Ivana Popović ART OF MEDIEVAL ARMENIA Chairs: Seyranush Manukyan, Oliver M. Tomić THE EARLY BYZANTINE EMPIRE ‒ PART 2 Chairs: Katerina Nikolaou, Eirini Chrestou THE HOLY FATHERS OF THE CHURCH ‒ PART 1 Chairs: Fr. Maximos Constas, Vladimir Vukašinović EPIGRAMMATIC POETRY Chairs: Kristoffel Demoen, Eugenio Amato HISTORIOGRAPHY 11TH – 14TH CENTURIES Chairs: Albrecht Berger, Vratislav Zervan THE MIDDLE BYZANTINE PERIOD – PART 1 Chairs: John F. Haldon, Elisabeth Chatziantoniou BYZANTINE ARCHITECTURE ‒ PART 2 Chairs: Charalambos Bakirtzis, Jelena Bogdanović BYZANTINE LITERATURE IN TRANSLATION ‒ PART 2 Chairs: Elguja Khintibidze, Gohar Sargsyan THE MIGRATION PERIOD Chairs: Martin Hurbanič, Ivan Bugarski APPLIED ARTS OF THE BYZANTINE WORLD ‒ PART 1 Chairs: Ivana Jevtić, Ivan Drpić LITERATURE AND POLITICS Chairs: Sysse G. Engberg, Ida Toth THE MIDDLE BYZANTINE PERIOD – PART 2 Chairs: Thomas Pratsch, Yannis Stouraitis THE HOLY FATHERS OF THE CHURCH ‒ PART 2 Chairs: Mary B. Cunningham, Philippe Vallat BYZANTINE LITERARY MODELS AND PATTERNS OF RECEPTION: TRANSLATION AND TRANSFORMATION IN THE SLAVONIC AND MIDDLE EASTERN TRADITIONS Conveners: Anissava Miltenova, Vassya Velinova Anissava Miltenova, Divergenced Myth and Transformed Genre Ilse De Vos, Bridging the Gap: How to Edit the Slavonic Quaestiones ad Antiochum ducem? Lara Sels, The Quaestiones ad Antiochum ducem in Greek and Slavonic Ida Toth, The Book of Syntipas the Philosopher: Questions and Answers on Kingship, Morality and Fate Olga Grinchenko, Literary Patterns in the Slavonic Anthologies Excerpting the Quaestiones ad Antiochum ducem Yavor Miltenov, The Making of the Chrysorrhoas Collection Dieter Stern, Double Translations of Byzantine Hagiographic Texts – Reflections on the Slavonic Translations of the Life of St Eupraxia of Thebes Diana Atanassova-Pencheva, Multiple Translations and Their Context: Praxis de stratilatis in the Medieval South Slavic Tradition Ivan Iliev, The Old Church Slavonic Translation of Hippolytus of Rome’s Commentaries on the Book of Prophet Daniel Ljubica Jovanović, Byzantine Historiography in Slavonic Disguise Anissava Miltenova Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, Institute for Literature, Sofia, Bulgaria; amiltenova@gmail.com Divergenced Myth and Transformed Genre The presentation examines the history of the myth of incest and its genre transformations in the Middle Ages in Balkan Cyrillic manuscripts. Text critical analysis shows that these transformations are consistent with more general changes in mixed-content miscellanies of the 14th-18th cc., but the Narration about Incest also reflects the influence of multiple sources, layers, and traditions, and it probably reached the copyists not only in as part of the written tradition, but also orally. Judging by the composition of the miscellanies in which the Story appears and by the linguistic peculiarities of the earliest copy (ca. 1380 from the Savina Monastery), the text was first translated from Greek before the fourteenth century. The extended version (I) was included in didactic collections that were widespread in the Late Middle Ages, and the formal features of the story changed in the next version (II), more or less as a reflection of the prevailing eschatological Christian catechism. Ilse De Vos Ghent University, Ghent, Belgium; i.devos@ugent.be Bridging the Gap: How to Edit the Slavonic Quaestiones ad Antiochum ducem? As will be demonstrated elsewhere in this session, the Slavonic tradition of the Quaestiones ad Antiochum ducem (CPG 2257) is marked by various moments of contact with its Greek counterpart. In an attempt to bridge the gap between the two, the Slavonic text was put up for revision several times. The compound nature of the Quaestiones complicates things even further. The most complete Greek manuscripts contain as many as 137 erotapokriseis, only a small number of which were initially translated. Also, the collection’s long-lasting and widespread popularity means hundreds of manuscripts in both Greek and Slavonic (and in fact other languages as well) need to be consulted. While mapping out the Slavonic tradition of the Quaestiones - which is highly conflated and thus anything but linear - and work out how it relates to the surviving Greek material, the question quickly arose what kind of edition would do justice to the text. For example, how to distinguish from one another the different stages in the transmission and incorporate relevant Greek versions without inflating the edition to such an extent that it becomes impossible to navigate through (except maybe for the editors themselves)? After presenting a sample edition of a handful of erotapokriseis as preserved in a manageable number of manuscripts (both Slavonic and Greek), we hope to start a fruitful discussion as to what is desirable (and doable) in case of the Quaestiones and by extension multilingual textual traditions in general. 302 Lara Sels KU Leuven, Leuven, Belgium; lara.sels@kuleuven.be The Quaestiones ad Antiochum ducem in Greek and Slavonic This paper seeks to present the rich Slavonic tradition of the pseudo-Athanasian erotapocritic collection Quaestiones ad Antiochum ducem (CPG 2257) in the light of the tradition of its Greek source text. It will be argued that the textual history of the Slavonic Quaestiones is marked by various moments of contact with the Greek tradition and by repeated efforts to bring the Slavonic in line with different Greek versions. Attention will be drawn to the way in which the compound nature of this collection – made up of a variable number of individual questions-and-answers – affects the process of transmission. The Slavonic tradition seems to have started with (a) translation(s) of a limited number of questions (some of which also found integrated in new contexts, as in the case of the famous Izbornik of 1076). From the 13th/14th century on, a renewed comparison with Greek copies apparently led to retranslations and expansions of the early kernel, resulting in ever fuller collections of Quaestiones. The high degree of conflation within the Slavonic tradition (as, e.g., in the version found in Codex Pragensis slav. IX.F.15) complicates the identification of the stages through which the textual material has passed. However, a comparison with the Greek tradition as a whole can help disentangle the knots of conflation by identifying moments of contact with the Greek as anchor points for the isolation of the different textual layers within the tradition of the Slavonic Quaestiones ad Antiochum ducem. Ida Toth University of Oxford, Ioannou Centre for Classical and Byzantine Studies, Oxford, United Kingdom; ida.toth@history.ox.ac.uk The Book of Syntipas the Philosopher: Questions and Answers on Kingship, Morality and Fate The Book of Syntipas the Philosopher reached the easternmost Byzantine frontier in a translation from Syriac during the last decades of the eleventh century. This translation marked the starting point of a tradition that carried on for a considerable time, producing a series of gradual modifications, whose linguistic ranges spanned from the middle-register Byzantine koinē to several more liberal renditions of the story into modern Greek. All of these were reasonably popular: they survive in some twenty-five manuscripts dating to the time between the fourteenth and the seventeenth centuries. It is generally assumed that the two medieval Greek versions represent two successive stages in the evolution of this work from a faithful rendition of a piece of eastern literature into a more 303 idiomatic narrative, more comfortably situated within the range of the written norms of the period. This communication focuses on the section of Questions and Answers in the Book of Syntipas (pp. 122, l. 1 – 129, l. 13) in order to examine the mutual relationship and discrepancies between the two extant Greek versions, and to reassess our understanding of the practices of rewriting involved in the production of this popular piece of fictional literature. Olga Grinchenko Nottingham University, Nottingham, United Kingdom; olga.grinchenko@gmail.com Literary Patterns in the Slavonic Anthologies Excerpting the Quaestiones ad Antiochum ducem Quaestiones ad Antiochum ducem is a Byzantine erotapokritic text consisting of 137 questions and answers on a wide range of topics related to Christianity. As Ilse De Vos has shown in her recent studies, the Greek text has come down to us in 250 witnesses dating from the 10th to the 19th century and despite its obvious popularity remained relatively unvaried. Furthermore, the text has been widely excerpted and translated into a number of languages, including Church Slavonic. The Slavonic tradition encompasses 123 witnesses dating from the 11th to the 19th century. In my presentation I will examine the contents of a representative selection of the Slavonic Anthologies excerpting the Quaestiones ad Antiochum ducem in order to show how the Byzantine literary models have been adapted by the Slavonic tradition, especially in the group of heterogeneous witnesses that do not follow the Greek word order. In addition, I will also look at the general contents of the Slavonic Anthologies containing the Quaestiones ad Antiochum ducem in comparison with the contents of the Greek Anthologies to detect parallels between the two traditions in transmitting the text through centuries. Yavor Miltenov Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, Institute for Bulgarian Language, Sofia, Bulgaria; yavor.miltenov@gmail.com The Making of the Chrysorrhoas Collection Zlatostruy (i.e. Chrysorrhoas) is the name of an Old Slavonic collection of Chrysostomian homilies, which was compiled in the first quarter of the 10th c. by the commission of the Bulgarian King Symeon (893-927). The paper aims at a reconstruction of the history of the initial Symeonic Corpus Chrysostomicum. Author presents the results of a survey on its Byzantine sources and the way they were processed, as well as an analysis of the extant evidence for its influence on Slavic homiletic collections, miscellanies and florilegia. 304 Dieter Stern Ghent University, Ghent, Belgium; dieter.stern@ugent.be Double Translations of Byzantine Hagiographic Texts – Reflections on the Slavonic Translations of the Life of St Eupraxia of Thebes Double translations of Byzantine sources into Slavonic are a common and widely known phenomenon which, however, only recently attracted special attention. Up to this date no systematic survey has been done which texts have in fact been translated twice, -‐ an undertaking which is particularly impeded by the difficulties of telling variation due to transmission from those due to translation. There are, however, reasons to believe that among Slavonic hagiographic translations many a variant text which has hitherto been preliminarily classified as a redaction of the same Slavonic source translation might in fact turn out to be another independent translation of the same Greek source text on closer investigation. A case in point is the Life of Eupraxia, which will serve as a material witness to the phenomenon in question. Independent double translations like the Slavonic Life of Eupraxia raise questions about the reasons and circumstances that favored them. Can it be shown that double translations are in fact independent from each other, or are they to be addressed as retranslations which attest to a culture of systematic reevaluation of written sources? The presentation will among others address the question whether double translation can be told from retranslations on principled grounds, making diagnostic use of general rules and considerations. As the case of Eupraxia is also hoped to demonstrate a close and thorough mapping of highly divergent translations onto their sources will reveal intriguing insights in which ways translators may differ in their translation strategies beyond the commonly known basic principles of literalism and fidus interpres. Diana Atanassova-Pencheva Sofia University “St. Kliment Ohridski”, Sofia, Bulgaria; d.atanassova@gmail.com Multiple Translations and Their Context: Praxis de stratilatis in the Medieval South Slavic Tradition My paper focuses on the earliest account of St Nicholas of Myra (Praxis de stratilatis) and its adaption in the South Slavic literary tradition. Praxis de stratilatis dates back to the 4-th century AD and it was the only narrative of the saint for more than three centuries. Even after the 8-th century when the local cult grew and other narratives about the saint appeared Praxis de statilatis remained one of the most authoritative texts in the literature and the art. The text was translated not only once but twice at the dawn of Old Bulgarian literature, probably as early as the 10-th century. The appearance of more than one translation is considered as a witness of the specificity of the literature translated from Greek in the Old Bulgarian tradition, on the one hand, and of the needs and attitude 305 of the readership, on the other. Different kinds of manuscripts - the panegyricomartyrologia and the menologia - provoked the double translations of the text. The preserved witnesses of both translations show the cultural and literary needs of the readership which turned out to be important for copying and disseminating the translated text. Ivan Iliev Sofia University “St. Kliment Ohridski”, Faculty of Theology, Sofia, Bulgaria; ian_ilye@abv.bg The Old Church Slavonic Translation of Hippolytus of Rome’s Commentaries on the Book of Prophet Daniel This report highlights Hippolytus of Rome’s Commentarii in Danielem (CPG 1873), the earliest exegetic work by a Christian author, written around 204 AD and translated in the First Bulgarian Empire probably in IX-Xth century. There are only few manuscripts, which contain various parts of the Greek text to a certain extent, but unfortunately they are scattered among different depositories and a complete text-critical edition of the work was made just in 2000 by Marcel Richard’s disciples. Nevertheless, when the work on Commentarii in Danielem began more than a century ago, the existing complete Slavonic translation helped Bonwetsch’s research in the forming of a first edition of the Greek text. So far there are nine discovered Slavonic manuscripts that contain various parts of the work, but they are still not examined well enough and most of them do not exist in print. Manuscript No. 486 from the Volokolamsk collection, former collection of the Moscow Theological Academy, today kept at the Russian State Library in Moscow, comprises the biggest part of the Slavonic translation of the Commentary. Its existence was made public in 1874 by Sreznevskij and was later used for the Greek text-critical work. The major Greek manuscripts on the other hand are: 1) Codex Vatoped 290, from the X-th century; 2) Chalki 11, XV-XVI century; 3) Meteoron 573, again from the X-th century, and 4) Codex Chigi gr. 36 (R.VII.45), XI-th century. The earlier manuscripts can be grouped as a ‘Balkan branch’, while the later Chalki 11 shows some variants in its readings, compared to the other three, so it can be placed in a so-called ‘Asian branch’. This report will demonstrate how the Greek texts vary and how the Slavonic translation corresponds to them. This work will also demonstrate how the literature connections on the Balkans functioned and will try to give an answer why this work was translated in first place and how it was adapted to Old Church Slavonic. 306 Ljubica Jovanović American Public University System, Nashville TN, United States; ljubica.kotsiris@gmail.com Byzantine Historiography in Slavonic Disguise This presentation will take a close look at the transmission and transformation of the literary patterns of prognostication of Byzantine historiography of Niketas Choniates into South Slavonic tradition. In honor of the host city of this conference, Belgrade, I will focus on the presence of the same literary model in the nineteenth century epic poem, The Beginning of the Revolt against the Dahias. The main storyline takes place in Kula Nebojša at the feet of Kalemegdan at Belgrade’s river bank. The twelfth century Byzantine historiography follows into the steps of the Classical and Hellenistic scientific, literary, and religious traditions. Niketas Choniates in a true style of Byzantine Renaissance writes his History in classicizing tradition and his historiography reminds us of Herodotus, with the main difference that it is Christianized. As Paul Magdalino rightly remarks, Choniates, in a good classical tradition makes the events being triggered by oracles and prophecies and weaves their fulfillment into a good story. The sequence of divine signs that Choniates describes follows a certain pattern: it starts with the saintly people, continues with astronomical bodies, then points out to certain changes in the emission of the sun-light, discusses the transmission of the light, and ends with its effects on the water surfaces. We will find this model partially of fully transposed and transformed in Slavonic literary tradition of various genres, such as in fifteenth century script of Žitie Asenethi. What is interesting is that it appears almost intact in an orally transmitted Serbian humourous epic poem from nineteenth century, The Beginning of the Revolt against the Dahias (Početak Bune protiv Dahija). 307 PERSPECTIVES CENTRE-PÉRIPHÉRIE DANS LE MONDE BYZANTIN Conveners: Ghislaine Noyé Bougard, Annick Peters-Custot Augusta Acconcia Longo, Il ruolo dell’agiografia nella storia dei rapporti provincia-capitale Adele Cilento, Le élites ecclesiastiche nell’Italia bizantina dei secoli X-XI: funzioni e ruolo sociale fra provincia e capitale Enrico Cirelli, L’idea di Ravenna e la nascita di una nuova identità territoriale nel mondo bizantino: una prospettiva archeologica Jean-Marie Martin, Byzance vue de l’Italie méridionale latine (Naples, thème de Longobardie/catépanat d’Italie, principautés lombardes) Ghislaine Noyé Bougard, Aristocraties et rébellions dans l’Italie byzantine des Xe-XIe siècles Annick Peters-Custot, Empire et romanité d’après la documentation grecque de l’Italie méridionale byzantine Filippo Ronconi, Manuscrits et identités culturelles en l’Italie méridionale (VIIe-XIe s.). L’apport de l’Orient Augusta Acconcia Longo Rome, Italy; augusta.longo@uniromal.it Il ruolo dell’agiografia nella storia dei rapporti provincia-capitale Come avviene per ogni altra espressione della cultura italogreca, anche la letteratura agiografica si distingue per certi caratteri, che non escludono i legami con i modelli orientali, ma al tempo stesso rivelano un’indubbia originalità e, soprattutto, l’aderenza alla realtà del tempo e del luogo cui i vari testi appartengono. Il numero limitato di testi agiografici pervenuti permette di seguire con una certa facilità e chiarezza l’evoluzione del genere e l’importanza che tali testi rivestono nell’ottica dei rapporti centro-periferia dell’impero e di individuare fasi diverse nella natura delle relazioni tra il centro del potere e l’importante provincia occidentale. Dalla Vita di Zosimo vescovo di Siracusa (VII sec.) che quasi certamente aderì al monoenergismo e non partecipò al Concilio Lateranense (649), sebbene la diocesi siciliana fosse ancora sotto la giurisdizione ecclesiastica romana, emerge l’obbedienza al potere imperiale, e l’aderenza all’«ortodossia» (che in questo caso è un’eresia) costantinopolitana. Con ogni probabilità non fu estraneo all’elaborazione di questa biografia, modificata poi nella trasmissione del testo, il soggiorno di Costante II a Siracusa, che esaltò e rese predominante l’elemento greco locale, già rafforzato dalle migrazioni che portarono in Sicilia e in Italia profughi dalle regioni orientali conquistate prima dai Persiani e poi dagli Arabi. Specchio della dialettica centro-periferia e delle relazioni sofferte tra l’importante provincia occidentale e Costantinopoli sono ancora alcuni testi creati in Sicilia prima della conquista araba, di diversa ispirazione ideologica, che, al di là della natura leggendaria, sono una fonte preziosa per la storia dell’Italia greca in età iconoclasta. La Vita di Leone di Catania, ad esempio, di ispirazione iconoclasta, è strettamente collegata alla Capitale, mentre nella Vita e Martirio di s. Pancrazio protovescovo di Taormina, di ispirazione iconofila, Costantinopoli non compare mai. Più sfumata e complessa è la posizione di altri testi agiografici dell’epoca, che comunque, anche nella rappresentazione leggendaria, forniscono importanti notizie sulla situazione della provincia italiana. Con la conquista araba di Siracusa, si chiude un capitolo importante dell’agiografia italogreca. L’agiografia monastica dell’età successiva ha un’importanza storica più esplicita dell’agiografia romanzesca dell’età precedente. Espressione di una società a tutti gli effetti bizantina, anche se in stretto contatto con il mondo latino, i nuovi testi esprimono un progressivo venir meno dei legami con Costantinopoli. Elia il Giovane, ad esempio, pur fortemente critico nei confronti della politica bizantina in Italia, è pronto a rispondere all’invito di Leone VI di recarsi a Costantinopoli. Ma un disincanto crescente e una progressiva delusione verso Bisanzio si nota nell’agiografia successiva, fino a Nilo di Rossano, che rifiuta l’invito di recarsi a Costantinopoli e sceglie di vivere tra i Latini. Ma dopo la conquista normanna dell’Italia meridionale, quando i legami politici con l’Impero sono ormai un ricordo, l’agiografia italogreca esprime un rapporto con il mondo bizantino, che non è più dettato dalla sudditanza, ma da profondi legami spirituali. 309 Adele Cilento Florence, Italy; adcilento@gmail.com Le élites ecclesiastiche nell’Italia bizantina dei secoli X-XI: funzioni e ruolo sociale fra provincia e capitale Il prestigio sociale conferito dai titoli imperiali bizantini agli amministratori civili aveva, com’è noto, un suo corrispettivo nel campo ecclesiastico. Ai chierici infatti erano riservate le cariche della gerarchia della Chiesa che riproduceva, in linea generale, la complessa ripartizione delle carriere militari e civili. La differenza sostanziale consisteva nel fatto che, mentre in ambito civile vi era una profonda compenetrazione tra carica e titolo nobiliare, nella Chiesa bizantina gli offikia (funzioni amministrative) non avevano una stretta correlazione con i gradi della carriera sacerdotale, quelli cioè conferiti dall’ordinazione sacra. In virtù di tali funzioni e di tale titolatura, nelle province dell’impero i membri del clero appartenevano a tutti gli effetti alle élites locali, accanto alle aristocrazie laiche, ed erano dotati di una gerarchia propria sebbene le cariche amministrative da essi ricoperte dipendessero dall’autorità episcopale. Questi personaggi compaiono spesso negli atti della pratica notarile dell’Italia meridionale bizantina, ma il loro ruolo non è stato sufficientemente indagato. Soprattutto sarebbe interessante tentare di comprendere il loro effettivo coinvolgimento nella vita della provincia in parallelo con le autorità laiche. Molti interrogativi riguardano inoltre la definizione di questo gruppo di funzionari ecclesiastici: la loro provenienza, la loro estrazione sociale, i loro rapporti gerarchici interni. D’altro canto la prospettiva di confronto con le cariche ecclesiastiche della capitale potrebbe rivelarsi utile, oltre che per definire meglio il ruolo di tali funzionari nella società delle province, per comprendere anche quanto profondamente il modello centrale venisse effettivamente riproposto nell’organizzazione amministrativa e religiosa locale. Enrico Cirelli Ludwig-Maximilans-Universität, Institut für Vor-und Frühgeschichte und Provinzialrömische Archäologie, Munich, Germany, enricocirelli@hotmail.com L’idea di Ravenna e la nascita di una nuova identità territoriale nel mondo bizantino: una prospettiva archeologica Tra la tarda Antichità e l’alto Medioevo le città adriatiche e in particolar modo Ravenna, non sembrano perdere quel ceto artigiano e commerciale, cresciuto all’ombra delle attività economiche della corte imperiale e poi esarcale, i cui membri nelle fonti scritte altomedievali sono definiti viri honesti, come ha dimostrato Cosentino di recente. I mercanti e le nuove forme dell’aristocrazia urbana altomedievale dovettero godere di un certo benessere economico e parteciparono attivamente alla vita economica delle città adriatiche entrando in stretta relazione con le élites militari e vescovili. 310 Il commercio di Ravenna con le altre città adriatiche sembra limitarsi all’acquisto di formaggi, lana cuoio, pellame, vino, olio, cera e schiavi, come possiamo evincere dal divieto imposto nel 960, riguardo il commercio di confratelli verso i ‘Saraceni’, un importante vettore commerciale del mercato di Venezia, Istria e Dalmatia verso l’Italia meridionale. Conosciamo inoltre altri indicatori di commercio, sia dalle fonti scritte sia da quelle archeologiche. Alcuni chiari indicatori che mostrano un rinnovato impulso produttivo già nel corso dell’VIII secolo, nel territorio romagnolo, a dimostrazione di un tentativo da parte degli arcivescovi ravennati di creare nuove risorse nel proprio territorio, entro i confini del vecchio esarcato, forse in una forma più limitata, tra l’Adriatico e l’Appennino romagnolo\toscano e tra Po e Panaro così come avevano fatto i Vescovi di Roma nel Lazio, con l’invenzione delle domuscultae. In questo contributo cercheremo di presentare alcune evidenze che mostrano il tentativo di questo nuovo potentato di affermarsi e di controllare un vasto territorio in una forma alternativa rispetto a quella che si sta verificando negli altri territori di tradizione romana. Lo dimostrano le varie evidenze di alcuni centri del territorio ravennate, in alcune zone della città di Classe, ormai in declino dove sono state rinvenute tracce di produzione di vasellame di uso domestico e di prodotti vetrari e nel territorio Decimano, soprattutto in un sito datato alla fine del IX secolo, Montaccio e all’interno di nuovi centri direzionali del territorio ravennate. Spesso associate a esemplari di ceramica a vetrina pesante. Si tratta di nuovi centri del popolamento, ‘central places’, ovvero insediamenti rurali dove si osserva la polarizzazione di più antichi insediamenti sparsi. Non sono stati al momento rinvenuti in questi siti prodotti del commercio transmediterraneo e neppure quei piccoli contenitori, prodotti in area nordadriatica, forse destinati al trasporto di pesce, identificati invece in un’altra importante città costiera adriatica, quale Senigallia, poco a nord della città portuale di Ancona, in una zona che fino al IX secolo è ancora sotto il controllo fiscale dell’arcivescovo ravennate, insieme a vaste altre zone della Pentapoli e dell’Umbria, dell’Istria delle Venezie e della Sicilia. Jean-Marie Martin Centre national de la recherche scientifique, UMR 8167 Orient et Méditerranée, Paris, France; martin-hisard@wanadoo.fr Byzance vue de l’Italie méridionale latine (Naples, thème de Longobardie/catépanat d’Italie, principautés lombardes) Dans chacune des entités politiques retenues, on analyse l’image de Byzance que donnent d’une part les chartes (notamment dans leur datation), d’autre part les sources historiques. À Naples, les documents sont datés des années de règne des basileis jusqu’à la conquête normande des années 1130 ; Gaète abandonne cette pratique à la fin du IXe siècle. Les actes apuliens adoptent la datation imperiale depuis la conquête byzantine jusqu’après le début de la domination normande alors que, dans les principautés lombardes, elle ne se rencontre qu’à la fin du IXe et au début du Xe siècle. Les textes historiques citent les empereurs byzantins, mais seulement pndant le haut Moyen Âge ; leur image est concurrencée par celle des « Grecs », considérés comme étrangers, et celle de l’Église byzantine, souvent vue comme hérétique. 311 Ghislaine Noyé Bougard École nationale des chartes, Paris, France; ghislnoye@yahoo.fr Aristocraties et rébellions dans l’Italie byzantine des Xe-XIe siècles Si les thèmes de centralité et de périphérie connaissent une vogue historiographique certaine, on s’est jusqu’ici surtout intéressé à l’empire lui-même, au concept et à ses modes de fonctionnement. Il en a été de même pour l’Italie des IXe-XIe siècles, où l’on s’est attaché à l’étude des caractères byzantins de l’administration et de la société dans une perspective globalement légaliste, sans guère prêter attention à la perception du centre par les marges, aux aspirations à l’autonomie et aux révoltes locales, considérées comme conjoncturelles et non structurelles. Après avoir délivré le sud de la péninsule de l’occupation musulmane à la fin du IXe siècle, Byzance se révéla ensuite incapable de protéger ses provinces des expéditions organisées par la Sicile musulmane et l’Afrique. Alors que la Calabre connaissait un certain répit grâce aux mesures de Nicéphore II, d’autres raids furent dirigées au XIe siècle contre le catépanat (ex-thème de Longobardie) depuis une colonie sarrasine établie au cœur de la Lucanie. L’éloignement géographique procurait d’autre part aux fonctionnaires dépêchés par la capitale une impunité qui favorisait abus et corruption. À partir de la fin du IXe siècle, l’élite italique s’affirma à la faveur d’une conjoncture économique redevenue favorable; en Pouille les notables lombards, se relevant du désastre arabe, développèrent l’oléiculture, et peut-être la viticulture à des fins commerciales, et mirent ainsi à profit leurs liens avec la Méditerranée orientale; l’aristocratie calabraise s’enrichit grâce à la céréaliculture et à l’exploitation des métaux. Les Latins comme les éléments parfaitement hellénisés, se substituèrent dans le domaine militaire à la capitale défaillante en prenant la tête des troupes locales et firent ainsi passer les populations rurales sous leur contrôle, en privatisant certains chôria ; ils dominaient également les villes dont ils assuraient la défense au coup par coup. Excédés par les disfonctionnements de l’administration centrale qui les obligeait en outre à payer tribut aux Sarrasins, ils se révoltèrent de plus en plus fréquemment, soutenus par les principautés voisines de Bénévent et de Salerne qui n’acceptaient pas la perte de leurs territoires qu’elles étaient promptes à envahir. L’existence de sujets restés fidèles au basileus amena la création de deux partis, et le déclenchement d’une véritable guerre civile. Les Normands, pourtant peu nombreux, jouèrent de ces dissensions et de cette forte tendance à l’autonomie, marquée d’hostilité contre les Grecs en contexte lombard, mais associée à une hellénisation profonde et revendiquée en Calabre. On peut se demander à ce point s’il ne faut pas distinguer, pour cette dernière, une réelle « byzantinité » d’un byzantinisme qui ne serait qu’une adhésion politique fragilisée à la capitale 312 Annick Peters-Custot Université de Nantes, Nantes, France; annick@peters-custot.fr Empire et romanité d’après la documentation grecque de l’Italie méridionale byzantine Cette contribution vise à reprendre des considérations souvent éparses, relatives aux populations grecques de l’Italie méridionale byzantine, telles qu’elles sont documentées par des sources écrites, aux Xe et XIe siècle. Il s’agit là de reformuler l’appréciation de l’appartenance de ces populations à l’Empire byzantin, dans les hagiographies et les actes de la pratique, comme « identité souterraine », c’est-à-dire le plus souvent non-explicitée. En effet, la « romanité » des Italo-Grecs est le plus souvent masquée, mais pour autant n’est pas inexistante. Elle se combine sans contradiction à un lien profond avec la région d’origine ou d’existence, appelée « patrie » et à ceux qui l’habitent, mais aussi aux notions de génos, que rend assez bien, dans diverses sources latines hors de toute polémique, la dénomination de gens Graecorum. On se demandera donc si le lien avec l’Empire byzantin est structurant ou seulement superficiel, légitimant et obéissant à des canons de présentation des auteurs des sources. La question est de savoir si, in fine, ces populations ne sont pas moins attachées à l’Empire byzantin, qu’à l’Empire tout court, ce qui pourrait constituer une des clefs d’interprétation possible des mouvements de ces populations vers le Nord. Filippo Ronconi École des hautes études en sciences sociales, Paris, France; ronconi@ehess.fr Manuscrits et identités culturelles en l’Italie méridionale (VIIe-XIe s.). L’apport de l’Orient Parmi les flux de populations qui ont traversé la Méditerranée entre le VIIe et le IXe s., on attribua une importance culturelle particulière aux migrations provoquées par les invasions persane de la Syrie-Palestine (au cours des trente premières années du VIIe s.) et arabe de l’Egypte (années quarante du même siècle). Ces invasions (la première en particulier), faisant entre autres éclater des contrastes violents entre les différentes ethnies locales, auraient engendré le déplacement de groupes de chrétiens chalcédoniens hellénophones notamment vers l’Italie méridionale, où l’éphémère reconquête justinienne avait revitalisé le substrat grec de la Sicile, de la Calabre, de la Basilicate et des Pouilles, sans entraîner pour autant une véritable immigration byzantine. Ces flux humains auraient provoqué le déplacement de livres, au bénéfice d’une influence importante sur le tissu socioculturel d’arrivée. Mais cette reconstruction est loin de faire l’unanimité, car des historiens de la culture italo-grecque ont minimisé les relations entre l’Italie byzantine et le Levant, pour souligner le contrôle toujours profond de Constantinople sur la région, aussi bien sur le plan politique que 313 religieux et culturel (p. ex. F. Burgarella). Mais une telle conception semble démentie par certaines observations – en vrai plutôt sporadiques jusque-là – sur des analogies évidentes entre certains styles graphiques italo-grecs et syro-palestiniens (cf. G. Cavallo, L. Perria, S. Lucà par exemple). J’essayerai donc de revenir sur la question, en présentant les résultats préliminaires d’une enquête que je compte poursuivre dans les années à venir, en m’appuyant sur un protocole d’analyse des livres italogrecs conçus comme les preuves d’un contact culturel entre les différentes régions de la Méditerranée, entre l’Antiquité tardive et l’époque méso-byzantine. Il s’agira d’établir une série de paramètres, comme les caractéristiques graphiques, matérielles, iconographiques et textuelles des livres concernés, pour vérifier dans quelle mesure l’Italie centro-méridionale byzantine fut influencée par des styles graphiques et des pratiques bibliologiques/codicologiques spécifiques de l’Egypte et de la Syrie-Palestine. Je me concentrerai, en particulier, sur les manuscrits italogrecs des Xe-XIe s., qui se distinguent nettement, sur le plan matériel et graphique, des livres constantinopolitains contemporains et qui semblent être le fruit de réélaborations locales relevant d’influences levantines. Ma démarche comprendra aussi une dimension historico-textuelle et conjuguera des études bibliométriques et quantitatives avec l’analyse philologique traditionnelle, afin de vérifier l’importance de la présence de textes patristiques syro-palestiniens et égyptiens dans les manuscrits italogrecs, ainsi que la diffusion, en Italie du Sud, de lignes de tradition textuelle orientales extra-constantinopolitaines. J’essayerai, somme toute, de dessiner le processus de constitution de l’ « identité libraire » italogrecque de l’époque moyenne, à la lumière de l’ « identité libraire » levantine de la fin de l’Antiquité tardive. Dans ce cadre, des questions plus larges se poseront : la réception des textes dans une nouvelle région géographique est-elle active ou passive ? La présence massive d’ouvrages et de lignes de tradition syro-palestinienne et égyptienne dans l’Italie méridionale byzantine, si elle est avérée, serait-elle à interpréter comme la conséquence mécanique de migrations, ou plutôt comme la preuve d’une affinité culturelle plus forte avec le Levant qu’avec les Balkans et Constantinople ? Et si une telle contiguïté existe, sur quelles valeurs partagées se fonde-t-elle ? 314 SAINT GREGORY PALAMAS AND BARLAAM THE CALABRIAN IN THE CONTEXT OF THE 14TH-CENTURY BYZANTINE PHILOSOPHY & THEOLOGY Conveners: Yannis Kakridis, Mikonja Knežević, Dmitrij I. Makarov Mikonja Knežević, The Meaning of Monarchy/Causality in Triadology of Gregory Palamas Marco Fanelli, L’epistolario palamita del Panaghia 157: osservazioni in vista di un’edizione Yannis Kakridis, The Slavic Reception of Barlaam’s Argumentation Theory Boris Milosavljević, Palamas’ Understanding of οὐσία and ἐνέργεια Dmitry Biriukov, Учение Григория Паламы об универсалиях Dmitrij I. Makarov, The 13th-Century Prerequisites of St. Gregory Palamas’ Theology Ivan Christov, The Debate on Aristotle’s Theory of Proof between St. Gregory Palamas and Barlaam Basil Lourié, Joseph Bryennios and the Problem of Order within the Trinity Patrícia Calvário, Theosis and the Metaphysics of Light of Gregory Palamas Tatiana Sénina (nonne Kassia), Les conceptions anthropologiques de Saint Grégoire Palamas et de George Gémiste Pléthon : un débat sur le rôle de l’homme dans l’univers Mikonja Knežević University of Priština, Faculty of Philosophy, Kosovska Mitrovica, Serbia; mikonjaknezevic@gmail.com The Meaning of Monarchy/Causality in Triadology of Gregory Palamas In this paper I investigate the main concepts of triadological theology of Gregory Palamas. During his polemics over filioque, Palamas eagerly tried to underline that there is only one cause in Gods being - the person of the Father - who begetts/proceeds the other two divine persons. In doing so, Palamas stressed that this begetting and proceeding take place from the person of the Father, but also from the Father’s essence. Contrary to some modern theologians, who put some kind of opposition between „essentialistic“ and „personal“ or „existentialistic“ derivation of two „caused“ divine persons (Zizioulas), it appears that in Palamas there is a firm balance between alexandrian and cappadocian way of interpreting of this important issue. Marco Fanelli Labex-Resmed Sorbonne, Paris, France; fanelli.marco@gmail.com L’epistolario palamita del Panaghia 157: osservazioni in vista di un’edizione Tra le fonti sulla controversia palamita ancora inedite citate nel celebre saggio su Gregorio Palamas da J. Meyendorff era annoverato un piccolo corpus epistolare che è oggetto della nostra indagine e che ad oggi è non solo inedito ma sostanzialmente sconosciuto. Le quattro lettere che lo compongono sono tradite nell’Istanbul, Panaghia 157, ff. 284r-291r. Esse furono composte da un anonimo sostenitore di Palamas per un altrettanto anonimo destinatario che a suo dire parteggiava per la fazione opposta. Siamo ben informati sull’Istanbul, Panaghia 157 grazie al catalogo pubblicato da P. Géhin e M. Kouroupou. Il manoscritto cartaceo si presenta come una miscellanea che raccoglie modelli d’autore ed esempi di lettere, insieme a testi di contenuto scolastico. Esso raccoglie materiali provenienti da numerosi altri volumi assemblati insieme, ma prodotti tra gli anni ’60 e ’70 del XIV sec. La sezione di nostro interesse copre un quaternione, fu vergata da un copista non identificato e le filigrane sono datate al 1359-1360. I nostri testi sono tutti anepigrafi; nessuna ulteriore informazione è desumibile dal manoscritto. Quanto alle precedenti menzioni del piccolo corpus la bibliografia si limita a tre soli casi. Meyendorff, il primo a citare la raccolta, senza fornire spiegazioni, immagina un anonimo cipriota che si rivolge al metropolita di Tessalonica Giacinto, antipalamita e intimo sostenitore di Acindino. Altrettanto rapido il cenno nell’articolo consacrato al metropolita da K. Kyrris che sostiene, senza portare argomenti, che il destinatario sia Giorgio Lapithes. Ultima in ordine di tempo la nota contenuta nel commentario alla lettera n° 47 di Acindino: A. Constantinides-Hero segnala l’esistenza della raccolta, 316 ricorda l’ipotesi di Meyendorff, ammettendo di non aver potuto consultare i testi. Per quanto queste ipotesi siano state avanzate da grandi specialisti dell’intricato universo della controversia, riteniamo che esse non abbiano valore vincolante, ma di semplice indicazione di ricerca. Qualche ragguaglio sul loro contenuto. Lettera 1 Si tratta di un invito deciso per il destinatario a rivedere il suo appoggio alle tesi di Acindino e ad aprirsi alle testimonianze dei padri. Il mancato ravvedimento infatti potrebbe determinare la sua condanna eterna. Nella seconda parte l’autore attacca le teorie di Acindino e del suo maestro Barlaam sulla luce taborica e sulle energie divine. L’autore infine ricorda la condanna comminata dal tomo sinodale sia a Barlaam sia in un secondo momento ad Acindino. Lettera 2 L’autore esordisce rimproverando il destinatario di appartenere ai seguaci di Barlaam, come denota l’impeto con il quale accusa i padri che vivono nell’hesychia: egli infatti ritiene veri teologi solo coloro che adattano alla conoscenza di Dio gli strumenti propri della filosofia antica, accusando coloro che praticano l’hesychia di essere Messaliani ed Euchiti. Di qui un lungo passaggio nel quale si espone la teoria sulle energie. Il corpo centrale della lettera è poi dedicato al resoconto dettagliato dei due sinodi del 1341. Nell’ultima parte segue l’invito al destinatario a diffidare dei soli strumenti logico-filosofici per la comprensione di Dio, che, come mostrato dai saggi greci, sono inferiori e insufficienti al confronto con la verità mostrata dalla predicazione di Pietro e Paolo o dall’esempio di Mosè e Elia. Lettera 3 L’autore rinnova la condanna per coloro che, nonostante la sentenza sinodale, continuano a sostenere le idee di Barlaam e ad attaccare quanti loro si oppongono. L’autore con un certo orgoglio rivendica come prova della bontà delle tesi palamite il fatto di riscuotere una cattiva reputazione presso gli avversari e denuncia la violenza e l’aggressività fisica dei Barlaamiti che non può coniugarsi con l’atteggiamento di coloro che intendono conoscere Dio. Con tono umile, l’autore in conclusione sostiene di non essere nel numero di coloro che vedono o hanno visto Dio, ma i meriti che l’avversario gli attribuisce sono conseguenti alla sua condizione di monaco. Lettera 4 La più enigmatica e complessa delle lettere del corpus. Pare dipanarsi come una precisa analisi e critica di un testo in cui il destinatario ha rivalutato la sua posizione sulla questione palamita. La retorica e la grazia “attica” servono a impreziosire il contenuto di questo discorso. Tutti i grandi modelli dell’antichità tuttavia sono inferiori ai vincitori dell’Athos che l’autore e il “maestro Davide” chiamano a raccolta dopo la tempesta alla quale sono scampati. Da questo punto in poi il testo si fa volutamente criptico, menzionando una serie di figure omeriche dietro le quali potrebbero nascondersi personaggi reali. La lettera si chiude con l’invito al destinatario a inviare discorsi simili o superiori a quello completato. Lo scopo del nostro intervento è quello di tentare di fornire ipotesi fondate sui numerosi problemi ed enigmi posti dal piccolo corpus epistolare nell’intenzione di aggiungere al già complesso mosaico delle fonti sulla controversia palamita una nuova tessera. 317 Yannis Kakridis Universität Bern, Slavisches Institut, Bern, Switzerland; kakridis@issl.unibe.ch The Slavic Reception of Barlaam’s Argumentation Theory In his Anti-Latin treatises, Barlaam the Calabrian appears not only as a skilfull arguer, but also as an argumentation theorist. His emphasis on correct argumentation procedure adumbrates modern attempts to arrive at a list of rules for critical discussion and to redefine the traditional fallacies in terms of violations of these rules. In the seventh decade of the 14th century, two of Barlaam’s earliest treatises were translated into Serbian Church Slavonic. The translation is accompanied by scholia. Some of them show that the concept of dialectical discussion, which was central to Barlaam’s methodology, was beyond the translator’s grasp. In fact, the spirit of these scholia is very close to Gregory Palamas’ view of the Latins and his perplexed reaction to the writings of Barlaam the Calabrian. Boris Milosavljević Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, Institute for Balkan Studies, Belgrade, Serbia; borismiloss@gmail.com Palamas’ Understanding of οὐσία and ἐνέργεια The basic tenet of the Corpus Areopagiticum and Cappadocian doctrine of the impossibility of knowing God except through His works holds a central place in Gregory Palamas` teaching. A new debate about this topic, which began in Byzantine academic and monastic circles after the long-lasting disputes about the Hesychast practice of “mental prayer” and the possibility of seeing Divine actualizations (energeiai), led to his complex text, The Exposition of the Orthodox Faith, eventually accepted by the Council of Constantinople in 1351. Characteristic of Palamas’ teaching is his theoretical articulation of the traditional monastic notion of “becoming God-like” (divinization) and the vision of the Divine light, which is uncreated but not identical to God’s essence. Presenting the distinction between essence (οὐσία) and actualization (ἐνέργεια), Palamas uses the concepts discussed in detail in Aristotle’s philosophy. Something can, i.e. has potency (δύναμις) to become something (a form), and something has become a form (actuality), i.e. has been actualized (ἐνέργεια) (Aristotle, Metaphysics, 1002b32–1003a5 ff). In the context of Hesychast theory, the unknowable Divine essence as the first cause has potency for different knowable actualizations, such as the uncreated “light of Tabor” seen during the Hesychast prayer. Seeing the Divine light does not imply understanding or knowing the unknowable Divine essence, but only its actualizations, knowable because of the potency of the essence to become accessible through actualization (ἐνέργεια), through God’s work (ἔργον). 318 Barlaam of Calabria’s criticism of Palamas’ teaching calls into question the uncreatedness and eternity of the Divine light, and argues that only the Divine essence is uncreated. If we accept that the light is uncreated, then the light is the Divine essence itself, which implies that seeing the Divine light is the same as seeing the Divine essence, and that in the final analysis the Hesychast teaching is the same as that of Thomas Aquinas: “Thomas, and everyone who reasons like him, thinks that there is nothing out of reach for the human mind”. On the other hand, since it is only the Divine essence that is uncreated, then the light seen during prayer cannot be the uncreated “light of Tabor”, which then casts doubt on the Athonite monastic practice. Since both Palamas and Barlaam referred to the Areopagite in stressing the impossibility of knowing the Divine essence, their dispute ended up being about the distinction between essence (οὐσία) and light (or actualization, ἐνέργεια). Barlaam and his followers denied the possibility of such distinction, claiming that it would endanger Divine unity and simplicity, implying a “second”, “lower” god. Palamas replied by claiming that the multiplicity of God’s manifestations and apparitions does not affect the unity of God who is above the whole and the part: “Goodness is not one part of God, Wisdom another, Majesty and Providence still another. God is wholly Goodness, wholly Wisdom, wholly Providence and wholly Majesty. He is one, without any division into parts, but, possessing in Himself each of these energies [actualizations]. He reveals Himself wholly in each by His presence and action in a unified, simple and undivided fashion.” If we do not accept the teaching about Divine essence and Divine actualizations, then there is no link between God and the world, because, Palamas says, such God would be non-actualized, and could not be called Creator since that “which has no potency or actualization, does not exist, either generally or particularly”. To deny a distinction between essence and actualization would therefore result in an atheistic position. The most important terminological distinction for understanding Palamas’ teaching is the conceptual pair potency–actualization, because the essence is what has potency for actualization through a particular act. Potency is the capacity for (actualization), because, Palamas makes a further distinction following Gregory Nazianzen, between that which has intention (desire) as permanent potency and particular intentions (desires) by which actualizations take place, or in other words, the potency of birth, and the actualization of birth as act. Through potency the essence sets in motion, and the act itself is motion and, eventually, actualization. If we reject the distinction between the essence and actualization, even the Eucharist or Holy Communion becomes impossible: “Since man can participate in God and since the superessential essence of God is completely above participation, then there exists something between the essence that cannot be participated and those who participate, to make participation in God possible for them”. Palamas’ distinction between essence and actualizations, based on the teachings of the Church Fathers, particularly of the Cappadocians and Maximus the Confessor, has implications for the understanding of the Eucharist as the central theme of Orthodox theology and the basis of the liturgical practice. Hesychast emphasis on the monastics as a critical force in society and adamant resistance to non-Orthodox political pressures, shaped the Eastern Christian understanding of society, not only because of the political strength of this movement, but also because Hesychasm was the final form of one thousand years of Byzantine thought. 319 Dmitry Biriukov St. Petersburg, Russian Federation; dbirjuk@gmail.com Учение Григория Паламы об универсалиях* В докладе будут прослежены линии раскрытия проблематики универсалий у Григория Паламы. Будут выделены три таких линии и указано на их исторический и богословский контекст. Согласно одной из этих линий, которую Палама проводит в 81 главе «Ста пятидесяти глав», говорится, что универсалии существуют только во многом (в вещах) и не могут существовать вне/до многого. Я предполагаю, что здесь имеет место контекст полемики Григория Паламы с представителями т.н. византийского «Проклренессанса», и этот контекст будет прослежен в моем докладе. Другая линия связана с III «Триадой» Паламы, в которой автор ведет речь о существовании в Боге парадигм в отношении вещей (эти парадигмы соответствуют универсалиям до вещей). Третья линия связана с проводимой Паламой в сочинениях раннего и среднего периода темой иерархии существующих до вещей начал/ Божественных энергий (также играющих роль универсалий до вещей), соответствующих природным способностям тварного сущего. Эту тему Палама проводит в таких сочинениях, как «О Божественном соединении и различении», «Диалог православного с варлаамитом», «О Божественной и боготворящей причаствуемости», «Антирретики против Акиндина». Я покажу, каким образом в рамках двух последних линий проявляется влияние учения Дионисия Ареопагита на доктрину Паламы и укажу, в чем состоит специфика учения Паламы в сравнении с соответствующим учением Ареопагита. В конце доклада я буду обсуждать то, как эти три линии соотносятся друг с другом в учении Паламы, и является ли учение Григория Паламы об универсалиях консистентным или неконсистентным. * Исследование выполнено при поддержке гранта РГНФ № 15-03-00665, проект «Многообразие гуманизма и его путей: поздневизантийское интеллектуальное наследие XIII – XIV вв.». 320 Dmitrij I. Makarov Urals State M. P. Mussorgsky Conservatoire, Ekaterinburg, Russian Federation; dimitri.makarov@mail.ru The 13th-Century Prerequisites of St. Gregory Palamas’ Theology* 1. It is well-known due to the latest efforts of patrologists that in order to properly understand the Palamite theology of the Divine Light and energy one ought to cope with the problem of its immediate roots and antecedents within the period from St. Photius to the early 14th century. In our paper we propose to take a fresh look at the problem of the immediate prerequisites of this theology, namely at those which were arising during the thirteenth century. To reach this aim, we must envisage the century (a) in its entirety – as a complete epoch in the history of the European and Byzantine theological and philosophical thought – and (b) in its living connection with the previous twelfth century. 2. This approach brings a scholar substantial results. To begin with, it is impossible to deeply understand the 13th-century Byzantine theology without turning to the Sacred arsenal by Andronicus Camaterus (ca. 1173–1174), because the first notable Greek theologian of the century, Nicholas Mesarites, turns out to be a faithful compiler of the compendium (Makarov 2016). The importance of Camaterus can be seen at the example of John VIII Veccus having written a special piece Against Andronicus Camaterus. As Veccus was a pronounced opponent to the idea of any interpenetration between the Persons of the Trinity, such a hostile stance against Camaterus who had argued in favor of this idea cannot be surprising for a scholar. The famous Palamas’ assertion that there can be an Orthodox approach to the Filioque was prefigured already in a conservative, but, nevertheless, in a way the ‘proto-Palamite’ theology by Georges Moskhambar. The description of the Persons’ interpenetration (Μονιοῦ 2011: 294.107 – 295.115) as the original order in the Trinity, which is effectuated from eternity τῷ λόγῳ τῆς φεραλληλίας, is also one of the most serious and well-thought-out prefigurations of the Palamite theology. 3. In our attempt at summarizing these debates we would offer such a preliminary periodization of the main trends in the 13th-century Byzantine theology: • 1174/1200 to 1234/40. The century’s first attempts at theological dialogue with the Latins. The formulation of the prerequisites of the later teaching on the interpenetration (Camaterus, Nicholas Mesarites, Germanus II); • From 1234/40 to 1265/1275 arise: the innovative teaching on the eternal manifestation of the Spirit through the Son (Nicephorus Blemmydes) and a kind of neo-paganism of a Proclean type (George Acropolites); • The years from 1265/1275 to 1285/1297 saw the most important theological controversies of the century. The clash between: the pro-Latin and a ‘tritheist’ theological doctrine of Veccus; * This research was conducted with the generous help of the Russian Foundation for Humanities, project no. 15-0300665, “Varieties of Humanism and Its Ways: The Intellectual Legacy of Late Byzantium, Thirteenth to Fourteenth Centuries”. 321 the Orthodox theology using Blemmydes’ renewed language by Gregory of Cyprus; and a bit conservative, but also proto-Palamite doctrine by Moskhambar. 4. If we now look at the polemical literature written by Palamas and his allies, as well as at the oeuvre by the anti-Palamites, we will see that the contents of these debates was thoroughly investigated by both sides of the conflict, and the main ‘lines of fissure’ were inherited by the protagonists from their predecessors of the 13th century. Ivan Christov University of Sofia, Sofia, Bulgaria; ichri@abv.bg The Debate on Aristotle’s Theory of Proof between St. Gregory Palamas and Barlaam In this paper, I will challenge the thesis that in late Byzantium logic has lost its autonomy from theology. As testified by St. Gregory’s Vita and other written sources the logical studies have retained their independent status in the Byzantine culture. On the other hand, in the occasions when logic was integrated into the theological discourse (which was not an innovation of the 13-14th c.), this could even stimulate the logical studies. So the debate on method between St. Gregory Palamas and Barlaam put to stress the ontological foundations of Aristotle’s theory of proof. The Palamas’ solution was actually innovative. My second thesis is that it is an oversimplification to appreciate the value of a logical discourse of the time checking its literal correspondence to Aristotle and the commentators. St Gregory was well trained in this tradition. Only one line of his criticism against Barlaam however could be reduced to its literal application in the debate – he blamed Barlaam in contradicting Aristotle. The arguments “proving” that Palamas has lost this line of controversy will be re-examined. Most important however is his second line of criticism against Barlaam. Palamas made senseless his opponent’s objections reassessing the ontological foundations of Aristotelian logic. The divergence from the main authority in logic did not mean here neither a loss of autonomy nor of a quality. To give a proper assessment of the value of Palamas’ arguments one should dissociate himself from a set of preconceptions related to this episode of the Palamite debates and understand the difference between the essence and the energies. 322 Basil Lourié St. Petersburg University of Aerospace Instrumentation, St. Petersburg, Russian Federation; hieromonk@gmail.com Joseph Bryennios and the Problem of Order within the Trinity* The problem of order – or rather of inexistence of any order – between the three hypostases of the Holy Trinity has been discussed briefly on the margins of the great theological quarrels of the late fourth century. Since then, it seems never being considered until Nicephorus Blemmydes. At the early stage of the 14th-century hesychast quarrels it has been readdressed by Gregory Palamas, but apparently without any substantial elaboration in the later 14th-century authors. Joseph Bryennios, however, made it one of keystones of his elaborated triadological doctrine, thus explaining important intuitions of the Palamite theology. Patrícia Calvário Faculdade de Letras da Universidade do Porto, Porto, Portugal; patricia.calvario@gmail.com Theosis and the Metaphysics of Light of Gregory Palamas The corporeal experience of the divine in the corporeal vision of the deifying light (theourgon phos) is a main subject in the philosophical system of Palamas. He states that the experience of the divine culminates in the vision of light, following several ascetic practices like the psycho-physic method and the exercitation of intellect. This divine light is neither material nor natural; however it can be perceived with corporeal eyes. What is the ontological character of this light? About this problem there are some approaches by contemporary scholars. For instances, Clucas (1975) states that the theory of light of Palamas is a manipulation of patristic sources and an arrangement of incongruences to escape from the accusation of messalianism. Beck (1961) holds that whenever Palamas is compelled to defend his notion of light he hides himself in the antinomies. I argue that theosis by the theourgon phos can be understood as a new metaphysics of light that combines concepts like energeia, ousia, phos, photismos, metechein. In this metaphysics God is not understood as lux and the creatures as lumen, as in a scheme of Neoplatonist inspiration, as is the case of Grosseteste. In the metaphysics of light of Palamas the divine is understood as deifying light not in its essence, but in its energy, and the creatures will be that light because they will participate (the body too) in that light without losing their individuality. * The present abstract is a part of a larger project Nr 16-18-10202, “History of the Logical and Philosophical Ideas in Byzantine Philosophy and Theology”, implemented with a financial support of the Russian Science Foundation. 323 Tatiana Sénina (nonne Kassia) St. Petersburg, Russian Federation; mon.kassia@gmail.com Les conceptions anthropologiques de Saint Grégoire Palamas et de George Gémiste Pléthon : un débat sur le rôle de l’homme dans l’univers Le débat entre Grégoire Palamas et Barlaam le Calabrais n’était pas une discussion purement théologique. Palamas polémisait aussi avec les intellectuels byzantins qui tentaient d’exprimer une conception du monde plus humaniste et moins surchargée de dogmatisme que celle de l’Église orthodoxe. Les recherches récentes montrent que la querelle hésychaste était une collision de paradigmes entre le christianisme et la philosophie séculaire, et cette polémique n’a pas cessé après la victoire officielle des palamites. Cent ans passés, George Gémiste Pléthon s’est montré représentant de l’hellénisme philosophique contre la doctrine chrétienne : sa philosophie était une réponse à la patristique et tout d’abord à Palamas. La conception d’un homme « christocentrique » chez S. Grégoire était le comble de l’anthropologie chrétienne orthodoxe, mais elle n’était pas attrayante pour une assez grande partie des intellectuels byzantins qui avaient leurs propres idées à propos de l’homme et de son rôle dans l’univers. L’anthropologie élaborée par Pléthon représente un développement des vues des humanistes byzantins du XIVe siècle, c’est pourquoi il est intéressant de comparer les idées anthropologiques de Palamas et de Pléthon, bien qu’ils ne fussent pas des contemporains. La conception de Palamas est traditionnellement chrétienne : l’homme créé par Dieu à son image et à sa ressemblance était la meilleure création divine, mais il a perdu sa participation à la vie divine à cause du péché. Les conséquences du péché originel étaient la mort de l’âme, la mortalité du corps et la corruption qui se transmet par voie héréditaire ; la conséquence de la mortalité et de la corruption est l’inclination au péché. L’homme ne peut regagner la ressemblance divine et se débarrasser de la mort que par la grâce divine, en participant à la vie de Dieu. Le but de la vie humaine est la déification et la contemplation de Dieu. Ce but ne saurait être atteint que par la prière et la pratique des vertus, ainsi que par la grâce divine. L’homme privé de cette grâce ne peut pas accéder à Dieu par ses propres forces : il ne peut recevoir la grâce divine et la perfection que du Christ dans l’Église orthodoxe. La conception de Pléthon est tout autre. Le christianisme n’est pour lui qu’une des conceptions religieuses possibles. La religion chez Pléthon est très utilitaire : les cérémonies religieuses sont importantes non parce qu’elles relient l’homme avec Dieu par les sacrements, mais parce que elles peuvent affirmer les vraies notions des dieux dont dépend le succès de toutes nos actions. L’homme n’est pas la meilleure création de Dieu, mais il n’est point impuissant sans la grâce divine. Il est créé pour être le lien de l’univers, pour unir les mortels aux immortels, c’est pourquoi la procréation importe et non pas la virginité. Le péché originel et la pénitence, l’incarnation de Dieu et le salut par la grâce divine sont des notions étrangères à Pléthon. L’homme imite Dieu quand il le suit et devient bon, mais il ne peut le faire que « dans la mesure où cela est possible à l’homme » : dans cette conception il n’y aucune déification. L’homme peut connaître Dieu « par la fleur de l’intellect », mais θεωρία chez Pléthon n’est pas la contemplation de Dieu en prière, mais l’étude de l’ordre de l’univers 324 et des affaires humaines que le philosophe considère comme « la plus agréable » pour l’homme « conduit dans l’univers comme quelqu’un qui assiste à une fête ». Dans l’ensemble, l’anthropologie de Pléthon préférant la vie intellectuelle d’un savant et philosophe à la vie contemplative d’un hésychaste orthodoxe peut, à ce qu’il semble, paraître plus attrayante à l’homme d’aujourd’hui que celle de Palamas. 325 CHANCERIES AND DOCUMENTARY PRACTICES IN SOUTHEAST EUROPE (13TH–15TH CENTURIES) Conveners: Stanoje Bojanin, Kyrill Pavlikianov, Mirjana Živojinović Stanoje Bojanin, The Joint Charter of the Branković Brothers (1364/1365) and the Magnate Chancery in the Nemanjić State Neven Isailović, Diplomatic Practice in Medieval Bosnia – Between Domestic and Foreign Influences Miloš Ivanović, Immunity Formulas in the Charters of Prince and Despot Stefan Lazarević Tamara Matović, Concerning Diverse Legal Significance of a Document in the Byzantine Private Law Nebojša Porčić, The Serbian Imperial Chancery in Documents of the Dubrovnik Corpus Kyrill Pavlikianov, False Chrysobull Attributed to Tsar Stephen Dušan in the Archives of the Athonite Monastery of Zographou (Date in the Text April 1346, actually Falsified between 1366 and 1378) Viktor Savić, A Closer Determination of Document Names in Serbian Monastic Charters of the 12th–14th Centuries Žarko Vujošević, Die Rolle der Geistlichkeit in der Verfassung serbischer mittelalterlicher Urkunden Dragić M. Živojinović, Diplomatic Practice of the Second Bulgarian Tsardom: A(n Im)Possible Reconstruction? Mirjana Živojinović, Les actes grecs traduits en ancienne serbe Stanoje Bojanin Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, Institute for Byzantine Studies, Belgrade, Serbia; sbojanin@gmail.com The Joint Charter of the Branković Brothers (1364/1365) and the Magnate Chancery in the Nemanjić State A recent discovery shows that the so-called charter of Lord Vuk Branković (Chilandar 58 and 59) is a compilation of transcripts of two documents issued by the members of the Branković family in different time period (S. Bojanin). That is, the short part of Lord Vuk’s document (late 14th century) was inserted in the text of the joint charter issued by the same Vuk and his brother Grgur several decades earlier. This paper investigates an unexamined formulary of the Branković brothers’ joint charter and considers it as a type of a formulary that could be characteristic to the magnate chancery in medieval Serbia. A diplomatics analysis shows us how the vassal-suzerain relationships were officially represented in the documents of а nobleman’s chancery during the reign of Stephan Uroš, the Emperor of the Serbs and Greeks (1355‒1371) and probably earlier in the Nemanjić state. Neven Isailović Institute of History, Belgrade, Serbia; neven.isailovic@gmail.com Diplomatic Practice in Medieval Bosnia – Between Domestic and Foreign Influences Diplomatic practice of medieval Bosnia can be studied from 12th to 15th century. The first forms and patterns were influenced by chanceries from Italy and the Eastern Adriatic communes. Modified notarial forms, originally devised for private documents, initially prevailed as the model even for documents issued by the state authorities, but in time, with development of Bosnian state apparatus and professional clerical services, most of the charters gained the form of public act. Although some domestic elements found their way into forms of Bosnian charters and letters, especially some parts of customary law, the adoption of patterns from neighbouring countries (dominantly Hungary for Latin and Slavic states for Slavonic documents) never ceased. The dynamics of this process was increased in the late middle ages, when the nobles formed their own chanceries and started issuing large quantities of their own documents. The “addressee’s draft” also proved to be an important and long-lasting source for shaping solemn charters. The most notable cases of such a practice were the charters issued by the Bosnian rulers and magnates to the city of Dubrovnik (Ragusa). This paper will try to identify which elements were domestic and which foreign, and how they were combined. 327 Miloš Ivanović Institute of History, Belgrade, Serbia; misaveritatem@gmail.com Immunity Formulas in the Charters of Prince and Despot Stefan Lazarević In most of preserved charters of Prince and Despot Stefan Lazarević immunity formulas can be encountered within the final part of dispositio, before sanctio. It should be noted that all these charters are related to donations to the monasteries. The documents dedicated to laymen did not survive, and therefore it is not possible to estimate the level of privileges which were given to Church institutions. The monasteries were generally exempted from all duties and obligations to the ruler. However, during the reign of Stefan Lazarević (1389–1427) exceptions were recorded to this rule. All immunities which Prince and Despot Stefan mentioned in charters to the monasteries can be divided into several categories. In the first place, by significance, are those that relate to military obligations. Exemption from performing military service can only be found in two charters issued in the last decade of the 14th century. On the other hand, different types of military service, by which some monasteries were burdened, were listed in charters from 1417 and 1427 (sending auxiliary troops to the Turks, military action on the local level and campaigns in which ruler led army personally). The exemption of the obligations of building and protecting of fortresses were often cited among immunities of monasteries. Also, some new cash taxes were introduced and monasteries were not always exempted from them. Prince Stefan introduced a fee known as “unče”. The “unče” became the most important tax in the state of Stefan Lazarević and therefore monastic possessions were not always completely exempted from these duties. According to the charter of 1394/1395, the monastery of Saint Panteleimon had to pay only a special tax – tribute (haraç), which was paid by family Lazarević to the Sultan. Later, this tribute is not mentioned directly in charters, but its existence is certain. The purpose of all these fees was to strengthen military capabilities of Lazarević’s state after the Battle of Kosovo in 1389. Namely, many Serbian noblemen were killed in the battle. Beside that, Prince Stefan became a vassal of Sultan Bayezid I to whom he had to send auxiliary troops. The fortresses had great significance for Stefan Lazarević, because he could not stand up to the Turks in the open field. Similar measures were also undertaken by Byzantine Emperors after 1371. The exemption from the “soće”, which was previously the main tax, was assigned to all the monasteries. The charters of Prince and Despot Stefan testify that dependent peasants on monastic estates were freed from many working obligations and natural levies toward state. There is a little information in charters about administrative and judicial autonomy of monasteries. Only in two cases can be clearly concluded that the above-mentioned autonomy was limited. 328 Tamara Matović Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, Institute for Byzantine Studies, Belgrade, Serbia; tamara.matovic@vi.sanu.ac.rs Concerning Diverse Legal Significance of a Document in the Byzantine Private Law In numerous late Byzantine documents we find information on various legal deeds – contracts and wills. The aforementioned documents contain facts about legal bindings of an individual or an entity. Furthermore, the document itself can serve as a legal instrument in different ways. Providing certain facts in writing can be a requirement for formation of a contract. This being the case usually in regards with specially important contracts, whose subject exceeds certain value – e. g. in many legal systems thereby is prescribed for a Purchase contract. This is known as forma ad solemnitatem, a mandatory form of an agreement. Lodging a document with an authority (insinuatio, ἡ ἐμφάνισις) and drafting, certifying, and serving on the document – done by a notary to the interested parties in some cases can also be considered as mandatory and in compliance with legal provisions. On the other hand, consensual contracts are concluded as soon as contractual parties agree upon the essential matters of a contract. Whereas of this type of contracts, drafting or issuing a document has only the meaning of an evidence to the previously concluded deed, with a purpose to be enclosed in disputes arising in the future. The law can outline similar solutions for the other legal deeds as well, beside contracts. In case of wills, there could still be legal binding even if no document is produced, as an oral will is also a valid one. The second part of our communication is related to transferring of a right. It is usually necessary to provide certain performance in order to assign a right. However, perfecting legal transaction sometimes can be efficiently done by mere alienation of a document. Thus, traditio per cartam (ἡ παράδοσις δι’ ἐγγράφου) is a powerful reminder of a rather distinct nature of documents that we encounter the Byzantine law. Therefore, our intention is to peruse private documents, particularly for a time range of the 13 -15th centuries, and confront them to other legal sources. Special attention will be given to diplomatic formulas, in which we often find reminders and references to the legal tradition in this subject matter. th 329 Nebojša Porčić University of Belgrade, Faculty of Philosophy, Belgrade, Serbia; porcic@ptt.rs The Serbian Imperial Chancery in Documents of the Dubrovnik Corpus The corpus of 29 largely original documents preserved in the Dubrovnik archives provides the best available avenue of approach to the still inadequately treated issue of the Serbian imperial chancery. Analysis of the corpus confirms that documents were produced in accordance with a clearly defined typology by a regular, organized staff. Very proficient in supplying the various types of documents with appropriate external and internal features, these individuals also proved capable of adapting earlier tradition to the demands presented by the rise of the Serbian rulers to imperial status. However, certain aspects of the production process seem to have remained underdeveloped (apparent lack of proper formularies and registers of outgoing items), opening the way for greater involvement of addressees. Kyrill Pavlikianov Sofia University “St. Kliment Ohridski”, Faculty of Classical and Modern Philology, Sofia, Bulgaria; cpavlikianov@hotmail.com False Chrysobull Attributed to Tsar Stephen Dušan in the Archives of the Athonite Monastery of Zographou (Date in the Text April 1346, actually Falsified between 1366 and 1378) Based on this false charter, Zographou was the legal possessor of the village of Chandax near the Strymon, and its estates in and around Chandax enjoyed all the privileges which had been granted to their previous owner, an unnamed grand konostaulos. After the region was annexed by Stephen Dušan, Chandax was taken from the Bulgarian monastery and was given to another user. Soon afterwards Dusan was requested by the Bulgarian Tsar, John Alexander, to restore Chandax to Zographou and to corroborate this restoration with a chrysobull. Dušan satisfied this request and restored Chandax to Zographou, confirming the monastery’s right to exploit the water mills around the village and to collect fees from all the boats calling at its wharf. Dušan also exempted Zographou estates at Chandax from the sitarkia tax which amounted to 50 hyperpyra (10 hyperpyra of this sum are said to have been previously delivered to the fiscal authorities of Thessalonica, while the remaining 40 to the tax authorities of Serrhai). Dušan declared Chandax and all the villages and zeugelateia of Zographou exempt from the taxes phonos, parthenophthoria, aerikon, sitarkia, orike, kastroktisia, charagma, ennomion for sheep and swine, melissoennomion, choirodekatia, mitaton, xylachyron, angareia, psomozemia, as well as from the fee due for importing salt from elsewhere (allotrion halas). 330 In 1936 A. Solovjev and V. Mošin expressed reasonable doubts that Zographou act was an original signed by Stephen Dušan. Their most important argument was that Dušan’s signature differed significantly from the normal pattern of his Slavic signatures preserved in the Athonite archives and elsewhere. Nevertheless, in 1982 L. Mavrommatis supported the view that Zographou chrysobull was not a copy but an original. He explained the specific peculiarities of Dušan’s Slavic signature with the absence of Serbian literary tradition comparable to that of Byzantium, and pointed out that Dušan’s golden seal attached to the false Svodna Gramota or “Composite Charter” of Zographou might have been taken from Dušan’s act of April 1346. However, if we examine some of Dušan’s Slavic signatures available in other documents, it becomes clear that Mavrommatis’s conclusion about the act’s authenticity is, in fact, unsubstantiated. What do we know of Stephen Dušan’s original Slavic signatures? 1. In 1331 Dušan granted to the city of Ragusa (Dubrovnik) a charter guaranteeing the right of its merchants to trade freely all over the territory of his kingdom. The original document is kept in the State Archives of Dubrovnik. The act and the royal signature are written in Serbian. 2. In 1334 Stephen Dušan subordinated the church of St. Nicholas at Dobrušta near Prizren to Chilandar. The donative charter is preserved in Chilandar, but it is uncertain if it is an original or a early copy. The act and the signature are written in Serbian. 3. In 1339 the Serbian king promulgated a chrysobull donating to Chilandar the monastery of St. Nicholas in the district of Mraka. The document is kept in Chilandar. It is of dubious authenticity and its editors underscore that in this act Dušan’s signature differs significantly from its normal type. The act and the signature are written in Serbian. 4. In 1340, Dušan donated to Chilandar the church of St. George and the village of Pološko. The donative charter is preserved in Chilandar, but is not clear if it is an original or a coeval copy. The act and the signature are written in Serbian. 5. In 1343 Dušan allowed the governor of the city of Strumitsa, a certain Rudl, to convey all his property to Chilandar. An ancient copy of this charter was once kept in Chilandar, but it is presently lost. The act and the signature were written in Serbian. 6. In April 1348 the Serbian tsar promulgated for Vatopedi a special confirmative chrysobull. In this charter the situation is exactly the same as in Zographou chrysobull “of April 1346” – the main text is in Greek, but Dušan’s signature is in Serbian. 7. In 1349 Stephen Dušan granted to the city of Ragusa a chrysobull which intended to normalize Serbia’s relations with Dubrovnik and its protector, the Republic of Venice. The act and the signature are written in Serbian. 8. In 1355 Dušan issued a chrysobull pertaining to the property of St. Peter Koriški which was claimed by Chilandar. Two coeval copies of this charter are kept in Chilandar, but their authenticity is dubious. The texts and the royal signatures are written in Serbian. In the acts of 1331, 1334, 1339, 1340, 1343 and 1346 Dušan’s signatures are quite different from those in the acts of 1348 and 1349. This is must be due to the fact that the royal signatures in the documents of 1348 and 1349 seem to be the only authentic. The signatures of 1334, 1339, 1340, and 1343 are written in a decorative manner by a specialized scribe and not by the Serbian king in 331 person. On the other hand, Dušan’s signatures in the chrysobulls of Vatopedi (1348) and Zographou (1346) contain some evident similarities that indicate that Zographou signature probably imitates the genuine signature of the Serbian ruler available in the Vatopedan charter. Analayzing Dušan’s signatures, one can easily figure out that they are always written with uncial letters of equal height which are positioned between two parallel horizontal lines. In Zographou chrysobull the letters are not of equal height and this detail additionally questions the authenticity of the document. The principal argument proving that that Dušan’s chrysobull “of April 1346” is false is purely paleographical: this charter is written by the same hand which had copied an undoubtedly false Greek chrysobull, supposedly granted to Zographou by the Emperor John V in 1342. Consequently, Dusan’s chrysobull for Zographou could not be but a forgery. This conclusion is also supported by the content of Dusan’s act. Its second part copies verbatim the text of John V’s false document of 1342. Viktor Savić Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, Institute for Serbian Language, Belgrade, Serbia; viktor.savic@isj.sanu.ac.rs A Closer Determination of Document Names in Serbian Monastic Charters of the 12th–14th Centuries Terms that designate various documents, often accompanied with appropriate attributes, are sporadically found in Serbian medieval legal documents. Document names and attributes are less frequent in earlier documents, whereas in later ones they appear more often. Composite terms sometimes fail to provide more information than simple ones and the corresponding attributes may seem to be superfluous (though, along with serving as a rhetorical tool, they have a legal meaning, since they carry a legal message). However, there are also cases when only the use of attributes makes it possible to get comprehensive information about the designated concept. Adjectival words (adjectives and adjectival pronouns) are not the only means of determining the designated concept. This function is also fulfilled by appropriate case forms (with prepositions and without them), other nouns, and even more complex structures. Therefore, it is necessary to highlight this phenomenon from a philological perspective. Our study primarily focuses on the documents from the time of the Nemanjić dynasty. Nevertheless, in order to throw additional light on the problem, or to improve already defined concepts, our analysis will not be restricted to these documents, nor will it be limited to the genre of monastic charters. Our approach relies on the traditional philological methodology combined with lexical semantic analysis and syntactic parsing of the medieval terminological apparatus. Examples are cited profusely throughout the study. All these elements are subordinated to the historiographical cognitive model. The paper also offers an overview and analysis of the total body of materials extracted from the limited Serbian medieval corpus, while determining chronologically, to the extent possible, the observed phenomena. In this context, the issue of congruent attributes (from simple units, such as sija knjiga to zlatopečatna povelja → hrisovulja ... → slovo, which was formed by calquing, to developed formulae, such as blagoobrazni and ch’stni zlatopečatni hrisovul) is particularly interesting. The determinative zlatopečatni was 332 rather early semantically emptied, as it could appear in unexpected combinations (considered ‘pleonastic’ by local historians, as compared to Byzantine diplomatics). This further weakened its position in symbolic terms: there arose a need for introducing additional terms that designate the guaranteeing value of a document, which eventually led to its omission in expected positions. Later qualifiers aimed at demonstrating the authenticity of a document became particularly productive since the reign of King Stefan Dečanski (e.g. nastoješti, světli, izvěstni, obični). Although they had an earlier foothold in the system (utvrždeni, istin’ni, zakon’ni, most commonly zlatopečatni), they remained without true equivalents in Byzantine diplomatic sources. As far as the expansion of this phenomenon is concerned, it seems that the Serbian legal discourse was more developed than its counterparts. It shared some features with Bulgarian diplomatic practice (though there were also significant differences, well illustrated by the well-known variant pair povelja : orizmo). Some terms that are usually considered to be tautologies are subject to our analysis (izvěstnoje and vsenastoješteje zlatopečatnoje slovo or zapisanije and utvrždenije). It is also necessary to elucidate the occurrence of incongruent attributes with prepositional and case structures in the possessive genitive, as the positional variant of possessive adjectives (e.g. the relationship between hrisovul gospodina i otca mi : otčin mi hrisovul), and their occurrence beyond the cases limited by the usage of mandatory determinants. They are particularly common in connection with the perspective of the third person, when the actual auctors make reference to documents issued by their predecessors. Although they can be found in most documents (or rather those which date from a later period, or were copied in a later period), which may suggest that they were in ordinary use, they were in fact introduced gradually, under the influence of foreign languages (mostly Greek, which has to do with predefined, diplomatic formulae). A significant part of innovations in what was otherwise a rather small terminological corpus coincide with the period known in philology as the time of the so-called “subsequent Grecization”, which was a result of major cultural and social changes in Serbia during the reign of King Milutin. Žarko Vujošević University of Belgrade, Faculty of Philosophy, Belgrade, Serbia; zarko.vujosevic@f.bg.ac.rs Die Rolle der Geistlichkeit in der Verfassung serbischer mittelalterlicher Urkunden In dem vorgeschlagenen Beitrag sollen die urkundlichen Angaben über die Tätigkeit der Kleriker als Schreiber sowie Verfasser serbischer mittelalterlicher Herrscherkunden dargestellt und erschlossen, dementsprechend auch die Rolle der Geistlichkeit in der serbischen Herrscherkanzlei(en) bzw. Beurkundungsstelle(n) erörtert werden. Das Phänomen ist insbesondere im Kontext der bewiesenen Schlüsselposition des Klerus in den Kanzleigeschäften mittel- und westeuropäischer, teilweise auch byzantinischer Monarchen, abzuhandeln. Hinsichtlich des verhältnismäßig begrenzten Forschungspotenzials einheimischer Quellen werden die serbischen Beispiele anhand der in der gegenwärtigen europäischen Diplomatik entwickelten Verständnismodelle der mittelalterlichen Herrscherkanzleien analysiert werden. 333 Dragić M. Živojinović Institute of History, Belgrade, Serbia; dragicmzivojinovic@gmail.com Diplomatic Practice of the Second Bulgarian Tsardom: A(n Im)Possible Reconstruction? From the era of the Second Bulgarian Tsardom (1186–1396) there are no more than thirty charters preserved. Amongst them, twenty are acts of rulers (including several obvious and wellknown forgeries). The fascinating characteristic of this modest documentary fund is its trilingualism: documents were written in Slavonic, Latin and Greek language. The present communication aims to trace main directions of the charter-making practice in medieval Bulgaria by analysing inner and outer features of the extant diplomatic material dispersed throughout the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. Mirjana Živojinović Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, Belgrade, Serbia; mirjana.zivojinovic@sanu.ac.rs Les actes grecs traduits en ancienne serbe Outre nombre de documents en grec et en serbe, les archives du monastère de Chilandar conservent aussi, selon notre décompte, cinq actes médiévaux qui sont tous, à l’exception d’un seul, conservés uniquement sous forme de traduction en ancienne serbe, alors que leurs originaux, en grec, sont perdus depuis longtemps. Nous nous sommes penché plus particulièrement sur quatre de ces documents qui, comme le révèlent leurs caractéristiques paléographiques, sont des traductions en serbe remontant au milieu du XIVème siècle. Parmi ceux-ci, les deux premiers sont les plus importants. Le premier acte est chrysobulle par lequel l’empereur Andronic II Paléologue confirme en janvier 1299 toutes les possessions de Chilandar situées dans l’empire byzantin – tant au mont Athos qu’à l’extérieur de ce dernier - puis la possession d’un navire, qui sera, comme jusqu’alors, exempté des taxes maritimes; et enfin le fait que Chilandar, avec ses métoques, est un établissement libre et indépendant, comme le monastère des Ibères à l’Athos. Le deuxième document est un inventaire cadastral (praktikon), dressé en novembre 1300 par le recenseur Dèmètrios Apelméné, de toutes les possessions de Chilandar sises dans le thème de Thessalonique. Le troisième acte est une traduction du chrysobulle d’Andronic II portant confirmation, en mai 1308, à la demande du roi Milutin, du rattachement, par ce dernier, du monastère de SaintNicètas avec ses possessions au pyrgos de Chilandar situé sur la rive de l’est du Mont Athos à Chrysè. La rédaction du quatrième documents est vraisemblablement en liaison avec les villages possédés par Chilandar dans la région du Strymon, puisque son texte fait état d’une donation 334 d’Andronic Doukas Pétraliphas, en 1227, en faveur de l’higoumène de Chilandar Nicodème et de toute la confrérie, de la terre du village abandonné de Munzeni, partie du village du même nom. L’étude de ces actes montre que leur traducteur n’avait pas une solide compréhension du grec et il a fait plusieurs fautes d’orthographe en serbe. Il a traduit plus librement certains passages, comme par exemple le prooimion du chrysobulle de 1299. Cela ressort de la comparaison de sa traduction en serbe avec l’original grec du chrysobulle, conservé, d’Andronic II. On note aussi qu’il n’a pas su transcrire correctement certains mots grecs, principalement, à ce qu’il semble, lorsqu’il s’agit des indications chronologiques. Il en ressort ainsi notamment de la datation erronée, dans la traduction en serbe, du chrysobulle d’Andronic II. 335 BYZANTINES AND THE BIBLE ‒ PART 1 Conveners: Reinhart Ceulemans, Barbara Crostini, Mariachiara Fincati Alexandru Ionita, Imagining the Salvation of the “Jews” at the End of the First Millennium: Byzantine Reception and Interpretation of New Testament Texts about the “Jews” and the Faith of Israel Sébastien Morlet, Les Testimonia à Byzance : quelques études de cas / The Testimonia in Byzantium : A Few Case Studies Theodora Panella, Pauline Catena Manuscripts: The Treatment of the Sources Leontien Vanderschelden, The Origins of the Catena of the ‘Paris Psalter’ Laurence Vianès, Faut-il encore parler de chaînes « de Jean le Droungaire » ? Mariachiara Fincati, Exegetical Annotations from the 12th Century in the Codex Marchalianus of the Prophets Alexandru Ionita Lucian Blaga University, Sibiu, Romania; alexandru.ionita@ulbsibiu.ro Imagining the Salvation of the “Jews” at the End of the First Millennium: Byzantine Reception and Interpretation of New Testament Texts about the “Jews” and the Faith of Israel The recent critical edition of “The Life of Saint Basil the Younger” in the series of Dumbarton Oaks Studies XLV, 2014, reveals one of the richest sources for the 10th Century Byzantine imaginary concerning the enthronement of the Lord at his Second Coming, the Last Judgment and the inherent Christian question about the faith of the Jews. In my text-based paper I will compare cardinal affirmations about the Jews from the New Testament with their reception and interpretation in this longest and most important middle Byzantine saint’s live. Particular attention will deserve also the historical context of the hagiographical writing deciphering the eschatological expectations of the Constantinopolitan society and their relevance for the construction of a particular attitude concerning the Jewish people and faith in Byzantium. Sébastien Morlet Université Paris Sorbonne, Paris, France; Sebastien.Morlet@paris-sorbonne.fr Les Testimonia à Byzance : quelques études de cas / The Testimonia in Byzantium : A Few Case Studies The so-called Testimonia were quotations from the Old Testament supposed to announce Christ and the Christians. Extensively used in the NT itself and in patristic literature, either in polemical writings or during catechesis, they were the first biblical passages to be commented by the Christians and they remained at the basis of Christian faith until the end of Antiquity. This topic has given rise to famous and important studies by New Testament and Patistic scholars, but much remains to be done concerning the history of the Testimonia in Byzantium. The Byzantines inherited from a scholarly approach of the Bible, that of the biblical commentaries, which is at first sight foreign to the world of the Testimonia. Previous studies have shown how Origen’s or Eusebius’ scholarship implied a new way of reading the old Testimonia, now understood in their biblical context and not necessarily as prophecies of Christ. However, the Testimonia survived in Byzantium and continued to be used as textual proofs, especially against the Jews. This fact raises several questions : what does the Testimonia tradition look like in Byzantium ? Did the Byzantine read the same Testimonia as their ancestors ? Did they understand them the same way ? Is there an influence, in Byzantium, of the scholarly method on the quotation and exegesis of the Testimonia ? The interest of this questioning will be shown from an analysis of the Testimonia used in a few antijewish dialogues, especially the dialogue edited by J. H. Declerck (around 6th-10th c.). 337 Theodora Panella University of Birmingham, Institute for Textual Scholarship and Electronic Editing, Birmingham, United Kingdom; panellath@hotmail.com Pauline Catena Manuscripts: The Treatment of the Sources Pauline Catena manuscripts have their own exegetical value and should be regarded as part of the history of interpretation of the biblical text, although scholarship has not focused on the criteria that their compilers applied when gathering their material or on the major exegetical trends that they may represent. The aim of this paper is to understand the way that the compilers treat their sources. Trying to identify the patristic evidence and the anonymous patristic quotations in these catenae, I will examine as well compilers’ possible trends or preferences. Is there any main source for them? Does the treatment of the source depend on the layout of the catena manuscripts? Leontien Vanderschelden KU Leuven, Leuven, Belgium; leontien.vanderschelden@kuleuven.be The Origins of the Catena of the ‘Paris Psalter’ There are many catenae on the Psalms, but one of the finest and most important is the so-called ‘Paris Psalter’ (Par. gr. 139 = Rahlfs 1133). It is a tenth-century manuscript that was probably composed for emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus and contains not only fabulous miniatures, but also a catena commentary on the Psalms. The Paris catena has a place high up in the catena tradition, but is based on two older catenae: the so-called Palestinian catena from the sixth century and the Monophysite catena. Neither of them is preserved in its entirety, but they can be reconstructed from other catenae. In the first part of my PhD project I will identify the citations in the Paris Psalter and situate the manuscript in the tradition of the catena. Hereby I will make an edition of the text of the catena for a particular selection of psalms. At a second stage, I will have a closer look at the content of the text and its functions as a literary product. For example: does the exegesis construct a certain picture of the emperor, as the miniatures are known to do? In my paper I want to focus on the identification of the excerpts on a few psalms (psalm 1, 3, 5 and others) and the problems that go with it. On the basis of concrete examples I will show that some fragments are copied literally from the patristic source text while others are paraphrased, and I will discuss the difficulties linked to the attribution of the excerpts (or the lack thereof). Also the interplay between the biblical text and the exegetical excerpts will be mentioned. In my conclusion I will give an outline of the pitfalls and the relevance of this research, with a preview of the expected research results. 338 Laurence Vianès Université de Grenoble – Alpes, Saint-Martin-d’Hères, France; Laurence.Vianes@u-grenoble3.fr Faut-il encore parler de chaînes « de Jean le Droungaire » ? Les chaînes exégétiques sur les quatre grands prophètes attribuées à « Johannes Droungarios » sont d›excellente qualité et constituent souvent la base de laquelle dérivent les autres chaînes sur les mêmes livres. Du titre de Droungaire que porte leur auteur présumé, on a déduit qu’elles ne remontent pas à la haute époque byzantine. Mais Jean le Droungaire a-t-il existé ? Son nom n’apparaît qu’en titre du prologue d’un seul manuscrit. Or l’appartenance des prologues à la chaîne exégétique a été contestée, parce qu’ils se montrent très soucieux d’orthodoxie, tandis que la chaîne comporte des extraits de divers hérétiques, dont Sévère d’Antioche. Cette objection peut être levée en supposant que les chaînes ont été composées en milieu monophysite. Les prologues en font donc bien partie intégralement. L’hypothèse sera confirmée par l’examen des meilleurs manuscrits, des Xe et XIe siècles, où les noms d’auteurs sont préservés dans une rédaction qu’on peut croire originelle. D’après le cas de Sévère d’Antioche, on peut conclure que les quatre chaînes ont été rédigées ensemble d’un seul jet et qu’il n’y a pas d’obstacle à une datation haute. D’autres chaînes présentent des caractéristiques similaires et pourraient être rattachées à la même entreprise. Nous tenterons enfin de définir la place qui était réservée dans ces chaînes à la philologie biblique. Mariachiara Fincati Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, Milan, Italy; mc.fincati@gmail.com Exegetical Annotations from the 12th Century in the Codex Marchalianus of the Prophets At the end of the 12th century, Codex Marchalianus (Rahlfs Q), famous for its marginal Hexaplaric readings, was owned by the scholiast who wrote an impressive amount of exegetical observations in its margins: they concern all of the Prophets except Daniel, which the same scholiast glossed on another precious MS, the Vaticanus (Vat. gr. 1209, Rahlfs B). Drawn from traditional catenae and patristic commentaries, the scholia are often selected, re-worked and displayed in view of the annotator’s utility. In my paper I will present the results of a paleographical and philological survey of those scholia, in order to point out how the elaboration of traditional sources was performed: 1) Which sources did the exegete and owner of the manuscript choose? The book of Jeremiah, for example, received a double exegesis, firstly drawn from the type B catena, secondly from the commentary of a Pseudo-Chrysostom, which was probably the only Greek patristic text that discussed the strong divergences between Hebrew/LXX texts of Jeremiah. 339 2) What was the scholiast’s attitude towards notes that were already present in the MS, such as the Hexaplaric ones? Sometimes he apparently ignored them, other times he himself added some variant readings which better translate the Hebrew. The survey should contribute to shed light on the exegetical research pursued by a scholar who had at his disposal some of the most ancient and valuable biblical manuscripts. 340 BYZANTINES AND THE BIBLE ‒ PART 2 Conveners: Reinhart Ceulemans, Barbara Crostini, Mariachiara Fincati Elisabeth Yota, Usage et choix des scènes vétérotestamentaires dans les églises byzantines Rachele Ricceri, Texts, Paratexts, Manuscripts: The Reception of the Psalms in the Metaphrasis Psalmorum Paul Blowers, George of Pisidia among the Hexaemeral Commentators Kathleen Maxwell, The Evolution of the Illuminated Byzantine Gospel Book in the Late Ninth and Tenth Centuries Massimo Bernabò, The Illuminations of the Arabic Gospel of the Infancy in the Laurenziana Library: Apocrypha and Daily Life Panagiotis Athanasopoulos, The Latin Background to Scholarios’ Greek Scriptural Quotations Elisabeth Yota University Paris 4 Sorbonne, Paris, France; elyota@yahoo.fr Usage et choix des scènes vétérotestamentaires dans les églises byzantines La Bible constitue la source textuelle principale pour la mise en œuvre du décor mural des églises. Les scènes néotestamentaires forment la structure du cycle christologique illustrant les murs des églises byzantines alors que quelques rares épisodes de l’Ancien Testament sont aussi choisis comme gages de la foi chrétienne et lien entre l’Ancienne et la Nouvelle Alliance. Cette communication s’inscrit dans le cadre A travers des exemples précis, a comme but de tenter à démontrer l’usage de véritables cycles vétérotestamentaires. Leur emplacement peut influencer le choix des épisodes et leur symbolique dans l’ensemble du décor. Rachele Ricceri Ghent University, Ghent, Belgium; rachele.ricceri@ugent.be Texts, Paratexts, Manuscripts: The Reception of the Psalms in the Metaphrasis Psalmorum As Byzantine literature is mainly centred on religious topics, the reception and the re-reading of the Bible has extensively influenced also Byzantine poetical production, to various extents and in different periods. In my paper I shall focus on the book of Psalms from the viewpoint of its reception in the Byzantine transmission of the Metaphrasis Psalmorum, traditionally (and very probably erroneously) ascended to Apollinaris of Laodicea (IV cent.). The Metaphrasis makes use of the highbrow Greek metre par excellance, the dactylic hexameter, and shows off a proud knowledge of Homeric stylistic and linguistic features (Golega 1960). Originally written in Hebrew as poetic texts, the Psalms were translated into Greek (in the Septuagint edition) without any specific metre, and represent an important group of texts whose influence crosses the entire history of Western literary culture. Significantly, early Christian and Byzantine readers continued to recognize the lyric features of the Psalms, since psalmody (i.e. the practice of singing the Psalms in divine worship) was a typical exercise of monastic life (Wegman 1990; Parpulov 2010). Moreover, memorizing the book of Psalms was a common base of Byzantine education. I intend to illustrate how the Psalms are reflected in the concrete way of writing poetry and in the material production of a specific kind of poetical texts, namely the metaphrases. My enquiry will mainly be manuscript-based. The core of my investigation is the examination of two aspects of how some manuscripts present the Metaphrasis: the relationship with the Psalms, from the point of view of the layout of the manuscripts, and the analysis of the paratexts that accompany this metrical psalter. Unfortunately, the manuscript tradition of the Metaphrasis is 342 contaminated and generally late (De Stefani 2008), but it reflects an interesting way of dealing with a canonic model and some intriguing considerations can arise from the extant witnesses to the metrical psalter. Aiming at underline the direct dependence of the metaphrastic text from the biblical one, most of the scribes who dealt with these hexameters used to copy the Psalms along to the Metaphrasis. Moreover, the figural representation of the two sets of texts plays an important role, since it is to be considered as a trace of how respectively the ‘Homeric psalter’ and the original one were treated and offered to the readers by Byzantine copyists. The paratexts, finally, are a rich source of information on the tradition of the Metaphrasis. Each of the metrical psalm is preceded in the manuscripts by at least one metrical title. Although they are already published in the only complete critical edition so far available (Ludwich 1912), the metrical titles have only incidentally been the object of a study (Gonnelli 1989) and definitely deserve more attention, for more than one reason. As titles, these verses occupy a prominent and visible position in the codices, they are often written in different ink and could not be ignored by whoever read the book. Despite their quality as poetic texts is not always satisfactory, the metrical titles provide an interesting evidence of how Byzantine readers like to play with meters and to adapt even basic information to a higher style. Paul Blowers Emmanuel Christian Seminary at Milligan College, Johnson City TN, United States; pmblowers@milligan.edu George of Pisidia among the Hexaemeral Commentators George of Pisidia, a deacon of Hagia Sophia in Constantinople in the seventh century, is no doubt best known as a Byzantine poet laureate who advanced the imperial mythology of the reign of Heraclius. Among his epics is the Hexaemeron, a panegyric which integrates commentary on the six-day creation (Genesis 1:1‒2:3) into a grand exaltation of Heraclius, extolling him as the “deliverer of the world” (κοσμορύστης) by his defeat of the Persians, thus effectively inaugurating a “new creation.” Cultural historians of Byzantium have largely treated this epic as a highly developed piece of political rhetoric, with little attention to its actual place within the long tradition of Greek patristic Hexaemeral commentary. Historians of patristic exegesis of Genesis, on the other hand, have largely ignored George’s Hexaemeron, leaving it within the domain of political propaganda. My essay will explore the continuities and discontinuities of George’s Hexemeron with the antecedent commentary tradition, and will argue that George indeed desired to be taken seriously, not just as a panegyrist, but as a theological commentator on the origins of the world, albeit in the service of imperial theology and eschatology. Indeed, George’s use of the Genesis cosmogony as a buttress for eulogizing Heraclius as savior of the world would have fallen flat had there not already been a well-developed pattern, in Greek patristic exegesis of the six-day creation story, of insinuating soteriology into the interpretation of the origins of the world, and of depicting the Creator’s ongoing creative work as one of ever “saving” his creation from nonbeing. 343 Kathleen Maxwell Santa Clara University, San Francisco CA, United States; kmaxwell@scu.edu The Evolution of the Illuminated Byzantine Gospel Book in the Late Ninth and Tenth Centuries New Testament text critics and Byzantine art historians study the same object: the Greek Gospel book. Art historians have been slow to capitalize on recent gains made in the field of New Testament text criticism and New Testament text critics have only recently begun to recognize the importance of paratextual evidence for their discipline. My approach to the Byzantine Gospel book benefits from two developments: 1) the increase in accessibility to the genealogical data for the texts of Byzantine Gospel books on the web; and 2) the availability of growing numbers of manuscripts in fully digitized form on the web. In short, the utilization of text relational tools developed by New Testament text critics together with art historical methods helps bridge the gap between New Testament text critics and Byzantine art historians studying the illuminated Greek Gospel book. This study traces the evolution of the illuminated Byzantine Gospel book in the 150 years immediately following the end of Iconoclasm, focusing on the relationship between the texts and decoration of these manuscripts. Traditional art historical methods are used to categorize the decoration of these manuscripts while data developed by New Testament text critics will be consulted in an effort to gauge the relationship of their texts. This approach utilizes advances in the field of New Testament textual criticism, as exemplified by the T&T Mss. Clusters tool of the University of Muenster’s Institute for New Testament Research (INTF). This on-line tool lists the textual relatives of virtually all Greek Gospel books. I will analyze the data for illuminated Byzantine Gospel manuscripts, in an effort to determine the degree to which textual alignment corresponds with manuscript groups based upon relationships of their figural and non-figural decoration. This multidisciplinary approach will provide insight on the ways in which scribes and artists interacted to create the illuminated Greek Gospel book. The goal is a more complete articulation of the evolution of the illuminated Byzantine Gospel book, using state-of-the-art technologies developed by New Testament text critics in England, Germany, and the U.S., as well as drawing from an ever-increasing array of digitized manuscripts on the web. This works builds on previous publications by the author on the Gospel books of the ‘decorative style’ manuscripts of ca. 1150 – 1250, and the late thirteenthcentury Byzantine Gospel book, Paris, BnF, gr. 54. 344 Massimo Bernabò Università di Pavia, Pavia, Italy; mbernabo@unipv.it The Illuminations of the Arabic Gospel of the Infancy in the Laurenziana Library: Apocrypha and Daily Life A colophon states that the Arabic Gospel of Infancy (Firenze, Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana, cod. Or. 387) was made in the Artuqid Mardin in the year 1299 for a Jacobite priest. The text is a version of the apocryphal gospels on the infancy of Jesus; it draws back to a late-antique Syriac apocryphal gospel. At the end of the infancy narrative, a few episodes from the canonical passion and a section from the Gospel of Nicodemus conclude the codex. The Laurenziana codex is the only extant gospel of infancy which contains pictures: over 50 partially colored drawings. Notably, the pictures do not correspond wholly to the Arabic text of the Gospel, but rather to an earlier Syriac version of it; all the same, the illustrations for the Nicodemus account of the post mortem episodes of Jesus transmit a version of the Gospel of Nicodemus otherwise unknown. The illustrations of the Infancy Gospel do not have relations with canonical iconography; they show daily life episodes, especially related to women realm: beauty, husband, children, diseases, jealousy, temptations, sexuality. Panagiotis Athanasopoulos Ioannina, Greece; paathan@upatras.gr The Latin Background to Scholarios’ Greek Scriptural Quotations In late Byzantium, the translations of Latin Medieval works reveal many interesting aspects of the modus interpretandi of Byzantine scholarship. Gennadios Scholarios (ca 1400 - ca 1472), one of the most prominent scholars of the Paleologan period, was not only a fervent admirer of Thomas Aquinas, but also a translator of some of his works. Scholarios’ modus interpretandi has not been studied in depth as yet. Moreover, Scholarios’ way of rendering Biblical passages quoted in Latin texts back to Greek raises questions as regards his opinion on the text of the Bible. In this paper, I focus on the Scriptural quotations in Thomas’ works translated by Scholarios, in order to address the following questions. (a) What was Scholarios’ opinion on the valid versions of the Bible, given that his translations of Latin Biblical passages are in several cases retro-versed? (b) Why did he offer a Greek translation of passages extant in Aquinas’ works but absent from the Septuaginta? (c) Why did he integrate such translated quotations into certain works of his own? 345 EPIRUS REVISITED – NEW PERCEPTIONS OF ITS HISTORY AND MATERIAL CULTURE – PART 1 Conveners: Lioba Theis, Christos Stavrakos, Galina Fingarova, Fani Gargova Lioba Theis, Workshops in Epirus on the Move Katerina Chamilaki – Ioannis P. Chouliarás, Rescue Excavations at the Ionian Motorway in Aetoloacarnania: Revealing New Aspects of the Byzantine Past of a Region Björn Forsén – Brikena Shkodra-Rrugia, The Early Christian Landscape of Dyrrachium: New Archaeological Evidence on the Basilica of Qerret Myrto Veikou, Settlement and Material Culture in the Inner Ionian Sea Archipelago and Its Vicinity during the Byzantine Period Ioannis P. Chouliarás, Newly Discovered Frescoes in the Middle-Byzantine Church of the Transfiguration of Christ near Plakoti of Thesprotia Fani Gargova, Contesting Epirote Identities: Material Culture and Ethnicity in the Second Half of the 14th Century Lioba Theis University of Vienna, Vienna, Austria; lioba.theis@univie.ac.at Workshops in Epirus on the Move Due to its geography – transversed by mountain chains with only smaller flatlands, which do not allow for surplus food production to feed a large population – no larger settlements with urban features developed in the heartland of Epirus (the theme Nikopolis, or Epirus Vetus and Epirus Nova) during the Byzantine period. Beyond the narrow coastal strip along the Ionian Sea, the course of the mountains divided the interior into not-easily-accessible high valleys, which became home and places of refuge for different ethnic groups (Greeks, Slavs, Albanians, Aromanians). The hegemony of an individual ethnic group could therefore only be established for a short time: Bulgarians in the 10th-11th c.; Greeks from the 12th c. to the foundation of the Despotate of Epirus following the Fourth Crusade at the beginning of the 13th c., which shifted from Greek to Latin, Serbian and Albanian rule in the 14th c., before coming under five centuries of Ottoman administration from the 15th c. on. These conditions were a significant obstacle to the development and establishment of independent artistic and cultural traditions, and a diversified tradition of artisans in larger centers over a longer period of time failed to emerge. Nevertheless, both the architecture and the painting of Epirus reveal specific developments that arose in Epirus and bear witness to close contacts with neighbouring regions. This is valid for neighbours to the North, East, South and also for those in the West. Although the course of the mountains did without doubt close off the interior from the coast and impart its own character, the Normans in the 10th, 11th and 12th c., the crusaders of the early 13th c., and the growing claim of the Angevins into the 14th c. contributed to an ever increasing and sometimes formative influence of Latin cultural traditions. Certain cases demonstrate that this influence was carried by the activity of wandering workshops. The paper will pursue this line of enquiry. Katerina Chamilaki Hellenic Ministry of Culture, Ephorate of Antiquities of Aetoloacarnania and Lefkada, Patras, Greece; katercham@gmail.com Ioannis P. Chouliarás Hellenic Ministry of Culture, Ephorate of Antiquities of Thesprotia, Ioannina, Greece; ihouliaras@gmail.com Rescue Excavations at the Ionian Motorway in Aetoloacarnania: Revealing New Aspects of the Byzantine Past of a Region The five year rescue excavations of the Greek Ministry of Culture in Aetoloacarnania during the construction works of the Ionian Motorway and its branches revealed many previously unknown byzantine and post byzantine sites, shedding light to the local history and archaeology. Among the most impressive sites discovered and fully excavated was the extra muros byzantine cemetery, of 347 more than 600 graves, with a three aisle cemetery basilica, at the site of Agios Georgios, northeast of Kalydon and near the banks of river Evinos. The discovery reveals aspects of byzantine, especially middle byzantine, habitation in the wider area of ancient Kalydon. The next site dates mainly in the early byzantine period (5th-7th century) and was discovered on the south bank of the Ambracian Gulf, on the roman route connecting Nicopolis and Patras. Among other finds stands a large public building probably used as a mansio facilitating travelers and visitors of the nearby Christian basilicas, with a successive use of more than two centuries. The presentation will focus on topography of the settlement, the architectural type of the complex, and a preliminary presentation of the finds. Björn Forsén University of Helsinki, Helsinki, Finland; bjorn.forsen@helsinki.fi Brikena Shkodra-Rrugia Institute of Archaeology of Albania, Durres, Albania; brikena0205@gmail.com The Early Christian Landscape of Dyrrachium: New Archaeological Evidence on the Basilica of Qerret In this paper we explore the patterns of development in the southern Dyrrachian hinterland with special emphasis on how Christianity is reflected in the changing rural topography beginning from the fifth century AD. The analysis is based on previous extensive surveys and excavations in combination with the first preliminary results of the new Durres Hinterland project as well as extant historical sources. We discuss the importance of the Via Egnatia for the location of churches in the landscape and provide new information on the architectonic plan, history and identification of the basilica of Qerret. Myrto Veikou Uppsala University, Department of Linguistics and Philology, Uppsala, Sweden; myrto.veikou@lingfil.uu.se Settlement and Material Culture in the Inner Ionian Sea Archipelago and Its Vicinity during the Byzantine Period This paper will present a brief account of Byzantine settlement and material culture within the Inner Archipelago of the Ionian Sea, based on evidence deriving from the “Inner Ionian Sea Archipelago Survey” Project (2010-2014). This Project has been conducted under the scientific supervision of Nena Galanidou (Professor of Prehistoric Archaeology, University of Crete) in collaboration with the 36th Ephorate of Prehistoric and Classical Antiquities, represented by the 348 Ephors of Antiquities Ms Maria Gatsi (2010) and Dr Olympia Vicatou (2011 to present) and has been funded by the University of Crete and the Municipality of Meganissi. Alongside with a discussion of the overall Byzantine settlement and land use, the paper will give special focus on the discussion of medieval and post-medieval ceramics, which have derived from the archaeological survey investigation and have been studied by the speaker and Professor Joanita Vroom (Leiden University). All evidence will be examined towards a comparative evaluation of settlement patterns and material culture in the Inner Archipelago, its vicinity and the western coast of Epirus during the Byzantine period. Ioannis P. Chouliarás Hellenic Ministry of Culture, Ephorate of Antiquities of Thesprotia, Ioannina, Greece; ihouliaras@gmail.com Newly Discovered Frescoes in the Middle-Byzantine Church of the Transfiguration of Christ near Plakoti of Thesprotia The church of the Transfiguration of Christ near the village Plakoti of Thesprotia belongs to the architectural type of the free cross, having a six-sided dome and a semicircular apse. In the inside of the nave, under new coatings, there are some very interesting wall paintings, which may be dated to the late twelfth or early thirteenth century and which almost all of them were known to the scientific community. However, during conservation works on the walls of the sanctuary, we located frescoes of the same period and a previous layer which can hardly be dated. The iconographical program of the sanctuary includes the enthroned Virgin in the apse, the Annunciation, hierarchs, prophets, deacons and the Christ Emmanuel on the southern wall. On the eastern wall of the nave fragments of frescoes covering the previous layer have been revealed which could be dated to the fifteenth century. Fani Gargova University of Vienna, Vienna, Austria; fani.gargova@gmail.com Contesting Epirote Identities: Material Culture and Ethnicity in the Second Half of the 14th Century Much has been written about Epirus’ location as a crossroad or a territory in-between cultural spheres and its constantly changing status during late Byzantine times. An increasingly hybrid ethnical space, shared and negotiated between Latin Angevins and Florentines, Byzantines, and Serbs, one ethnicity stands out in how negatively they are portrayed in written sources: The Albanian presence in Epirus during the 14th century was a source of constant trouble and concern. They were seemingly barbarous, uncivilized and nomads and thus could not be integrated into society. At the 349 same time they were just as Christian as their neighbors and were, at least from a military point of view, capable of ruling a territory and maintaining capital cities in Arta and Angelokastron. This paper will ask for the material traces of the Albanian presence in Epirus during this period of time and whether those traces tell a different story then the Byzantine chronicles. 350 EPIRUS REVISITED – NEW PERCEPTIONS OF ITS HISTORY AND MATERIAL CULTURE – PART 2 Conveners: Lioba Theis, Christos Stavrakos, Galina Fingarova, Fani Gargova Lorenzo Riccardi, Unitary but Incomplete and in Part Lost. The Mosaics and the Scuptural Decoration of the Parigoritissa in Arta: Status Quaestionis and Some Observations Brendan Osswald, The State of Epirus as Political “Laboratory” Galina Fingarova, The Church of St. Mary in Apollonia as a Milestone between East and West Katerina Kontopanagou, The Christian Monuments of Epirus in the 17th and 18th C.: Creating the Social and Economic Profile Christos Stavrakos, Byzantine and Post-Byzantine Foundation Legends of Monasteries in Epirus: Interactions/Connections between the Past and Present and Its Understanding in the Society Lorenzo Riccardi Sapienza Università di Roma, Rome, Italy; riccardi.lorenzo@gmail.com Unitary but Incomplete and in Part Lost. The Mosaics and the Scuptural Decoration of the Parigoritissa in Arta: Status Quaestionis and Some Observations My paper focuses on the mosaics and the sculptures of the Parigoritissa church in Arta, that – as a whole – display an unusual solution without any comparison with previous monuments both in Byzantine Art and in Western Art. The paper is divided into two parts, dealing respectively with the status quaestionis of the inner decoration of the church and some working hypothesis about its original configuration. In the last decades, several scholars denied to refer some “Western” sculptures of the naos (that are the west and north archivolts with human figures) to the second phase of the Parigoritissa, around 1290-1296, considering them as a re-use from the former church, around 1250-1260. However, these works belong to the same workshop of the bases of the colonnettes as well as of several capitals of the gallery’s and baldachin’s columns. Therefore, they are expressly produced for the Parigoritissa II. In the second part of my paper I attempt to demonstrate that the carved and mosaic decorations were wider than the current remains and were composed of other elements, that are now lost. I analyze some wandering sculptures and the photographs that are taken before the Orlandos’ restoration after the Second World War. On the basis of these observations, I propose a new hypothesis about the display of the inner decoration of the church, where two different artistic media coexist. Brendan Osswald École française d’Athènes, Athens, Greece; brendan.osswald@efa.gr The State of Epirus as Political “Laboratory” Even during the “classical” period, the Byzantine political system was never an inviolable one and was never constrained by unmodifiable rules such as a Constitution or a Magna Carta. After 1204, this instability of the political frames and institutions increased even more because of the general turmoil, and the successor States of the Byzantine Empire had to adapt to the new situation. Probably more than the Empires of Trebizond and Nicaea/Constantinople, Epirus had to change even more its way of considering her own political organization, because it had not achieved to become an Empire itself and also because it had to confront the Restored Byzantine Empire. That is why we can but observe a continuous adaptation from the rulers of Epirus to the surrounding circumstances. Michael I ruled without any title, his brother Theodore and successor 352 took the imperial title and finally Michael II and the subsequent rulers bore the title of despots. But the signification and content of the despotic title changed a lot through throughout the centuries. Being a personal and non-hereditary honor received from the Byzantine Emperor and implying a familial connection with him, it became so closely connected to the land of Epirus that it evolved to become an almost feodal title; giving to Epirus the status of a despotate. This Epirotic innovation was imitated in other places of the Byzantine and even Balkan world and despotates may be observed in Morea, Serres, etc. Another Epirotic innovation is the increasing importance of its cities in the political system. Political divisions of Epirus led to the appearance of micro-states being no more than cities and their hinterlands. So the cities henceforth chose their sovereigns. This situation, recalling the contemporeanous situation of the Italian City-States, was unheard-of in the pre-Crusade Byzantine world. We should also observe that the necessity of finding allies and military support in difficult times led these Orthodox cities to call to non-Greek and even non-Orthodox rulers, which again should have sounded astounding some centuries or even some decades ago. This constant adaptability clearly shows that Epirus, as a part of Byzantium, was definitely “a world of changes”. We can only suppose how, in some sense, revolutionary these events appeared to the contemporaries. Galina Fingarova Vienna, Austria; galina.fingarova@univie.ac.at The Church of St. Mary in Apollonia as a Milestone between East and West The Church of Saint Mary is one of the most important medieval structures in present-day Albania. It belongs to a monastery that was erected on the edge of the ancient city of Apollonia. The church was built on a cross-in-square plan with an apse at the east and a narthex and porch at the west. The most characteristic feature of the church is its building material, which consists exclusively of spolia from the ancient city nearby. Another important feature is the architectural sculpture, which shows characteristics similar to Romanesque sculpture in Apulia. Supplemented by a critical reassessment of older archaeological reports and descriptions of the building and a thorough evaluation of the existing structure as well as a comparison with other buildings, this paper discusses the history of the erection of the church and explains many of the building’s singular construction features in the context of the particular political, cultural and geographic situation in the region during the Byzantine Period. 353 Katerina Kontopanagou University of Ioannina, Ioannina, Greece; kontkat@yahoo.gr The Christian Monuments of Epirus in the 17th and 18th C.: Creating the Social and Economic Profile The artistic activity in the Region of Epirus during the last two centuries of the post byzantine period was significant. The number of the regional and provincial monuments grows impressively after the second half of the 17th century and especially during the last decades of the 18th century. The increasing of the monuments after the first decade of 17th century is impressive. The multiple influences and the artistic trends at the mural paintings of these two centuries reflect the social and economic activity context. The study and insight of the period’s mural art, offers multi level recognition findings, of the society itself. Remarkable data are being collected regarding the artistic activity, the migration and the education of the painters, the significant role and the nature of the donors, as well as the networks and the artistic influence between Epirus and the rest of the Balkans and the West. Christos Stavrakos University of Ioannina, Ioannina, Greece; chstavra@uoi.gr Byzantine and Post-Byzantine Foundation Legends of Monasteries in Epirus: Interactions/Connections between the Past and Present and Its Understanding in the Society The research regarding the traditions surrounding the foundation of monasteries in Epirus revealed something quite interesting. Most of the monasteries link their founding to the emperor Justinian I and later on to Constantine IV. At the same time however, the cases of other founders like the byzantine princess Poulcheria, sister to the emperor Romanos III Argyros but also the cases of officials with names similar to the toponyms (the byzantine official Kabasilas as the founder of the baths of Kabasila and others) are particularly interesting. In the first case the choice proves that the basic condition for the choice of the individual was the fine knowledge of the byzantine period ergo the existence of education similar to the one found among the clergy or the monastic circles, from where this legend possibly came from. The second case is a typical example of how a toponym can be the cause for the choosing of an individual with similar name and for the creation of the corresponding legend. It’s not surprising that all the traditions regarding monasteries in Epirus link those buildings to the byzantine past. It is only logical for the Christian monuments to seek their roots to the first Christian empire a part of which was Epirus. The promotion of the christian monuments to standards 354 of the Byzantine Empire had twofold results. On the one hand the stature of those monasteries as religious centres and places of pilgrimage was increased in the eyes of the faithful and on the other hand their importance compared to other monasteries which did not possess such a background. The monasteries that we will present which are linked by tradition to significant byzantine emperors or officials, date in their majority to the 16th and the 17th century, i.e. during the first centuries after the occupation of the Balkan Peninsula by the Ottomans. A particularly remarkable economic activity takes place in Epirus during the 16th century. This activity is indicative of the fine economic state its residents enjoy in. Even though Epirus was never under Venetian rule, the geographical proximity to the Ionian Islands and the existence of the ports in Sagiada, Parga and Preveza facilitated the transportation of goods and ideas from Italy. These contacts were intensified during the early 16th century. Indicative of this situation was the fact that the traders of Epirus in Ancona in 1514 and in 1517 received privileges and exemptions from trade taxes. I have already addressed the lack of written and archived sources pertaining to Epirus during the second half of the 15th century and in the early 16th century. Thus the monuments and the monastic institutions in particular are the ones that can provide an image of the social activity, of the educational life and of the educational level if not all but at least of a part of the populace that had the sufficient economic potency. Schools must have undoubtedly functioned in the monasteries on the isle of Ioannina’s lake. In Arta, the presence of Maximos Graikos’ family was a safe indication of the existence of educational activity and of people with a similar education. There is a strong commercial activity in the late 15th century between Epirus and Venice while the researchers concur that the establishment of the Greek community in Venice in 1498 was a milestone for its relationship with Epirus. It is not a coincidence then that during the 16th century a number of monasteries in Epirus are being founded, renovated or expanded. This is definitely relating to the influx of money to the area from the increase of trade activities with Italy. Already from the mid 16th century books arrive in Epirus that have been printed in Venice. 355 TRADE ROUTES IN THE BALKAN PENINSULA: THE NUMISMATIC EVIDENCE (10TH–15TH CENTURIES) Conveners: Vasiliki Vasso Penna, George Kakavas Vasiliki Vasso Penna, Trade Routes in the Balkan Peninsula: The Numismatic Evidence (10th-15th Century) George Kakavas, Trade Routes in the Balkan Peninsula: The Numismatic Evidence (10th-15th Century) Zhenya Zhekova – Ivan Jordanov, Trade Routes of the Lower Danube (10th – 11th Century) According to the Archaeological, Numismatical and Sigillographical Data Yannis Stoyas, Following the Money in Relation to the Route Taken by the Catalan Company during the Years AD 1305-1310 Vangelis Maladakis, Venetian and Frankish Coinages in Lower Macedonia: Tracing the Trade Routes Network Vasiliki Vasso Penna University of Peloponnese, Kalamata, Greece; vpenna3@gmail.com Trade Routes in the Balkan Peninsula: The Numismatic Evidence (10th-15th Century) Quite often the concealment of coin hoards is connected with certain historical events and particularly with enemy raids. The session entitled “Trade Routes in the Balkan Peninsula: The Numismatic Evidence (10th-15th century)”, based mostly on hoard studies, aims at illustrating more aspects of the coin circulation, attempting to emphasize the multifaceted character of the causes that put money in motion. It is necessary to have a better picture of the use of money in this whole region, to detect the routes of money, either as means of commercial transactions, or as indications of residential or productive remains, or even as traces of military operations, within a broader perspective. Certain intriguing case studies are to be discussed, as for example, after the incorporation of Bulgaria in the Byzantine Empire (11th century), the role of money in tracing new roads, in connection with commercial activities; in an analogous fashion, the 12th-13th century hoards found in mailand Greece and the Aegean need further analysis and reassessment for the original reason of the money’s presence there. The studies contributing in this session adopt a similar perspective and hopefully will form the basis for a more comprehensive take on the problems at hand. It would be necessary in the long run to develop distinct and detailed mapping of the numismatic data, both of the coin hoards and the stray finds, by establishing a pilotical scientific collaboration project among organizations (universities, museums, institutes, etc). A Balkan cooperation network could advance further the exploitation of material, poorly published or still unpublished, towards this direction. George Kakavas Epigraphic and Numismatic Museum, Athens, Greece; gthkakavas@hotmail.com Trade Routes in the Balkan Peninsula: The Numismatic Evidence (10th-15th Century) In the session “Trade routes in the Balkan Peninsula: The numismatic evidence (10th – 15th centuries)” is attempted a pilot application of an overview of the numismatic evidence, and particularly that of the coin hoards, applied in the Balkan area during the middle and late Byzantine period. The assessment of the combined presentations of the speakers participating in this session will be viewed also within the perspective of the programme “The Routes of Coinage”, which has been launched in the context of the Black Sea Economic Cooperation. 357 Zhenya Zhekova Regional Historical Museum, Shumen, Bulgaria; zhenya.zhekova@yahoo.com Ivan Jordanov Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, National Archaeological Institute, Sofia, Bulgaria; ivanjordanov@abv.bg Trade Routes of the Lower Danube (10th – 11th Century) According to the Archaeological, Numismatical and Sigillographical Data Svjatoslav is reported to say I …. Should prefer to live in Perejaslavec on the Danybe since that is the centre of my realm, where all riches are concentrated; gold, silk, wine and various fruits from Greece, silver and horses from Hungary and Bohemia and from Rus’ furs, wax honey and slaves. (Russian primary chronicle. Year 969) These words of Kievian King Svyatoslav outlined a specific trade zone even emporion in the modern version of the notion, in which commodities comes from all over the world. The last quarter of the 10th c. is a peculiar pick in Little Malak Preslav or Perejaslavets` history. The emporion probably was established much earlier and was a meeting place for the merchants from the Central Europe, Byzantium, Bulgaria and Kievian Russ. Little Preslav or Perejaslavets was another frontier trade point (an emporion) that the Byzantine empire established on its borderline. Through it passed over not only the Bulgarian-Byzantine trade but a part of the Europian as well. Its advantage as an important trade point is a result of its location. The emporion was situated at the very end of the Danubian corridor which linked Central Europe with Black sea and thence with Constantinople. All these records from the “Russian primary chronicle” are used and commented upon various researchers but the material evidences have lacked. Some progress in that direction was ascertained lately. Three groups of evidences are used in this study: archaeological, numismatical and sigollographical. Archaeological data: The Romanian colleagues recently discovered artefacts from Viking presence from the second half of the 10th c. in the fortress next to Nufăru village, Tulcha district. The settlemen is situated on the river bank called St. George of the Danube. Some scholars located mediaeval Pereyaslavets or Little Preslav on the very same place. Following the successful campaign of the Byzantine emperor John I Tzimiskes against the armies of Russian knyaz, Sviatoslav, from 971, the Constantinople military and administrative structure was restored on the Lower Danube. There were established two byzantine strategies: Preslavitsa and Dristra the seals of which are reached to us. The seals of their strategos were found and clearly informed us about the names of the strategies and the names of the governors as well. Immediately after the occupation of Preslavets from the Byzantines they gave it the name of Theodoropolis. Respectively the name of the region was West Mesopotamia. After the second occupation of these 358 territories in 1000 the name of Preslavets (Preslavitsa) was restored. Up to the formation of the katepano of Paristrion or Paradounavon in 1059, Dristra and Preslavitsa are the strategies. The village of Nufăru is situated on the right shore of the most southern branch of the Danube River, Saint George. The systematic excavations began in 1978 and have continued every year since then, letting us conclude that a Byzantine fortification was built in the last quarter of the 10th c. Despite the fact that the archaeological site is beneath by the contemporary village, due to the archaeological excavations there is the restitution of the inner wall, so far the five towers were discovered, as well as a wharf, some dwellings, complexes for storage or home-based manufacture, several necropolises, many artifacts (ceramics, tools, weapons, small finds, coins, lead seals). It was outlined the image of an urban centre and the life of its inhabitants, from the 10th to the middle of the 13th c., also the trade contacts with the Byzantine Empire and other related regions. The settlement beneath by the village of Nufăru was identified with the medieval town named Bruscavitza-Proslavitza, known from the navigation maps and notaries documents. Some artifacts (four wooden mortars, a hammer for grinding the grains, a big comb or fork for weaving or for processing wool, a handle stave extension, a bowl, a spoon, a top, a small frame, a wax-writing tablet) found in or out of the buildings are evidence for using the wood in the domestic or in economic activities. A small wooden cross for wearing could be associated with a Christian worship. It seems that building timber was local – oak for the foundations logs and willow tree for the floors. The small objects are made of coniferous tree wood, an argument than these artifacts were brought from elsewhere than the Lower Danube region. All these structures seem to represent a domestic complex, with two phases of occupation, dating – by stratigraphical position and by sandy local pottery discovered – from the second half on the 10th c. There are very few wood artifacts well preserved in Romania and even less dating from the Middle Age. We presume that these complexes with well preserved archaeological wood, unusual for the Byzantine cultural features, could be related to a northern population, Vikings or Varangians – a trade expedition on the Lower Danube, in their route down the Dnieper to the Black Sea and then farther to Constantinople, or an eventual temporary establishment inside the Nufăru fortification of some mercenaries of the Byzantine armies. Numismatic data: Probably that trade zone was attended by coins. The question is what kind of coins? Mainly Byzantine because they are first rate standard. The Russian coins did not come yet. We have a large list of Byzantine coins from the 10th – 11th centuries – stray finds and deposits from the territory of Lower Danube. At the same time there are circulated imitative Byzantine coins produced by Bulgarians for example. In the second half of the 10th c. Bulgaria produced imitative coinage based on the Byzantine gold and copper coins. The gold issues are imitative solidus of the Byzantine emperors Basil I, Constantine VII and Romanus I. The copper are followed the specimens of Constantine VII and Romanus I. During the 11th c. this practice is still preserved. Local mints produced by casting imitative folles which taking a big part in the coin circulation. The production is mainly issues of Anonymous Folles classes A1, A2, as well as coins of emperors from the 11th c. Also an imitations of miliaresion of emperor John I Tzimisces. 359 In the second and third quarter of the 11th c. the amount of original and imitative coins in some Danubian fortresses including Dristra are increased. Thus give us a hint that they transformed into emporiums playing a special part in political and economical communication between Byzantium and barbarian world. It means that the coins did not come in a circulated medium. They have another task – to attend not the domestic market but mainly the cross-border. The question arise – whether the coins from that time are a true payment or they are a kind of value, a metal, to exchange for a standing obligation between the Empire and her neighbors. Sigillographic data: till now are known the seals of two kommerkiarios in the area of Lower Danube – Dristra and Preslavitsa. They were established after the c. 1000 when the Danube became a north imperial border. I. Seals of the kommerkiarioi of Dristra. As a borderline center of the Empire located on an important water way in Dristra was established a kommerkiaria. Its functions were linked to gathering the taxes of the import and export trade. The evidences for its existence are the seals of titulars which reached to us. 1. Andronicus imperial spatharios and kommerkiarios of Dristra – first half of the 11th c. From the collection of the Regional historical museum – Shumen. It`s origin is Silistra. 2. Dionysius spatarokandidates and kommerkiarios of Dristra – first half of the 11th c. From the collection of the Regional historical museum – Shumen. It`s origin is Silistra. 3. John kommerkiarios of Dristra – 11th c. Private collection. 4. John Spondilos kommerkiarios of Dristra – first half of the 11th c. From the collection of Dumbarton Oaks. It`s origin is probably Istanbul. According to the seals we have an information about three or four kommerkiarioi of Dristra. For now it is impossible to determine the exact way of their functions. They have a common date – most likely in the first half of the 11th c. II. Seals of the kommerkiarioi of Preslavitsa. We have also mentioned that the historical successor of Preslavets or Little Preslavets is Preslavitsa. There are known the seals of strategos and kommerkiarios of Preslavitsa. This town has the same location as Dristra – borderline center, situated on a main water way in direct connection with Constantinople. There are known several kommerkiarios: 1. Eustratios Mitas chartoularios and kommerkiarios of Preslavitsa – first half of the 11th c. according to a specimen from the Archaeological museum in Istanbul. Probable origin from Constantinople. 2. Eustratios Romanakes spatarokandidatos and kommerkiarios of Preslavitsa – 11th c. According two seals of Dumbarton Oaks (DO. 47. 2.2. 2128 and Fogg A. M., no.1750). Probable origin from Constantinople. 360 3. John kommerkiarios of Preslavitsa - 11th c. According to a seal from Dumbarton Oaks (DO 47. 2. 137). Probable origin from Constantinople. 4. Sergios chartoularios and kommerkiarios of Preslavitsa. According two seals of Zacos collection Zacos, Seals, II, no. 1043 and Dumbarton Oaks (Fogg A.M., no 860). Probable origin from Constantinople. A chronology of the particular owners is not possible again. All these seals are the only evidence reached to us from once time prosperity town. All these artefacts – archaeological, numismatical and sigillographical increased our knowledge for the population on the Lower Danube area in the 10th – 11th c. and reached us closer to their daily life. Yannis Stoyas University of Peloponnese, Kalamata, Greece; ystoyas@gmail.com Following the Money in Relation to the Route Taken by the Catalan Company during the Years AD 1305-1310 The massacre that followed the murder of Roger de Flor at Adrianople (30 April 1305) left his band of mercenaries largely decimated. The Companyia, however, managed to bounce back and started to exact its notorious “Catalan vengeance” on the Byzantine Empire. The Felix Francorum exercitus in Romani(a)e partibus com(m)orans, as known officially from that time on, proved highly resilient and stayed in Thrace for two years, living off the land and wreaking havoc. Around the middle of 1307 the so-called Catalan Company moved westwards and settled in Kassandra, Chalkidike; being stationed there for another two years, it continued its marauding activities, targeting Mount Athos as well. In 1309 the Company was driven to Thessaly by a combination of factors and in the next spring it entered the service of Gautier V de Brienne, Duke of Athens. This led to a sequence of events culminating on 15 March 1311 in the Battle of Halmyros (or Kephissos), where the Catalans emerged victorious. The focus of this essay is to trace the available numismatic evidence that can be potentially associated to the impact of the Catalan wanderings in the span of about five years (May 1305 – spring 1310). Highlighting probable cases of emergency coin hoards can be revealing for the state of monetary affairs in relation with major routes, or less important ones, used both for military and commercial purposes. The testimony of literary sources is also taken into account in order to obtain a more comprehensive picture. Essentially, this is an attempt to showcase, within an already existing route network, an intriguing case study of how a Late Medieval army caused sums of money to be moved along for its needs or diffused away because of its presence. 361 Vangelis Maladakis Thessaloniki, Greece; vangelismaladakis@gmx.at Venetian and Frankish Coinages in Lower Macedonia: Tracing the Trade Routes Network The foreign currencies, which predominantly circulated and almost overwhelmed markets in the Southern Balkans, namely present-day Greece, from the early 13th to the mid 14th century, were primarily the Venetian grossi, and to a lesser extent the Frankish deniers tournois. The main causes of the wide circulation of foreign money in the Byzantine empire were on the one hand the penetration of western economic factor, existing since the late 12th century, and on the other hand the political fragmentation that occurred in the aftermath of the Fourth Crusade, in the hitherto united Byzantine state, and caused the fragmentation of economic activity and therefore of monetary circulation. More precisely, the commercial activity of the Venetians in Lower Macedonia, though at the intersection of trade networks, is not sufficiently documented in historical sources of the time, apart from some sporadic information. A stronger presence than it is implied must have been a reality, mainly due to the fact that Macedonia is located on two main trade routes, where Venetians maintained trading posts. The earlier was the overland route from Epirus, via Western Macedonia, Thessaloniki as a staging post to the way to Constantinople. The second was a maritime route, of long-distance scope, via the Aegean Sea (Negroponte, Almyros, Sporades, Lemnos), Thessaloniki and finally Constantinople. The maritime route was the one used also for trading with the Frankish principalities of Southern Greece, while the connection of the latter with Macedonia was possible also by the North-South ancient overland route through Thessaly. Older findings, either hoards or stray and site coins, along with critical commentary on textual and archaeological evidence, will be evaluated in order to trace the trade routes network and illuminate the currencies markets in production and manufacturing sites of the said territory. 362 MATERIAL CULTURE Chairs: Orsolya Heinrich-Tamaska, Ivana Popović María José Sánchez Vicent, Late Antique Bronze Crosses Found in Punta de l’Illa de Cullera, Valencia, Spain. Archaeological Remains of the Emperor Justinian’s Dream: A Reunified Roman Empire Valentina De Pasca, A Symbol of Power. Many Outstanding Issues Ivana Popović, Coupes en argent paléo-byzantines de Viminacium : pièces de service de table ou vases sacrés Jelena Anđelković Grašar, Type and Archetype in Female Representations on the Territory of the Central Balkans from the 4th to the Beginning of the 7th Century Orsolya Heinrich-Tamaska, Byzantine Goldsmithing in Avaria? Exchange and Transfer at the Periphery of the Empire during the 7th–8th Centuries AD Berna Yildirim, Metal Finds of Amorium Excavations: Architecture and Furniture Components Krino Konstantinidou – Konstantinos T. Raptis, The Eleventh Century Innovations in the Byzantine Firing Technology: Evidence from Thessaloniki María José Sánchez Vicent Valencia, Spain; masanvi8@alumni.uv.es Late Antique Bronze Crosses Found in Punta de l’Illa de Cullera, Valencia, Spain. Archaeological Remains of the Emperor Justinian’s Dream: A Reunified Roman Empire The Punta de l’Illa de Cullera was archaeologically examined for the first time during the summer in 1955. The archaeological excavations were supported by the Bryan Foundation and managed by Mr M. Tarradell and Mr E. Pla. Several architectural frames were kept record, inside one of them, archaeological remains found are, mainly, great amount of Late Roman Unguentaria, a collection of coins, which included several Justinian nummi, and two bronze crosses, the latest are subject of this paper. These archaeological remains are unrelated to other sited nearby, so that these are regarded as very singular finds. The largest cross has 22,5 centimeters whole arms and 1 milimeters of thickness, and a fragment of one arm was loosed. Despite this, it could be an equal-armed cross and tree-shaped motifs can be distinguished in each of its arms, which will be focused on this paper. The decoration was done by small cross-shaped patterns graved in the bronze. The smallest cross has less than 5 centimeters, it was found complete and it is also an equal-armed cross. This cross could be considered a pendant cross because it has three hanging elements. The aim of this paper is to research from archaeological information provided, to go on looking for similar remains in the subject, shaped, manufactured and function, mainly, into Byzantine ecclesiastical objects and the Early Byzantine city of Caričin Grad. Also asking what is the cultural context where the Christian meaning of the Tree of Life could be understood and identified by. In addition, the different aspects above will be linked to the geographical features of this archaeological site, and, according to Procopius, to one of the aims of Justinian´s policies: expanding the Empire `to the farthest shores of the ocean´. Valentina De Pasca Università degli Studi di Milano, Milan, Italy; valentina.depasca@gmail.com A Symbol of Power. Many Outstanding Issues Disc brooches, as well as crossbow fibulae, were a clear symbol of social status and their typological differentiation connoted the social level of the bearer and his role. With the beginning of the fourth century disc brooches become an imperial insigna of the emperors of the Eastern Roman Empire. It is no accident that in the well-known sixth-century mosaic panel of San Vitale (Ravenna, Italy) the only one to wear a disc brooch with three pendulia is the emperor Justinian. This kind of clasp was indeed one of the imperial insigna of the Byzantine emperors therefore a symbol of power. 364 Portraits of Byzantine emperors on the most different media are often characterised by the presence of a clasp which holds the chlamys fastened on the right shoulder. Although literary and iconographic sources (e.g. coins, mosaics, statues) record such a custom, few luxury artefacts attest this kind of production, and none of them attributable with certainty to a Byzantine court workshop. The reverse occurs instead among the Lombards. Excavations in Lombard necropolis as well as sporadic findings in areas inhabited by the Lombards brought to light different typologies of disc clasps. It is so significant that a symbol of power purely “Byzantine” is used even by a different ethnic group. Why? If we assume that the Lombards inherited the symbolic meaning of the disc brooch to legitimate their power, it is not clear why most of the disc brooches were discovered in female burials. The discovery of some fibulas of particular value, however, poses another issue: was it a Lombard production or the result of an imperial donation? This contribution will be built on such a dichotomy. At first the focus will be on the iconographic sources which attest this custom in the Byzantine society and on the distinctive features of that jewel. When it would seem to start this fashion? What is its origin? These are only some of the questions we will attempt to give an answer bringing attention to an aspect often neglected. The actors of the second part of the contribution will be the disc brooches stored in Italian and international museums. Although the luxury which distinguishes some of these objects suggests a high patronage (e.g. disc brooch from Benevento preserved at the Ashmolean Museum, University of Oxford, UK), to date unfortunately these artefacts are not attributable directly to the imperial sphere. Their typological and morphological analysis will allow us to give concrete shape to this kind of objects and to deepen this field of study in which the dialogue between archaeology and art history may lead to new possible interpretations. Ivana Popović Institute of Archaeology, Belgrade, Serbia; ivpop@eunet.rs Coupes en argent paléo-byzantines de Viminacium : pièces de service de table ou vases sacrés Cinq coupes sur pied en argent, dont quatre couvertes, sont devenues l’objet de différentes approches en ce qui concerne la question de leur fonction et de leur fabrication, depuis la publication des recherches en 1903. Dans la littérature existante, leur datation s’étend dans l’intervalle entre l’an 250 jusqu’au VIe siècle, et la détermination de leur affectation varie – des offrandes votives aux dieux païens, aux vases liturgiques. Les coupes ont été découvertes en 1899 à Kostolac (Viminacium), dans une niche au-dessus des fondations d’un édifice dont l’emplacement exact n’a jamais été déterminé. Au même endroit on a trouvé aussi un objet cylindrique en argent, orné des rangées de cases ellipsoïdes avec des motifs des intailles imprimées, ainsi que deux petites assiettes en argent, dont les bords sont ornés des représentations des animaux en pleine course et des masques d’une Ménade 365 et d’un Satyre. Ces objets ont disparu pendant la Première Guerre mondiale. Les coupes trouvées à Viminacium sont hémisphériques, avec un pied haut en forme de trompette, et un couvercle concave muni d’une anse conique. Les formes analogues les plus proches sont celles des coupes des dépôts trouvés à Carthage et à Canoscio en Ombrie. Bien que ces coupes appartiennent à un groupe uniforme, de point de vue typologique les exemplaires de Viminacium sont quelque peu différents des coupes des dépôts nord-africain et italien ci-dessus, dont le pied est plus large et plus court, et le récipient plus profond. Après la publication d’une analyse détaillée de ces trouvailles, on a conclu que les coupes avec pied et couvercle étaient des ustensiles de table dans lesquels on conservait des aliments liquides ou des sauces, et le couvercle permettait de les garder au chaud. En tournant le couvercle à l’envers et en le posant sur son anse conique, on pouvait l’utiliser comme une assiette plate. Il ne faut pas exclure la possibilité de la fonction paraliturgique de ces coupes en tant que récipients dans lesquels on apportait les provisions nécessaires à la célébration de l’eucharistie. Les trouvailles de Viminacium comportent cinq coupes, tandis que les dépôts de Carthage et de Canoscio comprennent quatre récipients de ce type, et on a donc conclu que quatre ou cinq coupes sur pied avec couvercle, en tant qu’ustensiles de table, faisaient complète partie d’un service de diner. La remise des objets dans les dépôts de Carthage et de Canoscio est datée de la fin du Ve ou du début du VIe siècle, ce qui n’exclut pas la possibilité que certains objets soient fabriqués avant et conservés comme objets précieux. Le dépôt de Viminacium, comprenant des objets en argent – la propriété d’un citoyen riche – fabriqués vers la fin du IVe ou le début du Ve siècle, était peut-être déposé au cours de la quatrième décennie du Ve siècle, lorsque les villes de l’Illyrique étaient en danger de l’irruption des Huns et de leurs ravages. Étant donné que les coupes sur pied de Viminacium sont atypiques de ce groupe de récipients, il est possible qu’elles soient un produit local. Ces coupes, ainsi que d’autres objets de ces trouvailles, indiquent des liens commerciaux et artistiques étroits entre les ateliers toreutiques de l’Illyrique byzantine et ceux des parties ouest de l’Empire. Jelena Anđelković Grašar Institute of Archaeology, Belgrade, Serbia; j.andjelkovic@ai.ac.rs Type and Archetype in Female Representations on the Territory of the Central Balkans from the 4th to the Beginning of the 7th Century Female representations from the territory of the central Balkans in the period between the 4th and the beginning of the 7th century can be recognized as images of empresses, “ordinary” women and divine feminine. All these images separately have their significance and meaning within the visual culture of the time, but strong associations between them suggest multifold influences and correlations. Image of an empress was one of the most important models among representations of “ordinary” women, in terms of fashion, adornments, coiffure or beauty. Thus empress’s image was the type of representation desirable to be imitated. By following this type “ordinary” women were able to emphasize their social status or virtues that adorned their role models. In Christian ideology virtues of modesty and chastity were personified in another type, most exemplary image 366 of the Theotokos. The Theotokos maternity and virginity were two main ideals for all Christian women, therefore empresses too. On the other hand, the Theotokos maternal type comprehend the vast heritage of mother’s figures known from various religions and cults, as well as archetypes from distant past. Visual material from the territory of the central Balkans can be observed as a significant contribution in overall view at the feminine imagery in the period between the 4th and beginning of the 7th century, with relations between them that allow research of the types and archetypes that influenced their creation and meaning. Orsolya Heinrich-Tamaska University of Leipzig, Centre for the History and Culture of East Central Europe, Leipzig, Germany; heintama@uni-leipzig.de Byzantine Goldsmithing in Avaria? Exchange and Transfer at the Periphery of the Empire during the 7th–8th Centuries AD The influence of Byzantium on the material culture has long been the subject of debate in archaeological research of the Avar period. Discussions have focused on the classic ‘centreperiphery’ model, which emphasises the cultural dominance of Byzantium over its nomadic horsemen neighbours in the Carpathian Basin. For example, attempts have been made to set up a list of criteria — on the basis of analyses of the technical and decorative attributes of fine metalwork — to separate originally Byzantine products from their imitations. This model will be discussed in this contribution using selected examples. Berna Yildirim Anadolu University, Eskisehir, Turkey; yberna01@gmail.com Metal Finds of Amorium Excavations: Architecture and Furniture Components Amorium where is in Antique Frigia, is located 168 km southwest of Ankara, 70 km northeast of Afyonkarahisar and 12 km east of Emirdağ district. Due to the location on the main roads extending in Anatolia and become a capital city of Anatolikon Thema in mid 7th century AD. Amorium has kept its existence as a military and administrative center until the middle period of the Byzantine Empire. The city is considered under two headings: The Upper City and The Lower City. Metal finds, which is the matter of this proceeding, were uncovered in the excavation of “Enclosure” at the Lower City between 1996-2008 years. 367 First scientific studies in Amorium have begun with a survey by Prof. Dr. R. Martin Harrison in 1987 year. Prof. Harrison has carried out excavations in the city between 1988-1992 years. The studies which were between 1993-2009 years, have sustained by Dr. Chris S. Lightfoot. Excavations are continuing under the presidency of Assoc. Prof. Dr. Zeliha Demirel Gökalp on behalf of Culture and Tourism Ministry and Anadolu University since 2014. “Enclosure” is located approximately 50-70 m. southwest of the Lower City Church and this place is almost in the middle of the archeological site. In the excavations which took place between 1996-2008 years, was unearthed Byzantine Bath, wine production workplace and unassociated places. Metal “architecture and furniture components’’ which is the subject of this proceeding and unearthed in the excavations which were at “Enclosure” between 1996-2008 years, they were dated and categorized considering their context and similar samples. Beside, these metal finds have been evaluated with the other finds which were unearthed in the context (glass, ceramic, bone, coin, lead seal etc.). Krino Konstantinidou Hellenic Ministry of Culture, Ephorate of Antiquities of Thessaloniki, Thessaloniki, Greece; krino.kon@gmail.com Konstantinos T. Raptis Hellenic Ministry of Culture, Ephorate of Antiquities of Thessaloniki, Thessaloniki, Greece; raptis.constantinos@gmail.com The Eleventh Century Innovations in the Byzantine Firing Technology: Evidence from Thessaloniki In an undisturbed bed of the main commercial road of Byzantine Thessaloniki —dated according to numismatic and ceramic evidence in the late eleventh or early twelfth century— numerous fragments of clay rods with pointed edges were found along with small sigmoid clay objects of circular section, which evidence the operation of a Middle Byzantine kiln with clay rods for glazed pottery production in the vicinity. The clay rods form a shorter conical nib on the one edge and a longer, gradually thinner and pointed part on the other. The conical edges would be inserted in holes opened in successive rows in the internal walls of the kiln, while the elongated pointed parts of the clay rods were projected from the wall surface and formed series of shelves whereon the glazed wares were placed for firing. The smaller and significantly thinner sigmoid clay devices have been considered as standoffs, used to keep the glazed wares separated on the shelves and prevent their adherence. However, two sigmoid clay devices —adhered during the second firing procedure around the body of one clay rod— showcase their use also as hangers for the suspension of small-scaled glazed wares from the firing rods. The recent findings from Thessaloniki — along with the firing rods that have been discovered in eleventh century layers in Ierissos, near the entrance to mount Athos provide evidence for the use of Byzantine kilns with rods as early as the eleventh century and clarify the purpose of the few sigmoid clay yokes found in the Middle Byzantine ceramic workshops of Corinth, where a fragment 368 of a similar firing device was found adhered around the stem of a glazed goblet. The findings from Thessaloniki, Ierissos and Corinth comprise the earliest evidence of kilns with rods in Middle Byzantine potteries in Greece and the Balkans. So far in this geographical area this —common in the Islamic world and the western Mediterranean— kiln type had been securely documented only in two thirteenth-century glazed pottery workshops in Northern Greece (Serres and Mosynopolis). Similar recent findings from the Studenica Monastery showcase the operation of a glazed-pottery kiln with rods also in late thirteenth Serbia. It seems that the type with rods was probably introduced in the Byzantine pottery workshops from the workshops of the Islamic world, where it was in common use from the tenth century. Furthermore, based on the suggestion that the use of tripod stilts for the prevention of the glazed wares adhesion was not invented in Byzantium before the thirteenth century, it seems that this —little documented so far— kiln type was probably the main one for the second firing of the Middle Byzantine glazed wares. Architectural remains of kilns with rods have never been traced —or at least identified— in Greece. Based on the morphological and structural characteristics of similar kilns found in the Hispan-gaulish, the Levantine and the African shores of the Mediterranean basin, the Byzantine kilns with rods might be hypothetically reconstructed as one-storey furnaces with unified combustion and firing chamber. The lower part of the kilns would be defined by a perimetric, either rock-cut or built bench, designed to confine the hearth; over that, the clay rod shelves would be arranged in series, projected in the interior of the cylindrical or latency conical upper-structure of the kilns. 369 ART OF MEDIEVAL ARMENIA Chairs: Seyranush Manukyan, Oliver M. Tomić Lilit Mikayelyan, Depictions of Glory Wreaths in the Early Medieval Armenian Sculpture and Their Parallels in the Art of Byzantium and Sasanian Iran Zaruhi Hakobian, Little Known Subjects and Images on Early Christian Stelae of Armenia Seyranush Manukyan, Tatev Monastery Frescoes. Armenia, 930 Ekaterina Loshkareva, The Theme of the Second Coming of Christ in the Repertory of Architectural Plastic Art of Armenian Churches of the 13th – the First Half of the 14th Century Nazénie Garibian, Le corpus Dionysien et la typologie de la cathédrale de Zwart’noc’ en Arménie (VIIe s.) Lilit Mikayelyan Yerevan State University, Yerevan, Armenia; mikalil@mail.ru Depictions of Glory Wreaths in the Early Medieval Armenian Sculpture and Their Parallels in the Art of Byzantium and Sasanian Iran The symbolism of the wreath offered as a sign of victory and glory is well known in the Antique culture from which it was transferred to the Christian art. In Christianity the wreath became the symbol of an award given to righteous men who had reached the Heavenly Kingdom, the symbol of martyrdom and victory on sin. Numerous pictures of wreaths are known on early Christian sarcophaguses, ivory bindings, mosaics, architectural décor and so on. In the Armenian art of the 5th – 7th centuries they can be seen in the relief sculptures of churches and tetrahedral Stelae, mostly in the scenes of Baptism or Praising of the Holy Virgin and Christ. On Armenian monuments wreaths have several iconographic variants, a part of which goes back to late Antique and early Byzantine samples, representing stylized pictures of laurel wreaths or wreathscrowns, as attributes of martyrdom and glory. Remaining samples are solved as simple rings, without such details as leaves, flowers, ribbons, pearls, etc. So, the latter show some commonness with the depictions the rings of power in the ancient Eastern and later also in the Sasanian art in which they symbolized the divine power and glory, and were depicted mostly in the scenes of investiture. In the art of the 4th – 7th centuries of Sasanian Iran the representations of wreaths of glory was largely spread and it was one of the symbols of the particularly worshiped in Iran divinity Khvarno (later Farn) who was the incarnation of being chosen by God, charisma and glory. There are also three main variants in the iconography of Sasanian wreaths of glory: wreaths in the form of rings, wreaths with pearls and wreaths with laurels and flowers. If in the 3rd – 5th centuries they had mostly the form of rings going back to ancient Eastern samples, later, in the 6th – 7th centuries, when Iran underwent noticeable influence of the Byzantine culture, wreaths were pictured like crowns, more resembling Western samples. But, as a rule, either early or late samples were pictured with typical Sasanian wide ribbons which were also insignia of power. It must be mentioned that some Armenian samples of wreaths are also represented with flying ribbons, undoubtedly tied with the influence of Sasanian art. The iconography of wreaths in form of rings on Armenian monuments has evident commonness with the same forms on Sasanian monuments. So, either in Armenian or in Sasanian art one may observe three iconographic sources in the picturing of glory wreaths: I - Ancient Eastern ring as symbol of power in investiture scenes; II - Antique laurel wreaths; III - Wreaths in the form of crowns as symbols as royal predestination and glory. The similarity of symbolism in the all three varieties of wreaths led to a certain contamination of their meaning which found its brilliant expression namely in the early medieval cultures of Armenia and Sasanian Iran, based on the equally strong ancient Eastern and late Antique traditions which had also active reciprocal contacts. Adherence to one or another pictorial tradition can indicate in each case a concrete cultural influence in a determinate historical period. 371 Zaruhi Hakobian Yerevan State University, Yerevan, Armenia; zaruhy@yandex.ru Little Known Subjects and Images on Early Christian Stelae of Armenia The free-standing monuments – tetrahedral stelae – dating back to the 7th Century are preserved on the territory of historical Armenia. Stelae were erected in open air, near churches, are covered with reliefs and crowned by stone crosses. There are images of Christ, the Holy Virgin, Apostles, saints, archangels, donators, as well as scenes from the Old and the New Testaments. Nevertheless, some of those sculptures can hardly be identified because of their bad state or uncommon composition. One of those depictions is the personification of the Holy Church (St. Zion), presented in the person of a woman having a church model in her hands (stele of Agarak). Another one is a figure with dog head; it is the image of St. Christopher Cynocephalus, the only Christian saint with bestial appearance. Nowadays, nine such images are known on Armenian stelae (stelae from Talin, Ujan and Odzun). The next image that requires an explanation is a tower like building with a ladder put against it on the stele of Odzun. According to the Eastern Christian iconography it is the symbolic image of St. Zion. The composition of an orant between two lions, which can often be seen on tetrahedral stelae of Armenia, has two different interpretations. This composition, well known in the Eastern Christian art, is usually interpreted as the Biblical scene of ‘Daniel into the den of lions’. Nevertheless, in a series of scene we observe the orant with a female aspect, which allows seeing in such compositions ‘Saint Thecla between two lions’ (stelae from Kechror, Erzynka). It corresponds to one of the iconographic versions of the image of saint Thecla and is known on some early Byzantine monuments. The composition depicting winged horses and a pair of wheels, known on two stelae, represents the Old Testament scene of Prophet Elias’ Ascension (stelae from Talin and Agarak) which is a rare example of that composition in the art of Transcaucasus. Even if the sculptures are partly damaged, their composition is easy to understand as it matches the canonic scheme of this composition and has its early Byzantine parallels. The abovementioned subjects and images on tetrahedral stelae of Armenia considerably enlarge our notions about the early iconographic tradition in the Armenian medieval art and, more widely, in the art of Transcaucasus. Besides, iconographic compositions and images based on early Christian and early Byzantine prototypes partly complete early iconographic versions not preserved until our days, which makes tetrahedral stelae of Armenia important monuments in the context of Eastern Christian studies. 372 Seyranush Manukyan Yerevan State University, UNESCO Chair of Armenian Art History and Theory, Yerevan, Armenia; seyranushmanukyan@yahoo.com Tatev Monastery Frescoes. Armenia, 930 The Tatev monastery was one of the spiritual and cultural centres of medieval Armenia. Evidences about it are found in History of Syunik Province by the prominent historian, theologian, archbishop and Syunik Metropolitan Stepanos Orbelian (1250s–1305). The monastery’s cathedral was built as Syunik bishop church by Bishop Hovhannes in 895–906 at the order of Bagratuni dynasty king Smbat I. It is dedicated to Ss. Peter & Paul whose relics are buried at the base of two pillars symbolising them and supporting the dome. On commission of next Syunik Bishop Hakob the entire cathedral was decorated with frescoes solemnly sanctified in 930. To execute paintings Bishop “Hakob ordered to invite artists … from the distant country of the Frank people”. The 1968 article by N. & J.-M. Thierry specified Orbelian’s record about inviting “Franks”. Researchers linked the Tatev paintings to post-Carolingian art close to Ottonian period Reichenau school. The Thierries acclaimed classicism-inspired style of Tatev paintings’ creators presuming they underwent training in Rome or some other centre keeping ancient traditions. They also showed that foreign masters worked in cooperation with Armenian assistants. The artistic language and to some extent the classical spirit of Tatev images are akin to monumental Italian paintings of IX–X centuries created in Northern Italy and Rome that were part of the Carolingian and later Ottonian empire. We believe that the “Frank” masters, who painted Tatev cathedral together with Armenian artists, came from Italy where they’d had an opportunity to familiarise themselves both with the “Classical” art of VI–VII centuries and with Carolingian art. All those iconographic and stylistic features typical of Carolingian and post-Carolingian schools including Reichenau and the Tatev frescoes are also found in works by Italian artists. The ties between Armenia and Italy historically were more ancient and stable than with any other WestEuropean country or nation. As early as at the end of the IX century, Syunik established contacts with Italy from where relics of Ss. Peter & Paul were brought to bury them in the Tatev cathedral, so it is most probable that Bishop Hakob invited artists from no other place but Italy. Considering their antiquity, particular artistic language and unique origin, the Tatev frescoes are of exceptional interest to the art history. However their fate was tragic. Despite the fact that in 1974 they were cleaned, fixed and partially restored, in the course of monastery restoration carried out at intervals since the end of the 1980s to this day, the paintings (already damaged in 1138 and 1931earthquakes) were actually lost. The paintings research that has been conducted since the end of the 1960s, the massive amount of archival and factual material (soil samples with remains of paintings etc.) that we’ve gathered, as well as depictions and schematic reconstructions from the 1950s created under the guidance of L. A. Durnovo help us to restore some parts of their appearance. At that time there were intact 373 fragments of the paintings on three walls: part of the apse decoration (tiers with the figures of Prophets, Apostles and Church Fathers with the image of Christ on the semi-dome); Washing of the Infant and Annunciation to the Shepherds from the Nativity scene on the north wall; and the scene of the Second Advent and the Final Judgement on the west wall. We suggest a virtual reconstruction project to the Tatev Revival Foundation. Ekaterina Loshkareva State Institute of Art Studies, Moscow, Russian Federation; lacodarossa@gmail.com The Theme of the Second Coming of Christ in the Repertory of Architectural Plastic Art of Armenian Churches of the 13th – the First Half of the 14th Century The appearance of the large relief compositions with images of Christ, the Mother of God and the saints in the western portal of the churches or the gavits was the exceptional phenomenon in the Armenian art of the 13th – 14th centuries. The reliefs depicting the Savior give an example of complex compositions, the majority semantics of which relate to the theme of the Second Coming. Confrontation and construction of these complex compositions reveal a wide variety of interpretations of the theme of the Second Coming of Christ in the Armenian architectural plastic art. The iconographic compositions different from the classical Byzantine existed in the few images of relief scenes of the Second Coming of Christ in the Armenian churches of early period. For example, thanks to the inclusion of additional characters (in the dome of the gavit of Horomos monastery). However, until the 13th century the relief composition of the Second Coming of Christ is not located above the major entrance of the church or in the western part of the church, as was traditional for Byzantine art and Romanesque art. We can define several directions of the Second Coming compositions developing at the same time in the relief decoration of the Armenian churches of the 13th – 14th centuries. The first direction is reflected in compositions based on the representation of the Second Coming as set out in the wellknown passages of Sacred Scripture (Ezekiel 1,4-13; Revelation 4,2-6). According to the text of Scripture, in such compositions Christ seated on a throne surrounded by four animals (in the tympanum of the “White” church of the Virgin Mary of Hovannes Karapet monastery, 1301) and also by twenty-four apocalyptic elders (in the church of St. Stephen of the Ahchots monastery, 1217). The simplicity of design, limited by text of the allegorical and eschatological parable of the Ten Virgins (Matthew 25, 1-13), founds expression in the tympanum of the Cathedral of Hovannavank monastery (1221). The preference of the one idea, expressed in simple form, and the character of the selected parable which subject is rare for the Eastern Christian culture of this period, refer to the archaic artistic thinking of Early Christian monuments. These ancient ideas saved in rare examples of Armenian art of later times. 374 Of special note is a complex relief composition in the tympanum of the gavit of Noravank monastery (1261- 1321). This composition includes the image of the Second Person of the Holy Trinity in the figure of the Ancient of days during the act of creation of the first man and the renewal of humanity by means of the suffering on the Cross and thanks to the Second Coming. It is not impossible to note the link between the relief images of the Second Coming of Christ and the image of the Virgin Mary and Child. Both of this composition are placed on the front of each other in the façade of the several Armenian churches of this period (Hovannes Karapet monastery, Noravank monastery). This combination not only summarizes the main Christian tenets from the Incarnations to the Last Judgment, but also points to the special intercession of the Mother of God at the Last Judgment. It’s interesting, that in the churches with the single relief composition of the Virgin with Child placed over the main entrance, the relief image of Christ surrounded by the four animals moved inside the church, in the dome and sails. Nazénie Garibian Yerevan State Academy of Fine-Arts, Matenadaran, Gevorgian Seminary of SS Edjmiatsin, Yerevan, Armenia; nazenie1@hotmail.com Le corpus Dionysien et la typologie de la cathédrale de Zwart’noc’ en Arménie (VIIe s.) Les écrits de Pseudo-Denys l’Aréopagite, connus dans les milieux théologiques byzantins à partir de la seconde moitié du VIe siècle et devenus très en vogue surtout vers le milieu du VIIe, circulaient également en Arménie dès le début du VIIe s., et ceci un siècle plus tôt de la traduction officielle de ces oeuvres en arménien. Tandis que les auteurs byzantins, après avoir condamné la théologie dionysienne, l’interprétaient par la suite dans le sens christologique pour appuyer la formule de Chalcédoine, les Arméniens semblent s’étant servis de l’autorité de ces textes pour justifier l’autocéphalie de leur Église et ses origines apostoliques. De ce fait, ils essayèrent d’établir une liaison directe entre les puissances de la Hiérarchie céleste et la «multitude des puissances célestes» – les zwart’unk’ – apparues à saint Grégoire l’Illuminateur dans sa vision théophanique. C’est précisément cette vision que commémore la splendide église rotonde, construite, entre 642-652, par les soins du catholicos Nersès III de Tayk’ (641-661) surnommé Le Constructeur, et avec l’aide financière de l’empereur Constant II (641-668), pour abriter également les reliques de saint Grégoire. Située non loin de la sainte ville et ancien siège de Vałaršapat lié à la tradition historique de la conversion du pays et à l’activité de saint Grégoire, l’église de Nersès avait la vocation de devenir le centre spirituel de toute l’Arménie et le nouveau siège du catholicos. La cathédrale de Zwart’noc’, connue aussi sous le nom de Saint-Grégoire, est considérée comme une oeuvre unique dans l’histoire de l’architecture arménienne. Par la toute nouvelle typologie, les dimensions inhabituellement 375 imposantes, les solutions constructives osées et le riche décor sans précédent, son image a non seulement laissé des empreintes constantes sur le développement ultérieur de l’architecture arménienne, mais elle a été dûment copiée en plusieurs exemplaires durant des siècles. D’ailleurs, elle occupe la première place par la quantité et éloquence des renseignements conservés dans les sources historiques arméniennes à propos de quelconque monument. L’intention de Nersès III de bâtir son siège sur un nouveau site, en dehors des villes métropoles, peut avoir comme raison sa position dogmatique hellénisante, mal perçue par le clergé arménien anti-chalcédonien. Par ailleurs, la liturgie byzantine fut célébrée lors de la dédicace de la cathédrale en présence de Constant II qui communia à cette occasion avec Nersès de Tayk’ et qui voulut emmener avec lui les maîtres-bâtisseurs pour ériger une église semblable dans son palais. Or, plusieurs arguments basés sur les recherches historiques, qu’appuie l’analyse architecturale du monument, permettent de supposer que Nersès III a conçu et réalisé un nouveau type du «Temple de Dieu», s’égalant, en qualité de «constructeur de la maisons du Seigneur», aux personnages bibliques ou historiques, dont chacun a essayé de la bâtir selon l’interprétation des instructions données dans les Livres sacrés. Dans le cas de Zwart’noc’, il semblerait que Nersès eut recours à la théologie dionysienne et au «modèle sacré» de la rotonde de l’Anastasis à Jérusalem. 376 THE EARLY BYZANTINE EMPIRE ‒ PART 2 Chairs: Katerina Nikolaou, Eirini Chrestou Adrian Szopa, The Barbarians in Service of the Late Roman Empire in the East Aleksandr Aibabin, Fortresses of Gothia in the Crimea in the Eighth and Ninth Centuries Eirini Chrestou – Katerina Nikolaou, Popular Resistance to Authority: From the Circus Factions to the Citizens Hugh Jeffery, Angel Cult and the Transformation of the Temple of Aphrodite at Aphrodisias Andrzej Kompa, The Constantinopolitan Authors, the Constantinopolitan Point of View? – Groups and Individuals as Seen by the Authors Active in the Early Byzantine Capital Qiang Li, Review on the Research about the Age of Justinian in China Vadim Serov, On the Modern Research Methods of Early Byzantium: New Prospects for Old Theme (The Imperial Finances from the Late 6th to the Middle of the 7th Centuries) Adrian Szopa Pedagogical University of Krakow, Krakow, Poland; aszopa@up.krakow.pl The Barbarians in Service of the Late Roman Empire in the East During the V century, which began in historiography in 395 A.D. when Theodosius the Great, the last ruler of undivided empire, died, a lot of irreversible changes took place. However, the consequences of those in the Eastern Roman Empire were not so critical as in the Western section, but still even there the transformation of the state was deep. One of the most influential factors for the Roman policy in Late Antiquity was the process of so called “barbarization” in the army and in government. One can assume that differences in this process in both parts of the Roman Empire had determined the collapse of the Western part whereas the Eastern survived. Although, the position of barbarians in court of Constantinople was never as dominant as in Ravenna, nevertheless one can point out some periods, when their influences were strong. Quite often one can find barbarians in the highest positions of the Roman government. The careers of Bauto, Plintha, Ardaburios or Aspar can be excellent examples. Using prosopographical method one can build a model of ordinary career of a barbarian in service of the Eastern Roman Empire in Vth century and formulate a couple of interesting conclusions to the point of ethnical interaction in the higher echelons of the Eastern Roman Empire society in Late Antiquity. Aleksandr Aibabin V. I. Vernadsky Crimean Federal University, History and Archaeology of the Crimea Research Centre, Simferopol, Russian Federation; aleksandraibabin@rambler.ru Fortresses of Gothia in the Crimea in the Eighth and Ninth Centuries The earliest references to Crimean Gothia occur in written sources from the second half of the eighth and ninth centuries. Protocols of the Ecumenical Council VII (Nicaea II) of 787 AD are signed by Monk Cyril, on behalf of the Bishop of Gothia. Created between 815 and 842, the Vita of St. John of Gothia states that an anonymous Bishop of Gothia participated in the iconoclastic council of 754. The same Vita, discussing an anti-Khazar rebellion that happened between 785 and 787, mentions Gothia’s main fortress of Doros and mountain passes (kleisourai), the Master of Gothia, and the archontes of its fortresses. In a Theodore of Stoudios’ letter written in 808, the author, resenting the oikonomos who married Constantine VI to his second wife reversion to clergy, writes about Gothia and its klimata. A description of the same event in the Vita of Patriarch Nikephoros mentions the klimata of Taurica. The Vita of Theodore of Stoudios, written down after 868 by Monk Michael, mentions a ruler of Gothia. Fourteenth-century Miracles of St. Eugenios of Trebizond knows Cherson and local klimata of Gothia. Notitia 3, which was compiled between 803 and 805, contains a list of bishoprics in the Patriarchate of Constantinople, where, under no. 37, is the province of Gothia governed by a metropolitan, having his see in Doros. 378 One may see that the sources apply the name of “Gothia” to a mountainous region in vicinity of Cherson called Dory, which was occupied by the Khazars in the early eighth century and was governed from Doros, located in the plateau of Mangup, and nameless fortresses. Most likely, the latter were the “forts of the tribes residing near” Cherson (“in castris gentium ibidem adjacentium”), as mentioned by a scholia to the Vita of Euprepios (died in 655) and Theodore (died in 667), which was a part of Anastasios the Librarian’s Collectanea from the ninth century. Perhaps these “forts of the tribes” are identifiable with fortresses atop the plateaus of Eski-Kermen, Bakla, and possibly Chufut-Kale, which were constructed by Byzantine engineers in the late sixth century. In the words of the author of the Vita of Saint John of Gothia, a Khazar khagan installed a Khazar troop in Doros. Bishop John of Gothia and the Master of the Gothia, his archontes and the population rebelled, expelled Khazars from Doros, and occupied the mountain passes. Obviously, the rulers of Gothia rebelled against the Khazars after 784 and prior to the Ecumenical Council VII (Nicaea II) convoked in 787. The Khazars suppressed the uprising and forgave the Master of Gothia and the archontes of fortresses. However, the Khazars ordered fortification walls of the fortress atop Eski-Kermen plateau to be covered with soil. It was spring 841 when Byzantium, taking advantage of the establishment an alliance with the Khazars, decided to return the klimata of Gothia under its power. Emperor Theophilos ordered a new theme to be established in the South-West Crimea with its centre in Cherson, which was called the “theme of the Klimata” by the Taktikon of Uspenskij. Other regions of the Crimea remained under the Khazars’ control. Perhaps the creation of the theme was related with a reconstruction of the citadel of Bakla and defences of Mangup, and the building of a new fortress in the Bel’bek river valley, at the high plateau of Siuiren’ at Maloe Sadovoe village. This research has been financially supported by the Russian Foundation for Humanities, project no 15-31-10123 “The Crimean Goths in the Region of Dory (Mid-Third to Seventh Centuries)”. Eirini Chrestou National and Kapodistrian University of Athens, Athens, Greece; ichres@arch.uoa.gr Katerina Nikolaou National and Kapodistrian University of Athens, Faculty of History and Archaeology, Athens, Greece; anikolaou@arch.uoa.gr Popular Resistance to Authority: From the Circus Factions to the Citizens Byzantine imperial ideology was dominated by stereotypes which stressed its Christian elements. Divine providence helps the chosen one ascend the throne; the ruler serves as the temporary representative of God on earth, his place is between God and men, so that he may act as an intermediary between Him and his subjects. In actual fact, the emperor ought to comply with the fundamental principles of Christian teaching and exercise power in a spirit of justice and 379 philanthropy. At the same time, emperor and state were checked and balanced by the three main pillars of Byzantine polity: the senate, the army, and the circus factions, whose power and ability to intervene varied from time to time. Apart from being God’s chosen, the Byzantine emperor was also the people’s choice and his authority was propped by the social contract between him and the three fundamental state institutions, because the head of state had to be legitimized in the collective consciousness of his subjects as a unifying authority. Throughout the ages there were Byzantine monarchs who did not always conform to the ideal of a good ruler, to natural law, to moral and Christian teaching; when that happened, the ruler in question found himself at odds with either the Senate, the army, or the circus factions – whichever body held political sway at the time – that would then step in and restore τάξις (order). As long as the circus factions were a state institution with an influence on public affairs, the citizens found expression through these organized groups. It is not self-evident that these groups followed a specific political line. They did, however, from time to time or on occasion, have specific positions and goals. But ever since the circus factions were weakened politically and their participation in public life was limited mainly to ritualistic ceremonies (since around the middle of the seventh century), the people intervened in public affairs in a spontaneous and unorganized fashion. Since then, its role varied, either being ancillary to the organized bodies – the senate and, most importantly, the army – that served as checks to imperial power, or taking center stage whenever it was formed as a result of maneuvers that directly impinged on the interests of the lower classes and galvanized resistance, without necessarily enjoying the support of the other state agents. The middle of the seventh century, when the institution of co-emperor reinforced the practice of dynastic succession and the position of the army was strengthened by the creation of the thematic organization, also marked the beginning of a decrease in the level of political influence the circus factions could exert. The participation of the people in current events was not carried out through the actions of the organized circus factions; instead, it was unorganized and spontaneous. Thus, the circus factions of Constantinople no longer represented politically the citizens of the imperial capital, who will henceforth be defined by Byzantine authors in terms of “people”, “crowd” or “mob” whenever they took a leading role in, or caused, riots and mass popular reactions. The paper will chart, using specific instances as examples, the course of transition from organized collectives to unorganized (at least not officially sanctioned by authorities or in an open manner) spontaneous popular reactions as a means of setting limits to political authority and restoring order. 380 Hugh Jeffery University of Oxford, Oxford, United Kingdom; hugh.jeffery@arch.ox.ac.uk Angel Cult and the Transformation of the Temple of Aphrodite at Aphrodisias This communication sets out a new interpretation of the transformation of the Temple of Aphrodite at Aphrodisias into a Christian basilica, generally considered the defining moment in a conflict between the city’s pagan and Christian communities. It is argued that the conversion aimed to bring under the control of the Church a vernacular angel cult focused on a sacred well. The significance of this well has not yet been recognised in scholarship on the site. It was popular belief in potentially heterodox, Judaising or Hellenising ἄγγελοι that provoked the construction of the cathedral, not the extinct public cult of Aphrodite. The city of Aphrodisias is located on the plain of the river Morsynus to the west of Mt. Kadmos in southwest Asia Minor. The temple of the city’s eponymous goddess, completed in the first half of the first century AD, was transformed and enlarged into a cavernous Christian basilica around the final quarter of the fifth century. The conversion from temple into cathedral has previously been viewed within a narrative of contest between pagans and Christians for civic space and for legitimacy amongst the urban population. Pagan religious practice in the form of Neoplatonist philosophy is attested at Aphrodisias well into the fifth century. However, the latest secure evidence for the public cult of Aphrodite dates from late third century. A philosophical school and private sacrifices in domestic settings do not necessarily imply an interest in maintaining public ritual amongst the non-Christian population. Moreover, the boundaries between Christian and pagan groups and practices were probably less obvious and more fluid than such a paradigm would imply, especially at a vernacular level. An examination of the mechanisms of the transformation reveals that the principal objective of the Christian architects was to incorporate a small well to the east of the temple into their basilica. The structure was extended to the east so that the well would emerge in the centre of the cathedral apse. Archaeological and literary evidence suggests it had been the site of ritual activity since the Hellenistic period, and continued to be the focus of the cathedral until its final destruction in 1184. The new cathedral was dedicated to the Archangel Michael, or possibly Michael and Gabriel. The veneration of ἄγγελοι often manifested as healing cults around springs, wells and other sources of flowing water, as was the case at Colossae, Germia, Corinth and Mamre. Late antique ἄγγελοι in were far from an exclusively Christian phenomenon, and were common in Jewish and pagan traditions. They were moreover an assumption of popular religious thought and not the preserve of educated philosophers. Sites believed to be frequented by these beings attracted both explicitly non-Christian worship and forms of Christian vernacular ritual practice condemned by Church authorities. Efforts were therefore made to bring these local ἄγγελοι cults under ecclesiastical control, frequently involving the erection of Christian structures in order to control ritual access. It is suggested that this was also the case in fifth century Aphrodisias. 381 Andrzej Kompa University of Łódź, Łódź, Poland; andrzejkompa@o2.pl The Constantinopolitan Authors, the Constantinopolitan Point of View? – Groups and Individuals as Seen by the Authors Active in the Early Byzantine Capital Research on the intellectual elite of the early Byzantine Constantinople and its attitude to the populace of the capital as a whole and to its different social strata opens the way to a better, more precise and unstereotyped understanding of the Byzantine literature, and in spite of the genre determinants and the source limitations it allows to perceive singular Constantinopolitans as well as the city’s population in general, and within it, its major or minor groupings and social categories. The present research is based exclusively on the texts of the Constantinopolitan authors. I would like to propose a new way of understanding the authors’ identification and classing them as Constantinopolitan; their temporary stay in the capital is not assumed as sufficient. Thus, an author may be regarded as Constantinopolitan based on the degree and durability of his (her) links with the city’s environment. With such a definition, individual authors may be claimed to have been Constantinopolitan or not throughout their lives depending on the period between their stay in the city and completion of the individual works. The result of the selection is a group of literati big enough to see both individual differences and common specificities within the whole group (i.a. Themistius, Oribasius, Philostorgius, the author of Notita Urbis Constantinopolitanae, Philip of Side, Socrates Scholasticus, Hermias Sozomen, Proclus, Priscus of Panium, Nicholas of Myra, Zosimus, Priscian, Malchus of Philadelphia, Theodore Lector, count Marcellinus and the anonymous author of the last section of his chronicle, Hesychius of Miletus, deacon Agapetus, Romanus the Melodist, grammarian Eutyches, Aetius of Amida, Leontius the Presbyter, Stephen the Byzantine, John the Lydian, Paul the Silentiary, Peter the Patrician, the author of the large part of the eighteenth book of John Malalas’ Chronography (i.e., in my opinion, Malalas himself), bishop Eutychius, Agathias of Myrina, Menander the Guardsman, Theophanes of Byzantium, John of Ephesus, Eustratius, bishop John IV the Faster, presbyter Photinus). Discussion on the crowds as a collective historgiographical actor and on the individual inhabitants seems particularly interesting with the both elements compared. A quantitative comparison of collective and individual actors of the Constantinopolitan narratives with a sample juxtaposition will be thus presented, based on the works of Socrates, Marcellinus and Malalas. The respective groups and categories within the populace of the city may be analysed next as seen from the point of view of the authors present in the capital, with nearly all genres and intellectual millieux considered. The overall conclusion, with a repeated stress on individualism of the early Byzantine authors active in Constantinople, should express 1. the limitations of the source material; 2. satisfaction of the relatively extensive data as compared with elsewhere in the region; 3. importance of selfidentification of the authors. The latter is not flat or one-dimensional. Besides the most popular Roman and Christian - there are also links to the patris or the language spoken, to the kin and family, and many other, not easily definable and more metaphorical (as John the Lydian’s with magistrature, ritual and tradition). 382 Qiang Li Northeast Normal University, School of History and Culture, Changchun, China; 109024767@qq.com Review on the Research about the Age of Justinian in China The Age of Justinian is the first “Golden Age” in the Byzantine Empire and also the time for the transition from antiquity to the Middle Ages in the Mediterranean world. In this period, the Mediterranean Sea again became “Mare Nostrum”, and the empire arrived at its peak in military, politics, legislation, and literature. Because of the aforesaid causes, it has always been the focus of Byzantine scholars, so does in China. Through more than 30 years’ development, Byzantine studies in China have grown to be a relatively mature discipline, and a number of scholars are working on different aspects of Byzantine history. According to the data until the April, 2016, Chinese Byzantinists have published more than 50 papers (and theses), 3 monographs, and 3 translated works of sources concerning this era, as well as several on-going projects. It shows the high interest of Chinese Byzantinists on the Age of Justinian. In this paper, the author proposes to summarize and analyze the characteristics of these research and figure out the trend of the research on this era in China, so as to introduce the condition and development of the Chinese Byzantine studies to the international circle of Byzantine studies, and hopefully some cooperation between Chinese Byzantinists and international academy will be made for promoting the research on the Age of Justinian. Vadim Serov Altay State University, Barnaul, Russian Federation; wseroff@yandex.ru On the Modern Research Methods of Early Byzantium: New Prospects for Old Theme (The Imperial Finances from the Late 6th to the Middle of the 7th Centuries) There is currently amongst Byzantine historians the great interest in the problems of finances. But the study of theme of the Early-Byzantine finances in “transition period” between Late Antiquity and Early Middle Ages has been insufficiently explored. Leading specialists on Byzantine finances have heretofore given particular attention only to the “financial sector” of government institutions or to problems of the development of economic departments. Traditionally, much attention was paid to financial administration, i.e. to static institutions of financial system, not dynamic elements of real financial policy. In modern historiography the study of the finances in the end of Early Byzantium became multi-aspect, but the subject in whole remain insufficiently explored. Detailed picture of imperial finances is lacking in fact. 383 Subject of the research must be investigated systematically. Such an approach would elucidate the financial ramifications of all known the measures taken by the Byzantine government in various spheres throughout the named epoch: administration, army, building erection, social and religion relations, foreign policy, diplomacy etc. It will be necessary to enlarge the concept of Byzantine finances, adding new aspects of study, in particular financial policy, to the traditional ones. This enlargement of the subject matter would involve an interdisciplinary approach, whereby other branches of scholarship would be taken into account. For example, the use of economic terminology and methods permits a different structure and can enlarge the historian’s sphere of study, even of traditional subject matter. Besides, the approach taken must respect the division of historical periods. Whilst comparisons may always be drawn, one must avoid indiscriminately mixing data from different periods, even if they pertain to the same phenomenon. In as much as finances and taxation are complicated systems, such a systematic approach, with the analysis of functional inter-relation is the most fruitful method of examination, and this, in turn, entails structural, functional and typological approaches to the study of financial policy. The systematic and critical analysis of the various sources is to be supplemented with a methodology of dividing administrative and political microstructures. When studying financial policy, micro structuring allows the classification of data from the various sources. Use is also to be made of the principles of historical and social psychology, as well as elements of the methods known as “historical anthropology” adopted from the school sometimes called “new historical science”. Moreover, the special terminology of economics, medicine and sociology is to be employed. The application of notions and terms common in contemporary society but unknown in the past allows for the understanding of past events. Thus, the theme of the Early-Byzantine finances in the late of 6th to the middle of the 7th century necessary to study through systematic analysis of the data from the various historical sources, the critical analysis of the literature and the application of new methods and approaches 384 THE HOLY FATHERS OF THE CHURCH ‒ PART 1 Chairs: Fr. Maximos Constas, Rev. Vladimir Vukašinović H. E. Bishop Maxim Vasiljević Στοχαζόμενος, ἀλλ’ οὐκ ἀποφαινόμενος: St Maximus the Confessor as an Interpreter of St Gregory of Nazianzus Holger Hespen, Does the Soul Need a Body? The Late 6th Century Debates about the Interaction between the Living and the Dead Bogna Kosmulska, Was There a Place for Parrhesia in the 7th Century Byzantium? Jesús Hernández Lobato, “Blessed Are the Poor in Spirit, for Theirs Is the Kingdom of Heaven”. Evagrius Ponticus on Mystical Knowledge Еirini Artemi, The Term Perichoresis from Cappadocian Fathers to Maximus Confessor Milan Đordević, Ideology and Virtue in the Ascetical Ethics of Saint Maximus Confessor Philippe Vallat, The Logical and Theological Difficulty with Maximus the Confessor’s Doctrine of Gnomic Will H. E. Bishop Maksim Vasiljević University of Belgrade, Belgrade, Serbia; maxim.bishop@gmail.com Στοχαζόμενος, ἀλλ’ οὐκ ἀποφαινόμενος: St Maximus the Confessor as an Interpreter of St Gregory of Nazianzus One can ascertain that Sts Gregory of Nazianzus and Maximus the Confessor formulated a complete teaching about communion, beginning with the communion which prevails between Persons of the Triune God and, reaching, by way of the dimensions of creation, the world and the Church, human reality. In a unique way Maximus combines Gregory’s theological and ascetical tradition with his monastic experience. He offered his best thoughts by interpreting Gregory of Nazianzus. Our task is to see now much faithfully Maximus expresses the Cappadocian and to indicate if Gregory’s theology finds its organic continuity in Maximus, which will help us understand to what extent is Maximus original with regard the theological tradition behind him. From Maximus we learn an important hermeneutic lesson in theology: to be faithful to patristic thought means to make explicit what is implicitly said in the Fathers. Holger Hespen Central European University, Budapest, Hungary; Hespen_Holger@phd.ceu.edu Does the Soul Need a Body? The Late 6th Century Debates about the Interaction between the Living and the Dead In the last decade, the idea of a universal acceptance of the cult of saints in late Antiquity has been questioned by scholars. It has been shown that opponents of the cult (or some of its aspects) denied the possibility of an activity of the souls of the saints in the afterlife, let alone an activity that could affect the realm of the living. In his work “De statu animarum post mortem”, Eustratius of Constantinople, pupil of the famous patriarch Eutychius, refutes such doubts, referring to the authority of Scripture and the Church Fathers. Eustratius’ work is, however, not just a defense of the established practice of the cult of saints. It also offers an insight into a heated theological debate about the relationship between body and soul and the consequences of its interpretation. Can the soul be active without the body or not, and if so, what kind of body is necessary for this activity? For Eustratius’ opponents, it seems to be clear that the death of the body leaves the soul without the vehicle it needs for action, and as a result any appearance of a saint on earth cannot be real. Eustratius, however, as a champion of the cult of saints, has to defend the idea that there is a possibility for the souls to be active in the physical realm even without the earthly body. In order to convince his opponents, Eustratius provides examples that are supposed to illustrate a possible exchange between the two realms. He offers a theological explanation for this: in his 386 opinion, the souls of the saints are capable of these actions because they already enter the angelic state right after the departure from the body. As this recalls Origen’s teaching about the souls, it is not surprising that Eustratius is eager to emphasize its orthodoxy with frequent references to the fathers, mostly the Cappadocians. Eustratius’ emphasis on the real presence of the disembodied souls and of the angels in visions leads to a problem: how can anything incorporeal be perceived in a vision with our corporeal senses? This question was discussed by other contemporaries as well: John Philoponus for example solves it with the introduction of a pneumatic body, similar to the Platonic ochema. Eustratius is of course aware of the consequences of a strict incorporeality for the cult of saints; he tries to solve it by claiming that the saints’ souls “create imprints”, “not physical, but nevertheless true ones”. It remains unclear, however, whether such action requires a certain kind of subtle body in Eustratius’ thought as well. This controversy about the relationship between the body and the soul results from a broader intellectual interest in questions about corporeality and incorporeality in the second half of the 6th century. Famously, such questions are at stake in the debate about aphthartodocetism, and in the quarrel between Eutychius of Constantinople and Gregory the Great about the resurrection body. As a close associate of Eutychius, Eustratius spent large parts of his life in these circles. It is clear from his works that he was shaped by the teachings of his admired teacher and that he tried to defend them by all means against fierce criticism. By examining Eustratius’ background and setting it into relation with his argumentation in defense of the cult of the saints, this paper intends to clarify his ideas about the relationship between body and soul post mortem and its consequences for the interaction between the living and the dead. Bogna Kosmulska University of Warsaw, Warsaw, Poland; bognakosmulska@onet.pl Was There a Place for Parrhesia in the 7th Century Byzantium? The figure of Saint Maximus the Confessor, who dominates the dogmatic debate of the 7th century Graeco-Roman world, incites a discussion on the persistence of parrhesia as a political, moral and theological value. A traditional approach to this kind of discussion tends to consider that Maximus’s Christological engagement, especially his resistance to the emperor, is a distinctive example of freedom of speech in its classical political sense. However, recently, some scholars have come to opposite conclusions. According to their views, Maximus was not a parrhesiast, but an exponent of institutional ecclesiastic power over the secular one. In my paper, I would like to analyze the roots of the Confessor’s thought from the perspective of possible influences on his own Christian notion of freedom of speech. The title question regarding the existence (or non-existence) of parrhesia will perhaps transform into a question of the main, and to some extent new, kinds of parrhesia in the 7th century Byzantium. 387 Jesús Hernández Lobato University of Salamanca, Salamanca, Spain; jhlobato@usal.es “Blessed Are the Poor in Spirit, for Theirs Is the Kingdom of Heaven”. Evagrius Ponticus on Mystical Knowledge At the beginning of his Praktikos, the 4th century mystic and thinker Evagrius Ponticus makes a subtle and somehow misleading distinction between “the kingdom of heaven” and “the kingdom of God”, two expressions apparently interchangeable in the Synoptic Gospels. Whereas the former is defined as “impassibility (apátheia) of the soul accompanied by true knowledge of beings” (Praktikos 2), the latter is identified with the “knowledge of the Holy Trinity co-extensive with the substance of the mind and surpassing its incorruptibility” (Praktikos 3). This distinction probably entails different levels of contemplation and enlightenment, as suggested in Evagrius’ Kephalaia Gnostica. This paper aims to analyse the meaning, use and philosophical implications of such definitions and their alleged parallels in other contemporary authors. To this end, it will attempt to trace the roots of this gnoseological/mystical interpretation of the concept of kingship of God back to the Gospels (e.g. Luke 17.21: “For indeed, the kingdom of God is within you”) and to Plotinian Neoplatonism, while relating it to the ascetic practice of first Hesychasm, as advocated by Evagrius himself. It will finally reflect on the possible link of this audacious vindication of a non-discursive knowledge of both the material and the spiritual with Gregory of Nyssa’s controversial philosophy of language, which questioned the ability of words and concepts to convey reality. Еirini Artemi Athens, Greece; eartemi@theol.uoa.gr The Term Perichoresis from Cappadocian Fathers to Maximus Confessor In this paper we are going to expose the meaning of the word perichoresis and the role that it had in trinitarian and christological theology of Cappadocian fathers, pseudo- Cyril of Alexandria, Leontius Byzantius and Maximus the Confessor. Perichoresis is a Greek term used to describe the triune relationship between each person of the Godhead. It can be defined as co-indwelling, coinhering, and mutual interpenetration. The relationship of the Triune God is intensified by the relationship of perichoresis. This indwelling expresses and realizes fellowship between the Father and the Son. Lossky asserts that Origen was the first to formulate the doctrine whichwas later to be called ‘perichoretic’, or the doctrine of the ‘communication of idioms’. The first father who used the noun perichoresis was Gregory Nazianzus, one of the Cappadocian fathers. He used the term when he was speaking about the relation between the natures of Christ, divine and human. Another Cappadocian father, Gregory of Nyssa does not use the noun but only the verb perichoreo in order 388 to show the Son’s eternal existence. Cyril of Alexandria (pseudo- Cyril) applied “περιχώρησις” in a trinitarian sense to the idea of coinherence. He saw two causes of divine unity: the identity of essence and the mutual perichoresis presupposing their threenes. He applied “περιχώρησις” in a trinitarian sense to the idea of coinherence. The special contribution of Leontius Byzantius consisted in the clarification of the concept of enhypostasia, according to which the human nature of Christ is fully personal (enhypostatic) by being manifested within the hypostasis of the incarnated Christ, without this hypostasis being anexpression of a single nature. Another father, Maximus used the same word perichoresis maintained that the human nature of Christ reciprocates with the divine nature of Christ. The confessor maintained that the human nature of Christ reciprocates with the divine nature of Christ. So in fathers’ teaching had to analyze that the fundamental basis of the Trinitarian perichoresis is the one essence of the three persons in God and on the other had The term is also applied to the close union of the two natures in Christ. Although the power that unites the two natures proceeds exclusively from Christ’s divinity, the result is a most intimate coalescence. The Godhead, which itself is impenetrable, penetrates the humanity, which is thereby deified without ceasing to be perfectly human. Milan Đordević Faculty of Theology “St. Kliment Ohridski”, Skopje, Macedonia; dordevic_milan@hotmail.com Ideology and Virtue in the Ascetical Ethics of Saint Maximus Confessor In the background of this paper stays an eternal but actual problem in contemporary Orthodox Christianity about the ascetic maximalism and the moral conformism. It seems that the “supernatural” character of the divine “saving virtue” does not depend on natural moral life. Consequently, what is needed is the openness of the Christian for the grace of God, the acceptance of his “supernatural intervention” – and not the “vain” practicing of natural morality. In this way we can differ between two “ascetic profiles”: The hardworking ascetic in the proper sense, and the one who accepts the symbolic order of the community, its rituals and image and waits to be transformed by divine supernatural intervention. The paradigmatic resolution of this issue within the Byzantine philosophic-ethical tradition is to be found at Maximus Confessor in his dialogue “Logos asketikos”, where a young brother monk and his elder discuss the possibility and the importance of achieving a perfect virtuous Christian life. The elder categorically asserts the obligatory character of perfection in following Gods commandments and asserts that the logic of the world should be completely subordinated to the logic of divine love. The moral minimalism is incompatible with the ascetic ethics of Maximus Confessor because it does exactly the opposite – it removes the unconditioned love from the top of the ethical hierarchy. In this way the whole system relativizes and begins to function as an ideology. 389 Philippe Vallat Universität Wien, Vienna, Austria; philippe.vallat@gmail.com The Logical and Theological Difficulty with Maximus the Confessor’s Doctrine of Gnomic Will Over the past years a number of studies have been devoted to the topic of the will in Maximus the Confessor’s theology. Some envisage the question for itself, but more often a comparison, whether explicit or implicit, is drawn with Augustine of Hippo’s teaching on the same question, particularly in the context of his hamartiology, with which Maximus’ present some striking similarities. No study has been devoted yet to the logical dimension of Maximus’ contradistinction between Christ’s “natural” will, and men’s “gnomic” will. This logical dimension, historically related with the increasingly logical bent visible in Neo-Chalcedonian Christology, however is of crucial importance to assess Maximus’ intent and consistency on this question. A number of scholars came to think that the distinctions drawn by Maximus to solve the problem of Christ’s human will allows one to profess both that sin did not become part of humanity’s logos after the Fall and that Christ could save humanity without assuming men’s fallen tropos of existence. The problem with this doctrine is the following: on the one hand, Maximus described men’s gnomic will as an enhypostasied will, and, on the other hand, he described the “natural” or prelapsarian character of Christ’s will as a will with no human hypostasis. The problem posed by such a contradistinction can be summed up as follows: does the will need to be without a hypostasis in order to be “natural”? If yes, unfallen Adam could not have had such a will. And does the will need to be enhypostasied in order to be gnomic? If yes, there is no hope of salvation for fallen men. Maximus somewhere committed an all too common confusion between logical and ontological statements. This is the subject I will deal with if, as I hope, my submission does not arrive too late. 390 EPIGRAMMATIC POETRY Chairs: Kristoffel Demoen, Eugenio Amato Delphine Lauritzen, Echoes of John of Gaza in the Preface of Agathias’ Cycle Julie Boeten – Sien de Groot, Byzantine Book Epigrams: THe Case of ὥσπερ ξένοι… Foteini Spingou, Cultural Memory, Literary Canon(s) and Poetic Anthologies in Later Byzantium Maria Tziatzi, Bemerkungen zu Gedichten des Georgios Pisides Ilias Taxidis, “ὡς ἀπὸ Πυθαγόρου φθέγγεται ἢ νεφέων” : à l’occasion d’un vers de l’épigramme planudéenne “Εἰς τὴν ὑπόκρισιν” Demetra Samara, Funerary Epigrams by Manuel Philes for John Cheilas, Metropolitan of Ephesus Delphine Lauritzen Venice, Italy; delphinelauritzen@gmail.com Echoes of John of Gaza in the Preface of Agathias’ Cycle It is possible to detect the influence of John of Gaza’s Description of the Cosmic Panel in the preface which Agathias the Scholastic composed for his Cycle (AP IV.3). Most parallels can be seen between John’s iambic prologues and Agathias’ iambic preface. This proves that Agathias read John’s Description and may indicate further reasons why these poems appear together in the Palatine Anthology. Julie Boeten Ghent University, Ghent, Belgium; julie.boeten@ugent.be Sien de Groot Ghent University, Ghent, Belgium; sien.degroot@ugent.be Byzantine Book Epigrams: THe Case of ὥσπερ ξένοι… Greek manuscripts are generally being studied as witnesses of Ancient, Early Christian or Byzantine texts. By contrast, the (snippets of) texts found in the margins of these manuscripts have received very little scholarly attention. So-called book epigrams are a good example of such littleexplored marginalia. Recently, however, a wealth of material has become publicly – and freely – available through the Ghent University Database of Byzantine Book Epigrams, which has sparked off further research into this subject. In this paper we will focus on one particularly popular type of epigram, namely the ὥσπερ ξένοι-case: Ὥσπερ ξένοι χαίρουσιν ἰδεῖν πατρίδα· οὕτως καὶ οἱ γράφοντες βιβλίου τέλος. This text can be considered to be the most standard, and thus most often attested, version of the epigram (http://www.dbbe.ugent.be/occ/346). However, due to the numerous occurrences of this formula throughout more than one hundred Byzantine manuscripts, its diversity in length, meter and lexical choice is striking. This presents manifold challenges to the scholar. We will discuss two of these challenges, more specifically the editorial issues and the metrical irregularities. As with many book epigrams, its edition is highly complicated by the variety in which it has come down to us. This specific epigram, however, challenges the concepts of authorship and originality to such an extent that it complicates the (re)construction of an authoritative text even further. Producers of book epigrams often combined a traditional, formulaic attitude with their own original input, which makes every single occurrence of this type of epigram a more or less original text. 392 Secondly, our case study exhibits certain metrical deviations, most notably in the last verse of the epigram. The high frequency of metrical irregularities in the ὥσπερ ξένοι-case suggests that it was not felt to be problematic to deviate from the dodecasyllabic pattern. We will argue that this is a consequence of the ‘commatic’ style of Byzantine meter, which is also typical of Byzantine rhetoric. By addressing these two main issues, we will shed light on the indistinct poetic status of book epigrams in general. Foteini Spingou University of Toronto, Toronto ON, Canada; fspigou@hotmail.com Cultural Memory, Literary Canon(s) and Poetic Anthologies in Later Byzantium This paper offers an overview of my current research on poetic anthologies originating from Constantinople and dating from c.1200 to c.1350. It explores the relation between composing occasional poetry, collecting similar poetry from a recent past and remembering a recent past in the Byzantine capital shortly after 1261. It argues that the memory of Byzantium (and its literature) is constructed through a chain of circumstantially and accidentally available material and it opens up the discussion on the implications of this argument for publishing and interpreting Byzantine poetry in the 21st century. Occasional poetry is a surprising kind of poetry to survive, as it was written to serve a specific occasion as a performance or inscription, and not to become a monument in eternity. Komnenian poetry has survived mainly in anthologies, all of which date from between ca. 1200 to c.1350. These anthologies are divided into two groups: the first group encompasses those with unattributed poetry, and the second group includes anthologies built around the poetic work of an early fourteenthcentury poet, Manuel Philes. Finding patterns in the poetry transmitted in manuscripts and the reuse of motifs from the transmitted poems allows me to argue that their compilation mirrors implicit literary canons. I will further suggest that literary canons are built around linguistic and poetic features of such texts, and they are signaled in the manuscripts with the names of the most prominent authors in the Constantinopolitan cultural environment. I will draw on evidence from manuscripts of historiographical and visual culture, in order to argue that the collection of Komnenian poetry in the early Palaeologan Constantinople was a conscious effort on behalf of the pepaideumenoi and higher aristocratic echelons to relate with the pre-1204 culture and present themselves as part of an undisturbed tradition. Finally, I will relate the compilation of the anthologies to the concept of cultural memory as pioneered by Jan and Aleida Assmann and I will address questions related to the aims of anthologies, the identity of the compilers and the importance of authorship. This paper presents innovative research in the compilation of anthologies by analysing and correlating manuscripts’ contents and their codicological features. It further emphasizes cultural developments in Constantinople of the fourteenth century and argues for a cultural change. Sampling results from my research on the relevant manuscripts, I aim to put in discussion my methodological concerns about studying these literary products and their means of survival. 393 Maria Tziatzi Democritus University of Thrace, Department of Greek Philology, Komotini, Greece; mtziatzi@yahoo.com Bemerkungen zu Gedichten des Georgios Pisides Georgios Pisides (1. Hälfte des 7. Jh.s) ist einer der bedeutendsten byzantinischen Dichter, den spätere Generationen dem Euripides vorzogen. Er hat sowohl lange Gedichte über historische oder philosophisch-theologische Themen geschrieben als auch zahlreiche Epigramme über geistliche und weltliche Themen. Für die meisten seiner langen Gedichte verfügen wir über moderne kritische Ausgaben, wie z.B. seine panegyrischen Gedichte (ed. A. Pertusi, 1959) und das umfangreichste, aus 1910 Zwölfsilbern bestehende „Hexaemeron” (ed. F. Gonnelli, 1998). Einige jedoch liegen immer noch in der alten Ausgabe von L. Sternbach (1891/1892) vor, wie das Gedicht Auf Alypios oder die Epigramme, sowie in der noch älteren Ausgabe von J. Querci (1777, nachgedruckt in PG 92), wie der Hymnus auf Christi Auferstehung, das dogmatische Lehrgedicht gegen den Häretiker Severus und das Gedicht Auf die Eitelkeit des Lebens. Alle Gedichte des Georgios Pisides wurden von L. Tartaglia (Carmi di Giorgio di Pisidia, Turin 1998) in einem Band zusammengestellt. Es handelt sich dabei nur um Nachdrucke ohne kritischen Apparat, die von einer Einleitung, ausführlicher Bibliographie, italienischer Übersetzung und Kommentar (hauptsächlich Identifizierung von Zitaten und Quellen, sowie sporadische kritische Bemerkungen) begleitet werden. Mit den Epigrammen hat sich auch G. Papagiannis befasst, zunächst in einem Vortrag gehalten in Paris im Rahmen des 20. Internationalen Byzantinistenkongresses im Jahr 2001 (table ronde „L’épistolographie et la poésie épigrammatique“, in: Dossiers Byzantins – 3, Paris 2003, 215-228) und danach in einem ausführlichen Artikel mit textkritischen und die Quellenforschung betreffenden Bemerkungen (EEBS 51, 2003, 5-49). In meinem Vortrag werde ich mich schwerpunktmäßig mit Gedichten und Epigrammen des Georgios Pisides beschäftigen, die uns ausschließlich in den o.g. alten Ausgaben vorliegen, mit dem Ziel, den Text zu restituieren bzw. zu verbessern sowie die bis jetzt noch nicht ermittelten Quellen des Dichters zu identifizieren. Dabei werde ich jeweils die entsprechenden Verse kommentieren, so dass ihr Sinn erhellt und verständlich wird. Besprochen werden darüber hinaus auch die Metrik und die sehr interessante Sprache des Georgios Pisides. Mit meinem Beitrag möchte ich die langjährige und reiche Forschung zur Dichtung des Pisides anregen und weiter fördern. 394 Ilias Taxidis Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Department of Philology, Thessaloniki, Greece; itaxidis@lit.auth.gr “ὡς ἀπὸ Πυθαγόρου φθέγγεται ἢ νεφέων” : à l’occasion d’un vers de l’épigramme planudéenne “Εἰς τὴν ὑπόκρισιν” Avec son épigramme “Εἰς τὴν ὑπόκρισιν”, Planude rend hommage à l’hypocrisie, au sens de maîtrise de soi, pour faire face à la douleur morale et incite tous ceux qui sont confrontés à la peine à rester indifférents et maîtres d’eux-mêmes et à ne pas céder aux passions et impulsions du moment. Toutefois, le sens exact du 6ème vers de l’épigramme (ὡς ἀπὸ Πυθαγόρου φθέγγεται ἢ νεφέων) reste vague. Selon toute vraisemblance, il entend souligner que la consolation n’a aucun effet sur quelqu’un de très affligé et que les enseignements de Pythagore sur la réincarnation, susceptibles par excellence d’offrir un certain réconfort face à la mort, sont tout aussi inefficaces. D’autre part, le mot νεφέων pourrait être lié à la présence divine, telle qu’elle est si souvent dépeinte dans l’Ancien Testament, quand par ex. Dieu communique διὰ νεφέλης avec Moïse, Aaron ou Job et généralement avec les fidèles, si bien qu’il est associé à l’enseignement chrétien consolateur concernant la continuation de la vie après la mort. Demetra Samara Thessaloniki, Greece; dmsamara@lit.auth.gr Funerary Epigrams by Manuel Philes for John Cheilas, Metropolitan of Ephesus Manuel Philes, one of the most prolific Byzantine poets of the 14th century, composed twelve funerary epigrams (epitaphioi) dedicated to the metropolitan of Ephesus, John Cheilas. These fourverse epigrams, published by E. Miller (Manuelis Philae Carmina II, Paris 1857, 188-191), reveal a particular interest, or even admiration, for the anti-unionist and anti-arsenite John Cheilas. The aim of this paper is to present the epigrams in memory of the metropolitan of Ephesus, outline his personality and his influence in the borderline of the 13th and 14th centuries and finally examine a probable relationship between the two men, trying to bring to light the underlying reason for the existence of this number of epitaphioi. 395 HISTORIOGRAPHY 11TH – 14TH CENTURIES Chairs: Albrecht Berger, Vratislav Zervan Theophili Kampianaki, The Reception of John Zonaras’ Epitome of Histories: The Evidence of the Manuscript Transmission Emanoil Babus, Alexiade, source de la géopolitique de l’émotion Grigorios Papagiannis – Nikolaos Siklafidis, Eφαρμοσμένη «μικροχειρουργική» κειμένων και ένας νέος τρόπος έκδοσης-παρουσίασης του κειμένου: το παράδειγμα της Αλεξιάδας Aneliya Markova, Solar Eclipses as Indicator in Nicetas Choniates’ Historia Vratislav Zervan, Nikephoros Kallistos Xanthopoulos und sein Verhältnis zu den lateinischen Namen und lateinischen Lehnwörtern im Griechischen Albrecht Berger, The New Edition of Nikephoros Kallistou Xanthopoulos’ Church History Theophili Kampianaki University of Oxford, Oxford, United Kingdom; theofili.kampianaki@wolfson.ox.ac.uk The Reception of John Zonaras’ Epitome of Histories: The Evidence of the Manuscript Transmission The present paper aims to shed light on the reception of John Zonaras’ chronicle (12th cent.) by later Byzantine readers. One of the main reasons why the chronicle, known as the Epitome of Histories, is of great interest to modern scholars is because it preserves classical and late antique sources no longer extant, with Cassius Dio’s Roman History being the most prominent example. But why was the Epitome read in Byzantium? What were the elements of the text that mostly attracted the attention of Byzantine audiences? To answer these questions, I will take into consideration the evidence of the manuscript tradition of the work. The Epitome was certainly one of the best-sellers of the Middle Ages; about fifty codices dated from the thirteenth to the fifteenth centuries transmit the entire text or shorter parts of it. In this paper, I am going to look into the manuscripts of this period in terms of two different aspects; one is concerned with the number of manuscripts that contain the entire chronicle or only a certain section of it, and the other with the number of manuscripts that transmit the Epitome alone or along with other texts. Examining the first issue, one can gain a clear sense of what parts of the chronicle readers were mostly fascinated with. As to the second one, it is crucial to consider not so much the manuscripts that preserve exclusively the Epitome as those that contain other works too. The textual context of these codices offers significant indications concerning the way in which later audiences would view the chronicle. Special mention will be made of a small group of manuscripts that are anthologies, namely collections of excerpts of a great number of works, the Epitome included. Among other things, I would like to show that Byzantine readers were much more interested in the chronicle as a source of Roman/Byzantine imperial history rather than a source of information about Jewish antiquities and the Roman Republic. I will further try to account for the presence of Zonaras’ work in codices which are exclusively secular in character, and also in manuscripts whose commissioners had very specific reading tastes. Exploring the implications of these issues, this paper will finally try to demonstrate that the Epitome became enormously popular because it was able to accommodate the needs and aims of a wide range of different readers. 397 Emanoil Babus University of Bucharest, Bucharest, Romania; emil_babus@yahoo.com Alexiade, source de la géopolitique de l’émotion Le terme « géopolitique » fait aujourd’hui partie des mots qui s’interrogent sur les rapports entre l’espace et la politique. Entre l’homme et l’espace existent des dialectiques toujours en mouvement: si l’espace contribue à façonner l’homme, ce dernier par son regard, ses gestes, son travail, ne cesse de transformer l’espace. Comment la conscience de l’espace, la conscience géohistorique, se forge-t-elle se métamorphose-t-elle? Trois facterurs apparaissent essentiels: les modes de vie, les connaissances, les structures socioplitiques. Dans son parcours personnel, dans la préparation à l’action l’homme est au coeur de l’émotion. Les émotions servent à nous situer vis-à-vis de notre environnement nous attirant vers certaines personnes, certains objets, actions et idées. Alexiade, le livre d’Anne Comnène pourrait être pour nous une source des émotions, une analyse qui nous aide à une compréhension historique plus profonde. Sur le rôle des émotions dans l’histoire vécue ou sur la place qu’elles occupent dans historiographie, il y a quelques historiens qui se sont occupé: Ramsay MacMullen ou Dominique Moïsi. Je veux montrer, à travers quelques exemples d’Alexiade, que les émotions sont des motivations profondes, des actions humaines de la période d’Alexis I Comnène et que l’historiographie moderne a sous-estimé parfois le rôle de l’affectivité dans la causalité historique. Alexis I Comnéne (1081-1118) connaît l’un des plus longs règnes de l’histoire byzantine: il réussit à écarter le danger extérieur, réorganise les finances et l’administration, il est le protecteur de l’orthodoxie religieuse et ouvre l’Empire byzantin aux relations avec l’Occident. Sa fille nous découvre cette riche époque ; une civilisation de faste, de spiritualité et de violence, où l’empereur déploie les merveilles de Byzance devant les étrangers. A cette Byzance éternelle le règne d’Alexis I donne un nouveau visage, dont les émotions ont bien entendu, toujours compté. Grigorios Papagiannis University of Thrace, Department of Greek Philology, Komotini, Greece; gpapagia@helit.duth.gr Nikolaos Siklafidis Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Thessaloniki, Greece; siklafidis@gmail.com Eφαρμοσμένη «μικροχειρουργική» κειμένων και ένας νέος τρόπος έκδοσηςπαρουσίασης του κειμένου: το παράδειγμα της Αλεξιάδας Για το πλήρες κείμενο της Αλεξιάδας της Άννας Κομνηνής διαθέτουμε, εκτός από την νεώτερη κριτική έκδοση των Reinsch-Kambylis (2001), τις παλαιότερες των Leib (τ. 1: 1937, τ. 2: 1943, τ. 3: 1945), Reifferscheid (1884) και Schopen-Reifferscheid (τ. 1: 1839, τ. 2: 1878). Γενικά βασιζόμαστε, βέβαια, στην πιο πρόσφατη έκδοση. Αυτό δεν σημαίνει ότι έχουν οριστικά λυθεί όλα τα ζητήματα του καταρτισμού του κειμένου. 398 Στο πρώτο μέρος της ανακοίνωσης θα παρουσιάσω δείγματα «χειρουργικών» επεμβάσεων, που –κατά τη γνώμη μου– βελτιώνουν το κείμενο. Κοινό τους χαρακτηριστικό, εκτός από το γεγονός ότι η αλλαγή που προτείνεται κάθε φορά είναι ελάχιστη, είναι ότι βασίζονται σε φιλολογικές εικασίες και όχι στη χειρόγραφη παράδοση. Κάποιες από τις προτάσεις πιστεύω ότι θα πείσουν τους φιλολόγους για την αναγκαιότητά τους, ενώ για κάποιες, ενδεχομένως, θα υπάρχει η ένσταση ότι, αν και δυνητικά «ορθές», δεν (μπορεί να αποδειχθεί ότι) είναι και απαραίτητες. Στο δεύτερο μέρος θα παρουσιαστεί ένας νέος τρόπος έκδο¬σης-παρουσίασης του κειμένου, με αυτονόητα πλεονεκτήματα έναντι του παρα¬δο¬σιακού: Ακριβώς επειδή είναι πιθανό ότι ο φιλόλογοςαναγνώστης ενός βυζαντινού (ή και αρχαίου) κειμένου δεν ενδιαφέρεται αποκλειστικά και μόνο για το κείμενο στην μορφή που παρέχεται στην πιο πρόσφατη έκδοση, αλλά και για παλαιότερα στάδια και, φυσικά, για νεώτερες προσπάθειες αποκατάστασής του, γι’ αυτό προτεί¬νεται μια ηλεκτρονικήδιαδικτυακή έκδοση, που δίνει την δυνατότητα τόσο της «παράλληλης/συγκριτικής» ανάγνωσης των διαφόρων υπαρχουσών εκδόσεων όσο και της συνεχούς «βελτίωσης» του κειμένου με την δυνητική (προαιρετική) ενσωμά¬τωση των νεώτερων προτάσεων. Στο τεχνολογικό τμήμα της ανακοίνωσής μου συνεργάστηκα με τον μεταπτυχιακό φοιτητή μου Νικόλαο Σικλαφίδη, ο οποίος και θα το παρουσιάσει. Aneliya Markova University of Veliko Tarnovo “Ss. Cyril and Methodius”, Veliko Tarnovo, Bulgaria; anelia_markova@abv.bg Solar Eclipses as Indicator in Nicetas Choniates’ Historia According to all available information about the Byzantines campaigns against Bulgarian uprising in 1185-1886 many authors have worked the moment mentioned by Niketas Choniates about the solar eclipses. In Choniates’ “Historia” this astronomical phenomenon is referred to the revolt of the Alexios Branas. The solar eclipse happened during these events, some authors refer as a stylistic technique of Choniates and they suggest this to be moved aside like evidence in dating of revolt, which the Byzantine general Alexios Branas organized in Constantinople. Even if we assume this is not deliberately used techniques, but it was actually happened, we must pay serious attention to some facts. Choniates refers this moment at the time when the Byzantine emperor had lunch with margrave Conrad of Montferrat, who had become earlier son-in-wall to the Isaac II Angelos and suppressed the serious threat to Byzantine throne. Investigating the period from spring of 1186 to the autumn of 1187, for which there are many different opinions about the Branas’ revolt, we indicate six solar eclipses. From the official data publishes by NASA, four of the solar eclipses can’t be seen because their appearance is in the early hours of the night and it is dark. In this case there are two possible dates – 21st April 1186 and 4th September 1187. It is necessary to be compared the specifications of astronomical information and looking for the effect that in the day has fallen darkness and stars have appeared as describes himself Choniates: “ Έγένοντο δέ καί διοσημίαι τηνικαυτα• ημέρας γάρ αστέρες έφάνησαν καί ό άήρ ταραχώδης ώφθη και περί τόν ήλιον πάθη τινά συμβεβήκασιν,â φασιν άλωνας, ώς μηδέ τούτον καθαρόν και άθόλωτον, άλλ’ 399 ώχρότερονάποδισκεύειν τό φως…”. This remains only one possibility: eclipse of September 1187 is what could be seen while of that in the spring of 1186 which is unnoticeable. Comparing the percentage coverage of the moon on the area of the sun which numbers are 97% to 12% in favor of 1187, we can declare what could be the effect of visibility. In addition the solar eclipse from 1186 began at 5:00 o’clock in the morning and its maximum values were at 6:30 in the morning. Sun in April at latitudes of the Byzantine capital rises in the interval 6:45-7:00 in the morning. The solar eclipse of 1187 was at noon when it could be seen from observers and coincides with described events from Byzantine writer who talks about that phenomenon at the time when the Emperor had lunch. Van Diten express for same assertion and declares “…that phenomenon was on 4th September 1187.”, at 14:00 o’clock. Before acceptance the opinion that Choniates uses these words only as a stylistic technique, we need to pay attention to the fact about the events in Constantinople completely coincide with that real natural phenomenon. For determining Alexios Branas’ revolt all authors are turning their attention to Conrad of Montferrat in Constantinople and when he was in there. There are several main accents related to Conrad of Montferrat – his arriving to Byzantium and his leaving the Empire. Conrad stay in Byzantium is not mentioned as long. In the winter of 1186/1187 he head to Byzantine capital and got married to Isaac Angelos’ sister like guarantee for renewing the relations between the Byzantium and western kings. These agreements were renewed in the early of 1187. There are some facts that in march of 1187 Conrad signed documents in the German Emperor’s royal court. This had been before his leaving to Constantinople and for sure before his marriage with emperor’ sister. According to the facts we must accept Branas’ revolt couldn’t been earlier than late spring of 1187th. It’s hard we claim that Conrad participation in the events in the Byzantine capital was earlier than the spring of 1187th because that would mean he had arrived in Byzantium year before, took a part in the Constantinople events, after he went back to Italy for signing the documents and then again to opposite direction. Probably signing of those documents would not been reason enough one military campaign to be postponed. For that time and conditions military campaigns for western kings were one of main points in “Crusade idea”. Vratislav Zervan Österreichische Akademie der Wissenshaften, Institut für Mittelalterforschung, Abteilung Byzanzforschung, Vienna, Austria; vratislav.zervan@gmail.com Nikephoros Kallistos Xanthopoulos und sein Verhältnis zu den lateinischen Namen und lateinischen Lehnwörtern im Griechischen Winkelmann und Gentz haben in einer kurzen Anmerkung zu den Quellen der Kirchengeschichte von Nikephoros Kallistos Xanthopoulos festgestellt, dass Nikephoros nirgends lateinische Quellen benutzt hat und kein lateinisch verstand. Sie haben so auch die die Alte These von Achelis, in der er das Gegenteil zu beweisen glaubte, widerlegt. Nikephoros Einstellung zu Latein kann man trotzdem in gewisser Weise verfolgen. In seinem umfangreichen Werk musste er sich mit vielen lateinischen Namen und lateinischen Lehnwörtern auseinandersetzen, die er in seinen Quellen fand und die zu seiner Zeit schon in Vergessenheit geraten sind. Der Vortrag widmet sich seinem Umgang mit diesen Latina. 400 Albrecht Berger Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität, Institut für Byzantinistik, Munich, Germany; albrecht.berger@lmu.de The New Edition of Nikephoros Kallistou Xanthopoulos’ Church History The Church History of Nikephoros Kallistou Xanthopoulos was composed between ca. 1310 and 1320 and is preserved in only one manuscript, which is now kept in Vienna (Vind. Hist. gr. 8). However, this manuscript is not, as has been assumed, the presentation copy for emperor Andronikos II Palaiologos to whom the work is dedicated, but some decades younger. Since the last available edition in the Patrologia graeca is still based on the first which appeared in 1630 in Paris, a new edition of this important text was considered necessary, and is currently being prepared by a group of researchers at the Austrian Academy of Sciences, or cooperating with it. It will appear in the Series Vindobonensis of the CFHB. The Church History consists of eighteen books which cover the time from Jesus Christ to 610 AD. At least five more books until 912 AD were apparently planned, but never executed. For the existing part, Nikephoros based his work on the Church Histories of Eusebios, Sokrates, Sozomenos, Theodoretos and Evagrios, but added a lot of material from other sources whose authors are not mentioned by name. Most of them were identified by the groundbreaking study of Friedhelm Winkelmann and Günter Gentz from 1966, but their results could still be considerably supplemented by the use of modern editions and databases. Special attention is paid to the system of punctuation in the codex unicus, which has been thoroughly analysed and will serve as a basis for a better understanding of the text and an adequate punctuation of the new critical edition. 401 THE MIDDLE BYZANTINE PERIOD – PART 1 Chairs: John F. Haldon, Elisabeth Chatziantoniou Kostiantyn Bardola, Dynastic Marriages as a Failure of the Byzantine Diplomacy Elie de Rosen, The Economic Fate of Urban Settlements in Middle Byzantine Greece Lucile Hermay, Changer d’état et conserver ses liens : Les moines et les révoltes dans le monde médiobyzantin (843-1204) Ivan Marić, Damning Kopronymos, Damning Iconoclasm: Politics behind the Disinterment of Emperor Constantine V Sysse G. Engberg, Emperor Leo V, His Choir Master, and the Byzantine Old Testament Lectionary Jacques Beauseroy, État, Église et monastères au XIe siècle : l’exemple des Kampsai Lee Mordechai, Families, Feuds and Friends: Imperial Succession in the Eleventh Century Eastern Roman Empire Kostiantyn Bardola V. N. Karazin Kharkiv National University, Kharkiv, Ukraine; bardola.konstantin@gmail.com Dynastic Marriages as a Failure of the Byzantine Diplomacy The effectiveness of diplomacy should be judged not by words but by the results, and the results are to be correlated with the objectives. The marriage diplomacy is no exception. Dynastic marriage was an excellent tool for territorial, material and political gains, most often in that order, for a typical medieval lord. In the times of the political system of feudal vassalage, when the conditional land tenure was the basis, as well as considering the hereditary, the dynastic nature of the transfer of power, territorial acquisition, even a peaceful one, was regarded as undoubted success. It was very difficult for the Byzantine emperors to get advantage from the territorial or material acquisitions, which generally led to long dynastic ties. As for the political dividends, the marriage of the emperor or his family member carried a greater risk for the state than prospects. However, despite this, the Byzantine rulers were often negotiating about a diplomatic marriage, actively using interest of the counteragent. As a rule, these negotiations helped the Byzantine government to solve urgent problems in the suspension of foreign aggression or search for allies. Mostly, the negotiations on the conclusion of a dynastic marriage were much more effective than the marriage itself, which could also carry considerable long-term threat to the political stability of the empire. That was probably the reason for such a small number of marriages in the international arena with a rather significant number of matrimonial negotiations on the initiative of the Byzantine side. To intrigue, to set the conditions, to negotiate, to get political dividends, and in the end not to marry - that is the top of the Byzantine marriage diplomacy. As a result, the marriage was usually held in the case of critical political leverage. There is no doubt that in order to explain this political behavior Byzantine diplomacy used the vast ideological campaign, including “the customs”, “the old laws” and “the religious rules”, which may well have been “forgotten” if necessary. 403 Most of the marriages of the reigning dynasties were held with the members of the political elite of Byzantine society. Thus, combining with other noble families, the emperors strengthened their position on the throne, and guaranteed further comfortable existence to their offspring. The situation changed dramatically with Komnenos dynasty. Latin foreigners’ impact to the imperial power in the XII - early XIII centuries increased dramatically, resulting in a change of Byzantine diplomacy objectives. Dynastic marriages are no longer a rarity; political alliances with foreigners become an active part of the internal struggle for the imperial throne. Thus, up to the XII century, a dynastic marriage between the ruling family of the Byzantine and foreign rulers or their offspring can be treated as a diplomatic failure, an assignment made under political pressure. In this case, a small number of marriages, against the background of numerous diplomatic talks on the subject may indicate precisely the effectiveness and reasonableness of the Byzantine diplomatic line. Elie de Rosen University of Birmingham, Birmingham, United Kingdom; eliederosen@gmail.com The Economic Fate of Urban Settlements in Middle Byzantine Greece Most Byzantine scholars agree that there was upsurge in economic activity throughout ‘Romania’ during the Middle period- the years roughly between 800 and 1200 AD. However, it far from to what extent this revival impacted Greece. Although archaeologists and historians have produced hundreds of works that analyse the history of the Greek economy, none of them are truly on a multi-regional scale. Several publications come close, including Byzantine Epirus and Heaven and Earth; Cities and Countryside in Byzantine Greece. But the former work limits its scope to Aetolia-Akarnania and Southern Epirus, while the latter only offers concise reports on ten Greek towns and cities. In my thesis I am endeavoring to set the record straight by bringing together all the afore-mentioned works, and using them to investigate the development of Greek urban settlements. I am concentrating on four modern-day administrative regions- Phokis, Boeotia, Thessaly, and Western Macedonia. For the Middle Byzantine period, this corresponds approximately to the themes of Hellas and Thessalonica. My main investigative criteria are as follows: the demographic and spatial size of settlements, the size and decoration of buildings, the complexity of building techniques (particularly with regard to the configuration of masonry), the quantity and quality of pottery (one of our main benchmarks for analyzing imports), and the amount of identified copper/bronze coinage. I will not bother looking for gold nomismata and solidi, or silver miliaresia. Because these denominations remained largely outside the sphere of monetary circulation, they constitute a tiny proportion of the Middle Byzantine archaeological record. 404 Lucile Hermay Université Paris Ouest Nanterre La Défense, Paris / UMR 8167 Orient et Méditerranée, Paris, France; lucile.hermay@gmail.com Changer d’état et conserver ses liens : Les moines et les révoltes dans le monde médiobyzantin (843-1204) Lors de cette communication, il s’agira de reprendre le thème du congrès «Byzance un monde de changements» pour questionner les conséquences sociales induites par les changements d’état et d’identité lors de la prise de l’habit monastique. Le monachisme fut conçu dès la période protobyzantine comme une pratique et un mode de vie en retrait du monde. Rompre avec la société était ainsi promu en idéal. Toutefois, une analyse prosopographique des moines de l’époque médiobyzantine met en évidence que l’élite de ce groupe conservait des liens avec la haute aristocratie. La reconstitution et l’analyse de réseaux sociaux, où le moine est placé dans la position d’ego, permettent de mettre en exergue les structures et les mécanismes des systèmes de relations dans lesquels il était inséré. Si ces réseaux induisaient de la sociabilité, ils s’articulaient aussi autour de fortes solidarités, souvent propres à l’aristocratie, et conduisaient à des sollicitations mutuelles. Les sources littéraires, notamment les Vies de saints, permettent de souligner le rôle spirituel joué par les moines auprès des laïcs. Toutefois, se retrouvent également dispersées dans d’autres documents byzantins des mentions de moines avec des fonctions ou dépêchés en missions officielles. Les empereurs ainsi que certains aristocrates utilisaient des moines pour des services personnels, confirmant leur importance dans leur entourage direct. Les accointances entre élite sociale et politique de l’Empire et élite monastique impliquaient directement ces derniers dans les mécanismes d’acquisition et de participation au pouvoir, dans la construction du prestige social et les processus de légitimation propres à l’aristocratie byzantine. Plus précisément ici, j’étudierai le rôle et la participation des moines à des entreprises de contestation du pouvoir impérial de 843 à 1204. En m’appuyant sur une étude prosopographique des moines ayant participé à des révoltes politiques, je mettrai en évidence que certaines solidarités sociales survivaient à la prise de l’habit monastique. Ainsi, ces solidarités attesteraient moins d’un besoin de légitimation du révolté par le recours à un supposé charisme religieux que de la force des liens sociaux et surtout familiaux que ces moines avaient conservés. 405 Ivan Marić University of Edinburgh, Edinburgh, United Kingdom; ivanmaric1981@gmail.com Damning Kopronymos, Damning Iconoclasm: Politics behind the Disinterment of Emperor Constantine V In the eyes of the icon-worshippers, the iconoclast emperor Constantine V (r. 741-775) was perceived as the Antichrist; the iconophiles famously denigrated him as Kopronymos (dung-named). However, he was also an able ruler, skilled and successful military commander, and, ultimately, as attested even by Theophanes the Confessor (an iconophile), a popular emperor—which may be one of the underlying reasons for such an intense vilification of his image by the winning iconophile party. At an uncertain date after the end of the iconoclast controversy in 843, under orders of the Empress Theodora (regency 842-55) or her son Michael III (r. 842-867, sole ruler 855-867), body of the emperor Constantine V was taken out of his green sarcophagus in the Church of the Holy Apostles, wrapped up in the imperial sakkos, and locked in the Praitorion; on the day of the races, it was displayed at the hippodrome, lashed, paraded down the Mese until the Amastrianon square where the remains were burnt and the ashes thrown into the sea. Finally, his sarcophagus was cut into slabs which were used for the rebuilding of the church of the Virgin of the Pharos. Social theorists, most notably Foucault, ascertain that the primary aim of a punishment is to marginalize and/or exclude an individual from the society. Punishment of deceased individuals is better known as damnatio memoriae, and the history of Byzantium and even more so of its predecessor, the Roman Empire, is fraught with examples. Yet, as far as we can tell, this is the sole case of an emperor being removed from his tomb and publicly condemned many decades after his death. This incident did not receive too much attention from the scholars and the question of dating—which entails different players and set of motivations—remains open. In my paper, I will contextualize this unique incident in the post-iconoclast world of the Byzantine capital and examine its various aspects: I will look into the range of messages transmitted, belonging to the traditions and symbolic universes of both the pagan Roman Empire and Christianity; I will explore the possible political motivations behind this event and attempt a more precise dating. Sysse G. Engberg Copenhagen, Denmark; sysse.engberg@youmail.dk Emperor Leo V, His Choir Master, and the Byzantine Old Testament Lectionary A glimpse into the iconoclast conflict is to be had in an unexpected place, namely the Byzantine Old Testament lectionary called Prophetologion, or Parimejnik. 406 Jacques Beauseroy Université Paris Sorbonne, Paris, France; jacques.beauseroy@gmail.com État, Église et monastères au XIe siècle : l’exemple des Kampsai Le monastère des Kampsai est un établissement mentionné dans deux sources importantes du XIe siècle : la Peira et la Vie de Lazare le Galésiote. Les monastères semblent poursuivre au début de ce siècle le mouvement d’accroissement de leurs biens mais cette tendance générale liée à l’essor économique de cette époque ne doit pas dissimuler la fragilité constante de l’immense majorité des fondations byzantines. Certains établissements suffisamment riches attirent l’appétit de laïcs ou d’institutions ecclésiastiques tandis que d’autres ne survivent pas à leur fondateur ou aux successeurs de celui-ci. L’exemple des Kampsai semble s’inscrire dans cette logique entre un moment de fragilité mentionné dans la Peira et la richesse de la fondation du Galèsion à laquelle fut sans doute liée ce monastère. La Peira, célèbre compilation de jurisprudence, est une source capitale pour la connaissance de la société byzantine du début du XIe siècle. Elle rend compte des décisions du célèbre juriste Eustathe Rhomaios dont la carrière s’étend du règne de Basile II à celui de Michel IV. La plupart d’entre elles ont été prises au sein du tribunal de l’Hippodrome, la plus haute instance judiciaire de l’époque à laquelle participe parfois l’empereur lui-même. Malgré l’origine laïque de ses décisions, plusieurs affaires font apparaître des institutions ecclésiastiques impliquées dans des conflits de propriété ou en lien avec l’État. La métropole d’Éphèse apparaît à deux reprises (XXXVI, 24 et LVIII, 5) pour un procès à propos de la propriété du monastère des Kampsai (ἡ μονὴ τῶν καμψῶν) et la conséquence naturelle de ce droit de propriété, le paiement de l’impôt foncier. Ce procès, résumé de manière lapidaire dans deux paragraphes de quelques lignes, pose des problèmes d’interprétation mais ajoute un exemple concernant les relations entre un monastère, l’État et le pouvoir épiscopal au début du XIe siècle. La réapparition d’un établissement du même nom dans la Vie de Lazare le Galésiote (ch. 221) dans une région également dépendante de la métropole d’Éphèse nous permet d’avoir un court aperçu sur ce qui est probablement le même établissement. Or, cette Vie nous laisse la trace de rapports complexes mettant en relation des acteurs identiques à ceux des procès de la Peira. Ces deux sources nous permettent d’observer une situation à plus d’une décennie d’intervalle : aucun procès de la Peira n’est postérieur à 1041, avec un très grand nombre jugés sous le règne de Romain III Argyre (1028-1034), et l’événement mentionnant les Kampsai dans la Vie de Lazare se déroule à la toute fin de la vie du saint, mort en 1053 sous le règne de Constantin Monomaque. Cette communication a pour conséquent deux objectifs : le premier est de proposer une hypothèse permettant d’expliquer l’attitude de la métropole qui refuse d’être propriétaire d’un monastère alors que la Vie nous la montre plus ambitieuse concernant les biens monastiques ; le second est de tenter d’échafauder une tentative d’explication permettant d’identifier ce qui a fait d’un monastère en mauvais état, fait attesté par le refus de la métropole de s’en emparer, un établissement proche d’une fondation dynamique, recherchant la protection impériale. 407 Lee Mordechai Princeton University, Princeton NJ, United States; lmordech@princeton.edu Families, Feuds and Friends: Imperial Succession in the Eleventh Century Eastern Roman Empire Leading up to the Crusades, the eleventh century was a period of political instability in the Eastern Roman (Byzantine) Empire, with fifteen legitimate emperors holding the throne over less than six decades. This frequent turnover triggered a series of social and cultural changes over the century, as emperors and elites challenged past orthodoxies and experimented with new ideas. My talk discusses the development of the recurring procedure of imperial succession, alongside the dynamic re-organization of the imperial kinship networks in response to political instability. Making use of several literary traditions alongside non-literary evidence such as numismatics, sigillography and works of fine art, I identify three distinct phases over the century. At the beginning of the century, imperial families were small and seditious. Imperial relatives frequently led or participated in intra-familial plots. Male family members rarely received the highest positions in the state and were instead mollified with honorary titles and kept in the capital. Female family members were commonly sent abroad as part of marriage alliances with other polities on the empire’s frontiers. These weak familial ties within most imperial families contributed to emperors’ decisions to postpone succession as much as possible, often waiting until they were on their deathbed before announcing the next emperor’s identity. Things changed in the middle of the century after a period of acute instability. Using the available resources at hand, emperors began promoting their family members almost overnight to the highest positions in the state. At the same time, they began planning – and proclaiming – their intended succession as early as possible. To cement their plans, they re-introduced the institution of co-emperor, which had remained unused for decades. This coincided with an increase in imperial family size, while monarchs paid closer attention to the marriage alliances they fostered, becoming more reluctant to send away their family members. At the same time, the standing of palace eunuchs as a group began to decrease, while elite women gained considerable informal power. Since these changes were not enough to stabilize the political system for more than a decade, contemporaries shifted their strategies of kinship again, opting for an even more centralized style. Families grew even larger, while pater/materfamilias used junior family members as resources to advance the family’s goals as a group. The increased number of available family members allowed these individuals to take over the most important positions in the state. As a result, a few families succeeded in consolidating their central power over the state bureaucracy. This had a stabilizing effect although it also considerably changed the state’s nature. These changes were an integral part of the upheavals that shook the Eastern Roman Empire’s foundations over the eleventh century. In my talk I move chronologically throughout the century, providing a nuanced and contextualized analysis. I conclude by showing that rather than pursuing a clear long-term plan, contemporary emperors and elites were most concerned with how to use recent events to reach conclusions that would in turn help them formulate a policy to increase their survivability on an inherently unstable throne. The fact that the system as a whole survived these upheavals is undeniable proof of its resilience. 408 BYZANTINE ARCHITECTURE ‒ PART 2 Chairs: Charalambos Bakirtzis, Jelena Bogdanović Iakovos Potamianos, The Evolution of the Church Dome Lighting Method after Hagia Sophia of Istanbul Charalambos Bakirtzis – Ioannis Iliadis, The Lighting in Two Byzantine Churches on Cyprus: The Panagia tis Asinou and the Panagia tou Arakos Suna Çağaptay, Solomoniac Myths: Reusing Solomon and His Temple in Byzantine Visualities Sotiris Voyadjis, The Katholikon of the Greatest Lavra Monastery in Athos Revisited Nebojša Stanković, Phialai on Mount Athos in the Middle Byzantine Period: Some Observations on Their Location, Setting, and Use Jessica Varsallona, Notes on the History and Architecture of the Manastır Mescidi in Istanbul Maréva U, Les fonctions des portes latérales des églises byzantines à la lumière des sources textuelles et matérielles (IVe-XVe siècle) Iakovos Potamianos Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Thessaloniki, Greece; ipota@thea.auth.gr The Evolution of the Church Dome Lighting Method after Hagia Sophia of Istanbul Byzantine church domes are paradoxically brighter than all surrounding surfaces. This interesting phenomenon has been investigated for the dome of Hagia Sophia of Istanbul, designed by Anthemius as a combination of two reflectors. The reflector designs are found in the architect’s own extant writings and must have been combined in a specific way in order to generate the luminous impression described by Procopius, Justinian’s court historian and eye-witness. This hypothesis has been largely proven in terms of geometrical, topographical and textual evidence in our previous papers. However, many other churches besides Hagia Sophia achieve a significant difference in luminosity from surrounding parts of the ceiling. Until now there has been no attempt to account for this impressive phenomenon. The question then becomes how do domes of lesser Byzantine church examples achieve luminosity while having a significantly different design to that of Hagia Sophia’s dome? Is there a method underlying this achievement? Any attempt to answer this question is particularly involved, since one does not deal with a single but with a multitude of buildings over various historical periods. Therefore, we have come to the decision to generate a model which would make use of parametric modeling based on some observations of actual Byzantine domes. We undertook the construction of a universal parametric dome model incorporating all variables that could possibly influence the luminous dome effect. With this model it became feasible to simulate a large number of actual test cases and account accurately for their light behavior, identifying beforehand the critical measurements needed in any church survey of each actual dome case. Accurate digital daylighting was employed to measure lux values and visualize the illuminance of the surfaces but, most importantly, by employing an animated particle system in order to visualize the travel path of light and reflections. A dome may be made up of various parts. The drum, one or more curvatures placed above the drum, several openings varying from six to forty, pierced in the drum or in one of the curvatures in case the drum is eliminated. Additional variables are the proportional scale of dome plan to height, the openings proportions which depend on their number as well as the height of the drum and finally the varying slope and curvature of the window-sills, the main agents of all upward light reflection. These parameters were encoded in a user-configurable graphical interface that modifies the dome geometry within a 3D visualization environment. The user can then initiate the simulation and observe the behavior of light hitting the interior of any particular dome instance. Subsequently, the findings of the model are then related to images of actual domes from known monuments. 410 Charalambos Bakirtzis Foundation A. G. Leventis, Nicosia, Cyprus; cb@mwpc.gr Ioannis Iliadis Krinides-Kavala, Greece; ioheliades@yahoo.com The Lighting in Two Byzantine Churches on Cyprus: The Panagia tis Asinou and the Panagia tou Arakos The natural lighting in Byzantine churches that have been in constant liturgical use has not always remained unaltered owing to a variety of interventions rendered necessary by constantly arising needs. Structural interventions have altered the quantity and the quality of the light entering the churches, as well as the original harmonious relationship between the exterior and the interior and vice versa. Consequently, it is not surprising that many Byzantine churches today satisfy neither the needs of their numerous visitors nor their own liturgical needs. In order to remedy these needs, lighting systems are often installed without following specific aims and principles. Recognising this problem, the A. G. Leventis Foundation, in collaboration with the Department of Antiquities in Cyprus, has installed artificial lighting systems in ten churches in the Mount Troodos region which are on the UNESCO List of World Heritage Monuments in such a way as to highlight their spiritual character and historical value. In this paper we will present the observations that led to the design, construction and installation of lighting systems in two 12th century churches on Cyprus: the Panagia tis Asinou and the Panagia tou Arakos. The main aim in the architecture of these two Byzantine churches, as in all Byzantine churches, was to convert the internal surfaces of the building into space. This was achieved through the flow of natural light into the interior, its reflection on the curves and flat surfaces and the positioning of the wall-paintings. This combination of surfaces, lighting and careful positioning of frescoes, permitted the creation of space: length, width and height, as well as a fourth dimension – a kind of depth which exists beyond and before the painted surfaces. The light is constantly changing in terms of position, intensity and colour as a result of the movement of the sun and changing weather conditions. As the light is reflected off the painted surfaces of the walls, the images give the impression that they are moving. For example: Because the twelve windows in the dome of the Panagia tou Arakos, are positioned slightly out the church’s main axes, the viewer has the sensation that the painted interior of the building is revolving. As it revolves, some of the depicted figures, appear to emerge from their frames. Also, in its reflections off the painted surfaces of the walls, the light is transformed into a diffuse pool of colour. It is this which enables the interior of the Panagia tis Asinou to assimilate into one single whole the painted scenes from different historical periods that exist side by side. 411 After continuous measurements and calculations, we reached the conclusion that the interiors of the Asinou and Arakos churches were amply lit at alternating points throughout the day and all year long. For example, for a few minutes at sunrise on the equinox, a beam of light illuminates the tomb of the founder of the Panagia tou Arakos. In Asinou, following the additions made to the building in the late 13th-early 14th century, the central part of the church was the most brightly illuminated, and for this reason was selected for the new mural decoration in ca. 1340, depicting a veritable wealth of scenes. In order to select the most suitable form of lighting system for each church and the best position for it, we followed the following principles: the number of lighting devices had to be kept to a minimum; the lights had to be as inconspicuous as possible and produce a minimal amount of glare, and the lighting had to be of a sufficient quantity and quality to illuminate not the painted surfaces but the church’s internal spaces. Suna Çağaptay Bahcesehir University, Istanbul, Turkey; scagaptay@gmail.com Solomoniac Myths: Reusing Solomon and His Temple in Byzantine Visualities Who can surpass Solomon and his temple? Let’s start with the origins: in the tenth century BC, Solomon built a temple according to the plan of the Tabernacle mentioned in the Bible. With its architectural details mentioned, character and quantity of the architectural elements and symbolism, the temple has become a source of major scholarly debate among the historians. Due to all those details the temple was labeled to be deriving from God. Not only the temple, but the image of Solomon as the king is also worthy of attention. As historical accounts through the ages make clear, Solomon was the true king and he maintained a glorious kingship. As such the image of the king and the temple found was appropriated in numerous cases in Byzantine architecture. In his seminal work on the iconography of medieval architecture, Richard Krautheimer discusses that the meaning in architecture was conveyed through the replication of forms in visually identifiable forms. While Krautheimer’s approach leads us to think it is the form that carries the message, I would like to take a different approach by discussing how fragile the relationship between the archetype and type in Byzantine architecture. Using examples from the Byzantine such as the churches of Hag. Polyeuktos and Hag. Sophia, the Pantokrator, I would like to argue why the image of Solomon and his temple looms large in the imaginations of the Byzantine rulers. When one moves from those obvious examples where the copies of the temple “as it really was,” we may discuss the possibility for Byzantine imperial and royal attempts for self-definition. Stated differently, why this “super-historical” figure and his building were reused to serve for political, cultural and religious dynamics? I would like to argue that behind this pattern of reuse was the deep wish to commemorate the memory of phenomenal kingship of Solomon and to go back to the origins of sacred architecture. 412 As my paper will discuss with its ultimate design disclosed by God in the Bible, the temple of Solomon is seen as an architectural masterpiece taking us to the core of the divine architecture. In the Byzantine realm, the emperors chose Solomon’s monumental figure and his monument as things that are necessary to be copied, inspired and reuse in order to claim themselves as legitimate heirs to the idea of divine kingship and architecture. Sotiris Voyadjis Papagou, Greece; sotvog@gmail.com The Katholikon of the Greatest Lavra Monastery in Athos Revisited In the years 2013 and 2014, during works on the restoration of the lead-sheet cover of the Katholikon of Greatest Lavra Monastery on Mount Athos, limited research was undertaken. Certain aspects of the earlier phases of the building history of the oldest church in Mount Athos were illuminated. As is widely known, the katholikon was completed around the year 1000 and reached 1814 almost complete. Then the two-storey narthex and exonarthex along with every structure between the two chapels was demolished, and a grand single-storey domed narthex was built. During the soundings the vaults and the bases of the dome drums were revealed among others and new evidence into the original form of the church was discovered: • The base of the original drum of the main naos was circular. Therefore it seems that it was twice demolished and rebuilt in the 16th century, once with an eight faceted drum as it appears on the famous 1535 wall painting and once with a sixteenth faceted one as it is now. • On the backside of the wall that separated the main naos with the original two-storey narthex, where the catechoumena used to be, the structure of the closed triple window was revealed. Its upper part was already blocked since 1535, when the main naos was painted by Theophanis the Cretan; the lower part in 1814 during the remodeling of the narthex. The walls were covered with wall paintings with an inscription. This showed that the main room of the tripartite second floor of the narthex was at least 1m higher than previously thought, which changes the proposed original form. • Every piece of wall revealed was made of rough rubble intended to be plastered. This reinforces the fact described at the Vita of St. Athanasius that he chose to build the church with the help of the monks instead of professional builders. • The structure of the vaults of the side choirs was revealed. It seems that the side choirs were not originally connected to the main body, but were added to an already finished arch as filling walls, drums. • The walls of the east compartments of the side chapels were raised at least 1m to support the 1814 all-encompassing timber roof. Their original vaults were revealed. • A circular window was detected on the west façade of the chapel of St. Nicholas similar to the south one. 413 • A small window on the south side of the nave was found, blocked by the south chapel of St. Nicholas, proved that the latter was an addition. Nothing similar was found about the north chapel. However the structure of the domes of the two chapels is so similar and their marble floors belong exactly to the same period with the rest of the church, not to mention the liturgical texts that speak about two chapels, that it can be confirmed that St. Nicholas belonged to the original plan, but was added at a later stage. Although evidence has been added to Paul Mylonas’ notion that the side choirs were added 40-50 years later to the main body of the church this has not been proved. Differential settlement which would account for later foundations does not exist. There is no plaster were the choirs lean onto the arches although the church was originally plastered. And it is not uncommon for the apses to be built shortly after the arches have been finished. Moreover the church which is not of the athonite type but of a peculiar triconchal cross in square would be incomplete without the side choirs. However only soundings at the foundations can prove or disprove this hypothesis. Nebojša Stanković Princeton University, Princeton NJ, United States; neb.stan@gmail.com Phialai on Mount Athos in the Middle Byzantine Period: Some Observations on Their Location, Setting, and Use Phialē or, occasionally, hagiasma is a water receptacle most commonly fashioned as stone bowel and used for the Blessing of Waters. On Mount Athos, it is customarily set within a baldachin-like kiosk, also called phialē, in the monastery’s yard. The oldest such phialē, that of Vatopedi, dates to the mid-14th century. The one at the Great Lavra, although constructed in 1635, most probably replaces and reproduces the original one from 1060. Therefore, an outdoor phialē seems to have been a standard feature of an Athonite monastery complex from the very beginning. However, it is very likely that another water font was housed within the narthex or exonarthex. That is suggested by archaeological and artistic evidence. Many other similar examples outside Mount Athos, set in the narthex area, were sole installations for the Blessing of Waters. They date from the 12th to 14th century, which suggests a somewhat later development. The Athonite outdoor phialē is located in the area between the church’s entrance and the refectory, conveniently positioned for certain ritual actions and processions. On the other hand, the phialē at the Great Lavra features an 11th-century bronze water spout and this opens the question: did phialai always include the supply of running water and was that another reason to have them installed outside the church? There are several Athonite examples that are directly associated with a well or water cistern. This certainly secured constant inflow of water. Moreover, the placing of a cistern under an open, paved yard would enable and facilitate its maintenance and repairs. Beyond these technical reasons, there were some functional, symbolical, and historical aspects involved too. A fountain was a common asset of the atrium of an Early Byzantine church, supplying water for preparatory ablutions. Important early churches that continue to use phialai in their atria 414 in the Middle Byzantine period, now solely for the Blessing of Waters, and may have set an example for church planning of the time are the Hagia Sophia and, even more relevant for the monastic usage, the Stoudion. Moreover, the use of a fountain with running water located in the yard did not result from a mere convenience of the preexisting facility’s presence, since there is an incentive imminent to the ritual to go outside and to evoke benediction upon the entire nature through the blessing of waters. In that sense, even the setting of a phialē in the narthex and staging the ritual there was viewed as if it had been performed outside the church. Practical concerns, such as limited space in the yard, inconvenient local climate, and lack of resources, may have accounted towards this solution. However, the migration of the holy water to the narthex area was acceptable only due to the symbolical dimension ascribed to this part of the church, that of the earthly realm. On Mount Athos, only a few narthex fonts have been preserved and seem to be only secondary to those of the outdoor phialai. Therefore, I argue that the Athonite standard comprised a major facility for the Great Blessing of Waters on Epiphany located in the yard and a container of the holy water kept in the narthex. The latter may also have been used for the Lesser Blessing and, only incidentally (e.g. in case of inclement weather), for the Great Blessing. However, its primary function was the storing of the holy water after it had been blessed at the phialē in the courtyard and making it available for consumption after the communion. Jessica Varsallona Milan, Italy, jessica.varsallona@gmail.com Notes on the History and Architecture of the Manastır Mescidi in Istanbul As other more famous Byzantine buildings the Manastır mescidi was converted into a mosque during the Ottoman era (and formally dedicated to Mustafa Çavuş). Currently it is partially included in two different tram/bus deposits and its appearance is deeply modified. Until A.G. Paspates’ time, frescoes were visible on its southern wall. On the other hand, two reused capitals and a marble frame are still in situ. Several features, such as its masonry, prove it was built during the late Byzantine period. The stratigraphic analysis of the masonry and the exam of the graphic materials produced during the first archaeological survey (carried out in the sixties by A. Pasadaios) allow to understand the structure of its former roof system. Through the comparison with other Palaiologan buildings of Constantinople its original features could be partially reconstructed. The building lies nearby the Top Kapı – generally considered the Gate of Saint Romanus – and the presumed Fourth Military Gate of the Theodosian Walls. In the past, the proximity to the famous gate and walls was used as a starting point for the identification of the original Christian name of the building during the Byzantine era. It was firstly identified as the church once dedicated to the saints Menodora, Nymphodora and Metrodora, later refurbished by Phocas Maroules (Paspates) and then as the monastery of the sister of Michael VIII “Kyra Martha”(Eyice). The aligned position of the Manastır mescidi regard to the Fourth Military Gate suggests a connection between them. Few years ago N. Asutay discovered an inscription above an architrave of the structures of this Gate. According 415 to her, it could demonstrate the identification of this Gate as the one of Saint Romanus. Overall, the short inscription allows to speculate about the topography of Constantinople and the identification of the former church. In the medieval period the area surrounding the Manastır mescidi was not very crowded of monasteries and for these reason Russian pilgrims accounts also prove to be quite useful in order to sustain a new hypothesis of identification of the Christian dedication. Information taken from hagiographical written sources indirectly supports this attempt. The aim of this paper is to reconsider the history of the neglected monument now called Manastır mescidi and to restore its role of documentary evidence of the Palaiologan era through the analysis of its architectural features and its topographical context. Maréva U École pratique des hautes études, Paris, France; mareva.u@hotmail.fr Les fonctions des portes latérales des églises byzantines à la lumière des sources textuelles et matérielles (IVe-XVe siècle) L’église et son décor ont souvent été considérés comme le reflet d’un seul principe organique répondant à un symbolisme cosmologique. Cela se traduit par une perception verticale et se matérialise par une répartition tripartite depuis la coupole jusqu’au pavement. Toutefois, une appréhension horizontale de l’espace, qui tient compte des déplacements effectués par les officiants et l’assistance, non moins chargée de significations symboliques, révèle le rôle structurel et fonctionnel des différentes portes ouvrant sur le lieu de culte. Suivant une acception commune, la porte occidentale de l’église est considérée comme l’entrée principale, par opposition aux portes nord et sud, donnant accès au narthex ou au naos, dites secondaires. Dans la lignée des recherches sur l’entrée royale de Slobodan Ćurčić et d’Ida Sinkević, qui ont contribué à remettre en question cet énoncé, nous tenterons de reconsidérer les utilisations des portes latérales des monuments byzantins. Une lecture attentive des sources anciennes permet de déceler les enjeux fonctionnels des espaces d’entrée. Dans les textes scripturaires, la porte occidentale du Temple, réservée à l’entrée du roi, est le lieu où se manifestent les puissances divines, tandis que la porte nord, destinée aux laïcs, doit être protégée des forces impures. Les sources patristiques, les écrits historiques, liturgiques ainsi que les typika des monastères et les ekphraseis, étayent nos connaissances sur le rôle et la perception des espaces liminaires. À titre d’exemple, l’Explication de la Divine Liturgie du patriarche Germain de Constantinople, composée au VIIIe siècle, ou encore le typikon du monastère de SaintJean Stoudios de Constantinople, daté vers 842, nous renseignent sur l’utilisation processionnelle de la « porte royale », celle occidentale, permettant de nuancer son usage pour les services quotidiens et nous invitant à réexaminer les fonctions des portes latérales. Les données matérielles contribuant aux réflexions menées, nous nous intéresserons aux relations qui s’opèrent entre l’architecture, le décor et la liturgie, à travers quelques monuments 416 significatifs de la période byzantine moyenne et tardive, tels que l’église de la Panagia Phorbiotissa, à Asinou, en Chypre (1105-06) et l’église de la Vierge du monastère de Studenica, en Serbie (construite entre 1183 et 1196, et décorée vers 1208-09). Notre raisonnement reposera sur l’étude de l’environnement topographique, bâti et cultuel des édifices, qui signale les modes de circulations possibles, mais aussi sur l’analyse iconographique et spatiale des images et des inscriptions qui ornent les espaces liminaires latéraux. En remettant en cause les qualificatifs « principales » ou « secondaires » traditionnellement attribués aux portes des églises, cette communication propose ainsi de mettre en évidence les fonctions plurielles des espaces d’entrée. 417 BYZANTINE LITERATURE IN TRANSLATION ‒ PART 2 Chairs: Elguja Khintibidze, Gohar Sargsyan Elguja Khintibidze, Modification of the Byzantine Story of Barlaam and Ioasaph; Changes in its Scholarly Investigation and Further Perspective of the Study Problem Natela Vachnadze, Kartvelology in the Service of History of Byzantine Literature: Old Georgian Translation of Athenagenes ‘Life’ Eka Dughashvili, On the One Aspect of the Old Georgian Translation Technique (As Exemplified by the Old Georgian Translations of the Byzantine Hymnography) Eliso Elizbarashvili, Byzantine – Old-Georgian Documented Dictionary Gohar Sargsyan, The Armenian Translation of Gregory Nazianzen’s Theological Epistles (101, 102) in the Context of the Greek Archetype and Its Manuscript Tradition Varduhi Kyureghyan, Armenian Commentaries on Canon Tables: Analysis of the Sources Elguja Khintibidze Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi State University, Tbilisi, Georgia; khintibidze@yahoo.com Modification of the Byzantine Story of Barlaam and Ioasaph; Changes in its scholarly investigation and further perspective of the study problem One of the most popular stories of the 12th and 15th centuries The Edifying Story of Barlaam and Ioasaph (BI) was spread in Western European literature through a Latin translation of an original Greek version. Starting from Sanskrit, BI penetrated into the Greek world through Arabic or Georgian languages. The 20th century Byzantine studies identify the two most plausible authors of the story. One is John Damascene, the greatest Byzantine Saint Father, of an Arabic origin, serving at the junction of the 7th and 8th centuries, and the other – Saint Euthymius the Athonite, an educated monk of Georgian origin, serving on Mount Athos in the 10th and 11th centuries. The authorship of John Damascene is supported by the tradition of Latin and Greek publications of the story and by a prominent Byzantine scholar, F. Dölger. The theory of the authorship of Euthymius the Athonite is based upon Georgian, Greek and Latin independent records of the 11th century. The authorship of Euthymius the Athonite, supported by the Georgian philological school as well as by many prominent European Byzantine researchers, was opposed by German outstanding scholars. Recent decades have witnessed a drastic change in the German school of Byzantine studies with respect to this issue. By studying the Greek manuscripts and revealing different versions of Greek BI, by studying the terminology of the Greek version of the story in parallel with Georgian and Arabic relevant contexts and by observing Byzantine sources of BI has convinced European Byzantine scholars that the Greek BI is created by Euthymius the Athonite based upon the Georgian version. Employing scientific methodology and argumentations in an attempt to assert the novelty of Byzantine studies are in full accord with the studies fulfilled by Georgian scholars on the same subject. At the same time it should be noted that the Georgian sources do not fully support two different solutions of the subject as suggested by Germans scholars. 1. R. Volk: First version of BI, translate from Georgian by Euthymius the Athonite → Menologion of Symeon Metaphrasters → Methaphrastes revision of BI by Euthymius the Athonite. 2. I. Grossman: Translation of Euthymius the Athonite → Methaphrastes revision, performed by an unknown author. BI cannot have been translated by Euthymius the Athonite before the creation of Menologion, as Euthymius himself bases his translations on Symeon Metaphrastes’ works. The version of BI represented in Kiev’s manuscripts from 1021, written on Mount Athos, must have been reproduced by Euthymius himself. All of the records from Mount Athos in Latin and Georgian and dating back to the 11th century, refer to the authorship of only Euthymius the Athonite. 419 In the first quarter of the 11th century, a spiritual leader (the Epitrophos) of the monasteries of Mount Athos was Euthymius the Athonite. At the time he was engrossed in intensive scholarly activities and had a close connection with the Byzantine Royal Court. Therefore it is less plausible that the story, previously translated by him, would have been reproduced by someone else at the Mount Athos. Natela Vachnadze Georgian National Committee of Byzantine Studies, Tbilisi, Georgia; ereklejordania@yahoo.com Kartvelology in the Service of History of Byzantine Literature: Old Georgian Translation of Athenagenes ‘Life’ The Georgian hagiography comprises a lot of compositions, which are translated mostly from Greek and also Armenian, Arabian, Syrian and the other Oriental languages as well. The object of our interest is presented in those Georgian translations of the compositions, the origins of which are either lost or have not been found yet. There are such cases, when two editions of a Greek text are preserved, but the Georgian translation does not coincide with either of them. So, it appears that we have the third edition of the so far unknown Georgian translation, which, by the internationally accepted rule acquires the importance of the origin. One of such texts has been preserved by the Georgian translation hagiography. It is Athenagene’s ‘Torture’ by the Bishop of Sebastia (+311), the translation of which has reached us in two editions: I-A-95, 988-995. Bodl. 265-267, II-A-382, 59-62... Both of the Georgian edition texts have not been published either as the majority of the samples of the Georgian translation hagiography. Whereas two Greek texts are published (A. Papandopulo-Keramevs: Ἀνάλεκτα..., IV, 252-257, V. Latishev, Menologii, II, 176-179) and neither of them is the origin of the Georgian translation (E. Gabidzashvili, Works, Volume II, the philological-textual studies essay, Tbilisi, 2010, 175). Thus it appears that we have got the Georgian translation of the Greek edition, which has been unknown up to now. The task of the authors of the presented work is to state critically, to prepare for the publication and to study it from the historical, philological and ethnographic viewpoints. As the ethnographic material, collected on the field tells us, the greater part of which is unpublished and kept in the Ivane Javakhishvili Institute of History and Ethnography, ‘Atengenoba’ – this folkChristian holiday – must have been very popular on East Georgian mountainous regions (Tusheri, Khevsureti, Khevi...). As the research work showed, certain families had prayer houses dedicated to saints. One of them was Ghudushauri Niche. It is by the introduction of the Georgian material into the scientific circulation and presenting it to the wide scientific communities, by the translation of the critically stated text into the attainable language, with the attached commentaries, the role and the significance of Kartvelology in the research of the history of Byzantine literature is clearly seen. 420 Eka Dughashvili Korneli Kekelidze National Centre of Manuscripts, Tbilisi, Georgia; Eka_dughashvili@hotmail.com On the One Aspect of the Old Georgian Translation Technique (As Exemplified by the Old Georgian Translations of the Byzantine Hymnography) The emergence and historical development of old Georgian hymnography occurred in parallel with the Byzantine and it implied creation of both translated and original works. At different historical stages it demonstrated certain differences from the Greek original. The present paper deals with only some aspects of the relation of Georgian translated hymnography with the Greek original – questions linked with assignment of ekhoses and the translation method. These questions were of equal relevance at various stages of historical development of Georgian chanting culture, but their solution manifested different creative approaches of hymnographers and ( xelovantmtavari)master composers. The origin and historical development of the Old Georgian hymnography followed in the wake of the Byzantine and involved creation of both, translated and original hymnody. At different stages of history, compared with the Greek original it showed certain differences in terms of Georgian translation method or musical consistent patterns. In the ‘Iadgar’ (a collection of hymns) of Mikael Modrekili (978-988), the only surviving TaoKlardjetian collection of liturgics and hymnography, dynamic equivalent type translations from Byzantine authors (John of Damascus, Cosmas of Jerusalem, Germanus of Constantinople, Joseph the Hymnographer) are confirmed; in terms of Echos, different chant repertories show different approaches of hymnographers, namely: in the hymns performed during the Lord’s and the Great Feasts, adequacy to the Greek original is observed, while the chant repertory of the Great Week shows more freedom in this respect (indications to Echos do not always follow the Greek original). Later on, with amplification of Hellenophile trends, within the hymnographic school of Holy Monastery of Iviron on Mount Athos (X-XI c.) itself, growing importance of the Greek original manuscript clearly reveals in terms of fidelity of translation and Echos, while in the works of the representatives of the Black Mountain Hellenophile trend (XI-XII c.) it is set as a pre-requisite and reveals to some extent in translations of formal equivalent type, in the accuracy of Echos and allowance for all attributes of the original manuscript. As for the tunes of the chants, at the historical stages discussed by us (X-XI c.) they must have been distinguished for their originality, which is clearly evidenced in the liturgical manuscripts (‘ttveni’, ‘Paracliton’) of the Holy Monastery of Iviron on Mount Athos, and the recently found postscripts of wills (colophons). 421 Eliso Elizbarashvili Ilia State University, Giorgi Tsereteli Institute of Oriental Studies, Tbilisi, Georgia; eliso_eliz@hotmail.com Byzantine – Old-Georgian Documented Dictionary Beginning from 2015 stuff members of the Department of Byzantine Studies at Acad. G.Tsereteli Institute of Oriental Studies, Ilia State University, undertook implementation of the project grant entitled “Byzantine – Old-Georgian Documented Dictionary” financed by Shota Rustaveli National Science Foundation (Tbilisi, Georgia). The idea of creating the Byzantine – Old-Georgian Documented Dictionary is connected to the names of Academicians Ivane Javakhishvili and Simon Kaukhchishvili. The material for the dictionary took many years and several generations of researchers to be completed, but enlargement of the existing fund remains one of the top priorities. The dictionary entries with the context are selected from the Byzantine-era Greek theological, historical, hagiographical, hymnographical and philosophical texts. Their parallel Georgian equivalents are extracted from old Georgian translations performed by Georgian theologians and scholars in Byzantine monastic centers: St. Euthymius and Giorgi the Athonites, Eprem Mtsire (Ephraim the Lesser), Ioane Petritsi, Arsen Ikaltoeli (Arsen of Ikalto), and others. Their erudition, excellent knowledge of the contemporary literary and spoken Greek language and direct contacts with the Byzantine world (Athos, Sinai, Black Mount, Jerusalem, Antioch, Constantinople, Petritsoni, etc.) render authenticity to the translations. The Byzantine – Old-Georgian Documented Dictionary is novelty in Greek as well as in Georgian lexicography because of its content and structure. It is based on one million and a half cards fund. The fund is preserved at the Department of Byzantine Studies of acad. G.Tsereteli Institute of Oriental Studies. Electronic version of the dictionary, which will be published presumably in 2 -3 volumes after implementation of Shota Rustaveli National Science Foundation project Grant, will be prepared according to international scientific requirement. The sample guidelines theoretically justified by Academician Simon Kaukhchishvili and the vocabulary sections attached to the volumes 7 and 8 of his ‘Georgica’ (Vol. VII, pp. 3-70 and Vol.8, pp. 271-310). Translations performed from Greek by great Georgian scholars in various regions of Byzantine help us in etymological research to reveal words borrowed from Greek, establish their origin and lexical meaning; To identify the linguistic environment of the translation based upon phonological and phonetical characteristics of foreign proper names and transliterated Greek words in Georgian alphabet; To determine initial meanings of Greek ecclesiastical-theological and philosophicalscientific terms established in the Georgian language; To identify and correct words distorted by copyists, to rectify texts, etc.; Taking together, the Dictionary will be an unalterable means for specialists, textologists and translators working on historical and cultural relations between Byzantine and Georgia, as well as for students. The Greek Georgian Documented Dictionary offers a peculiar approach - the meaning of a word is explained, the semantic field of a lexical unit is defined with the corresponding contexts from Old Georgian translations of the Byzantine period. This feature makes the documented dictionary unique of its kind, an analogue of which is unknown to us. The earliest linguistic data preserved in old Georgian translations and original works deserve attention and enlarge the field of research of Byzantinists. 422 Gohar Sargsyan Catholic University of Louvain, Louvain-la-Neuve, Belgium; goharine.sargsyan@yahoo.com The Armenian Translation of Gregory Nazianzen’s Theological Epistles (101, 102) in the Context of the Greek Archetype and Its Manuscript Tradition With the invention of the Armenian alphabet (405-406) and with the establishment of the intellectual school of translators called Sahak-Mesropian in Armenia the foundation of the literature was laid in the fifth-century-Armenia, also known under the name golden age (ոսկեդար/oskedar). From the historical point of view, this literary movement was deeply connected with Greco-Roman and Syriac cultures. In the latter half of the 5th century the Christian identity on the one hand and the geopolitical situation on the other hand became decisive factors for the Greek orientation of the Armenian intellectual culture. A remarkable expression of such kind of orientation was to undertake the translational activity from Greek into Armenian. Based on the rendering art, methods and techniques, the experts suggest the periodization of three stages of the translational activity during 5th and 8th century: classical, prehellenizing and Hellenising or Hellenophile. Putting aside the problems of time borders for each school, which have deserved intensive scholarly attention since decades, let us come to their characteristics, relevant for the scope of the current paper. The rendered texts (e.g. the Bible, Syriac and Greek Church fathers, liturgical texts) of the classical period (405/406-450) are morphologically and syntaxically oriented towards the target language. This methodological approach is explicable through the intellectuals’ objective making Christianity comprehensible for people in frame of their mother tongue. During the prehellenizing phase theologically complicated works (such as those by Cappadocian fathers) were rendered. The translators adopt the de verbo ad verbum translational methode. The Armenian commences to calque the Greek lexicon and even the syntax. The texts of this phase can still be more or less comprehensible without the juxtaposition of the Greek original. The intellectuals of the Hellenizing school, developing the methodological principles of the antecedents, create an artificial language, not at all understandable without the Greek original. The rendered texts of this period are precise, mirror reproductions of the Greek original. This method was imperative in view of the scientific and philosophical texts reproduced in Armenian. The paper will focus on the Armenian version of Gregory Nazianzen’s theological letters to Cledonius 101, 102 (the critical editions of which are prepared in the frame of my doctoral thesis) in the context of its role for the establishment of the Greek archetype. These are counted among the outcome of the prehellenizing phase. Thus, the morphosyntaxic model of Greek was both primordial and leading for the target language. Our comparison of the established critical edition with Paul Gallay’s edition of the Greek epistles (SC 208, 1974) has revealed a range of differences, essential for the archetype reconstruction. The objective envisaged will be to elucidate the relation between the Greek archetype and the Armenian translation, in view of the contribution of the Armenian version to the establishment of the Greek archetype. For the argumentation other translations of the epistles (Latin, Syriac) will be taken into account. 423 Varduhi Kyureghyan University of Basel, Basel, Switzerland; varduhi.kyureghyan@unibas.ch Armenian Commentaries on Canon Tables: Analysis of the Sources At the beginning of the fourth century Eusebius of Caesarea invented an ingenious exegetical device with the purpose of locating parallel pericopes in the four Gospels. These Canon Tables proved both handy and beautiful, hence they became standard features of Gospel manuscripts, not only in the original Greek, but also in numerous translations: Latin, Syriac, Coptic, Armenian, Slavonic, Ge’ez, and others. The Armenian Canon Tables, which are of great interest both as a document in its own right and in relation to the Greek original, became an object of exegesis. Commentaries on the Canon Tables are a highly innovative literary genre, an ‘exegetical literature at a second degree’, so to speak. The Commentaries on Canon Tables, called in Ancient Armenian Meknut῾iwn Xoranac῾, have developed in the eighth century. Amongst the authors of the commentaries are some of the most significant Armenian theologians, such as Step῾anos Siwnec῾i (eighth century), Nersēs Šnorhali (twelfth century), Grigor Tatevac῾i (fifteenth century). The paper focuses on the sources of Commentaries on Canon Tables. First, I shall address the question of the identification of these sources: can any Armenian or Byzantine text be identified as a source of the commentators? I shall also explore the influence of philosophical works upon the commentators. Furthermore, the question of interdependence of different Commentaries will be examined. Finally, I shall try to explain the reason of using these sources, as well as of composing the Commentaries. This last question will be examined with the hindsight of the religious and political background of iconoclastic controversies of the eighth – ninth centuries in the Byzantine Empire. 424 THE MIGRATION PERIOD Chairs: Martin Hurbanič, Ivan Bugarski Oleh Vus, Нашествие Гуннов на восточный Иллирик в 441–442 гг. н.э Ivan Mikhailovich Nikolsky, Imperial Title for the Barbarian King: Gaiseric the Autokrator Oleh Vus, Oборона фракийского диоцеза Bосточной Римской Империи в 447 г. н.э. Martin Hurbanič, Two Campaigns in One Year. The Beginning of the Second Phase of the Avar-Roman Wars during the Reign of the Emperor Maurice Revisited Aikaterini Peppa, L’habitat en transition : la région entre Strymon et Nestos au début de la période byzantine Miloš Cvetković, The Transfer of the Mardaites on the Balkans and Their Status in the Structure of the Western Themes – Peloponnese, Nicopolis and Cephalonia Stojko Stojkov, The Term “Sclavinia” ‒ Byzantine Invention or Western Influence Oleh Vus Lvov, Ukraine; balkani2015@mail.ru Нашествие Гуннов на восточный Иллирик в 441–442 гг. н.э В первой половине V в. н. э. в Северном Подунавье резко осложнилась военнополитическая обстановка. Это было связано с приходом центрально-азиатского племенного объединения гуннов. Гунны появились на Дунае около 400 г. Постепенно они заняли территорию Паннонии, вытеснив в 406 г. племена вандалов, бургундов и алан за Рейн. В 422 г. гунны напали на Фракию. Восточно-римский император Феодосий II (408–450) согласился выплачивать им дань в размере 350 фунтов золота в год. В 433 г. вождь гуннов Руа (?–434) угрожал Империи разорвать мирные соглашения из-за перебежчиков, укрывшихся на ее территории. Войско кочевников переправилось через Дунай и принялось разорять Фракию. Примечательно, что главной целью Руа был не рядовой грабеж, а захват столицы Восточной империи – Константинополя. Новый вождь гуннов Аттила (434–453) заставил императора Феодосия II выплачивать дань в двойном размере и наложил другие тяжёлые условия мира. В правление Аттилы объединение гуннов с центром в Паннонии контролировало огромные территории от Волги и Северного Кавказа до Рейна. Кроме гуннов, Аттиле подчинялись племена маскутов, акациров, алан, славян, остготов, гепидов и др. Мир между Восточной империей и племенным объединением гуннов был нарушен в 441 г., когда войска Аттилы и его брата Бледы (434–444) форсировали Дунай в Восточном Иллирике, возле соврем. Белграда. По сообщению Приска Панийского (V в.), поводом для войны стало похищение епископом города Марг сокровищ гуннов, якобы из царских гробниц. В результате был разорен город Марг, взяты штурмом и разграблены Singidunum, Sirmium и Viminacium. Все население Сингидунума было продано в рабство. После этого гунны пошли на восток вдоль Дуная к городу Ratiaria, а затем повернули на юг вдоль р. Моравы к городу Naissus. В ходе штурма Наисса гунны, для облегчения переправы войск, построили мост через р. Нишаву ниже города, а затем подвели инженерные машины к оборонительным стенам. Защитники не смогли выстоять против их натиска; «варвары» ворвались через стену, пробитую ударами таранов, и дотла разорили город. Спустя шесть лет, когда Приск Панийский проезжал через Naissus в составе посольства, он увидел город «безлюдным и разрушенным неприятелями… по берегу реки всё было покрыто костями убитых в сражении». Дунайский оборонительный рубеж попросту перестал существовать. Римские войска, охранявшие границу в Восточном Иллирике, были сметены нашествием орды. Те из них, которые не были уничтожены сразу, рассеялись по крепостям внутренних провинций диоцеза. В ходе нашествия гунны оккупировали обширную территорию на пять дней пути к югу от Дуная. Марцеллин Комит (VI в.) утверждал, что кроме придунайских, было разрушено «множество других городов и крепостей Иллирика», и в том числе центр диоцеза Дакия – крепость Сердика. 426 Константинополь остался почти без защиты перед лицом наступающего врага. Поэтому военный магистр Флавий Ардавур Аспар был срочно отозван с Востока, где вел войну с шахиншахом Ирана Йездигердом II (438–457). Отозван был и полководец Флавий Ареовинд, находившийся с флотом и частью армии у берегов Сицилии. Однако войска ни обеспечить оборону Дунайского рубежа, ни стать заслоном на пути гуннов во Фракии все равно не успевали. Поэтому для решения военных конфликтов были предприняты дипломатические шаги: в 442 г. Аспару удалось заключить мир с гуннами; одновременно на Востоке было заключено перемирие с Ираном. Безусловно, все стороны конфликта понимали сложившуюся ситуацию как передышку перед решающими схватками и готовились к активным боевым действиям, которые развернулись на Балканах через пять лет. Ivan Mikhailovich Nikolsky Russian Academy of Sciences, Institute of General History, Moscow, Russian Federation; ivan.nikolsky@mail.ru Imperial Title for the Barbarian King: Gaiseric the Autokrator The main object of the paper is the political terminology in the Early Byzantine Empire, especially the use of the exclusively imperial title autokrator (αὐτοκράτωρ) for the barbarian kings and leaders. In the spotlight is the work by Procopius of Caesarea The Vandal War (De Bello Vandalico), where this term is used for Gaiseric, the king of the Vandals (428–477). Speaking about his succession to the throne, Procopius called him ‘autocrat of Vandals’, αὐτοκράτωρ βανδίλοις (De Bellis III.3.33), and this case is of a lot of interest. It should be noted, that the term autokrator was the official title of the Roman emperors since Octavian August. As the Greek replaced Latin not only as the main literary language, but also as the official one, the title autokrator became increasingly more significant. Justinian presented himself such way in the Constitutiones, written in Greek. Heraclius in his first Novellae also used this title. Subsequently, due to the innovations of this emperor autokrator since 629 was superseded with the term basileus (Bury J. B. 1940, 19–21; Ostrogorsky G. 1957, 95–96; Shahid I. 1972, 302–303, Kaegi W. E. 2003, 194), but didn’t become totally obsolete. In the 10-th century it dawned in the coin legends and then, in the imperial documents, such as chrysobull. In the context of this tradition the cases of its use in the connection with barbarian leaders or kings look extraordinary and can be an interesting topic for research. As for Gaiseric, in the work three possible explanations are given. The first is a great volatility of the political terminology in Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages. The strongly ‘imperial’ terms, like princeps were used for the barbarian kings, and vice versa, the barbarian epithet rex frequently appeared as the word for an emperor. Before 629 the term basileus was used both for the emperors and for the barbarian kings. 427 The second explanation is that Procopius could use the more ancient tradition, especially the text of the Peloponnesian War by Thucydides, when speaking of an autokrateia. In the ancient Greek works, written before the Roman imperial period it had a meaning of the political independence, and this tradition also could influence on Procopius. The third and the main version is about use of the term autokrator for the aims of propaganda. The fragment, where the author speaks about Gaiseric, is the prequel to the main theme of the Vandal War, the campaign of Justinian against the Vandal kingdom in Africa (533–534). Procopius describes this campaign as the ‘deliberating’ war against tyrannis of Gelimer, who was a usurper and violated the order of succession, instituted by Gaiseric (Proc. Caes. De Bellis. III.9.10–12; 24–25; 16.13–14). Here Gaiseric can be seen as the key person. In the model, constructed by Procopius, he is on the side of the ‘violated legality’ and the ‘suffered legitimacy’, which Justinian, Belisarius and Justinian himself try to defend. If the situation can be presented such way, autokrateia of Gaiseric looks not random, but quite conscious: declaring the war with Gelimer, Justinian stands up for the legitimate ruler, recognized by the Empire. Oleh Vus Lvov, Ukraine; balkani2015@mail.ru Oборона фракийского диоцеза Bосточной Римской Империи в 447 г. Н.э. В середине V в. н. э. отношения между Восточной Римской империей и племенным объединением гуннов резко обострились. Возможно, это было связано с установлением единоличной власти Аттилы (434–453) над гуннами и подвластными народами. По сообщению Проспера Аквитанского, в 444 г. Аттила «Бледу, брата своего и соратника по царству, убил и его народы вынудил себе повиноваться». Через три года после смерти соправителя Аттила потребовал от Империи выплатить дань и выдать перебежчиков, пригрозив войной. Однако Феодосий II (408–450) на совете в Константинополе решил никого не выдавать и отправил к гуннам послов для переговоров. В ответ на это Аттила в 447 г. форсировал Дунай восточнее восстановленного магистром Флавием Номом оборонительного рубежа. Войска гуннов принялись опустошать Восточный Иллирик, срыли несколько крепостей и взяли штурмом город Ratiaria. Навстречу орде из Маркианополя выступил военный магистр Фракии Арнегискл. Римляне и объединенные войска гуннов Аттилы, гепидов Ардариха и готов Валамера встретились в провинции Dacia ripensis. В решающей битве на р. Утус, несмотря на мужество, проявленное римским командующим, армия Восточной империи была разбита, а сам Арнегискл погиб. Дорога на Маркианополь была открыта. После его падения гунны преодолели Балканский хребет и двинулись по via militaris в долину р. Гебр; захватили главный центр диоцеза – Филиппополь, а затем Аркадиополь в провинции Европа. По словам Марцеллина Комита, эта война была намного тяжелее, чем предыдущая: «она разорила почти всю Европу, города и крепости которой были захвачены и разграблены». 428 В ходе войны гунны вели правильную осаду укреплений и, как сообщает Галльская хроника 452 г., взяли 70 крепостей на Балканах; на юге их отряды дошли до Фермопил в Греции. Феофан Исповедник утверждал, что гунны уничтожили все города диоцеза, кроме Адрианополя в Гемимонте. При этом, Аттила, «разбивши полководцев Римских, захватил бесчисленное множество пленных и добычи». В разоренных провинциях начался голод и эпидемии. Монах Каллиник из Руфинианы сообщал, что Фракия была полностью опустошена; гунны разорили более 100 городов, и опасность угрожала самому Константинополю, из которого массово бежало население. Осложняло ситуацию и то, что во время землетрясения 27 января 447 г. рухнуло сразу 57 оборонительных башен столицы. К маю, когда гунны вышли на прямые подступы к Константинополю, их наскоро восстановили. Римляне дали гуннам еще одно сражение. Оно произошло на п-ве Херсонес Фракийский, и имперские полководцы его опять проиграли. Феодосий II был вынужден вступить в переговоры. В 448 г. Империя, пойдя на очень тяжёлые условия (единовременную выплату 6000 литр золота и выдачу перебежчиков), добилась перемирия. По словам Приска Панийского, «в короткое время истощена была казна; золото и беглецы отправлены были к Уннам». Но мир был нужен любой ценой. Только в ходе третьих переговоров (в 449 г.) Аттила поклялся патрикиям Анатолию и Ному «в сохранении мира на прежних условиях: обязался уступить Римлянам землю, которая граничила [с] Истром, и не беспокоить более царя насчет беглых… Таким образом [были] прекращены несогласия с Аттилою». Возможно, его показательное миролюбие было вызвано все возрастающим интересом к делам Западной империи. Вскоре после этого последовали: битва на Каталаунских полях (451 г.), смерть Аттилы в 453 г., и неудачное сражение на р. Недао в 454 г., после которого гуннам было уже не до выяснения отношений с Константинополем. Последняя попытка орды прорваться через Дунай во Фракию закончилась катастрофой: в 469 г. голова Дензика, сына Аттилы, предводителя гуннов, была доставлена в Константинополь. Martin Hurbanič Comenius University, Philosophical Faculty, Department of General History, Bratislava, Slovakia; hurbanic@fphil.uniba.sk Two Campaigns in One Year. The Beginning of the Second Phase of the Avar-Roman Wars during the Reign of the Emperor Maurice Revisited The question of the exact chronology belongs undisputedly to the most discussed topics relating to the work of the Late Antique Greek historian Theophylact Simocatta. One of the most controversial aspects in this matter is the chronology of the Avar-Roman wars. Up to this time, at least four major hypotheses were proposed by various scholars. A conclusive solution, however, is still open to discussion and the present historiography either follows the chronological scheme of 429 Maria Nystazopoulou-Pelekidou or that of Michael Whitby. This contribution deals with the two starting points of the chronology of the second phase of the Roman–Avar wars – the campaign of the Emperor Maurice in person (V.16-VI.3) and the subsequent Avar attack (VI.3-VI.5). Contrary to the previous scholars, I would like to propose a new chronological solution for these two military operations. Based on the close textual examination, I argue that they were not only inserted into Simocatta’s Historia in the wrong chronological order but they were also closely related and occurred in one and the same year – 590. Aikaterini Peppa Université Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne, Paris, France; peppa.kat@gmail.com L’habitat en transition : la région entre Strymon et Nestos au début de la période byzantine À partir du VIe siècle, la région, qui se trouve entre les deux grands fleuves Strymon et Nestos, qui coulent en Bulgarie et en Grèce actuelles, a été le théâtre de nombreux retournements politiques et militaires. Elle dut quelques convoitises à son emplacement au croisement des grands axes routiers menant à la capitale. Ne disposant d’aucun grand centre commercial, son économie fut surtout basée sur les activités agricoles qui se déroulaient dans les plaines alimentées par ces deux fleuves. La modification de la société et de son urbanisme à partir la fin du V siècle a été le fruit de lents changements économiques, politiques, et administratifs que l’on peut rattacher au niveau plus général de l’empire. Ces changements reflètent aussi le déclin du modèle administratif romain. Les centres urbains locaux ne pouvaient plus assurer le fonctionnement du réseau économique de la région, ni même en garantir la sécurité. En conséquence de quoi la région devint de plus en plus dépendante de la capitale à ce niveau. La transformation des villes et le déclin de l’économie sont évidents en ce qui concerne l’architecture. Dans un contexte général défavorable (politique, stratégique, catastrophes naturelles) les centres urbains eurent tendance à fortement décroître, et la plupart des monuments publics à être abandonnés. Les habitants qui continuèrent à y vivre malgré tout se contentèrent alors simplement d’assurer leur autosuffisance. Cette période se distingue archéologiquement par des maisons de qualité moindre, qui réutilisent des bâtiments antérieurement détruits. Une partie de la population rurale transféra à ce moment ses habitations, et parfois même ses exploitations, vers des sites plus protégés, en hauteur, comme les études palynologiques nous l’indiquent. On peut noter la création d’une micro-économie agricole, surtout dans la région sud du mont Pangée, qui assure sa communication tant par la via Egnatia que par voie maritime. Mais ensuite, un siècle plus tard environ, un nouvel essor se fit jour, comme le prouvent par exemple la tour que Nicéphore Phocas édifia à Philippes, les trouvailles numismatiques faites dans toute cette région, la multiplication des villages, ou encore la création de nombreuses métoques dans le bas-Strymon. Et c’est également à ce moment qu’il y eut une tendance à la réinstallation dans les villages tardo-antiques. 430 En conclusion, les changements topographiques et les bouleversements de la vie urbaine reflètent des modifications sociales et administratives, ainsi que l’altération des dynamiques démographiques. À la fin de l’Antiquité tardive la région perdit son caractère urbain pour devenir principalement agricole. Pendant les VIIe et VIIIe siècles, il y a certes dans cette région des changements sur le plan topographique, mais aucunement une rupture. Les popoulations s’adaptèrent aux changements économiques et climatiques, mais leurs mouvements restèrent surtout régionaux, les amenant vers des sites plus fortifiés. Les nouveaux peuples slaves qui arrivèrent trouvèrent quant à eux leur place près des rivières. C’est finalement au Xe siècle que ces dynamiques eurent tendance à se cristalliser. Miloš Cvetković Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, Institute for Byzantine Studies, Belgrade, Serbia; milos.cvetkovic@vi.sanu.ac.rs The Transfer of the Mardaites on the Balkans and Their Status in the Structure of the Western Themes – Peloponnese, Nicopolis and Cephalonia During the 7th century the Mardaites were an important military and political factor in the Byzantine-Arab relations on the eastern border of the Empire. On the basis of the peace treaty which the Emperor Justinian II made with the Arabs, one part of the Mardaites was moved from the eastern border deeper into the interior of the Empire. In the following centuries they became an important part of the Byzantine naval forces in Attaleia – in theme of Cibyrrhaeots – as in the western themes – Peloponnese, Nicopolis, and Cephalonia. Historians have not determined the precise time when the Mardaites resettled in the three western themes. It is unlikely that it occurred at the end of the 7th century – when Abd al-Malik ibn Marwan and the Emperor Justinian II concluded the agreement – because Constantinople at that time did not have a strong power in the area of the Peloponnese and Epirus. The authority of Constantinople in that part of the Empire was determined at the end of the 8th century, after campaign of Stauracius and conquest of significant part of the Peloponnese in 783. Therefore, it is possible to set the time of the colonization of the Mardaites in the southern Balkans in the interval between 783 and 877/878 when the sources record their presence in this area for the first time. The only colonization implemented in the Peloponnese during this period, which is documented, was carried out by the Emperor Nicephorus I (802-811). The Chronicle of Monemvasia gives information on settling the soldiers from different parts of the Empire in the theme of Peloponnese, Thracesians, Armenians and certain Kafêroi, among others. The author of Chronicle puts Kafêroi on the same level with Thracesians, who were residents of the Thracesian theme, as well as Armenians, probably members of the Armeniac theme, so it seems that Byzantologist Peter Charanis was right when he said that the name of Kafêroi also comes from the name of the same theme. In this case it could be the theme of Cibyrrhaeots. One part of those Cibyrrhaeots who were settled in the Peloponnese could certainly be the Mardaites of Attaleia. 431 Hence, it can be assumed that the Emperor Nicephorus I was responsible for the relocation of Asia Minor Mardaites in the Peloponnese. This colonization can be seen as part of the extensive colonial policy which the mentioned Emperor implemented in order to strengthen the Byzantine authority in different parts of the Empire. Unlike the Mardaites from the Peloponnese, who participated in the fightings around Syracuse 877/878, and in Nasser’s expedition on the Ioninan Islands 880/881, the Mardaites from Nicopolis and Cephalonia were first mentioned in the sources in connection to the Byzantine expedition to Syria and Crete 910/911. Therefore, 910/911 year can be taken as a terminus ante quem of their settlement in the two western themes. Their transfer is, therefore, not probable earlier than 880/881 – before the Nasser’s expedition – because the Mardaites of the Nicopolis and Cephalonia did not take part in this campaign. In accordance with this, their transfer to Nicopolis and Cephalonia should be dated between 880/881 and 910/911. Colonization was probably followed shortly after Nasser’s campaign, in order to strengthen Byzantine military capabilities in Cephalonia and Epirus coast which were exposed to attacks by the Arab navy. The Mardaites of the western themes were organized in the military units led by tourmarchês. In each of the mentioned themes there was one tourma of the Mardaites. Such a structure reminds of the organization of Persian tourmai which were distributed to themes throughout the Empire in the 9th century. The sources attest similar structure also in the case of the ethnic tourmai of the Goths, Bulgarians or Aibiditai. Therefore, the tourmai of the Mardaites should be considered as military (and perhaps administrative) units of an inferior rank in the Byzantine thematic structure in the 9th and 10th century. Stojko Stojkov Goce Delčev University, Faculty of Educational Science, Institute of History and Archeology, Štip, Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia; stojko.stojkov@ugd.edu.mk The Term “Sclavinia” ‒ Byzantine Invention or Western Influence This article attempts to shed light on the emergence of the term Sclavinia. It calls in question the thesis that term appeared in Constantinople in the VI or VII century. In addition, it argues that Theophilact Simokatta was not the first author who used it. The oldest manuscript of Theophylact’s History is from X c., when the term was already well affirmed - all other Theophylact’s manuscripts depend on this one. Theophylact used the term Sclavinia in only one place in his History, and in the way which made it unclear for his contemporary readers. None of his contemporary writers used it, and there is not any sign that anybody borrowed it from him. Patriarch Nicephorus, who wrote his history as a continuation of Theophylact’s in the second half of VIII c., did not know the term Sclavinia at all. Theophane the Confessor, who widely used the term Sclavinia at the beginning of IX c., and who incorporated a big amount from Theophylact’s History in his Chronicle, did not use the term in the sections based on Theophylact. Therefore, it is very possible that Sclavinia did not exist in the original of Theophilact’s History but actually was an interpolation from X c. 432 If Theophylact is not the first author who used Sclavinia, then the oldest source in which we find is not byzantine but western one: Life of Willibald, written in 778, in northern Italy. The term was used in it for part of Peloponnese, indicating that in year 723 the Saint passed nearby by boat. Nothing supports the suggestion that he learned it in Byzantium. It is remarkable that it is not in a byzantine form – Sclavinia, but Slawinia. This article proposes two possible explanations of emergence of the term. First, the alternative hypothesis that the term appeared in the region of the Adriatic Sea where Latin, Greek and Slavonic languages met each other, and was invented and used first by the Slavic neighbors. From Adriatic shores, it has expanded during the conflict between Franks and Romeos for Istra and Dalmatia in late VIII - early IX century. The second explanation is that the term Sclavinia was not invented in one place but it appeared spontaneously in many different places and authors often without connection between them. It was a very common way of making toponyms from ethnonyms in the middle ages, and it was easy to create Sclavinia form Sclavi(ni), so we do not need to explain it through inventions and borrowing. Sclavinia failed to take a permanent place in the official terminology of Byzantine or western imperial court. The first official use in Byzantium we find in a letter of Emperor Michael II to Emperor Luis the Pious, and in the west - in letter of Louis II to Basil I in 871. In general, the use of this term in Latin and Byzantine sources was very limited. In the old Slavic written tradition, it was never used, which suggests that Sclavinia was an external name. Its use has spread at the time of inclusion of independent Slavic communities in Central Europe and the Balkans, in the sphere of influence and domination of the great empires form the end of VIII c. A suitable collective term, its weakness was its too general and uncertain meaning. With the disappearance of small Slavic tribes or their evolution in larger independent state formations established under their own well-known names, it loses its relevance. 433 APPLIED ARTS OF THE BYZANTINE WORLD ‒ PART 1 Chairs: Ivana Jevtić, Ivan Drpić Anna Kelley, The Invisible Textile Workers of Egypt Anne Hedeager Krag, Christian Motifs in Egyptian Textiles Mariel Peñaloza Moreno, Byzantine Identity through a Material Culture Case: The Cameo as a Narrative Elvana Metalla, La céramique peinte provenant des contextes funéraires et urbains en Albanie Georgi Sengalevich, «Dimitrios» or «Prodromos»: The Case of a Popular Sgraffito Ceramics Monogram Julia Reveret, Orner l’espace liturgique aux IXe et Xe s. : synthèse sur l’art de la céramique polychrome architecturale en Bulgarie Anna Kelley University of Birmingham, Birmingham, United Kingdom; ack442@bham.ac.uk The Invisible Textile Workers of Egypt Women in the Byzantine economy have largely been considered invisible by scholars of the twentieth century. Their presence in the archaeological record can be obscure, and textual evidence written by or sent to women is often treated as personal correspondence rather than professional documentation. However, this overlooks a large segment of the population who were functioning within the framework of commercial production. One of the best windows modern scholars have into the important role women played in the economic life of late antiquity is through research of the textile industry. In the first millennium CE, the various stages of textile production and trade employed a large proportion of Egyptian society, and are therefore integral to our understanding of the economy and trade. The textile industry also provides a key case study in discerning how the concepts of professional versus domestic and commercial versus craft were understood in late antique society. In discussions of the textile industry of Byzantine and early Islamic Egypt, it is often repeated that women were not participants in a professional context and did not contribute to the economy in an official capacity. Such views are based on two methodological problems: they both project modern ideas onto the past and generalise from a single example. More specifically, they assume that the home and workplace were separate entities and use the model of imperial silk factories as a blueprint for the whole industry. Such assumptions are not supported by the evidence. Through discussion of the archaeological finds and references to female textile workers in the papyri, I will show that women were working as professionals within the textile industry and were active participants in the economy. Anne Hedeager Krag University of Copenhagen, Copenhagen, Denmark; a.hedeager@gmail.com Christian Motifs in Egyptian Textiles This paper will focus on Christian motifs in Egyptian textiles especially from Danish collections. Persecution of Christians in the Middle East has been a major problem in recent years, which has drawn particular attention to the Christian minority in Egypt, the Copts who still count more than 10 million people. They are descendants of the ancient Egyptians. From the 300s to 639-40 Egypt was part of Byzantium that strongly influenced the Christian culture in Egypt. Coptic art in early Christianity grew out of popular Egyptian art of Roman times. Especially the socalled Coptic textiles are famous. Coptic textiles are a term for textiles produced in Egypt in the first millennium AD. They fall into several periods – today it is normal to distinguish between a Roman, 435 Byzantine and an Islamic period. Danish museums have a considerable number of such Egyptian textiles, at the National Museum, Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek, David Collection, Willumsen’s Museum and in particular at the Design Museum Denmark. The history of Christianity in Egypt goes long back. According to Bishop Eusebius of Caesarea (260 – 340) the Apostle Markus brought Christianity to Egypt in the mid-1st century. In 381, Christianity became the state religion, and Egypt became a part of Byzantium. Already at that time the Egyptian textiles were controversial. Thus the Syrian Asterius, bishop of Amaseia ( d. 410 AD), was critical of the Christian Egyptian custom of wearing colorful decorations on costumes: ’’They’ve got a custom where they wear strange shapes of all kinds of suit, and they wear them all, they give their women and children multicolored fabrics with thousands of characters. When they come out in public dressed in this fashion, they appear as painted walls to those they meet’’. There have been found more Egyptian textiles with motifs from the Old Testament than from the New Testament. Popular stories are the Fall of Man, Elijah’s ascension, Jonah in the belly of the whale and motives from David’s life. Most popular is Joseph from the Old Testament, the second youngest of the patriarch Jacob’s twelve sons and Jacob’s favorite son. Because of jealousy his brothers sold him as a slave to Egypt. These motifs from the Old Testament were used by the Coptic Christians to emphasize the events of the New Testament, like the early Christians elsewhere in Byzantium. The Christian Egyptians were proud of the fact that Joseph and Mary came to Egypt to escape from King Herod with the newborn Jesus Christ, and therefore there are many textiles illustrating the Flight to Egypt. From the New Testament motifs with Mary and the Child and the Three Holy Men are the most popular. Also subjects from the Apocrypha are found, such as the Virgin’s history. After the Arab invasion of Egypt in 641, the Coptic art was to some degree influenced by Islamic Art. Mariel Peñaloza Moreno Zoetermeer, Netherlands; mariel@pm3ge.com Byzantine Identity through a Material Culture Case: The Cameo as a Narrative This participation is based on an ethnological approach of material culture as a narrative that gives information about how objects, specifically the cameos, are carriers of an identity, in this case the Byzantine one. A study of the cultural biography of the cameo will allow to follow the paths of the Byzantine identity, its changes, influences, and its moving meanings in different contexts. Glyptic art is viewed as a narrative: the act of engraving precious stones as a language, being its main purpose to transfer meaning in context. Reading material culture as language implies considering the structure of the objects to be read. For the cameo, its physicality and how it communicates through it are fundamental. The context is key in understanding its meanings and functions, and therefore of how it carries one or more identities. I intend to ‘read’ the cameo as a carrier of the Byzantine identity and to unravel the influences in its original context and how it moved toward 436 new ones. The cameo is an object whereby agreed meanings and functions are used to communicate a message that can only work when both sender and receiver have a common code. A historical review will show that the change of context provides new elements of interpretation, enriching the ‘readings’ of the cameo and its identities. Hence, the cameo is a code relying on agreed rules of use and meaning moving dynamically to function in other contexts. If we ‘read’ the cameo, we must understand its language. Though the fundamental elements of a language are letters and the earliest written language was cuneiform script, images appeared earlier in petroglyphs. Two kinds: pictographs, depicting significant events; and ideographs, representing a concept. They became cylinder seals, which in turn became stamp seals, Egyptian scarabs and cameos. Thus we can consider the art of glyptic as a language with an own system, bearing in mind that meanings ascribed to words and objects change constantly. But a change of context changes its meanings and functions, and in turn its physicality. It is my purpose to deepen into the paths the cameo and the identity it carries have followed. New materials brought new colors and thus new meanings to the cameo, which added new layers of interpretation, such as those offered by chromosemiotics. The development of technique had an impact too, broadening the possibilities of expression. Every time, the cameo is literally and symbolically a functional carrier of the identities it contains. It embodies meanings from personal affirmation to political or apotropaic, which are present even simultaneously, making the cameo a multilayered object and inviting to a multilayered reading of it. The phenomenon of collectionism illustrates this, adding the concept of authenticity to the layers. What is a copy? How are there different levels of copies? What is the value of the cameo in terms of its materials, technique, meaning and use? How did this influence its physicality? How and when did the cameo move from an active function to a passive musealized one? Did it undergo this phase simultaneously with being actively worn? Does this passive phase apply to the identities it carries? Has the Byzantine identity of the cameo being musealized, disappeared, or is it still present? These are some of the questions I want to reflect upon in the presentation. Elvana Metalla Center for Albanian Studies, National Institute of Archaeology, Tirana, Albania; emetalla@hotmail.com La céramique peinte provenant des contextes funéraires et urbains en Albanie Cet article se propose d’explorer les vaisselles peintes (à bandes larges et à bandes étroites) qui constituent une catégorie important, et en ce qui concerne leur développement, nous voyons une continuation de l’Antiquité tardive au Moyen Âge. Tout d’abord il faut souligner que cette catégorie sous des formes diverses a été peu étudiée dans le territoire actuel de l’Albani. Le matériel que nous pensons présenter ici, provenant de différents contextes : nécropoles et les agglomérations urbaines. On peut dire, que se sont ces contextes que nous ont aidés à analyser les caractéristiques et les point communs spécifiques de ces vaisselles, ainsi que de mieux comprendre le développement de cette catégorie présent dans différentes périodes du VIIe-XIVe siècle. Pour établir les différences entre la production du haut Moyen Âge et celle du bas Moyen Âge nous avons divisé deux différentes phases : 437 la première du VIIe-IXe siècle et la deuxième du Xe-XIVe siècle. Pour la première phase, les vases peintes plutôt à bandes larges de couleur rouge ou bien rouge-brunes, provenant principalement dans des nécropoles (Krujë, Lezhë, Durrës, Piskovë, Rehovë). Par contre, celles de la deuxième phase ont été trouvés principalement dans des contextes urbains de ces dernières années, notamment dans l’amphithéâtre de Durrës. Les changements que nous avons enregistré dans les productions de la deuxième moitié du XIIe siècle avec la prédominance de bandes étroites sont significatifs et marquent le tournant d’une totale affirmation des principaux motifs de l’époque du bas Moyen Âge. Ce genre de décor peint a été trouvé sur les sites comme Campagna, Apulia et Basilicata dans le sud de l’Italie. Mais, les exemples prospectifs et analogues peuvent entre trouves sur d’autres sites dans la région de Salento en Calabre, ainsi que sur les fouille de Crypta Balbi à Rome. Néanmoins ici, nous avons essayé de donner une présentation préliminaire avec une classification et son développement, et nous pensons que cela peut servir de base à une étude approfondie de cette catégorie en Albanie. Georgi Sengalevich Sofia University “St. Kliment Ohridski”, Sofia, Bulgaria; g.sengalevich@mail.bg «Dimitrios» or «Prodromos»: The Case of a Popular Sgraffito Ceramics Monogram Аn exceptionally interesting and not yet sufficiently explored feature of the Late Byzantine culture is the Sgraffito Ceramics with underglazed monograms. It is distinguished by quality manufacture, monochromacy, spare and precisely applied decoration in which the monograms, placed on the inner surface at the bottoms, play the major role. The vessels are of small dimensions, mainly cups, bowls and plates, and could be attributed to the luxurious Elaborate Incised Ware. Their area of distribution, together with the chronology, suggests that the ceramic group most probably was traded with the mediation of the Venetian and Genoese sailors. Samples are found mainly along the shores of Black, Azov and Aegean Sea. Concerning the chronology, the date of the vessels, unearthed in Constantinople is precised at the end of the 13th – 14th century. Meanwhile in the Northern Black Sea region and the Pryazovia the Glazed pottery with monograms appears only c. the middle – the second half of 14th century. In Bulgaria the few reliable archaeological contexts are dated within the 14th century. Among the popular abbreviated inscriptions that are met incised on Byzantine Sgraffito Ceramics, we could distinguish the imperial mark of the Palaeologoi dynasty, the names ‘Michael’, ‘John’, the letters K, A etc. In the world of symbols, that the Middle Ages represent, there is hardly any manifestation of the culture where the Christian faith hasn’t left its mark. So the religious attribution of at least a part of the sgraffito underglazed monograms seems the most logical explanation. 48 of the monograms known from different sites in Bulgaria - Ahtopol. Sozopol, Nessebar, Varna, Kastritsi, Balchik, Kavarna and Kaliakra, are developed around the Greek letter Π, to which the 438 other letters are adjointed or incorporated. Due to the widely accepted in the scientific circles reading as «Δημήτριος», already at this stage a problem emerges: that name contains the letter „Т”, instead of „П”. We have to say that this particular decipherment prevails after the finding of a few sgraffito plates with the monogram at the crypt of the ‘Agios Dimitrios’ basilica in Thessaloniki, that led to the interpretation of the abbreviated inscription as the name of the patron-saint. It also brought the hypothesis that the vessels were used in rituals, connected with the holy spring water in the church, and were transferred as blessings by the pious pilgrims, just like the lead ampulaekoutrouvia, that contained the miraculous myrrh of the Thessaloniki martyr saint. It remains unclear why the impractical, open form of the plates would have been selected for such a use. Furthermore, and considering the facts, this interpretation becomes even more problematic, due to several other reasons. First, the only reliable data about the production of vessels with the aforementioned monogram comes from Constantinople, and not from Thessaloniki. Second, the geography of their distribution does not support as well the Thessaloniki connection, with the most samples originating from Bulgaria’s Black Sea coast. And third, there is no example, available to me, of an image of St Dimitrios, accompanied by the monogram, known to us from the Sgraffito Ceramics. At the same time we can find it in a plenty of holy images of St John the Baptist, where the full canonical inscription states: «Άγιος Ιωάννης ο Пρόδρομος» (‘Saint John the Forerunner’). Further proof for the sustainability of use of the monogram in the context of that inscription is the chronology of the samples, starting from the 11th century up to the 18th century. Its use is most common, however, in the Palaeologian Art of the 14th century. In this regard, for the same monograms, engraved on Glazed Sgraffito Ceramics, a reading as «Πρ(ό)δρ(ο)μ(ος)» (“Prodromos”) should be considered. Julia Reveret University of Clermont-Ferrand, Clermont-Ferrand, France / University of Fribourg, Fribourg, Switzerland; juliettaindiana@yahoo.fr Orner l’espace liturgique aux IXe et Xe s.: synthèse sur l’art de la céramique polychrome architecturale en Bulgarie En 1907, des fouilles archéologiques ont révélé une production et une utilisation de l’art de la céramique polychrome architecturale dans la décoration de plusieurs églises de Constantinople, soulevant notamment des interrogations sur leur origine. La question devient entière avec la découverte en 1909 par I. Gospodinov de plaques similaires à pâte blanche dans les fouilles du monastère de Patleĭna, situé dans le rayonnement de la deuxième capitale du 1er royaume bulgare médiéval (Preslav), établie par Siméon Ier (893-927). Cette région est en effet durant cette période le lieu de l’installation de complexes monastiques mais aussi de la construction de nombreuses églises. Cette vie artistique et spirituelle intense reflète en réalité la politique de ce roi qui souhaite élever son jeune état bulgare au rang des foyers artistiques proches que sont Thessalonique et Constantinople. La situation géographique de ces terres la désignant par ailleurs comme un point de confluence où se mêlent des héritages antiques et différentes influences issues de mouvements 439 migratoires de populations divers, nécessite de s’interroger sur les sources d’inspirations et sur les savoirs techniques qui ont pu marquer leur production artistique. Durant la période médiévale, les dirigeants animés d’une volonté d’affirmer leur puissance face à Constantinople entretiendront une relation passionnelle avec cette dernière perçue autant comme une concurrente que comme un modèle. Il n’est donc pas surprenant de voir dans la décoration de constructions civiles et religieuses sous Siméon Ier, l’apparition de la céramique polychrome architecturale, utilisée dans les mêmes périodes qu’à Constantinople comme décor pariétal. Leur origine – Preslav ou Constantinople – tout comme celle des artistes-artisans a éveillé de nombreux débats. Les études récentes ont toutefois pu éclaircir certains aspects dont notamment pour le cas de Preslav, que cet art original a été produit localement. Actuellement, 5 grands complexes d’ateliers de fabrication de ce type de céramique ont pu être identifiés dans le bassin de Preslav mais les connaissances sur la diffusion et sur le développement de cette décoration architecturale demeurent incertaines. Nous souhaitons de ce fait présenter dans un premier temps une synthèse des connaissances acquises sur cet art jusqu’à aujourd’hui afin, nous l’espérons, approfondir une réflexion sur leur interaction avec l’édifice et le fidèle. Orner l’espace liturgique dans le sens « d’ornare » c’est-à-dire décorer une surface dans le but de sublimer harmonieusement un lieu afin qu’il soit à la hauteur de la gloire de Dieu, prend également une tout autre dimension en devenant un moyen de transmission de messages spirituels et de pouvoirs. Composées de deux catégories – ornemental et figuré –, ces céramiques participent tout comme la mosaïque, la peinture ou la sculpture à figurer le monde céleste sur terre mais aussi à montrer comme l’explique Cyprien de Carthage (IIIe s.) que le fidèle doit tout comme l’église est ornementée, édifier son intérieur en le parant de l’éclat de la vraie lumière et de vertus. Derrière cette décoration fabriquée sur la demande de commanditaires, nous assistons non seulement à une volonté d’accroître la foi du croyant mais surtout d’exprimer une puissance en touchant la sensibilité du fidèle. Nous souhaitons par ailleurs, malgré l’absence en général de contexte architectural précis, comprendre à travers ces décors peints, incrustés ou ajourés, leur organisation et leur lien dans l’espace liturgique. 440 LITERATURE AND POLITICS Chairs: Sysse G. Engberg, Ida Toth Georgios Kalafikis, Orationes parallelae: The Laudations of Q. Aurelius Symmachus and Themistius to the Brother-Emperors Valentinian I and Valens; Propagating Common Principles for Governing and Defending Both “partes imperii” ca. 365-370 A.D. Mattia C. Chiriatti, Gregory of Nyssa’s Funeral λόγοι as an Early Model of Byzantine Rhetoric and Imperial Propaganda Ryan W. Strickler, Wolves and Centaurs in Byzantium: Dehumanizing the Enemy in the Seventh-Century Byzantine Literature Oscar Prieto Dominguez, Writing during the Iconoclasm: Literature as a Political Weapon Sysse G. Engberg, The Political Use of the Old Testament in Byzantium Dimitrios Georgakopoulos, Spaneas at the Court of the Lusignan Georgios Kalafikis Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Thessaloniki, Greece; gkalaficis@yahoo.gr Orationes parallelae: The Laudations of Q. Aurelius Symmachus and Themistius to the Brother-Emperors Valentinian I and Valens; Propagating Common Principles for Governing and Defending Both “partes imperii” ca. 365-370 A.D. This paper focus on five speeches, delivered by the orators Q. Aurelius Symmachus and Themistius in favour of the two brother-emperors, Valentinian I and Valens. These five orations can be grouped in three pairs, in relation to their subject. Actually, it seems as if both rhetors tried to answer to certain questions about how the empire should be governed and defended in the best possible way ca. 365-370 AD. In chronological order, we deal with Themistius’ “Oration 6 (364 AD): φιλάδελφοι ἢ περὶ φιλανθρωπίας” and “Oration 7 (367 AD): περὶ τῶν ἠτυχηκότων ἐπὶ Οὐάλεντος”, Symmachus’ “Laudatio in Valentinianum prior (368/9 AD)” and “Laudatio in Valentinianum altera (370 AD)” and finally with Themistius’ “Oration 10 (370 AD): ἐπὶ τῆς εἰρήνης Οὐάλεντι”. All these panegyrics seem to propagate some common principles about the state administration and the defence of the empire by applying similar motifs. This shouldn’t be regarded as a coincidental but a deliberate intention. A balanced distribution of imperial power (a), the defence against the barbarians (b), and the amelioration of the defences by fortifying the frontiers as well as by reinforcing the troops and strengthening the army in general (c), constitute the three pillars onto which the two brother-emperors should always base their policy. So, these speeches weren’t only supposed to praise whatever success the rulers had achieved until then, but maybe also aimed at instigating further imperial action towards the same triple direction: at first, as a proper response to the regime instability (a), then as a suitable reaction to the empire’s military troubles (b) and finally as an appropriate solution to its strategic problems (c) In summary, Symmachus and Themistius shared similar or complementary opinions in all the aforesaid issues. When it comes to the imperial system, both orators spoke of a symmetric imperial order of at least two equally-ranking emperors, because symmetry favoured balance and balance favoured stability (Themistius, Oration 6, 364 AD. – Symmachus, Laudatio prior, 368/9 AD). Both of them argued as well that the emperors should anyway consider foreign barbarians, not domestic opponents and usurpers, as the ‘public enemy number one’ (Themistius, Oration 7, 367 AD. – Symmachus, Laudatio prior, 368/9 AD). Having all these in mind, the orators underlined the commitment of the two brother-emperors towards the task of developing proper military strategies for tackling with barbarians and for promoting peace and security. So, according to their panegyrists, Valentinian and Valens shared a common objective: their goal was the containment – strategically speaking – of all foreign enemies well out of the imperial borders. In line with this strategy, border fortifications and the reinforcement of the army combined with military campaigns and peace treaties were seen as a means to an end: an effective defence that would ensure total protection for the entire empire (Symmachus, Laudatio altera, 370 AD. – Themistius, Oration 10, 370 AD). In this way, all these speeches seemed like “παράλληλοι λόγοι” or “orationes parallelae”, either in Greek or in Latin. 442 In parallel though, the perception of the frontier(s) (limes-limites) primarily as a ‘demarcation line’ separating the Greco-Roman world (οἰκουμένη) from the barbarian one (barbaricum), such as it was normally thought off during the classic Roman imperial era, was transformed into a concept of a virtually ‘continuous fortified line of defence’ from the very start of the Byzantine period during Late Antiquity. Thus, a real change in terminology, as well in mentality, is lurking for the Early Byzantine Empire. Mattia C. Chiriatti Universidad de Barcelona, Barcelona, Spain; mchiriatti@ub.edu Gregory of Nyssa’s Funeral λόγοι as an Early Model of Byzantine Rhetoric and Imperial Propaganda Gregory of Nyssa became the official orator at the Theodosian court, as he was in charge of delivering the funeral orations of Meletius, patriarch of Constantinople (381 AD), Flaccilla, first spouse of the emperor Theodosius I (386), and Pulcheria, their daughter (385). This sort of speech, one of the most distinguished genres in the Byzantine literary production, found its roots in the Christian rhetoric, although the latter one was, at the same time, debtor to the legacy of the Second Sophistic and Menander’s βασιλικὸς λόγος. The readaptation of a classical funeral genre, the ἐπιτάφιος, already in use from the 5th century BC (the oldest surviving Greek funeral oration was held by Pericles in honour of the fallen of the first year of the Peloponnesian War, in the winter of 431) to mourn in a public assembly the death of fallen warriors, became for Late Antiquity bishops, both in the West and the East part of the Empire, a powerful rhetorical weapon in order to spread a political and religious propaganda, where the grief addressed to distinct imperial and ecclesiastical figures allowed them to create a new politics. This was basically the result of the powerful amalgam of the Emperor’s support together with a new coined language, which left aside its traditional simplicitas to become a new instrument of proselytism for the growing power of the Church. The Christian rhetoric, whilst mourning the loss of a prominent ecclesiastical character such as Meletius, president of the first Council of Constantinople, turned itself into an accommodated vehicle of religious and political issues diffusion. Gregory, as official orator, availed himself of the discourse public occasion to infuse into the assembly the idea about how important Christian worship was and how this conduct of life yielded lots of rewards. Thanks to this popular involvement, therefore, the preacher tried to instill the new ὁμολογία τῆς πίστεως into the faithfuls making the public imperial cult continue and, at the same time, while eulogizing the deceased ones, sought the legitimization of the Nicene Creed, articulating a new official ideology for imperial characters, as, for instance, the empress Flaccilla, who embodied the icon of a new βασιλεία, the Christian one, by means of her three main virtues, pietas, castitas and virginitas. 443 Through the analysis of the aforementioned Gregory of Nyssa’s speeches, it can be consequently deduced, as A. Cameron pointed out, how the Christian discourse recontextualized the Second Sophistic rhetorical past, adopting its literary pattern “to convert a simple rhetorical technique into a powerful rhetorical message shaped in political terms, seeking to legitimize their newly found political power” (A. Cameron, “Christianity and the Rhetoric of the Empire. The development of Christian Discourse”, Berkeley-Los Angeles-London, 1991, p. 123). Ryan W. Strickler Australian Catholic University, Brisbane QLD, Australia; rwstrickler@gmail.com Wolves and Centaurs in Byzantium: Dehumanizing the Enemy in the Seventh-Century Byzantine Literature The seventh century has been rightly understood as a period of significant crisis in the Byzantine Empire. In addition to the imperial throne, the emperor Heraclius inherited from his predecessor Phocas a divided Church and an entrenched defensive war against the Sassanid Persians. Before his costly victory in 628, Heraclius would see the loss of Jerusalem and with it the True Cross taken as spoils to Ctesiphon. This victory, which saw the restoration of the Cross in the newly recovered Jerusalem nearly bankrupted both Empires, and would leave the field open to the ascendant Arab forces, united under the new religion of Islam. By 637 Jerusalem would once again be lost as Muslim forces swept Palestine. These two devastating defeats shocked Byzantine subjects of all persuasions. Throughout the seventh century, authors of all genres of literature and from all religious and cultural backgrounds struggled to interpret who was to blame, and what defeat meant for God’s chosen empire. A common strategy was to dehumanize the enemy, whether that be the Persian or Muslim army, a domestic population who colluded with the adversary, or an individual or group whose behaviour brought judgment upon the empire. Significant work has been done on individual aspects of this issue. Concerning the revival of adversus Judaeos literature, the work of Robert Lewis Wilken, David Olster, Gilbert Dagron Vincent Déroche and Averil Cameron have brought about vigorous and productive debate concerning the portrayal and treatment of Jews by seventh-century Byzantine authors. Daniel J. Sahas has drawn close attention to the demonization of the Arabs in Maximus the Confessor. However, most scholarship has dealt with issues of dehumanization of enemies in piecemeal manner, with few addressing this phenomenon from a cross-cultural perspective. Jews and Christians, poets and hagiographers all used the trope of dehumanization to provide understanding of their contemporary circumstances, to assign blame, and to categorize unknown adversaries, yet scholars have addressed this subject under the narrower headings such as Jewish-Christian relations or early Islamic reception. 444 This paper examines such portrayals from multiple genres, including poetry, hagiography, historiography, epistolary literature and apocalyptic literature. Close attention will be paid to what role demonization played in the increasingly popular use of apocalyptic discourse in Byzantine literature. Ultimately, this paper hopes to clarify the varied coping mechanisms used by Byzantine authors to address the increasingly bleak circumstances of the seventh century. Oscar Prieto Dominguez University of Salamanca, Departamento de Filología Clásica e Indoeuropeo, Salamanca, Spain; praxo@usal.es Writing during the Iconoclasm: Literature as a Political Weapon During the iconoclast controversy (730-843), Byzantine literature became scarcer and experienced a significant change in its character in such a way that it turned more political and developed a clearly combative function. In fact, the literature written in this period is mainly composed of texts referring to the crisis of the images and its fight. In the last few decades, research into the iconoclast conflict has received an especially productive attention. The major achievements in this sense illustrate how, why and in what manner the worship of images was persecuted. However, research has advanced very little in the study of its literature, a set of intriguing texts composed during that period of instability and controversy, which, owing to political prohibitions, often circulated clandestinely, but always with well-defined ideological and propagandistic objectives. The progressive demographic explosion of Byzantine monasticism since the second half of the 7th c. and the increase in the number of noble, wealthy and well-educated individuals ordained as monks at the same time as Theodore Stoudite meant that the monastic culture flourished in all its splendour. Some intellectuals took advantage of the independence and serenity of monastic retreat to create an abundance of new literature, which intended to be a key element in the political evolution of the Empire. Their involvement in earthly events became more and more intense, their opposition to imperial power grew firmer and firmer, and, thanks to the new texts they were producing, more and more effective. Beyond its theological and apologetic texts, the writing during the Iconoclasm is above all a writing about saints, whose lives were taken as pretexts for narrating history, creating a group identity and thus influence society. The attitude of these zealous heroes entailed fleeing, gaol and torture, but also solidarity among those persecuted and cohesion among those who found in their opposition to the iconoclastic imperial power a form of religious life that can only be compared to that of the first Christians. Assimilated in this way to the martyrs executed in the arenas by the pagan emperors, the new heroes of Orthodoxy, often simply confessors, were the ideal subject for a literature planned to be the perfect tools for bringing a monastic or social group into cohesion, creating an identity, and even entering politics. According to Theodore Stoudite’s Epist. 499, devotion to saints required both texts and images to help with the Christian understanding of their virtues. In the promotion of this devotion for 445 those killed in the iconoclast persecution, we find a first ideological and political element that is then confirmed by the contents of the narratives created for that promotion. Thus, much of the literature of the iconoclast era was addressed to gathering proof that could support the holiness of the neo-martyrs in a liturgical context, show their real political agenda and denounce the insults made by the heretics. These texts were actually written down to acclaim these heroes, thus preserving them for posterity and proposing them as a model of public behaviour. Regardless of the form they take, these texts were the ones most loved by the public and also the most abundant, in a certain sense, the bestsellers of the Byzantine Empire. What is more, writing them and reading them were considered proof of holiness (Vita Georg. Amastr. 13-14), which made them an excellent vehicle for the transmission of iconodule ideology and the ideal socio-political weapon for the Resistance. Sysse G. Engberg Copenhagen, Denmark; sysse.engberg@youmail.dk The Political Use of the Old Testament in Byzantium This paper shall attempt to interpret historical and liturgical events in Constantinople, with the Byzantine Old Testament lectionary (Prophetologion) as a point of departure. An examination of the Old Testament texts read at particular festivals, and of their symbolic meaning, may tell us something about the political importance of the Emperor’s construction or restauration of churches, and his use of relics to consolidate his position. Dimitrios Georgakopoulos University of Ioannina, Ioannina, Greece; dgeorgakopoulos08@yahoo.gr Spaneas at the Court of the Lusignan The twelfth century moral-didactic poem known as Spaneas, was very popular during the late byzantine and post byzantine era as its manuscript tradition and its influence on other texts indicate. One of the oldest versions of the text is found in the miscellaneus codex Vat. Palat. gr. 367. My research has reached the conclusion that Constantine Anagnostes, the scribe of the codex, was also the author of the version. Anagnostes dedicated this version to the scholar Georgios Lapithes, his younger colleague in the court of the Lusignan. Lapithes in his turn, was influenced and inspired by it in order to write his moral-didactic poem named Στίχοι πολιτικοί αυτοσχέδιοι εις κοινήν ακοήν. 446 THE MIDDLE BYZANTINE PERIOD – PART 2 Chairs: Thomas Pratsch, Yannis Stouraitis Numa Buchs, Défendre l’Empire : l’armée sur le territoire byzantin sous Constantin Monomaque Kostiantyn Bardola, Byzantine Ideology of War: Between East and West Marili Lykaki, La captivité de guerre dans un empire qui change (VIe-XIe s) Yanko Hristov, On the Issue of War-Captives in the Early Medieval Balkans Michał Pietranik, Relics Captured during the War and Their Role in Byzantium during the Macedonian Dynasty Martina Čechová, Banished to the End of the World: Crimean Cherson as a Place of Exile in the Early and Middle Byzantine Period Numa Buchs Université Paris Sorbonne, Paris, France; numa.buchs@hotmail.fr Défendre l’Empire : l’armée sur le territoire byzantin sous Constantin Monomaque L’Empire byzantin, à l’avènement de Constantin IX Monomaque est la première puissance du monde méditerranéen. Il doit pourtant faire face à des dissidences dans les Balkans et est soumis aux attaques de nouveaux ennemis. Ces évènements l’obligent à renoncer à toute expansion à grande échelle. Cependant, toute tentative d’agrandir le territoire impérial n’est pas abandonnée, bien au contraire ; de plus face aux nouveaux défis militaires engendrés par les attaques des Petchenègues et des Turcs, mais aussi les tentatives d’usurpation, Constantin IX ne reste pas passif. Il procède au recrutement de nouvelles troupes et emploie celles des souverains soumis. Les armées impériales sont ainsi chargées de mettre fin aux révoltes, d’étendre le territoire byzantin ou tout simplement de le défendre. Jean Skylitzès et Michel Attaliatès sont les sources narratives qui nous apportent le plus de renseignements sur les lieux où sont stationnées les troupes, sur les types d’armées auxquelles l’empereur fait appel et même sur les points d’appuis principaux des armées byzantines dans le cadre des campagnes militaires au milieu du XIe siècle. On voit apparaître trois réservoirs possibles dans lesquels Constantin Monomaque peut puiser. Les armées sont soit envoyées depuis la capitale soit levées sur place parmi les troupes thématiques ou tagmatiques, soit constituées d’un mélange des deux. Pour l’Empire qui ne peut lever des troupes en nombre illimité, il s’agit de faire le meilleur usage possible de ses ressources militaires. Connaître l’organisation de la réponse impériale face aux menaces militaires externes et internes peut apporter bien des éléments de compréhension sur l’implantation et l’importance des armées byzantines dans l’ensemble de l’Empire sous Constantin IX. Le nombre assez élevé de défaites subies par les armées byzantines amène l’empereur à lever à plusieurs reprises de nouvelles armées, l’obligeant à faire appel aux troupes situées dans d’autres zones géographiques de l’Empire ou en recrutant de nouveaux soldats. De plus, pour faire face aux invasions, mais aussi pour poursuivre l’expansion, l’Empire byzantin s’appuie sur des villes et des forteresses clés. Ces points d’appuis fournissent les bases de l’expansion ou les fondements des défenses impériales. Le milieu du XIe siècle est un moment de transformation de la structure de l’appareil militaire byzantin, et donc la fin de la véritable utilité militaire des thèmes. Le recours au recrutement de mercenaires s’est généralisé pour garnir les rangs byzantins sous Constantin IX, au point que les troupes professionnelles représentent la très grande majorité des armées. Celles-ci sont très mobiles et sont stationnées ou rappelées en fonction des besoins. Comprendre le stationnement des troupes au cours des années 1042-1055 permet de mieux saisir la hiérarchie des menaces réelles ou supposées. L’Empire byzantin sous Monomaque doit donc réorganiser une défense dont il n’avait pas eu besoin depuis les guerres de la reconquête du Xe siècle. L’apparition de nouveaux ennemis, qui resteront jusqu’à la fin de l’Empire des protagonistes importants de son histoire, impose à Byzance une utilisation différente de ses ressources militaires. 448 Cette communication aura pour but d’étudier avec minutie la répartition des armées byzantines dans leur effort de guerre au milieu du XIe siècle, sur les principaux théâtres d’opération : en Orient et dans les Balkans. Elle permettra aussi de repérer les points-clés du dispositif militaire byzantin sous le règne du basileus Constantin IX. Kostiantyn Bardola V. N. Karazin Kharkiv National University, Kharkiv, Ukraine; bardola.konstantin@gmail.co Byzantine Ideology of War: Between East and West In the turbulent times of VI-XII centuries war was an everyday affair, with no exceptions both for the West and for the East. The Byzantine Empire found itself between two fires, and due to this affair, the state paid much attention to it. In addition to the strategic and tactical skills of the commander, the state of weapons and equipment of soldiers and the level of logistical support services, not less, and sometimes a psychological, moral training of troops was even more important. This issue was controlled with ideologically prepared military doctrine. Despite the fact that ideological message to the “right of conquest” existed in the Byzantine law since the times of the Roman Empire, the emperors gradually declined it in contrast to the barbarian kingdoms which actively used it. This was largely due to the social changes, strengthening of the state apparatus, strengthening the idea of the emperor as the kind of manager responsible for the fate of all citizens, rather than as the supreme military commander, in the minds of the Byzantines. In these circumstances, Byzantine ambassadors and other officials have actively used the idea of “the return of their lands,” since the reign of the Emperor Justinian I and up to the XII century, usually in the form of rhetorical propaganda to justify the offensive or defensive military operations. This thesis gradually became part of the Byzantine, and later of Western theory of “the just war.” This ideological reception was successfully carried out in the fights against the Western barbarian and nomadic people. But it should be noted that the Byzantine diplomacy soberly assessed the possibility of ideological influence on the morale of the enemy, using the rhetorical devices usual for them only when they had a chance to be adequately perceived both by the enemies and own troops. Perhaps the inefficiency of this doctrine in the East explains the fact that the ideology of “the return of their own lands” almost was not used in the fight against the Muslims. On the other hand, the Byzantine emperors did not seek to follow the Muslims and to paint its military actions in the ideological color of “holy war”, despite the fact that the religious factor played a significant role in the training of soldiers. Such care was directly dependent on the reluctance of the Byzantine bureaucracy to become dependent on the religious ideologies and the Church itself. Thus, the emperors’ form of military ideology depended on the socio-political character of Byzantine power and, of course, was limited by this issue. In general, it can be noted that the Byzantine military doctrine was weaker than the Muslim one, which was quite invariant, ideologically. It led to a decrease in enthusiasm of the Byzantines in the fight against the Muslims, which was fixed by multiple sources. 449 Despite this, the diplomatic service of the Romans, skillfully using the inherited history and traditions of the Roman Empire, made its contribution to the theory of international relations, and in the future its activities served as an example for the diplomats of many countries. Marili Lykaki National and Kapodistrian University of Athens, Athens, Greece / École pratique des hautes études, Paris, France; mlykaki@hotmail.com La captivité de guerre dans un empire qui change (VIe-XIe s) Au cours de l’ère discutée, en ayant en tant que gage l’héritage romain, Byzance s’est trouvée au centre des mutations au niveau géopolitique et idéologique. L’attitude à l’égard des prisonniers de guerre est en train de changer sous l’impact du christianisme et les échanges des captifs avec les Arabes battent leur plein. L’étendue des siècles étudiés permet la revue du sujet tant pendant les périodes de prospérité qu’aux périodes de repli de l’Empire. La captivité est une situation transitoire qui conduisait soit à l’esclavage soit à la libération. Il s’agit d’un phénomène militaire et diplomatique qui touche aussi les domaines de la société et de la culture. Le changement de la scène géographique et démographique des régions concernées implique le renversement de la vie quotidienne des personnes. Une série des questions se posent à propos de leur statut et leur affranchissement. Pendant ce temps, on voit les captifs assumer des rôles divers. Dans le cas de la restitution de prisonniers le rapport entre l’individu et l’État est particulier, parce que l’individu sort des limites de son État et passe sous l’autorité de l’adversaire politique. Alors, un sentiment de responsabilité de l’État byzantin initiât envers les prisonniers. Durant cette époque les états et les sociétés appliquaient sur ce point leurs propres lois écrites ou orales. C’était donc elles qui déterminaient, en ligne générale et avec de nombreuses variations dans leur mise en pratique, le comportement et les obligations des vainqueurs envers ceux qui avaient été capturés sur les champs de bataille. Ainsi se démontrent les mutations de la loi byzantine et son impact sur le comportement à l’égard des questions diverses concernant les prisonniers de guerre. La législation contient des dispositions relatives aux problèmes des prisonniers de guerre, que complètent des informations éparses et fragmentaires provenant des sources narratives, hagiographiques, des écrits des Pères de l’Eglise et des manuels militaires. De l’autre côté, à l’exception du cas des Arabes pour lesquels il existe des témoignages dans les sources également arabes, nos informations en ce qui concerne la législation ou la coutume qui déterminaient le sort des prisonniers de guerre chez les peuples contemporains de Byzance sont fragmentaires et proviennent également de sources byzantines. Dans le cours du temps Byzance développât sa politique sur la captivité. Pourtant son attitude différait, non seulement quant à savoir qui était l’ennemi, mais avec le même ennemi, il y avait des variations et des développements en fonction des besoins spécifiques de l’Empire et de l’objectif stratégique qu’il se posait. Le traitement du problème des captifs par l’Etat et l’Eglise mesure l’avancement d’une société vers la maturation. 450 Yanko Hristov South-West University “Neofit Rilski”, Blagoevgrad, Bulgaria; hristiqnko@gmail.com On the Issue of War-Captives in the Early Medieval Balkans In general, there could hardly exist substantial reserves that scholars’ attempts to disclose as many details of the life of Balkan societies in the Early Middle Ages are part of the efforts to give more density and depth of knowledge for the medieval past of the region as a whole. Along with this, however, as regards the monitoring of aspects about the fate of the war-captives, it looks as if there are enough things to add. The very topic of captivity is, if not ignored, at least pushed aside and rarely do the ones dealing with military history of medieval Balkans have a significant place for it in their research. In this sense, presenting the role of war-captives in medieval societies on the peninsula is a challenging task. It is abundantly clear that the problem of those who were captured in war-time in medieval epoch goes beyond the limited frames of the Balkans. Nevertheless, the voluntary recognition of narrower chronological and spatial boundaries has obviously proven and particularly effective scientific use. In an attempt to explore the issues of war-captives’ fate such a pattern is also motivated by the dynamics of ethnic, political and religious changes or military successes and failures during the turbulent Early Middle Ages. Michał Pietranik Uniwersytet Warszawski, Instytut Historyczny, Warsaw, Poland; m.pietranik@student.uw.edu.pl Relics Captured during the War and Their Role in Byzantium during the Macedonian Dynasty War booties together with acquired contributions and profits from the sale of enslaved prisoners were a very important part of the finance of both the army and the whole Byzantine Empire. It was evident especially during the Byzantine expansion in the tenth century, when as the result of a series of successful campaigns both in the Balkans and in the East a great amount of gold, articles of luxury, herds of horses, cattle, sheep and even camels, and ever appreciated slaves, flowed to the Empire. All kinds of prey mentioned above were essential not only from the point of view of the state economy, but of also were important for commanders and single troops as reward for their military service. Although not all kinds of spoils were perceived by Byzantines through their economic value, it cannot be forget, that Byzantines obtained also the splendid objects of Christian religion’s cult: sacred relics and holy images. This paper reveals a phenomenon of great importance, which influenced many fields of Byzantine life, which were relics obtained during the war. First it should be noted that for this paper notion of relics as war booty will be treated widely: it contains not only relics gained on adversaries after winning the battle or the campaign, but also imported to Constantinople during the Byzantine emperor’s military expeditions. 451 In this paper will be presented widely the role of relics gained by Byzantines as a war booty in different aspects of Byzantine life, especially in the background of changes of the imperial ideology during the Macedonian dynasty. It is worth noting that generally relics appears as war booty deported away from Byzantium, predominantly after Latin conquest of Constantinople in 1204, but there is no complex study dedicated to relics captured by Byzantines. This is all the more astonishing, given the important role, which relics looted during the war played in Byzantium: they played an important role in the triumphal ceremonies, presented as a trophies – symbols of victory over enemies, being also an expression of God’ s favor for the triumphant emperor and his People, then usually became a part of imperial collections like that in church of the Theotokos of the Pharos in Constantinople, or deposited to the churches, or granted to the monasteries. This paper focuses on the role of captured relics in imperial ceremonial, ideological and political agenda in the Middle Byzantine period. It will be mainly devoted to the relic – hunting activities of soldier – emperors: Nikephoros Phokas, John Tzimisces and Basil II, whose reigns appointed the apogee of the Byzantine expansion in tenth century. Furthermore, these rulers used relics to create the image of the victorious emperors, what was important for consolidation and legitimacy of their power. In this paper also will be exposed the issue of the influence of the changes in imperial ideology during the Macedonian dynasty on the perception of sacred relics by Byzantines. This paper analyses especially the main narrative accounts describing the capture and translation of relics to Constantinople to demonstrate how Byzantine authors depicted the circumstances surrounding this kind of events. Finally, the aim of this paper is to present how attitude of the Byzantines to relics captured during the war reflects the changes in social mentality, political culture, and post-iconoclastic religious doctrine. Martina Čechová Czech Academy of Sciences, Institute of Slavonic Studies, Prague, Czech Republic, cechmata@gmail.com Banished to the End of the World: Crimean Cherson as a Place of Exile in the Early and Middle Byzantine Period Situated at the northernmost outskirts of the Byzantine Empire, Crimean Cherson was considered as an ideal place where inconvenient persons could be banished, even though exactly the location “behind the sea” could cause that bonds to the Byzantine Empire could be a little loosened time to time, which created a substrate for revolts involving also the exiles. Primary sources describe quite a number of cases of the banishments including their reasons and circumstances. Although the most known examples of the exiles might be Pope Martin (banished 655) or Emperor Justinian II (who spent in Cherson and in the northern Black Sea area the years 695–705), Cherson was used for this purpose from Antiquity to the 10th century at least. The paper is focused on the causes of banishment to Cherson (political, religious, and other) as well as on the most interesting personalities among the exiles. Furthermore, I will try to find an explanation why Cherson was such a popular place for exiling, despite it perhaps was not always a stable part of the Empire but a place whence it was possible to organize a revolt. 452 THE HOLY FATHERS OF THE CHURCH ‒ PART 2 Chairs: Mary B. Cunningham, Philippe Vallat Damian Liviu, Rethinking Athanasius and Historiography. Athanasius as a Christian Thinker: Theologian, Philosopher, Historian Eirini Artemi, The Pneumatology of Great Basilius in His Treatise to Amphilochius Ikonium Nichifor Tănase, Shining Light Shedding from Earthen Vessels. ‘Brightening Face’ Christology of the Desert Fathers – As Ascetic Interiorization, Somatic Experience and Outward Luminosity of Christ Who Radiates within Them Aleksandar Stojanović, Συμβολή στην ερμηνεία της θεολογίας των νηπτικών πατέρων: περί του ακραιφνούς ορθοδόξου φρονήματος του Μεγάλου Βαρσανουφίου στην ανέκδοτη ερωταπόκριση Athanasios Glaros, Θεία Ιατρεία στο Βυζάντιο. Ρήσεις και διδασκαλίες των Αγίων Πατέρων για την αντιμετώπιση του ψυχικού άλγους Neacșu Ovidiu-Mihai, Τὸ φρόνηµα τῆς σαρκὸς (Rom 8:6) – A Neptic Perspective Marius Portaru, Divine Paradigms and Divine Activities in Gregory Palamas Milan Đordević, Deideologizing Palamas: A Hesychast Defense of Rationality José Maksimczuk, Early Reception of the Florilegium Coislinianum: Its Relationship with the Brief Anthology of MSS Par. Gr. 852 and Vatop. 36 Damian Liviu University of Bucharest, Bucharest, Romania; liviudami@gmail.com Rethinking Athanasius and Historiography. Athanasius as a Christian Thinker: Theologian, Philosopher, Historian The aim of this paper is to reconsider the skeptical historiography and theology of athanasian studies fed with philosophical speculation and to provide some insights into the debate. In the recent years, Athanasius was the focus of various scholarly studies with an explicit tone of condemning Athanasius for innovating and defending a foreign theology (Bart D. Ehrman, Paula Fredriksen, et al.), namely the Nicene theology, also carrying out his political ecclesiastical agenda by a reprovable political behavior (Timothy D. Barnes, R. C. P. Hanson, et al.). Very briefly, firstly, I outline a few aspects in support of the theological, as an argument, then, secondly, an emphasis on the fact that Athanasius did not innovate in his post-Nicene theology using political means, strengthening this point making the case that he began his theological career as an important thinker (which means that he won by argument), and thirdly, I evoke the relative importance of seeing his “vocation” as a historian in the polemical writings that he produced. Eirini Artemi Athens, Greece; eartemi@theol.uoa.gr The Pneumatology of Great Basilius in His Treatise to Amphilochius Ikonium St. Basil’s contribution to pneumatology is best comprehended within the historical milieu of the Arian controversy that pervaded much of the fourth century Roman Empire religiously and politically. It is a study which focuses on Basil’s understanding of the role and the Person of the Holy Spirit, particularly as found in his treatise to Amphilochius Ikonium. The distinctive character of the Holy Spirit can be defined in the light of the trinitarian relationship of the Spirit. Basil, like Athanasius, defines the distinctiveness of the Holy Spirit in terms of His relation to God the Father and the Son. The status and position in their relationship defines the distinctiveness of each member of the Trinity. The definition of this kind occupies the major part of Basil’s treatise of pneumatology. Basil’s pneumatology cannot be understood, however, apart from his thoughts on salvation and baptism, which themselves are bound together. Basil’s argument for the divinity of the Holy Spirit works by illustrating what the Holy Spirit does. The Holy Spirit illumines and sanctifies the baptized. The Holy Spirit completes and perfects creation from the beginning of time to its end and illumines the mind of the believer to understand the message of its order. The Holy Spirit inspires the Scriptures and governs their understanding in the church. Making no claim to know the essence of God, Basil also leaves no doubt that the Holy Spirit has revealed his divinity through his actions. Only God does what only God can do. 454 Nichifor Tănase Eftimie Murgu University, Resita, Romania; pr.nichifor_tanase@yahoo.com Shining Light Shedding from Earthen Vessels. ‘Brightening Face’ Christology of the Desert Fathers – As Ascetic Interiorization, Somatic Experience and Outward Luminosity of Christ Who Radiates within Them This study is about the Desert Fathers’s contemplative experience of an outward luminosity, a physical radiance, similar to that of the hesychasts Athonite of the 14th century in late Byzantium. So, there is a convergence of desert wisdom with the Palamite hesychast theology. On these unveiled shining faces, the divine energy of the ‘Christ the Image and Glory of God’ is being revealed. Christ will radiate within us like to the desert Fathers: Pambo, Sisoe, Silvanus. Christology of the Desert Fathers overlaps with pre-Nicene Christology. In anthropological terms of the theosis, man is the mirror of divine glory (δόξα). So, just as the light of the transfiguration the light-bearing robe of the unfallen Adam has a equally teological importance for theosis. Speaking of the hesychast method of prayer and transformation of the body, Gregory Palamas also uses this Pauline theology of 2 Corinthians in Triad 1.2.2: ’’Paul says, ‘God, who has ordered light to shine from darkness, has made His light to shine in our hearts, in order that we may be enlightened by the knowledge of the glory of God, in the face of Jesus Christ’ (2 Cor. 4:6); but he adds, ‘We carry this treasure in earthen vessels” (2 Cor. 4:7). So we carry the Father’s light in the face (prosōpon) of Jesus Christ in earthen vessels, that is, in our bodies, in order to know the glory of the Holy Spirit.” We could grasp the convergence between the desert ascetic spirituality and the hesychast spirituality in the work of Gregory Palamas. For him, Moses the lawgiver, Stephen the protomartyr, and Arsenius the desert ascetic are examples from the Bible and the Fathers are men who were visibly transformed by divine light (Triad 2.3.9). God transcends the senses yet the knowledge of God is experiential. The monks know this. They see the hypostatic light spiritually – in reality not in a symbolic fashion. During the hesychast controversy, St Gregory Palamas defend the reality of the encounter with God of those monks who reported seeing a vision of light at the culmination of intense period of prayer. For the light is nothing less than the uncreated radiance of God – a divine energy accesible to the senses. This manifestation of Christ is not something external to ourselves. ’’It is only by having Christ radiant within us that we can enter into the truth which even in the Gospels is veiled from ordinary eyes” (N. Russell 2009, p. 103). Abba Pambo, Sisoes, Silvanus, St Seraphim of Sarov, were man whose radiance was the product of inward openess. Transfiguration becomes an interior experience to St. Seraphim of Sarov (1759-1833) and Archimandrite Sophrony (1896-1991). Deification to the Desert Fathers acquire a specific anthropological content as Christification, that find its fulfillment in a face-to-face encounter who, ’’is both a theological theme and a spiritual teaching, both the goal of the divine economy and the process by which the economy is worked out in the believer” (Russell 2009, p. 21). To Palamas, deification is, also, a supernatural gift that transforms both mind and body, making divinity visible (Triad 3.1. 33). Likeness also means a radiation of the presence of God within man, a ’’reciprocal interiority” (Stăniloae). In the saints this communion is expressed in the way God’s glory is reflected in their faces, in anticipation of the age to come. 455 Aleksandar Stojanović Čačak, Serbia; megalo.servos@gmail.com Συμβολή στην ερμηνεία της θεολογίας των νηπτικών πατέρων: περί του ακραιφνούς ορθοδόξου φρονήματος του Μεγάλου Βαρσανουφίου στην ανέκδοτη ερωταπόκριση Ὁ ἅγ. Νικόδημος Ἁγιορείτης διέσωσε ἀπό τή λήθη αἰώνων περίπου 850 ἐρωταποκρίσεις τῶν δύο Γαζαίων Πατέρων Βαρσανουφίου τοῦ Μεγάλου καί Ἰωάννου τοῦ Προφήτου. Αὐτές οἱ ἐρωταποκρίσεις περιέχουν πολύ βαθιά πνευματική διάκριση τῶν ἐν λόγῳ Πατέρων καί συνιστοῦν μία ἀπό τίς ἀναρίθμητες ἀποδείξεις τοῦ πάμπολλου πλούτου καί θησαυροῦ τῆς ὀρθοδόξου ἀσκητικῆς πνευματικότητας. Σ᾿ αὐτές, ὅμως, ἕνα δεδομένο προκαλεῖ πολύ μεγάλο ἐπιστημονικό ἐνδιαφέρον: Δηλαδή στά περισσότερα διασωθέντα χειρόγραφα αὐτῶν τῶν ἐρωταποκρίσεων ἐσκεμμένα ἀπουσιάζει μία ἐρωταπόκριση τοῦ Μ. Βαρσανουφίου. Πιό συγκεκριμένα, αὐτή η ἐρωταπόκριση δέν βρίσκεται ὁλόκληρη οὔτε στήν Βίβλον Ψυχωφελεστάτην τοῦ ἁγ. Νικοδήμου Ἁγιορείτη οὔτε στίς σλαβικές μεταφράσεις, ἐν πρώτοις τοῦ Παϊσίου Βελιτσκόφσκι. Ἡ πραγματική αἰτία αὐτῆς τῆς ἔλλειψης εἶναι ὅτι ἡ θεολογική ἔκφραση τοῦ Μ. Βαρσανουφίου προσιδιάζει στό φιλολογικό ὕφος τοῦ Εὐαγρίου τοῦ Ποντικοῦ. Πρέπει νά ἐπισημανθεῖ ἰδιαιτέρως ὅτι αὐτή ἡ ἐρωταπόκριση ὑπάρχει μόνο στά τρία χειρόγραφα: Vatopedi 2 (11ος αἰ.), Panteleimon 192 (14ος αἰ.) καί Sinaï 410 (12ος αἰ.). Ἡ ἴδια ἀναγνωρίζεται στήν ἐπιστήμη ὡς Méditation sur la lettre ἦτα, ἤ ὡς Ἐρωταπόκριση 137b, σύμφωνα μέ τήν ἔκδοση τοῦ Sources chrétiennes (№ 427). Τά θέματα πού ἀναπτύσσονται σ᾿ αὐτήν τήν ἐρωταπόκριση, συνδέονται μέ μία προγενέστερη ἰουδαιο-χριστιανική παράδοση ἀπό τήν ἑλληνιστική περίοδο καί κυρίως μέ τή σκέψη τοῦ Εὐαγρίου τοῦ Ποντικοῦ. Προφανῶς, αὐτή ἡ ὁμοιότητα τῆς διδασκαλίας τοῦ Μ. Βαρσανουφίου μέ τήν εὐαγριανή σκέψη εἶναι ἡ κύρια αἰτία τῆς ἀπουσίας μέρους τῆς ἐρωταπόκρισης ἀπό τά περισσότερα χειρόγραφα. Ἀπ᾿ αὐτήν τήν ἀξιοσημείωτη παρατήρηση εἰκάζεται σαφῶς ὅτι οἱ περισσότεροι ἀντιγραφεῖς δέν ἀντέγραφαν ὁλόκληρη τήν ἐρωταπόκριση, προκειμένου νά μήν προκαλέσουν τήν ἐντύπωση στούς ἀναγνῶστες, πώς ὑφίσταται κάποια βαθύτερη σχέση μεταξύ τῆς διδασκαλίας τοῦ Μ. Βαρσανουφίου καί τοῦ Εὐαγρίου τοῦ Ποντικοῦ. Ἀφορμή τῆς ἐκτενέστερης, ἐν προκειμένῳ, διατύπωσης τῆς θεολογικῆς σκέψης καί στάσης τοῦ Μ. Βαρσανουφίου ἦταν ὁρισμένες ἀσαφεῖς καί αἰνιγματώδεις ἐρωτήσεις πού τοῦ ἀπέστειλε κάποιος μοναχός περί τῶν τριῶν λογισμῶν του. Ἐπειδή δέ ἡ ἀλληλογραφία γινόταν μέσω τοῦ ἡγουμένου Σερίδου, ὁ ἀποστολέας μοναχός προσπάθησε νά κρύψει ἀπό τόν ἡγούμενο τή σημασία τῶν ἐρωτήσεων, ἀλλά καί ἤθελε νά μάθει, ἐάν ὁ Μ. Βαρσανούφιος πράγματι ἔχει τό διορατικό χάρισμα, γιά νά ἀπαντήσει στά αἰνίγματώδη ἐρωτήματά του. Ὁ Μ. Γέρων ἀπάντησε μέ τόν πιό κατάλληλο τρόπο στίς ἐρωτήσεις τοῦ ἀποστολέα μοναχοῦ, χρησιμοποιώντας ἐπίσης αἰνιγματικό ὕφος, ἀλλά καί τόν ἐμπόδισε κάπως νά τοῦ ξαναστείλει παρόμοιες ἐρωτήσεις, τονίζοντας πώς τέτοιες ἀνόητες καί ἀσαφεῖς ἐρωτήσεις δέν δείχνουν ταπεινοφροσύνη, ἀλλά ὁδηγοῦν τόν ἐρωτῶντα καί τόν ἐρωτώμενο στήν ταραχή καί στενοχωρία. Ἔπειτα, ὁ Μ. Βαρσανούφιος ἔγραψε πρός τόν ἀποστολέα μοναχό καί σέ κάποιους ἄλλους γέροντες, μερικές συμβουλές καί θεολογικά θέματα σύμφωνα μέ τό ἀλφάβητο, κάθε ἕνα στοιχεῖο ἀποδίδοντας στό Θεό, συγκεντρώνοντας καί γράφοντας λέξεις κατάλληλες σέ στοιχεῖο τοῦ ἀλφαβήτου πού ἑρμηνεύεται, καί ἀπ᾿ αὐτό τό στοιχεῖο ξεκινοῦν. Μετά τό ἅπλωνε πολύ σέ 456 διάφορες θεωρίες καί διετύπωνε τήν ἐπεξήγηση κάθε λέξης. Ἀπ᾿ ὅλες τίς θεωρίες τοῦ ἀλφαβήτου, διασώθηκε μόνο ἕνα κομμάτι ἀπ’ αὐτές πού ἀνήκουν στό γράμμα ἦτα. Καταφανῶς, ὁ συλλέκτης τῶν ἐρωταποκρίσεων τό ἐπέλεξε ὡς ὑπόδειγμα τοῦ ὑπόλοιπου ἀλφαβήτου. Ἡ ἀνακοίνωση αὐτή θά ἀναδείξει τό ὀρθόδοξο φρόνημα τῆς ἐν λόγῳ ἐρωταπόκρισης. Τήν εἰσήγησή μας συμπληρώνει παράρτημα πού ἐμπεριέχει τή μετάφραση ἀπό τά ἀρχαιοελληνικά, καθώς καί λεπτομερή θεολογικο-ιστορική ἀνάλυση. Athanasios Glaros National and Kapodistrian University of Athens, Athens, Greece; atglaros@yahoo.com Θεία Ιατρεία στο Βυζάντιο. Ρήσεις και διδασκαλίες των Αγίων Πατέρων για την αντιμετώπιση του ψυχικού άλγους Χαρίσματα και Αξίες έχουν πάντοτε κοινωνικό χαρακτήρα στη βυζαντινή εποχή. H θεραπεία του ψυχικού άλγους δεν είναι ατομική αλλά κοινωνική υπόθεση. Η κοινωνία είναι η αιτία του και το εμπειρικό πεδίο εκδήλωσης και αντιμετώπισής του. Το ψυχικό άλγος στην αγιοπατερική παράδοση συνιστά κοινωνική και όχι ατομική εμπειρία, ακόμη και αν παραμένει ανεκδήλωτο, αυστηρά περιορισμένο στη σφαίρα του εσωτερικού κόσμου του ανθρώπου, και εντελώς αφανές στην αισθητική πραγματικότητα. Και τούτο γιατί στο βυζαντινό κοσμοείδωλο, η πραγματικότητα στο μεγαλύτερο μέρος της δεν είναι απλώς υπεραισθητή, αλλά υπερβατική, ικανή να θεάται και να αλληλεπιδρά με τον εσωτερικό άνθρωπο. Στο παραπάνω πλαίσιο το ψυχικό άλγος δεν είναι απαραίτητο να εκδηλωθεί και να γίνει αντιληπτό στον αισθητό κόσμο για να αντιμετωπιστεί από την κοινωνία της Εκκλησίας. Η Εκκλησία είναι μια κοινωνία ενότητας υλικού και πνευματικού κόσμου. Η θριαμβεύουσα Εκκλησία δια των εντολών της κεφαλής Της, του Χριστού και δια της πρωτοβουλίας του Αγίου Πνεύματος επεμβαίνει θεραπευτικά και σωστικά στα χειμαζόμενα και ψυχαλγούντα μέλη της. Εφόσον αυτή είναι μια αδιάσειστη πραγματικότητα για τον χριστιανό, είναι δηλαδή στοιχείο της της πίστης και της κοσμοθεωρίας του, είναι απολύτως φυσιολογικό, να ενεργεί όχι μόνον προς θεραπεία του εκδηλωμένου ψυχικού άλγους του πλησίον του, αλλά και προληπτικά, ακόμη και πριν την εκδήλωση αυτού. Ο χριστιανός μπορεί να λάβει πνευματική πληροφορία για την ψυχική κατάσταση του άλλου, δια της επενεργείας της Χάριτος. Ακόμη μπορεί να λάβει τέτοια πληροφορία στο πλαίσιο ενός πειρασμού, μιας πλεκτάνης του Μισόκαλου. Επειδή δεν μπορεί να γνωρίζει με βεβαιότητα την προέλευση της πληροφορίας, ο χριστιανός οφείλει να ασκείται στην ταπείνωση και να κρατά την καρδιά του καθαρή και άδολη. Αυτό είναι το ζητούμενο της καθαρής καρδιάς. Στην πατερική παράδοση η κατά κόσμο ιατρεία έχει περιορισμένες δυνατότητες διαγνώσεως του κρυμμένου ψυχικού άλγους. Η Θεία ιατρεία υπερβαίνει τα εμπόδια της πεπερασμένης ανθρώπινης αντίληψης και ενσυναίσθησης, διότι είναι ενταγμένη στην προοπτική της θείας πρόνοιας. Υπό αυτό το πρίσμα το ψυχικό άλγος δεν αντιμετωπίζεται ως απόρροια της αμαρτίας. Απόρροια της αμαρτίας είναι οι συμφορές, οι θλίψεις και οι δοκιμασίες που προκαλούν το ψυχικό άλγος και όχι το ίδιο το ψυχικό άλγος. Έτσι, το ψυχικό άλγος αποενοχοποιείται. Και όχι μόνον αποενοχοποιείται αλλά θεωρείται και χρήσιμο για την ψυχή, όπως είναι η πείνα για τον σωματικό άνθρωπο, γιατί την πληροφορεί για την ένδεια και την σαθρή πνευματική της κατάσταση. Δεν είναι όμως μόνον χρήσιμο. Είναι και ωφέλιμο γιατί κοινωνεί την 457 κατάσταση της ψυχής στον Χριστό και στο σώμα του την Εκκλησία και την κρατά στη συνειδητότητα της κοινωνίας με τους άλλους. Όταν έχει κανείς επίγνωση ότι είναι μέλος μιας κοινωνίας αγάπης, από την οποία δεν μπορεί να κρύψει το ψυχικό του άλγος, και η οποία συντείνει και εργάζεται αγαπητικά για τη θεραπεία του, έχει ήδη διανύσει τον μεγαλύτερο δρόμο για την ειλικρινή παραδοχή του στους άλλους. Αυτή η παραδοχή θα τον φέρει πιο κοντά στην ίαση. Η απόσταση μέχρι την ίαση, μάλιστα, μηδενίζεται με την επενέργεια της Χάριτος. Neacșu Ovidiu-Mihai Faculty of Orthodox Theology “Justinian the Patriarch”, Bucharest, Romania; ovidiu_mn@yahoo.com Τὸ φρόνηµα τῆς σαρκὸς (Rom 8:6) – A Neptic Perspective The issue related to the Pauline expression ’’Τὸ φρόνηµα τῆς σαρκὸς” has received sufficient attention in the academic biblical theology, for this reason, in this study, I have analysed the said expression with deep theological meanings within the neptic tradition. I have approached the text from a neptic anthropological perspective in parallel to the biblical-exegetical perspective. I have looked deeper in the historical context of the expression and have delimited the expression conceptually, by relation to other synonym or antonym expressions that may bring useful hermeneutical solutions. The study has focused on the methodological differences of interpretation of the Pauline text. Considering the neptic tradition as a very complex and unitary experimental literature corpus, I have highlighted the experiential support of the approaching differences as well as the consequences of a literal interpretation. I have mentioned some abstracts from Philokalia in order to outline the view of the Neptic Fathers. Based on the neptic experience, the study proposes an anthropological interpretation of the expression which implies a specific reading of the Pauline text. Finally, I have drawn some conclusions based on the anthropological interpretation of the Pauline text, mainly underlining the gap between the scholar exegetical approach of the biblical text and the neptic empirical experience hereof. Marius Portaru Patristic Institute Augustinianum, Rome, Italy; mportaru@yahoo.com Divine Paradigms and Divine Activities in Gregory Palamas In a previous study, entitled A Reconsideration of the Relationship between Logoi and Divine Activities in Maximus the Confessor (forthcoming), I tried to argue that Maximus’ ontology contains a clear-cut distinction between divine logoi and divine activities and a rather implicit conception of their relationship. Previous confusions with regard to their distinction and relationship in Maximus were due to a reading influenced by some Palamite theologians, such as Vl. Lossky and J. Meyendorff. For instance, Meyendorff writes sketchily in his 1959 seminal book on Palamas that ‘Ces énergies incréées et éternelles sont pour lui [= for Palamas] des pensées de Dieu [= logoi]’. 458 In the present study, I argue instead that Gregory Palamas has acknowledged clearly enough the distinction between divine logoi or paradigms and divine activities in the first systematic formulation of his theology in the third Triad. My next step is to see whether he abandons or develops this distinction during his long polemics with Gregory Akindynos (1341-1347). Finally, I analyse to what extent Palamas’ conception is dependent on Maximus’, and what has been gain and lost theologically. Milan Đordević Faculty of Theology “St. Kliment Ohridski”, Skopje, Macedonia; dordevic_milan@hotmail.com Deideologizing Palamas: A Hesychast Defense of Rationality The following study has the objective to question the widely spread labeling of the thought and the person of saint Gregory Palamas as “anti-intellectual”. Such a label is nowadays accepted and distributed not only by the critics of Palamas, but also from many defenders of the “orthodox palamite conception of knowledge”. While trying to emphasize the importance of the mystical theological experience, they underestimate Palamas’ especially high valuation of the human rational ability to articulate and express the truths of the Christian faith. On the other hand, the contemporary critics of Palamas ground their argument mainly on the defense of the Hesychast prayer practice in Palamas’ “Triads”. In this polemical work Palamas accuses his opponent Barlaam of Calabria for uncritical application of the secular knowledge in the sphere of the discursive Theology (emphatically quoting in this context saint Basil the Great and his argumentation against the pagan Philosophy). Can the strong antisecular rhetoric of the “Triads” be thus understood in the sense of a “polemical hyperbole” and not as definitive epistemological position? We may raise one further question: Was Palamas actually the defender of rationality in this controversy, who fought the anti-intellectual obscurantism through overstating it, thus confronting not only the ideological anti-hesychasm, but also the ideological anti-intellectualism of his time? In order to answer this question we should focus on the non-polemical works of Palamas (Capita 150 and Homiliae), considering not only the contemporary developments in the field of the thought of Palamas, but also the contemporary ideological criticism. José Maksimczuk KU Leuven, Leuven, Belgium; jose.maksimczuk@kuleuven.be Early Reception of the Florilegium Coislinianum: Its Relationship with the Brief Anthology of MSS Par. Gr. 852 and Vatop. 36 In his essential work on spiritual florilegia (1962), M. Richard pointed out that parts of the alphabetical anthology known as the Florilegium Coislinianum (FC) are transmitted in a group of four manuscripts: Parisinus gr. 852 (s. X-XI), Athous, Vatopediou 36 (s. XI), Venetus Marcianus gr. 507 (s. XII) and Parisinus gr. 1555 A (s. XIV). In fact, those codices form an anthology of its own, 459 which I call the Anthologia Parisina (Anth.Par.) A link between the Anth.Par. and the FC is indeed undeniable as they share a large number of excerpts with identical incipit and desinit. The main goal of my presentation will be to document the actual link between both compilations. In the first part of my paper, I will survey the internal relations between the four witnesses of the Anth. Par. and show that two recensiones of this short anthology have come down to us. The second part of my paper will be devoted to a comparative analysis of the Anth.Par. and the FC. On the basis of a thorough investigation of the excerpts shared by both works, I will argue that the Anth.Par. depends on the FC and that it is most likely a witness of an independent branch of this anthology. 460 THURSDAY, 25TH AUGUST LATIN CYPRUS (1192-1571): A CASE OF FORCED COEXISTENCE. ART, DOGMA, LAWS, HAGIOLOGY AND ARCHITECTURE Conveners: Ioannis Eliades, Nikolaos D. Siomkos VENETIAN HISTORIOGRAPHY (AND BYZANTINE STUDIES) Conveners: Andrea Nanetti, Șerban V. Marin WAR AND PEACE IN BYZANTIUM: CHANGES AND TURNING-POINTS IN THE MIDDLE AND LATE BYZANTINE PERIOD (7TH- 15TH CENTURIES) Convener: Athina Kolia-Dermitzaki STUDYING BYZANTINE SCULPTURE IN THE 21ST CENTURY: NEW PERSPECTIVES AND APPROACHES Conveners: Claudia Barsanti, Alessandra Guiglia THEATRE AND LITURGY: PERFORMANCE AND RITUAL IN CHRISTIAN WORSHIP – PART 1 Conveners: Andrew Walker White, Niki Tsironis THEATRE AND LITURGY: PERFORMANCE AND RITUAL IN CHRISTIAN WORSHIP – PART 2 Conveners: Andrew Walker White, Niki Tsironis SYNODIKA Conveners: Frederick Lauritzen, Antonio Rigo, Anna-Marija Totomanova LIFE AND WORKS OF PHOTIUS OF CONSTANTINOPLE Conveners: Filippo Ronconi, Marcello Garzaniti FASHION IN TRANSITION: FROM BYZANTIUM TO THE BYZANTINE COMMONWEALTH Conveners: Aleksandr Musin, Marcin Wołoszyn, Perica Špehar 461 STUDYING AND COMMUNICATING BYZANTIUM – PART 2 Chairs: Karsten Fledelius, Anna Linden Weller THE AGE OF THE KOMNENOI Chairs: Paul Magdalino, Leonora Neville THE EARLY BYZANTINE CHURCH Chairs: Mikhail Gratsianskiy, Manya Erna Shirinyan BYZANTINE ARCHEOLOGY Chairs: Dominic Moreau, Mihailo Milinković STUDIES IN BYZANTINE ICONOGRAPHY ‒ PART 1: ICONOGRAPHY OF SAINTS Chairs: Anna Zakharova, Tatjana Starodubcev BYZANTINE LITERATURE IN THE 11TH CENTURY Chairs: Diether Roderich Reinsch, Dejan Dželebdžić THE LATE BYZANTINE EMPIRE – PART 1 Chairs: Antonia Kiousopoulou, Maja Nikolić ART OF MEDIEVAL GEORGIA Chairs: Nina Chichinadze, Irene Giviashvili LITERATURE IN THE AGE OF THE KOMNENOI Chairs: Elisabeth Jeffreys, Nikolaos Zagklas THE LATE BYZANTINE EMPIRE ‒ PART 2 Chairs: Erekle Jordania, Bogdan-Petru Maleon THE CHURCH BETWEEN THE EAST AND THE WEST ‒ PART 1 Chairs: Nichkiphoros Tsougarakis, Anna Karamanidou 462 LATIN CYPRUS (1192-1571): A CASE OF FORCED COEXISTENCE. ART, DOGMA, LAWS, HAGIOLOGY AND ARCHITECTURE Conveners: Ioannis Eliades, Nikolaos D. Siomkos Ioannis Eliades, The “Latin Chapel” of the Monastery of Saint John Lampadistis in Cyprus Greek, Latin or Something in between? Nikolaos D. Siomkos, La Crète à Chypre. La présence crétoise dans la production artistique chypriote Charalampos G. Chotzakoglou, Cyprus under the Latin Rule (1192-1571): Modern Efforts to Present the Latin Era as a Period οf Peaceful Coexistence Flora Karagianni, Latin Interventions in the Byzantine Architecture of Cyprus (1191-1570) Nikitas Hatzimihail, Law in Latin Cyprus: The Assizes at the Crossroads Jenny Albani, “Ὁ υἱὸς τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ἔρχεται” (Matthew 24: 44). An Icon of the Last Judgment from the Church of Virgin Faneromeni, Nicosia Georgios Markou, Monasterium Sancti Pauli de Antiochis alias Veracis Crucis. The Monastery of Stavrovouni in Venetian Cyprus, 1489-1571 Ioannis Eliades Nicosia, Cyprus; ioanniseliades@gmail.com The “Latin Chapel” of the Monastery of Saint John Lampadistis in Cyprus Greek, Latin or Something in between? The “Latin Chapel” of the Monastery of Saint John Lampadistis in Kalopanagiotis village in Troodos mountains hosts one of the better preserved fresco chapels in the island dating back in the period of the Venetian rule. This chapel is found next to the Saint John Lampadistis chapel, which has been constructed above the tomb of the Saint. Saint John’s monastery has been an important pilgrimage stopover on the way to the Monastery of Virgin Mary of Kykkos. It is a rectangular room without an apse and its walls host the iconographical cycle of the Akathist Hymn, the Stem of Jesse, Moses and the Burning Bush, Moses receiving the ten Commandments, the Hospitality of Abraham and busts of Saints. The frescoes have been executed in a Cypro-renaissance art and present the finest example of this art in the island: it is a spectacular pictorial set, which is adorned with the latest achievements in the arts, such as illusionistic configurations (virtual vaults in the ceiling and the window of the east wall that turns into a part of the scene painting) and decorative stripes with Italian motifs that fascinate with its rich alternation of colors. Renaissance values infiltrating the whole decoration. The ensemble is governed by good organization, balance and harmony. Renaissance buildings impress offering new expressive solutions, maintaining the autonomy of the individual scenes. The area indicated by architecture placed in perspective and landscape, which is rendered three dimensional and extend to the horizon, where mingle with the artistic attributable atmospheric sky. The harmony of the whole is achieved by good design, while contrasting perspectives equilibrate between the rich gradations of color and the excellent techniques in the use of color and execution of gilding. In sensationalist effort are included also the technical performance of the perspective, known as scorcio that the painters could not to know if they had not studied for a long time in Italy. In this paper I will deal with the iconographical programme of this Chapel, the use of the Chapel during the period of the Latin rule of Cyprus and the forced coexistence between Greeks and Latins in the island of Cyprus, as mirrored by the iconography of this and other monuments of that period. 464 Nikolaos D. Siomkos Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports, Thessaloniki, Greece; siomkosnikos@yahoo.gr La Crète à Chypre. La présence crétoise dans la production artistique chypriote Pendant la domination vénitienne, une branche de la peinture chypriote s’oriente sur la voie de l’art occidental, en inventant un nouveau langage artistique. Ainsi, à côté de monuments qui suivent la tradition byzantine, il y a des œuvres qui combinent, d’une manière particulière, d’éléments byzantins et occidentaux. Dans ce cadre de diversité des influences artistiques, les artistes chypriotes, favorisés par la prospérité économique de leur clientèle, ont connu une période florissante. Néanmoins, à Chypre il existe aussi un certain nombre d’icônes de la fin du XVe et du XVIe siècle, dues à des peintres crétois. Ces icônes, issues d’un contexte socio-culturel similaire, ont été envisagées jusqu’à présent que sous l’aspect des oeuvres destinés à la clientèle de confession latine de l’île, sans aucune précision sur leur provenance. Comme il a été déjà soutenu, l’existence des certains éléments iconographiques sur les icônes chypriotes, met en évidence le rôle de la peinture crétoise dans la diffusion des modèles iconographiques plus anciens à Chypre. En outre, le nombre important des icônes crétoises du XVIe et XVIIe siècles, qui sont dernièrement signalées à Chypre, confirme l’intérêt pour ces oeuvres, malgré la production importante des ateliers chypriotes de cette époque. Dans ce cadre, nous tenterons de déceler et d’examiner les œuvres crétois conservés sur l’île, afin de préciser au niveau iconographique et stylistique l’étendue des influences éventuelles de l’école crétoise sur l’ensemble de la production artistique de Chypre. Charalampos G. Chotzakoglou Hellenic Open University, Patras, Greece /Nicosia University, Nicosia, Cyprus; chotzako@hotmail.com Cyprus under the Latin Rule (1192-1571): Modern Efforts to Present the Latin Era as a Period οf Peaceful Coexistence The Latin conquest of Cyprus (1191/2) and the establishment of the Roman-Catholic Church on the island, the autocephalous state of the Cypriot Church and the efforts of its Latin rulers to protect their domination from the byzantine efforts to recapture the island played an important role to the relation between the Latin rulers and their Church and the locals. The Cypriot population as Christian-Orthodox believers and as a part of the Byzantine world, well integrated into the ecclesiastical and secular administration of the Byzantine Empire, were held as internal threat and potential traitors to the Latin minority, which undertook the administration and invited the Pope and the Latin clergy to be established and to crown the Latin ruler of Cyprus. 465 The seizure of the main property of the Cypriot Church, of the imperial authorities on the island and of locals, who lost their previous civil rights and privileges, the perception of the Cypriots as schismatic subjects and the efforts to control the orthodox Church caused considerable tensions, which led to rebellions and disobedience-cases by Cypriots and even to the persecution of monks. The Latin conquest of Constantinople left Cypriots without many hopes for their support, while the Ecumenical Patriarchate being in Exile was advising the Cypriot Church how to survive in such conditions. Strict measures were taken in order to restrain the privileges, the power, the rights and even the ecclesiastical freedom of the Cypriot Church, which was subordinated to the Roman Catholic one. Bulla Cypria imposed on the Cypriot clergy among other the “oath of fidelity”, which along with further Roman-Catholic measures led the Cypriot Church to be held by the Ecumenical Patriarchate as schismatic and in that case as Uniate. Nevertheless a trend in the modern bibliography presents the Latin period in Cyprus as an era of a peaceful coexistence between rulers and subjects calling upon Latin donations to Cypriot monasteries, interpreting representations of donors in Cypriot monasteries as Latins, focusing on commonly venerated saints and underlining donations of Cypriots to Latin convents in their wills during the venetian rule of Cyprus. In our paper we shall examine the above mentioned arguments according to relevant sources and artistic material. Flora Karagianni European Centre for Byzantine and Post-Byzantine Monuments, Thessaloniki, Greece; flkaragianni@gmail.com Latin Interventions in the Byzantine Architecture of Cyprus (1191-1570) (No text) Nikitas Hatzimihail University of Cyprus, Nicosia, Cyprus; nhatzimi@ucy.ac.cy Law in Latin Cyprus: The Assizes at the Crossroads Sources of law constitute a vital aspect of the study of Latin Cyprus: they allow us to recreate the institutions and instruments of Lusignan rule and to evaluate – official and informal – attitudes of ruling classes and native population alike. Moreover, from the point of view of legal history, Latin Cyprus allows us to examine several themes concerning a defining period in the history of the Western legal tradition, i.e. the High Middle Ages. Notably, the interaction between Eastern Roman 466 (Byzantine) and Western European law; the degree of influence that the emerging learned law of Western European universitities may have had on the “Latin” iura propria of the crusader kingdoms and their successor in Cyprus; the influence of local custom on established norms and attitudes. The principal source for such inquires concerns the Assizes of Jerusalem and Cyprus, a law collection, often described in terms of a code, but perhaps more resembling of a legal treatise. Originally composed for the Kingdom of Jerusalem (1189), the Assizes were put into effect in Lusignan Cyprus, becoming a formal source of law by 1369. The Assizes are divided into Assizes of the High Court (Assises de la Haute Cour) and Assizes of the Lower – or Burghers’ – Court (Assises de la Basse Cour, Assises de la Cour des Bourgeois). The former address the rights and duties of members of the nobility, as well as between nobility and king. The latter address rights and duties of the burghers. Both were originally written in French, but the Assizes of the Burghers’ Court were eventually translated in the local Greek dialect. These latter “Greek” Assizes present particular interest: on the one hand, they allow us to study the interaction between Latin rulers and local population; on the other hand, it has been argued (e.g. Zepos) that they reflect a strong influence by both the formal Byzantine law and local customs surviving in the Graeco-Roman East. My paper consists of three parts: a concise presentation of the sources available and their context; a critical presentation of the debates in historiography about them, and the stakes involved; and an examination of specific examples that may confirm these supposed connections with West and Byzantine East. Jenny Albani Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports, Athens, Greece; jennyalbani@gmail.com “Ὁ υἱὸς τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ἔρχεται” (Matthew 24: 44). An Icon of the Last Judgment from the Church of Virgin Faneromeni, Nicosia This paper deals with an icon of the Last Judgment, egg tempera on wood, 83 X 119 cm. It originates in the Church of Virgin Faneromeni, in Nicosia, and belongs nowadays to the collection of the Byzantine Museum in Nicosia (inv. no BM100). The icon’s condition is good, except for some missing parts of the painting layer on its central part and along its upper edge. In terms of stylistic criteria the icon in question has been dated to the 16th century. Since the depiction of the Last Judgment was very popular both in the Post-Byzantine East and the Latin West, it is interesting to examine the iconography of this work painted on a cultural crossroads. As is usually the case in depictions of the Last Judgment, the icon’s composition is plethoric and comprises a lot of secondary themes, which are placed to the left and right of a main vertical axis. On the upper part of this axis Christ the Judge, surrounded by a round mandorla, dominates the composition. Archangels Michael and Gabriel in military garb stand on either side of the Lord, as well as the Virgin and St. John the Baptist interceding for the salvation of mankind. Stretching his right hand Christ invites the Righteous, while he dismisses the sinners with his left. On either side 467 of Christ the Apostles are seated on luxurious thrones, holding open books which are inscribed with their names. Twelve angels in imperial garments stand behind them, whilst two more angels stand behind Christ’s mandorla. From Christ’s mandorla the flaming river streams parallel to the main axis of the icon flooding the Hell on the bottom right part. Below Christ the Hetoimasia of the Throne is depicted, flanked by two flying angels in prayer. Lower down Adam and Eve kneel on either side of the throne on which the cross stands, flanked by the symbols of the Passion. On the lowest part of the axis the Weighing of Souls is depicted. Below the Apostles’ group on the left, inside clouds, six groups of Righteous, nuns, holy men and women, monks and prophets, pray to the Lord. Outside the clouds one more choir of aged Righteous is also praying to Christ. On the bottom left part of the icon the Paradise is depicted as a luminous garden inside which the Virgin is enthroned between two adoring angels, while Abraham is sitting further to the right. Below the Apostles’ group on the right an angel unrolls the Heaven’s scroll. Further down, inside a grayish landscape the personification of Earth is riding a monster, while a flying angel blowing a trumpet gives the signal for the resurrection of the Dead. On the bottom right corner is the Hell, flooded by the river of fire. Inside the river five Sinners ask for mercy, and two angels push violently two more Sinners to Hell, where a black demonic figure with open arms, riding a black monster, is waiting to grab them. Inside the fiery chaos of Hell black figures of Damned are tormented by black demons around a black fortification wall with towers and a railed arched gate. This icon, with its abundant narrative and traditional composition, gives an insight into the iconographic and stylistic approach of Christ’s Second Coming in Latin Cyprus and offers a visual testimony to its society’s eschatological concerns. Georgios Markou University of Cambridge, Cambridge, United Kingdom; gm498@cam.ac.uk Monasterium Sancti Pauli de Antiochis alias Veracis Crucis. The Monastery of Stavrovouni in Venetian Cyprus, 1489-1571 The mountaintop monastery of Stavrovouni, with its relic of the True Cross, has been the most famous pilgrim shrine on Cyprus since the early Middle Ages. By 1254, the Black monks, replaced the Orthodox monks of the order of Saint Basil, thus commencing the Latin period in the foundation’s history. Even though most of the travellers during the Lusignan and the subsequent Venetian periods commented on the Benedictine monastery, their accounts are often limited in terms of describing the relics, especially the Cross that was “miraculously” suspended on air. Based on documentary evidence, this paper will examine the history of the foundation during the period of Venetian rule on the island and its connection with the illustrious family of the Podocataros. 468 VENETIAN HISTORIOGRAPHY (AND BYZANTINE STUDIES) Conveners: Andrea Nanetti, Șerban V. Marin Andrea Nanetti, Engineering Venetian Historiography: A Case Study towards an Algebra of Highly-Crossed-Linked Events and Transformation Processes Șerban V. Marin, Propagandistic Usefulness or Means to Reconstruct the Past? Few Aspects on the Importance of the Venetian Chronicles Roberto Pesce, The First Venetians: The Chosen People Andrea Beretta, The Life of Attila in the Venetian Chronicles Daniele Dibello, The Art of Mystifying: The Venetian Chronicles and Events that Never Happened Elena Ene Draghici-Vasilescu, The Church of San Marco in the Eleventh Century Chiara Frison, The Account of Byzantium and Its Fall in the Cronicha of Giorgio Dolfin Katerina B. Korrè, Stradioti Mercenaries of Venice and the Virtual Library of Venetian Chronicles: A Case-Study John R. Melville-Jones, The Battle of Gallipoli 1416: A Case of Irrational Exuberance Dmitry Vozchikov, Laonikos Chalkokondyles and the Late Byzantine Feedback of the Venetian Myth Andrea Nanetti Nanyang Technological University of Singapore, Singapore, Singapore; andrea.nanetti@ntu.edu.sg Engineering Venetian Historiography: A Case Study towards an Algebra of Highly-Crossed-Linked Events and Transformation Processes1 Beginning in the 9th century, Venetian historiographical production has left us a corpus of at least 2,000 manuscripts held in public libraries in Europe and North America (not including the ones in private collections). Since the 1960s, Italian scholars, inspired and mentored by Agostino Pertusi and Antonio Carile, have been systematically investigating these Venetian chronicles to produce a coherent corpus of material for the study of the relationships between Byzantium and Venice. This historical and philological endeavour has moved existing scholarship from the traditional nineteenth-century transcription and translation of single manuscripts of Venetian chronicles into the development of an understanding of the complex network of the event-related texts that constitute its hidden structure. Between 2002 and 2004, the project ‘Virtual Library of Venetian chronicles’, funded by the Italian Ministry of Culture under the supervision of Antonio Carile, organised these manuscript treasures into a new digital platform designed by Andrea Nanetti and developed by Guido Grazioli, and made this available internationally. In 2004 the project founded a permanent laboratory, directed first by Antonio Carile and now by Giorgio Vespignani, in the Department of Cultural Heritage Conservation of the University of Bologna (Ravenna branch), in which a Ph.D. researcher was assigned a full time position. The results are continually updated and are available on http:// www.cronachevenezianeravennati.it The long lasting and deep historical and historiographical relationship between Byzantium and Venice is not the topic of this session, which has more than one purpose. 1. First, recognising the scholarly process that has created an understanding of the hidden structure of the Venetian chronicles, seen as a coherent corpus of historical evidence produced by Venetian society in the reconstruction and consolidation of its historical memory for the shaping of its own identity as a society, which would assure a place to its people in the international arena. 2. Secondly, sharing an understanding of the best practices of the use of Venetian chronicles by Byzantinists and Medievalists. 3. Thirdly, developing and consolidating the use of the texts of the Venetian chronicles after the digital development. 1 The research has been funded by NTU Singapore (2014-2016 Start-Up-Grant), the 2014 and 2016 Microsoft Research Asia Collaborative Research Programs, 2015 and 2016 Microsoft Azure for Research (PI, Andrea Nanetti). 470 In Venetian chronicles as in many other chronicles all over the world, each event (e.g., the Fourth Crusade, the conquest of Coron and Modon in 1207) needs a special critical edition, because it has been written collecting materials from different sources. Even when it seems to have a simple copy of another chronicle, sometimes for a specific event it might not be true. From a theoretical point of view, the relationship event-facts/evidence-interpretation needs to be engineered in order to understand it. And the operation must be done event by event, one by one, even for events that appear in the same text. Machine learning can help historians proceed in this quite heavy historical task. Today, we can! Șerban V. Marin National Archives of Romania, Bucharest, Romania; serbmarin@gmail.com Propagandistic Usefulness or Means to Reconstruct the Past? Few Aspects on the Importance of the Venetian Chronicles This paper is rather an introduction to the present session, by focusing upon a preamble topic dealing with the Venetian chronicles. As a matter of fact, the Venetian chronicles have often been regarded as mere propaganda, so that their importance is deemed to be actually null. By simply applying the propagandistic stigma, the Venetian chronicles are brutally thrown to the recycle bin bearing the uselessness brand. It is the case of those modern historians who have limited themselves to strictly pursuing the reconstruction of events. On the whole, the issue of the importance proves to be once again a wrong lead and stating that a material is important or not is nothing but a relative judgment, liable of amendment at any time. Importance is an extremely relative matter that is modified according to the subject being researched. Actually, this paper has in intention to present a number of examples of the modern historians that have expressed their opinions regarding various Venetian chronicles. For example, the anonymous chronicles from Marciana Library with the reference codes It. VII. 798 and It. VII. 1577, which were considered by Freddy Thiriet as “utterly uninteresting”, therefore “mediocre”, are highly valuable from our point of view. On the other side, the chronicle of Antonio Morosini, which is so important to the French scholar as to request its publication, does not seem to be of any particular utility in investigating the subject related to the origins of Venice, for example, from the simple reason that the pages covering a great part of the period under research were lost. And the examples of dissociation from the criteria advanced by Thiriet could continue. A particular attention would be given to the viewpoint expressed in time by various Byzantinists related to the importance of the Venetian chronicles as sources of the history of Byzantium. 471 Roberto Pesce Baylor University, Waco TX, United States; ropesce@gmail.com The First Venetians: The Chosen People My paper examines the legendary origins of Venice as described in a XIII Century manuscript in franco-veneto produced in the Veneto area. This text represents an uncommon account of the migration from mainland cities to the islands of the lagoon during barbarian invasions: with Northern Italy under attack by Attila the Hun and other peoples, the king and queen of Padua led the defense. While King Gilius beheaded Attila during a chess game, the queen, having changed her name to Sarah after she was baptized, guided the survivors to safety on the islands of Rialto, founding Venice. With its origins not connected to the classical myth, the account of Venice’s history in this manuscript alludes to the Old Testament. In comparing the biblical figure of Sarah to the queen of Padua, analyzing the similarities in the foundation of the respective new states, Israel and Venice, and drawing from source material and the political and religious elements of the Venetian tradition, this paper explores the literary and historical consequences of the reinterpretation of the biblical word, arguing that, as this manuscript suggests, Venetians are not just worthy and magnanimous refugees, but the new Chosen People. Andrea Beretta Università degli Studi di Siena, Siena, Italy; andrea.beretta1804@gmail.com The Life of Attila in the Venetian Chronicles As part of my PhD thesis L’Attila Flagellum Dei di Nicolò da Casola. Edizione del libro primo e studio della tradizione testuale su Attila in Italia, I am accomplishing a critical edition of the so-called Estoire d’Atile en Ytaire (a Franco-Italian prose text, source of Nicolò da Casola’s poem) and I am studying its Latin and Venetian translations in a comparative perspective, thanks to the “Cronache veneziane e ravennati” database (http://www.cronachevenezianeravennati.it). By doing so, I will establish a first partition into several branches of the corpus of witnesses. In my paper I shall expose the results of this study, and I will specifically focus my attention on the outline of a preliminary stemma codicum that could provide a genealogical interpretation of the textual tradition of the Estoire d’Atile. 472 Daniele Dibello University of San Marino, Montegiardino, Republic of San Marino / Ghent University, Ghent, Belgium; daniele.dibello@yahoo.it The Art of Mystifying: The Venetian Chronicles and Events that Never Happened It is well known how Venetian chronicles are characterised, since their origins, by a lucid ability to talk about events and characters so that the image of aurea Venecia could always shine. This practice is summarized in the so-called ‘myth of Venice’, and it has contributed so much to the progress of the studies in the second half of XXth century. But, how were the chronicles able, more concretely, to propose to the world a diferent reconstruction of the events compared to reality? Which were the values reafrmed strongly in the chronicles for passing over in silence or diminishing the importance of adverse facts? For this reason, I will consider three events, three crises that seriously jeopardized the Venetian State (Querini-Tiepolo’s conspiracy, Marino Falier’s treason and the forced removal of doge Francesco Foscari). After a brief historical overview of these tragic moments, I will analyse their variations as suggested in the Venetian chronicles in the XIVth and XVth centuries, by drawing atention to the political and cultural dynamics put in motion by chroniclers to transfgure the reality in myth. Elena Ene Draghici-Vasilescu University of Oxford, Oxford, United Kingdom; elena.ene-v@wolfson.ox.ac.uk The Church of San Marco in the Eleventh Century In 1084 the most important of the few consecrations of St Mark’s church in Venice – that which solemnized the completion of its largest altar – took place. It is assumed that the Doge Dominico Selvo (1071-1084) assigned Byzantine mosaicists to finish the decorative programme in time for the respective event. In part because of the beauty and quality of their work way they created by them, the eleventh century saw the prestige of this Venetian shrine increase. Also what in the popular imagination was the miraculous appearance of the relics of its patron saint from a pillar (either in 1084 or 1094, according to the source used) further augmented it. The article attempts to prove that the eleventh century was the most important period of the medieval Venetian church that was to become much later the cathedral San Marco. It will venture a description of it not only on the basis of its similarities, claimed by most scholars, with the Apostoleion church in Constantinople, but also using information from extant documents as well as results of new archaeological discoveries, especially those published in the catalogue of the exhibition organised by its Procuratoria between July and November 2011, in Ken Dark and Ferudun Özgümüş’s works, and in other sources.” 473 Chiara Frison Mira, Italy; kifri.kifri@gmail.com The Account of Byzantium and Its Fall in the Cronicha of Giorgio Dolfin In the Cronicha dela nobil cità de Venetia et dela sua provintia et destreto (origins-1458), Giorgio Dolfin often describes the relationships between Byzantium and Venice, “altera Byzantium”, and mentions events concerning Byzantine history. Worthy of note, it is his account of the Ottoman conquest of Constantinople which was a severe blow for both the Christendom and the Venetian economic interests in the Levant. For example, he narrates how Emperor Manuel I Comnenus (1143-1180) often read the book of Daniel, which predicted the future of the empire of Romania and also prophesied its end. His description of Constantinople is full of pathos and is one of the few cases where author mentions his sources. The goal of this paper is to examine how Giorgio Dolfin recounted this episode and how scholars have used the information this chronicler provided in his work. Katerina B. Korrè Athens, Greece; katerinakorr@yahoo.gr Stradioti Mercenaries of Venice and the Virtual Library of Venetian Chronicles: A Case-Study Writing history has always been a matter of great importance for Venice. The state tried either directly, by implicating the constitutional bodies, or through developing specific administrative organs, to manipulate the construction of the public image as well as the public’s memory. Through the existing formal historiographical opere, emerges the image of the Serenissima triumphant over the historical time, -a function which results in a perpetual legalization of the chosen political system, as a result of a “natural” process. Next to this sort of “official history” which deals with the big picture, an “non-official” historiography flourished as well: diarii, memorie, lettere storiche, commentarii, etc. These historical works have the advantage of allowing forms of micro-history to invade between the lines of narration, usually concerning mainly scenes from the martial fronts. It is in these forms of narration that we find valuable pieces of information concerning the stradioti, a light-armed mercenary cavalry of Venice which played a distinguished role during the 15th-16th century. The Venetian term stradioti is a terminus technicus; originating from the late byzantine times (στρατιώται) these Greek, Greek-albanian horsemen were recruited during the late 14th and 15th century in the Despotate of Morea to meet the demographic and defensive needs of the region. After the Ottoman takeover of 1460, a large number of them resorted to the Venetian colonies of Morea. Later, they were used as frontline troops in the Venetian colonies of Albania, Dalmatia, the north 474 Venetian front (Friuli, Istria) and mainly at the wars of the 15th century which enlarged the Venetian mainland (1494-1530). During the 16th century and after the conflicts in the Italian mainland, a large number of these cavalrymen remained in Venice while others were vanished integrated by the local communities they were ordered to serve; in the Dalmatian possessions, Cyprus and Crete, the Ionian Islands. The two centuries’ presence of the stradioti is discussed, often with admirable clarity, by the “official” and mainly by the “non-official” Venetian historiography. Taking advantage of a discussion concerning a Virtual Library of Venetian Chronicles, I build up the image of the stradioti as it emerges from my own research data derived from the relevant Venetian chronicles. This case-study takes advantage of the hidden structure of the Venetian chronicles especially among the “formal” historiographical texts and the “informal” - type of diari, memorie (e.g. G. Priuli’s, Diarii; Da Porto’s, Lettere; D. Malipiero’s, Annali Veneti or M.Sanudo’s, Le Vite dei Dogi). Lastly, towards the consolidation of the use of the texts in their digital form, we propose the extension of the base by developing a link referring to relevant byzantine originated chronicles existing in the Italian libraries, which provide information for the Venetian history; a reversefunction of the existing base which could be used independently as well. John R. Melville-Jones University of Western Australia, Perth WA, Australia; john.melville-jones@uwa.edu.au The Battle of Gallipoli 1416: A Case of Irrational Exuberance After establishing a beachhead in Europe at Gallipoli in 1354, the Ottomans took over more and more of the European territory of the Byzantine Empire, although the pace of expansion was slowed or even briefly reversed because of the problems that followed their defeat at the Battle of Ancyra in 1402. During this period and afterwards the Venetians attempted to maintain good diplomatic relations with the sultan and the emperor, although this was difficult when Ottoman vessels made piratical attacks on Venetian ships and land-based establishments. In 1414, in particular, attacks were made on the island of Negropont (Euboea), which had been under Venetian control since 1390, and large numbers of prisoners were taken and carried off. Reparations were sought. Then in 1416 a Venetian squadron which was escorting an embassy to the Sultan found itself, because of a misunderstanding, fighting the Turkish fleet that was stationed there. The result was a resounding victory for the Venetians, which may have led them in later years to overestimate what they could do in the East, and encouraged them to attempt to keep Thessalonica from the Ottomans. 475 Dmitry Vozchikov Ural Federal University, Ekaterinburg, Russian Federation; catullus89@mail.ru Laonikos Chalkokondyles and the Late Byzantine Feedback of the Venetian Myth The paper deals with the image of the «Serenissima», constructed by post-Byzantine intellectual Laonikos Chalkokondyles in his «Histories» (1450s–1460s). Chalkokondyles payed special attention to the political structure of the Italian city-states. Previous late Byzantine authors had rarely mentioned the main particularities of the political order or current home situation in the Italian republics or had tried to classify them in classical terms, for example, Theodore Metochites blamed the Genoese «ungovernable democracy» for corrupting this prosperous city. As A. Kaldellis states, Chalkokondyles wrote a first account of the government of an Italian state in the Byzantine literature. In this report the author’s attempt is to trace how the common places of the Venetian myth penetrated into the late Byzantine discourse (including two controversial portrays of Venice, written by Demetrios Kydones) and how Chalkokondyles used ideologemes of Venetian superiority, justice, «libertatis continuatio» (a term, coined by the Venetian chronicler Lorenzo de Monacis), and a maritime mythology. In his epic narrative Chalkokondyles presented Venice as a state of unique stability and prudent laws, as the wealthiest and the most beautiful city in Italy. Chalkokondyles noticed that the Republic of Venice had not ever been thrown into any inner political turmoil. This statement was one of the most frequent common places in the Venetian narrative. The Byzantine historian’s contemporary, the Venetian humanist Lauro Quirini praised «our happiest Venetian republic <…> which avoided any faction». Chalkokondyles mentioned Bajamonte Tiepolo’s conspiracy (1310) as a historically abnormal event, he also said that Tiepolo himself (not Tiepolo’s standard-bearer as it was in the Venetian narratives) was killed by a certain woman, who stroke him with a stone. This passage in the «Histories» was probably influenced by the episode of the death of Pyrrhus, described by Plutarch, who was one of the most popular classical authors in Byzantium. Chalkokondyles underlined that the Venetians were the most skilled sailors who had several times defeated the Greeks. The Venetian offence into Terraferma was also mentioned in the «Histories». The historian described the Venetian political institutes, including the doge (ἡγεμών), in details and pointed out that the Venetian government once (probably the process of Serrata in 1297) had been changed from democracy to aristocracy. The 15th-chentury Venetian chronicler de Monacis stated in Ciceronian way, that his «principate» had combined three forms of government with the doge as a king, the Senate as optimates and the Great Council as a people, and this was an optimal model for the maritime city-state. In general, Chalkokondyles admired the Venetian political order, but also blamed its government for neglecting the destiny of the «close peoples» because of commercial interest. Nevertheless, Chalkokondyles was definitely aware of the Venetian official ideology and his description of the «Serenissima» was influenced by the Venetian myth, so the myth had the feedback that was expected by the Venetian political elite. 476 WAR AND PEACE IN BYZANTIUM: CHANGES AND TURNING-POINTS IN THE MIDDLE AND LATE BYZANTINE PERIOD (7TH- 15TH CENTURIES) Convener: Athina Kolia-Dermitzaki Salvatore Cosentino, A Silent Revolution: The Early Phase of Militarization of Byzantine Sicily Alexandru Madgearu, The War of 971 in Bulgaria: A Model of Conflict Resolution for Present Superpowers Leif Inge Ree Petersen, A Reassessment of Byzantine and Arab Operations 634-37 AD Based on a Multispectral Reading of BL Syriac MS Add 14461, A Fragment on the Arab Conquest Georgios Theotokis, Byzantine-Arab Wars of the Tenth Century: The Strengths and Weaknesses of the Primary Sources and the Value of Their Authors as “Military Historians'' Nike Κoutrakou, Managing the Other Face of Byzantine War: Was there a Mode of Presenting and Accepting Defeat? Christos G. Makrypoulias, A Byzantine Band of Brothers: The Tenth- and Eleventh-Century Infantry Commanders Katerina Nikolaou, Women as Agents of Restoration of Imperial Power and Peace in Byzantium Yannis Stouraitis, Holy warriors? Some Thoughts on the Religious Identity of Byzantine Soldiers Triantafyllitsa Maniati-Kokkini, Economic Effects of Internal Wars for Individuals and the State in Byzantium, 1282 to the Middle of the 14th Century Efstratia Synkellou, War Violence Episodes in Late Byzantium: Some Remarks on Byzantine Warfare Salvatore Cosentino University of Bologna, Dipartimento di Beni Culturali, Ravenna, Italy; salvatore.cosentino@unibo.it A Silent Revolution: The Early Phase of Militarization of Byzantine Sicily Throughout Antiquity, Sicily had been a region with scarce signs of militarization of its social fabric, cityscape and landscape. A centuries-long period of peace allowed the island to reach a remarkable level of economic prosperity. This evolution was interrupted towards the end of the 7th century, with the constitution of a stratēgia on the island (namely, a regional field army under the command of a stratēgos), possibly between 687 and 695. The paper aims at analysing the process that led to such a situation. It will be taken in account, firstly, the new strategic role assumed by Sicily in the Mediterranean facing the Muslim expansion, as well as the territorial and institutional conformation imposed by the Byzantine forces on the island. Then, the contribution will be focusing on the new military apparatus deployed by the empire in the western regions of the Mediterranean in the aftermath of the Muslim conquest of Carthage. Alexandru Madgearu Institute for Political Studies of Defence and Military History, Bucharest, Romania; amadgearu@yahoo.com The War of 971 in Bulgaria: A Model of Conflict Resolution for Present Superpowers The campaign led by John Tzimiskes in Bulgaria against Svyatoslav in 971 could be considered an example of conflict resolution and peace-building, according to the terminology of the present military science (the concepts are usually applied to modern international and civil wars). The complexity of that conflict involving, besides the Byzantine and Rus’ armies, the Bulgarians who were fighting in coalition with both parts, required a step by step conflict resolution, a particular way to treat with the enemy. For instance, Tzimiskes gave amnesty to those Bulgarians who fought on the side of the Rus’, before the end of the siege of Dorostolon. He wished to be seen as a liberator of Bulgaria (the capital Preslav conquered by the Rus’ in 968 was occupied by the Byzantine army during the 971 campaign). Later on, the emperor permitted the retreat of the enemy from Dorostolon, but ensuring a future alliance with the Pechenegs to prevent other invasions. For a present-day superpower like it was the Byzantine Empire in the 10th century, the evolution of this conflict provides some lessons of peace-building, such as the temporary recognition of the legitimate ruler of the invaded state (Boris II was freed by the Byzantine army), and the amnesty for those internal forces who fought on the side of the enemy. The victory of 971 was followed by an administrative organization that split in several parts the territory of Bulgaria, but this kind of conflict resolution proved to be not successful to annihilate the revival of that state after five years, by a rebellion in a peripheral area. This is another lesson for the present powers who are settling fundamentally different administration in a defeated country. 478 Leif Inge Ree Petersen Norwegian University of Science and Technology, Trondheim, Norway; leif.inge.petersen@ntnu.no A Reassessment of Byzantine and Arab Operations 634-37 AD Based on a Multispectral Reading of BL Syriac MS Add 14461, A Fragment on the Arab Conquest One of the most intractable problems of the 7th century is basic chronology, which has received much scholarly attention in recent years. Despite an emerging consensus for rehabilitating e.g. Sebeos’ account of the failed Arab siege of Constantinople in 654 and re-dating the naval operations against the city in the 670s, the course of the early Islamic conquest of Syria and Palestine remains hopelessly muddled and has thus never been satisfactorily explained. Late Christian and Muslim sources present a bewildering array of alternative dates and actors, so that interpretations of the dramatic Byzantine collapse in the mid-630s depend on which chronology is chosen. While Howard-Johnston recently presented a coherent methodology for reassessing 7thcentury sources, this was not applied to the only contemporary chronicle: a fragmentary narrative on the cover leaf of a 6th-century Syriac gospel book preserved in the British Library. In the late 630s, a contemporary observer scribbled down at least 25 lines, in sprawling Syriac hand, with first-hand observations on the ongoing Arab conquest of Palestine and southern Syria. Potentially a treasure trove of contemporary information, where all other sources, whether Arabic, Syriac, Greek or Armenian, are late or elliptical, the use of this text has, however, long been limited due to its severely deteriorated state. Much of the text is unclear or illegible due to wear and tear. Thus, the great Syriacists Nöldeke and Brooks have each produced only fragmentary editions of the text, with such extensive lacunae that any significant emendation is subject to criticism and any historical conclusions fraught with uncertainty. Thus a new reading of the MS in the early 1990s by Brock, Palmer and Hoyland discarded a number of older readings and conjectures. Current readings can do little more than confirm that there were military operations in the region in the years 634-37, although basic details such as direction of movement, or even who is pursuing whom, is often entirely conjectural. The only reasonably certain fact is that preparations for a major engagement were made by both sides at Gabitha (near Yarmuk) in August 636. A multispectral reading carried out in April 2015 at first yielded meager results, but thanks to painstaking comparison of each single letter in each of 47 high-resolution images in natural, infrared, ultraviolet and composite versions, it has been possible to recreate much of the lost text. The reconstruction has further been assisted by an idiosyncratic handwriting that strongly circumscribes possible readings of partial letters that have been ignored or misunderstood when working only with the manuscript. Thus it is possible to present a secure date for the surrender of Damascus, follow Roman and Arab movements in Lebanon, southern Syria and Galilee, and provide information on the nature of the conquest, with the text speaking of captives, plunder, and probably forced labor. Furthermore, the reading of “Mwḥmd” (Muḥammad) is confirmed in two places, one 479 of which occurs near a previously unrecognized sobriquet that seems to reflect the author’s view on the background for unfolding events in the earliest MS with a Christian opinion on the prophet of Islam. The framework thus constructed can be used to test later Muslim and Christian chronicle traditions and provide an explanation for early Arab successes. Georgios Theotokis Fatih University, Istanbul, Turkey; geo_theotokis@yahoo.gr Byzantine-Arab Wars of the Tenth Century: The Strengths and Weaknesses of the Primary Sources and the Value of Their Authors as “Military Historians'' Until 912 and the death of Leo VI, the Byzantines had not committed themselves into any definite war in a specific part of their frontiers in the East. From the 915 onwards the attention of the central government was focused – with intermediate breaks – on Armenia. Zoe’s government initiated a series of campaigns led by John Curcuas in Armenia and Mesopotamia in the 920s-40s, a policy which, however, did not include a conscious and long-term ambition of territorial expansion. That would be until the emergence of a new dynasty with two powerful brothers that were to establish their Emirates in the region of the Jazira and the Thugur, Nasir and Sayf-ad-Dawla. The latter posed a vigorous resistance against the Byzantine raids in Mesopotamia and Armenia, and for a number of political, diplomatic, social, cultural and geographical reasons, the Empire was also attracted in a protracted conflict in the region of Armenia, Taron, Vaspourakan and northern Mesopotamia. Armenia was strategically far more important to the Byzantine government than Cilicia and Syria, and Constantinople did not contemplate any territorial expansion in the region but rather the forging of diplomatic ties with the local naxarars. Since the Byzantines did not pay the required attention to the notion of “frontiers” and “frontier affairs” and warfare was seen primarily as a matter of subjecting or sacking cities, and breaking the power of troublesome border emirs rather than any territorial expansion per se, then how can we explain the extensive gains of territory in Cilicia and Syria in the 950s-60s and the massive mobilisation of manpower for a war that lasted for decades and reached legendary proportions on both sides of the borders? What led to this escalation of violence between Constantine VII and Sayf ad-Dawla of Aleppo? What indications do we have about this change of policy by the Empire and when, exactly, can we trace it in time? What were the deeper and long-term implications for Byzantium’s strategic thinking, its military and political organization? 480 Nike Κoutrakou Independent scholar, External collaborator, Institute of Historical Research / National Hellenic Research Foundation, Athens, Greece; n.koutrakou@mfa.gr Managing the Other Face of Byzantine War: Was there a Mode of Presenting and Accepting Defeat? A 10th century Byzantine historian, depicting the Arab-Byzantine military conflict of the previous century, presented a Byzantine general advising the emperor on the subject of the outcome of a battle. The speaker pointed out to his suzerain that the outcome of a battle could be either a happy one or an unlucky one, that is, either victory or defeat. Only by trusting in God could anyone look forward to victory. The above scene reveals a Byzantine, indeed a medieval perception concerning the expectation of victory. In other words, not only that, as per medieval mentality, victory depended on God’s Will, but also that its opposite, defeat, was equally possible. In the event of such a defeat, the Byzantine government and its proponents by oral and written means (imperial administration, court rhetoric, historiography, and literature in general), had to manage its consequences both in practical terms and in terms of impact on the population’s courage and spirit. They had to justify it, in order to minimize the impact of such an occurrence on the public opinion. Starting with several relevant scenes from Byzantine sources, this paper will examine another aspect of Byzantine warfare, namely defeat, and how it was managed, both militarily and politically. Without avoiding comparisons with previous and later centuries, it will, nevertheless, mostly focus on the 11th -12th centuries, a period severely marked by the reversal of Byzantine fortunes in war. It will examine the wording as well as the way in which Byzantine writers presented defeat and try to establish a relevant typology. Obviously, their choice of words, often explaining or even justifying defeat, usually depended on the writers’ avowed or implied political affiliation. Victories of enemies could be presented as unexpected if not illogical. However, the study of words as, for instance, indicating shame in defeat (αἰσχρῶς ἡττήθη) or inexperience in battle and strategies (ἀτέχνως) as cause of defeat and, more so, attributing defeat to the workings of fate, (βασκανία) might imply a certain mentality that prevailed during the period under discussion (and not only that). Furthermore, the paper will endeavour to answer some relevant questions such as, for instance: was a strategic defeat even envisaged? In case of defeat, what part of the justification provided was due to tradition (as for example giving credit for victory to the emperor while, in case of defeat, blaming solely the commander of the army or the unfortunate general who suffered it) and what part was due to a more general acceptance of an objectively observed fated reversal of fortunes? The relevant wording might provide a hint as to an attempt to “manage” defeat for military or political gain, or, in later times, indicate a defeatist change in mentality. 481 Christos G. Makrypoulias Athens, Greece; christos_makrypoulias@yahoo.gr A Byzantine Band of Brothers: The Tenth- and Eleventh-Century Infantry Commanders One of the main characteristics of the Eastern Roman Empire’s military organisation from the middle of the tenth to the end of the eleventh century was the existence of composite units of light and heavy infantry. Each of these 1000-man brigades, known as a taxiarchia or chiliarchia, was under the overall command of a taxiarches (also called chiliarches by some sources). Although for the past two decades historians have adequately studied this reorganisation and the renewed importance of infantry within the framework of Byzantine military history, little attention had been paid to the position of infantry commanders in both military and social hierarchy. The aim of this paper is to present the first fruits of an ongoing investigation into this group of high-ranking Byzantine military officials. It will give a concise overview of the creation and evolution of that particular officer corps, and will touch upon various aspects of research pertaining to administrative and social history, as well as prosopography. Katerina Nikolaou National and Kapodistrian University of Athens, Faculty of History and Archaeology, Athens, Greece; anikolaou@arch.uoa.gr Women as Agents of Restoration of Imperial Power and Peace in Byzantium Women in Byzantium, but also in those states with which the empire either maintained friendly relations or was involved in armed conflict, have played a key role in the foreign policy of either opponents or allies at all times. Their passive input pertains to their contribution to the success of Byzantine diplomacy through marriage alliances. However, the political maneuvers of women who found themselves at a particular point in time in a position to have to make decisions regarding the fate of states that were opposed to the empire are of particular interest. The untimely demise of a ruler, combined with the existence of an underage successor, as well as conditions of domestic or family rivalries have given the women of reigning families the fortuitous chance to act in a decisive manner with regard to the states they temporarily ruled. In these instances their actions were driven by their wish to secure the position of both themselves and the rulers in whose place they exercised power. Their gender qualities, mainly their insufficiency in meeting the demands of a war have proven beneficial to the Byzantines. 482 In this paper references will be made to cases, mostly dating from the eleventh century, of wives of enemy rulers who, after the death of the latter, asked for a peace treaty or capitulation. The actions of Maria, widow of Tsar John Vladislav, contributed to the total submission of Bulgaria after the political and military turmoil of the years that followed the victory of Basil II at Kleidion. After her husband’s death she reached a rapprochement with the emperor and, in exchange for her life and those of her family, she surrendered to Basil the remaining Bulgarian lands that she ruled. The troubled relations between Byzantium and Georgia were normalized after the death of George I, ruler of Abasgia, in 1027. His wife, Maria, came to power as regent for her underage son. Having had to face many difficulties, and in her wish to renew diplomatic contacts with Constantinople, she sent an embassy to Romanos III bringing gifts and an offer of capitulation, as well as a Byzantine bride for her son. The emperor accepted both the offered peace treaty and the marriage alliance. There was s second woman attached to George I, Alde, by whom he had another son, Demetrios. The rivalry between the two brothers after their father’s death weakened their kingdom, as is proven by Alde’s move to join the Byzantine emperor and surrender to him the fortress of Anacopia, apparently part of the paternal inheritance of Demetrios. Family infighting among its opponents was a boon for the Empire, which would otherwise have to face a powerful Georgia, united under a single crown, an obstacle in the way of imperial aspirations in the region. The different approaches of successors and their mothers offered Byzantium, which was seeking allies outside Georgia, the chance of help from within and gave it a powerful foothold in NW Georgia. During the same period, the empire managed to reach a rapprochement with yet another of its opponents; according to Scylitzes, this was due to the Christian wife of Amer, the Fatimid caliph of Egypt. After his death, his widow and her son sent a joint embassy to the Byzantine emperor, with the aim of negotiating peace. Through a presentation of, and commentary on, these cases it is shown that, whenever the empire had to face a state that was temporarily run by a woman, it reaped the benefits of peace – and bountiful they were: hostilities were terminated or avoided altogether, and Byzantium either restored or expanded the limits of its power. Yannis Stouraitis Austrian Academy of Sciences, Vienna, Austria; ioannis.stouraitis@univie.ac.at Holy Warriors? Some Thoughts on the Religious Identity of Byzantine Soldiers In the last years, the discussion about the religious aspect of Byzantine warfare has focused on theoretical-methodological and socio-historical issues concerning the problematization of ‘holy war’ both as a category of analysis and as a historical phenomenon in Byzantine society. Whether or not the members of the Byzantine ruling élite shared a vision of warfare against the infidel as a 483 religious task and a means for the salvation of the soul remains a hotly debated issue. Within this framework, what needs to be further problematized is the religious identity of Byzantine soldiers. Quite often, notions such as ‘athletes of Christ’, ‘chosen people’, ‘God›s army’ etc., which are recurrent in the discourse of Byzantine authors, are considered to reflect the war mentality and to have underpinned the religious motive of the average soldier on the battlefield particularly in war against infidel enemies. This tendency to reify the Byzantine soldiers’ religious identity as represented in texts with a distinct literary aspect is problematical insofar as it adopts a methodologically rather outmoded approach to written sources as “mirrors” of social reality, in particular of the common people’s thought-world. In the current paper, I shall address the issue of the literary aspect of text-based justification of Byzantine warfare and the need to distinguish between an operative religious ideology on the battlefield and an intertextual symbolic universe in the writings of an educated élite that was mainly built on literary motifs from the biblical repertoire. If the latter was the main source of an idiomatic religious language that Byzantine authors commonly employed to ethically justify imperial warfare in their writings, there is enough evidence to support the argument that the relationship of Byzantine soldiers with religion on the battlefield was far less idealistic despite their occasionally depicted textual image as sacred warriors of the faith. Triantafyllitsa Maniati-Kokkini National and Kapodistrian University of Athens, Athens, Greece; tmaniati@arch.uoa.gr Economic Effects of Internal Wars for Individuals and the State in Byzantium, 1282 to the Middle of the 14th Century Privileges and grants are, by definition, an arbitrary choice of the person bestowing the grant. Nevertheless, the Byzantine Emperor, despite the absolute character of his central authority, appears to grant financial privileges for specific reasons, often combining the receiver’s gratification and state gain. Indeed, in many instances the particularly extended or expandable privileges are laid out in the prologues (prooimia) of the chrysobulls, although this happened partly due to imperial propaganda through the projection of imperial philanthropy and social justice which the emperor should not disregard. In addition, the withdrawal of financial privileges and grants are equally within the Emperor’s rights, since they are both considered a priori retractable and by no means hereditary in Byzantium. Nevertheless, the documents usually contain an explanation, which is mainly linked to the behaviour as well as several transgressions on behalf of the beneficiary of the imperial privilege-grant. There are, however, circumstances in which the frequency and comparative percentage of granting privileges, as well as their retraction, supersede the usual explanations and betray diverse criteria and choices by the emperors, at the same time raising questions concerning a large degree of arbitrariness and personal interest by central authority. The empire experiences a long, yet not 484 continuous, period of such circumstances under the Palaiologoi, particularly towards the end of the 13th and the first half of the 14th centuries, when internal strife, caused by the claimants to the throne or those contesting imperial rule, is added to external hostile attacks. The events pertaining to the internal developments and reversals during the aforementioned internal wars are well-known. Nevertheless, it is of particular interest to investigate further the imperial decisions deriving from those events relevant to granting or retracting financial privileges, as well as the resulting reaction of the beneficiaries during the reigns of Andronikos II and Andronikos III and the dispute between Ioannis V and the Kantakouzenoi about the throne. Efstratia Synkellou University of Ioannina, School of Philosophy, Department of History and Archaeology, Ioannina, Greece; synkellou@gmail.com War Violence Episodes in Late Byzantium: Some Remarks on Byzantine Warfare Man’s history has unfortunately been full of wars and violent incidents. War produces violence and is therefore a genuine social phenomenon with psychological, ideological, ethical and even ethnological parameters. In medieval times, war violence had been an issue for discussion for the Christian states of both East and West, but it was only in the 14th century when several western states such as Venice decided to impose measures to reduce violence. In the eastern Mediterranean, the Byzantine state, adhering to the principle of “ius gentium”, attempted to confront the various aspects of warfare (e.g. acquisition, captivity, rehabilitation, immunity, etc.). Nonetheless brutality against prisoners of war or even civilians was a measure used to break the enemy’s morale and appears to have been a common and acceptable practice. War violence, apart from its military or strategic background, belongs to a wider social, ethical and ideological context. It is the product of war ethics, religious beliefs and ideological models, financial and political objectives, the social structure of the troops, and war technology. This paper examines these parameters. Several cases of wars (e.g. the Byzantine-Ottoman wars) or specific episodes from wars in written sources will be presented to help define the complex aspects of war violence. In addition, the late Byzantine period will be assessed in respect of the use and attitude towards violence as these developed from the standard-period Byzantine ethics, and attitudes and practices on war violence. Exploring war violence leads to a better understanding of the common points and the differences between different peoples as determined by culture, ideology and ethics. 485 STUDYING BYZANTINE SCULPTURE IN THE 21ST CENTURY: NEW PERSPECTIVES AND APPROACHES Conveners: Claudia Barsanti, Alessandra Guiglia Asnu Bilban Yalçin, New Finds in Istanbul: Archaeological Evidence for Sculptural Production and Marble Trade in Early Byzantine Constantinople Konstantinos T. Raptis, The Sculptural Decoration of Acheiropoietos Basilica (Thessaloniki) Re-Evaluated under the Light of a Recent Architectural Analysis of the Monument Christina Tsigonaki, Les sculptures architecturales de la basilique du Léchaion (Corinthe) Evgenia Chalkia, Transennae from Nikopolis Silvia Pedone, New Evidences Regarding the Byzantine Sculptures from the Basilica of St Philip at Hierapolis Liudmila Khrushkova, Tauric Chersonesus: Marble Capitals and the Problem of the Dating of the Early Byzantine Churches Georgios Pallis, Middle Byzantine Altars with Sculpture Decoration Philipp Niewöhner, New Christian Design in Marble Carving. The Curious Case of Anatolian Press Weights Catherine Vanderheyde, Early Byzantine Sculpture’s Workshops in Apamea (Syria): Between Constantinopolitan Influence and Local Creativity Andrea Paribeni, Marble Masons on Stage: Organizational and Work Process Aspects in Byzantine Sculptural Ateliers Asnu Bilban Yalçin Istanbul University, Faculty of Letters, Department for Byzantine Art History, Istanbul, Turkey; yalcinab@istanbul.edu.tr New Finds in Istanbul: Archaeological Evidence for Sculptural Production and Marble Trade in Early Byzantine Constantinople In the past years intense rescue work has carried out on in Istanbul on account of the city’s new underground railway and in the context of the so-called ‘urban renewal’ of its old and damaged buildings. Of at least equal significance are two excavations in the suburbs, one in Kuçukçekmece the other in Yoros-Bosporus, which have brought to light a large variety of finds of which those in marble occupy a special place. These date mostly from the early Byzantine period and bear witness to large-scale production and trade in marble from the island of Proconnesus. The finds reconfirm well-known in-situ pieces and act as valuable cases of comparison with pieces found scattered within the city and beyond. The paper will present and evaluate the new material, paying special attention to the role of harbours and workshops in the marble trade. Konstantinos T. Raptis Hellenic Ministry of Culture, Ephorate of Antiquities of Thessaloniki, Thessaloniki, Greece; raptis.constantinos@gmail.com The Sculptural Decoration of Acheiropoietos Basilica (Thessaloniki) Re-Evaluated under the Light of a Recent Architectural Analysis of the Monument Acheiropoietos basilica comprises a phenomenally preserved, typical example of the threeaisled timber-roofed Hellenistic-type basilica with narthex and galleries, thus fitting more than any of the Thessalonican monuments to the standardized Early Byzantine ecclesiastical architecture. Due to the overall symmetry of its architectural form and the presumable homogeneity of its original sculptural decoration, Acheiropoietos is usually considered as the last maintained architectural composition of the city that still echoes the aesthetics of the Late Antiquity. However, based on a recent architectural and sculptural analysis of the monument, it occurs that Acheiropoietos was originally erected as a Roman-type basilica without galleries during the last decade of the fifth or the first decade of the sixth century (ca. 500). Even though the ground-plan of the church remained unaltered through the ages, its upper-structure was later remodeled. The galleries, a not surviving clerestory and extended annexes were added during the first —among 487 many— structural restoration of the building that took place during the seventh century, as a result of the 620-630 series of earthquakes that devastated large part of the city along with its main urban infrastructure and ecclesiastical monuments. Based on this new evidence, the present paper presents the various architectural sculptures of the basilica as: (a) a variety of bases of both the classical and the simplified variations of the attic-ionic type, (b) various column shafts, (c) the largest maintained group of twenty nine composite capitals with double fined-toothed acanthus leaves at the tribelon, the nave and the outer-narthex colonnade that beyond their superficial uniformity are divided in four subgroups, (d) various subtypes of the Impost-ionic capitals at the south gallery colonnade, (e) the twenty nine decorated impost-blocks that crown the composite capitals of the nave colonnades, (f) the consoles that support the traverse arches of the narthex, as well as (g) a variety of different type cornices adorning the masonry of the segmental apse and the nave arcades. At the same time the several types of Constantinopolitan mason marks that connect the primary architectural sculptures of the main nave with specific imperial sculptural workshops of the sixth century are discussed. Based on this recent study, the architectural sculptures of the gallery level, that until recently were encountered as parts of the original building, have been re-dated and attributed to its second phase. At the same time, several, unobserved until now, characteristics of those at the groundlevel —apparently belonging to the first phase sculptural decoration of the basilica— showcase that they were not tailor-made for the late fifth-early sixth century basilica; on the contrary they consist of (a) ready-made architectural sculptures, made with proconesian marble in Constantinopolitan workshops, (b) lower-quality sculptures of local workshops made with white coarse-grained marble form the Thassian quarries at Alyki, and (c) secondary, mostly undecorated, architectural members as imposts and thresholds that were cut on the building site from marble sarcophagi, looted from the abandoned Late Roman cemeteries of the city. Christina Tsigonaki University of Crete, Department of History and Archaeology, Rethymno, Crete, Greece; tsigonaki@uoc.gr Les sculptures architecturales de la basilique du Léchaion (Corinthe) La basilique du Léchaion a été découverte par Dimitrios Pallas et fouillée par lui avec le financement de la Société Αrchéologique d’Athènes de 1956 à 1961. Des travaux complémentaires ont été effectués en 1965. Il s’agit de l’un des monuments protobyzantins les plus importants de Grèce. La situation de la basilique dans le port de Corinthe, ses dimensions, ainsi que la richesse du décor architectural justifient cette caractérisation. D. Pallas a publié des rapports de fouilles exhaustifs et un nombre important d’articles, pourtant plusieurs obstacles ont empêchés la publication finale du monument. La sculpture architecturale de la basilique a déjà été largement commentée dans la bibliographie internationale, et particulièrement les chapiteaux : chapiteaux composites ioniques et chapiteaux ioniques à imposte. Ceux-ci ont trouvé très tôt une place dans les manuels sur l’art byzantin et 488 l’architecture, mais ils ont aussi servis comme matériel de référence dans les études spécialisées se focalisant sur l’évolution stylistique de la décoration sculptée ou sur la diffusion des sculptures architecturales des carrières de Proconnèse. Au travers des différentes approches, les questions fondamentales posées par le matériel ont déjà été abordées par les spécialistes. Cependant, ceuxci en viennent à des conclusions différentes, principalement en ce qui concerne la datation des sculptures. Certains chercheurs persistent à dater les sculptures en fonction de critères stylistiques, tandis que d’autres donnent la priorité aux données de fouille. Ainsi, les sculptures sont placées soit dans la seconde moitié du ve siècle, soit dans les premières décennies du vie siècle, un écart dû principalement à l’approche fragmentaire et non systématique du matériel. C’est cette lacune que tente de combler l’étude débutée en 2014, qui vise à étudier les sculptures architecturales dans leur ensemble, mettant en évidence la relation structurelle – relation de dépendance totale – entre cet ensemble et le bâtiment pour lequel il a été créé. Dans cette communication les différentes catégories de matériel seront présentées, selon une analyse morphologique et stylistique qui tient compte des différentes qualités du marbre. Les affinités avec le matériel correspondant de la basilique du Stoudios à Constantinople et de la basilique de l’Acheiropoietos à Thessalonique, proposées il y a longtemps par J. Kramer, seront examinées à nouveau. Enfin, les données apportées par les récentes études géophysiques seront évaluées par rapport à l’histoire édilitaire de la basilique. L’étude des sculptures architecturales du Léchaion se prête à un examen de l’exactitude et des limites des méthodes de datation utilisées, surtout lorsqu’elles sont uniquement fondées sur des observations strictement stylistiques et des classifications typologiques. En outre, elle permet de montrer comment la recherche interdisciplinaire contemporaine peut combler les anciens points de vue contradictoires. Evgenia Chalkia Athens, Greece; halkia@otenet.gr Transennae from Nikopolis In the course of the excavation of Basilica D at Nikopolis, conducted by Anastasios Orlandos between 1956 and 1961, a significant number of transennae frames were discovered along with fragments of their perforated inner decoration. A good many more of them were found between 1999 and 2002 when I carried out a supplementary excavation. Apart from these, the majority of which are known from publications, a considerable number of fragments from similar transennae, mainly frames, were found in Basilica B during the 1920s excavations carried out by Georgios Sotiriou and Anastasios Orlandos,. Though only a few small fragments survive today, the rest are documented in the Sotiriou photographic archive in the Byzantine Museum in Athens. It seems reasonable to suppose that they must have been transferred from the excavation to the museum set up in the old mosque in Preveza by Alexandros Philadelpheus, the first excavator of Nikopolis, and that they were destroyed when it was bombed in World War II. 489 Both the transennae from Basilica D, the majority of which are now displayed in the Nikopolis Museum, and those from Basilica B (the survivals and the material now lost) display common characteristics in respect of the type of ornament used on their frames. They all have decoration divided into two registers by a narrow band. The inner band consists of a Lesbian kyma, with an astragal below, while scrollwork with some slight variations fills the outer band. An attempt will be made, based on the surviving fragments, to establish the number of transennae they originally composed. And, at least as regards the transennae from Basilica D from which a reasonable amount of fragments of their inner perforated decoration survive, hypothetical reconstructions will be proposed. The typological similarity between all the various transennae from Nikopolis mentioned above and corresponding examples from Ayia Sofia in Constantinople leads us to think that they were produced in workshops in the capital and then transported to Nikopolis, as was the case with other architectural members from the basilicas in this Epirote city and with the magnificent sarcophagus with symbolic decoration found in Basilica D. Finally, it should be noted that the fact that similar frames, albeit with simpler decoration, have been found in other places in Epirus, e.g. at Opayia in the district of Ioannina and at Ladohori in Thesprotia, shows that these Constantinopolitan models were imitated by provincial workshops within Nikopolis’s sphere of artistic influence. Silvia Pedone Koç University, Stavros Niarchos Foundation Center for Late Antique and Byzantine Studies (GABAM), Istanbul, Turkey; spedone@ku.edu.tr New Evidences Regarding the Byzantine Sculptures from the Basilica of St Philip at Hierapolis The purpose of this paper is to present the preliminary results of a research carried out on the Byzantine sculpture of the Church of St Philip at Hierapolis, which was discovered in 2012 by Prof. Francesco D’Andria and the Missione Archeologica Italiana of the Università del Salento (Lecce). The analysis and the study of several sculptures with architectural and liturgical functions, were made possible thanks to the FIRB Project Marmora Phrygia (Futuro in ricerca 2012) and a one year research grant, the latter coordinated by Manuela De Giorgi and completed in March 2016. The relevance of the sculptures of St Philip is due to the noteworthy quantity and the quality of the pieces, as well as to the archaeological context in which the material was found. This allows us to connect the sculptures with the different chronological phases of the monument, and thus to fix an important reference point for the dating of the sculptural production in Hierapolis as well as in the Phrygian Region. Furthermore, such a result helps to reconsider and better understand the role of the local workshops and the influences from other areas. The present paper will focus on specific aspects of the different sculptural techniques applied in the Church of St Philip, in particular on the use of color and its role within the sacred space, in order to reconstruct somehow a “visual hierarchy” of sculpture decoration in the complexity of the building. 490 Liudmila Khrushkova Lomonosov Moscow State University, Moscow, Russian Federation; KhrushkovaL@list.ru Tauric Chersonesus: Marble Capitals and the Problem of the Dating of the Early Byzantine Churches During the long-term excavations in Tauric Chersonesus (from the 6th century in the Byzantine sources the town was named Cherson) few hundred details of the architectural decoration and liturgical furnishing were found which were brought from Proconessian workshops. The capitals are not rear amongst them. There are more than hundred items in the National Park of Tauric Chersonesus (Sevastopol, Crimea); more than score of capitals are in keeping of the museums in Moscow, St-Petersburg and Ukraine. For the most part they were found out of archaeological context, so the majority of archaeologists are very skeptical about the possibility to use this material for making more precise chronology of the Chersonesus churches. The dating of the certain urban and cemetery churches has been the subject of very hot discussions. Some researchers put forth the idea of the “architectural boom” which took place at the end of the 6th - the beginning of the 7th centuries; but this supposition is based only on several archaeological and numismatic findings, the stratigraphical location of which, unfortunately, is often disputable and doesn’t correspond to the results of the analysis of the architecture and marble and mosaic decorations of the churches. My research of the typology and chronology of the Chersonesus capitals leads me to the following conclusions. The chronological pattern of the different types of capitals indicates three periods of the great building activity in the town: the reign of Theodosius II and two decades about it, the reign of Zenon and the reign of Justinian I. The first period is characterized by capitals with fine-toothed acanthus. In that time the construction of large buildings in the town was limited, but there are at least two churches of this period intra muros: bishop’s church and the earliest basilica in the complex of the so called “basilica of the 1935”. The series of Corinthian capitals, including “lyreshaped” and “V-shaped” ones belongs to the epoch of Zenon. The activity of Zenon in Chersonesus is evidenced by the inscription reporting the building of the great tower. And then, the third and more significant period of construction work in the town falls within the reign of Justinian I. This period of large-scale, quick and pragmatic building activity is featured by Ionic impost capitals and simple impost capitals. Amongst the Ionic impost capitals from the Chersonesus more earlier items are also presented, in particular, the capitals from the complex of the bishop’s basilica, but the great deal of them belongs to the epoch of Justinian. The Ionic impost capitals amount to 40% of the Chersonesus collection. Chersonesus capitals of proconessian marble instigate the production of local stone capitals, which are founded in the inner regions of Crimea. 491 Georgios Pallis National and Kapodistrian University of Athens, School of Philosophy, Faculty of History and Archaeology, Athens, Greece; gpallis@arch.uoa.gr Middle Byzantine Altars with Sculpture Decoration The altar, the most sacred structure in the middle Byzantine church, is one of the less known works of sculpture of this era, almost hidden behind the chancel barrier or templon screen. Depending on the dimensions and the funds of each church building, the form of the middle Byzantine altar varies from rectangular slabs based on posts to semicircular slabs placed on masonry. The decoration is usually found on the frame of the slab, leaving the main surface empty and flat, probably in order to put on safely the holy vessels. However there are some cases with the surface totally covered with relief. The posts that hold the slab may have the form of small colonettes with inserted capitals. The main questions that arise from the study of this group of middle Byzantine altars are the selection of decorative patterns in use and their function on a structure which was out of sight, hidden behind the templon and under the vestments. Philipp Niewöhner Deutsches Archäologisches Institut, Berlin / Göttingen Universität, Göttingen, Germany; philippniewoehner@hotmail.com New Christian Design in Marble Carving. The Curious Case of Anatolian Press Weights Anatolia has preserved numerous large marble blocks that are beautifully sculpted with Christian symbols. Some have previously been associated with the liturgical furniture of churches and monasteries, but technical features identify them as weights for oil or wine presses. Such weights are well-known from other regions of the Byzantine Empire, where they normally remained without decoration. This paper presents an overview of the Anatolian press weights and their decorative repertoire. The paper also asks why press weights should have been decorated, why with Christian symbols, and why in Anatolia and not elsewhere. 492 Catherine Vanderheyde University of Strasbourg, Strasbourg, France / Free University of Brussels, Brussels, Belgium; catherine.vanderheyde@gmail.com Early Byzantine Sculpture’s Workshops in Apamea (Syria): Between Constantinopolitan Influence and Local Creativity This paper deals with the first presentation of a piece of research begun in 2009 on the Early Byzantine sculpture discovered during the excavations of Apamea in Syria. Given the political turmoil in Syria for several years, it seemed particularly important to draw the attention of the scientific community to this Byzantine heritage that may by now have been destroyed or stolen. In the past, the city of Apamea covered 250 hectares and had a very regular plan with streets intersecting at right angles describing regular blocks or insulae. The cardo and his porticoes, about 2 km long and 20 meters wide, clearly constituted the main road of the city. Paved with slabs of limestone, it gave access to major buildings (agora, baths, monumental fountain, large latrine), while the decumanus led to the theatre and the Eastern Cathedral. The penetration of Christianity in Apamea is attested by several hagiographical sources relating the martyrdom of St. Maurice, St. Antoninus and St. Marcel who was the bishop of the city. According to the excavations conducted by the Belgian team, most of the churches (the Rotunda, the Atrium church, the Eastern Cathedral and the church VIII.17) were situated in the southeast part of the town. Large unearthed villas also attest to the wealth of their inhabitants. In the best state of preservation are the capitals which come from religious buildings and private residences. Several marble Corinthian capitals were found during excavations of the house called “aux colonnes bilobées”. The information recorded in the excavations notebooks does not help to clarify the chronology of these carved pieces but many of these capitals are very similar to the capitals found in Constantinopolitan which can be dated from the 5th to the 6th century. The close observation of these capitals shows that were made of a gray veined marble and that some of them bear quarry marks. These observations suggest that these architectural sculptures may have been imported from the quarries of Proconnesus near Constantinople. However, it is the local limestone, sometimes painted red, which was used for the capitals found in the house of the “chapiteaux à consoles”, in the Atrium church and in the Eastern Cathedral. Some capitals are similar to others that were preserved in northern Syria during the Early byzantine period. Nonetheless they are characterized by many different motifs and virtuosity in the art of carving. Some sculptures are of outstanding quality, such as a pink limestone capital discovered in the Eastern cathedral on which an inscription mentioning bishop Paul was carved. Another big limestone capital with two rows of deep carved acanthus leaves was carefully painted in red. The variety of materials, designs and technical processes implemented on the sculptures demonstrates the creativity of local sculptor’s workshops working for the architectural decoration in Apamea during the Early Byzantine period. Such variety is not only found in Apamea and in northern Syria where several sculptors’ workshops have already been identified. The architectural sculpture of several other Early Byzantine cities in the Balkans, such as Caričin Grad, Stobi and 493 Sandanski, show a similar variety of materials, shapes, decorations and carving techniques. If “varietas ex nuovo” has already been observed in the architectural decoration of some religious buildings of Macedonia, like Hagios Dimitrios in Thessaloniki, it seems that this aesthetic trend could also exist across all buildings of a same city. Andrea Paribeni University of Urbino ‘Carlo Bo’, Urbino, Italy; andrea.paribeni@uniurb.it Marble Masons on Stage: Organizational and Work Process Aspects in Byzantine Sculptural Ateliers The massive production and distribution of marble in early Byzantine era was fuelled by the increasing demand of architectural items and furniture for the ambitious building programs promoted during that period by civil and ecclesiastical elites. Beginning with the extraction of marble from the quarries up to the shipping of the artefacts and their dissemination in all the provinces of the byzantine empire, such a challenging goal required to take a complex series of decisions and face well-structured working procedures. Among the aspects that will be examined in this paper, particular attention will be paid to the techniques of identification and installation of architectural pieces followed by early byzantine skilled workers with the aid of alphabetical, numeral or simply graphic signs. The use of this kind of assembly marks, very useful in order to lay out serial elements such as columns, entablatures and arcades, was widespread in Greek and Roman architecture: in this occasion we will consider well known examples in Constantinople and other places in Greece, together with some unnoticed evidences from the Justinian’s workshop of Saint Sophia. 494 THEATRE AND LITURGY: PERFORMANCE AND RITUAL IN CHRISTIAN WORSHIP – PART 1 Conveners: Andrew Walker White, Niki Tsironis Andreas Andreopoulos, Liturgical Dialogues: Clergy and Laity Concelebrating Pia Houni, Theatre and Church as Lovers in Dialogue in Byzantium Theodora Antonopoulou, From Constantinople to Panormos: Manuscripts, Homilies, Ecphrases Alexandra Nikiforova, Anamnesis and Mimesis in Maundy Thursday Rites: A New Evidence from the Ninth-Century Tropologion from Sinai ΜΓ/ΝΕ 56+5 Tinatin Chronz, The Early Jerusalem Euchologion in Georgian Transmission. Comparative Edition, Translation and Commentary Andreas Andreopoulos University of Winchester, Winchester, United Kingdom, andreas.andreopoulos@winchester.ac.uk Liturgical Dialogues: Clergy and Laity Concelebrating The entire Divine Liturgy may be approached as a series of dialogues, either between the Son and the Father, or between God and the people, or between the celebrant priest and the laity. The whole arrangement of the space, the words and the actions of the Divine Liturgy from a dramatic point of view points to the ancient dramatic tradition, in form and in content, and yet one of the greatest differences between the two is the participation of the laity/chanters as opposed to the more passive place of the audience. In this presentation we will examine the dramatic participation of the laity focusing on the instances of the Divine Liturgy where the dynamics between the priest and the laity extends beyond the antiphonal dialogue, and the laity completes the phrase of the priest, thus truly demonstrating the understanding of the Divine Liturgy as a concelebration between the clergy and the people. Pia Houni University of Tampere, Helsinki, Finland; pia.houni@uta.fi Theatre and Church as Lovers in Dialogue in Byzantium In their academic studies, all theatre scholars have learned that theatre history begins in Ancient Greece and moves on through early Roman drama to the Middle Ages and Renaissance. It is easy to understand the lack of information about theatre history, and it is common to follow the traditional western narrative. Today, a small group of people have begun to revisit the questions, ”What happened to theatre after Ancient Greece?” and “What is the heritage of tragedies and comedies in the Byzantium period?” For theatre scholars the Early Byzantine period is especially interesting, when Neo-Platonist influences connected with early Christianity. Under Theodosios I (r. 379–395), Christianity became the Empire’s state religion. The dialogue between church and theatre was obviously present when John Chrysostom argued forcefully against theatre in his homily, Against those who have abandoned the church and deserted it for hippodromes and theatres. The second interesting point to look at theatre in Byzantium culture is through textual and performative materials, which are close to the idea of theatre. Some of them were adaptations of Ancient Greek tragedies, some pieces were adapted mythical stories and most of these narratives resembled theatre dialogue (such as Haplukheiros Dramation, Prodromos Apodemosfilia, Katomyomakhia, Bioprasis etc.) 496 These two approaches to the question of theatre in Byzantium present how concretely theatre was a part of a city’s planning. Maps of Byzantium demonstrate clearly how theatre and church exist side by side (as they still are in the most modern cities). In my presentation I will look at the dialogue between theatre and church. The second part of my presentation will consist of short examples of art pieces we can aesthetically name as theatre. Theodora Antonopoulou National and Kapodistrian University of Athens, Faculty of Philology Department of Byzantine Literature, School of Philo-sophy, Athens, Greece; antono@phil.uoa.gr From Constantinople to Panormos: Manuscripts, Homilies, Ecphrases Ecphrases, those of churches in particular, were a rather unusual means for preachers to reach their audiences. There are just a handful of surviving homilies containing such rhetorical descriptions. This paper will correlate the ecphrases of churches by Patriarch Photios and Emperor Leo VI, delivered in Constantinople, with those of the Cappella Palatina by Philagathos Kerameus, delivered in Norman Panormos. The ties traced here will shed light on a successful transfer of a rhetorical device, which served both ideological goals as well as the need of the audience to better comprehend the religious setting of the homilies. Alexandra Nikiforova Rheinische Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität, Bonn, Germany; sashunja@yandex.ru Anamnesis and Mimesis in Maundy Thursday Rites: A New Evidence from the Ninth-Century Tropologion from Sinai ΜΓ/ΝΕ 56+5 The oldest Greek formular for Maundy Thursdаy is saved in theTropologion, i.e. hymnal for movable and fixed feasts of the church year, Sin.Gr. ΜΓ/ΝΕ 56+5, dated back to the second half of 9th Century. This unpublished Greek hymnographical codex found in 1975 in the monastery of St.Catherine is based on the “Anastasis” tradition of Jerusalem (the heading of the codex runs:“With God, the Tropologion of all holy feasts of the whole year established by the saint Church of the Resurrection of Our Lord Jesus Christ”), but also has its local calendar and cult specific, influenced by the region of Egypt[1]. On 245 folia 73 rubrics were preserved with the chants for the liturgy of the hours and Eucharist from Christmas eve till the commemoration of Righteous Joseph of Arimathea (June 12). This hymnal from Sinai contains liturgical masterpieces ascribed to Cyril of Jerusalem, Cosmas of Maiouma, and John of Damascus, and is of real importance for those who study liturgy of Jerusalem and its disemmination through the Christian East. The core of Maundy Thursday in Tropologion compose the performances of the myron consecration, Eucharistic assembly and 497 footwashing rite, which I discuss in my presentation. This evidence fills the gap between Georgian Lectionary (5th–8th Centuries) and Anastasis Typicon (Holy Cross 43, 1122 A.D.). The basic methodology empoyed is to treate each rite independently and trace its development, and then to focuse on an overall view of the liturgical celebrations of Holy Thursday in their ensemble. Tinatin Chronz University of Cologne, Cologne, Germany; tchronz@uni-koeln.de The Early Jerusalem Euchologion in Georgian Transmission. Comparative Edition, Translation and Commentary Presentation of the current DFG project at the University of Cologne, Department of Byzantine Studies: As a complete collection the Euchologion of Jerusalem, used until the Byzantinisation of the Palestinian liturgy, is lost. Until now no pure “pre-Byzantine” Greek Euchologion has been discovered in the Middle East. In the original Greek only few liturgical ordines from the field of episcopal celebrations have survived. Regarding Jerusalem especially Armenian and Georgian pilgrims and monks translated the liturgical texts of Palestine into their oriental languages, to be used in colonies of their nations in the Holy Land and religious services in Caucasia. The Georgian transmission of Palestinian liturgical books and texts remain therefore more closely linked to the Greek originals than the transmission of the Jerusalem heritage to other oriental languages, so to Syriac and Armenian. Therefore our reconstruction the “pre-Byzantine“ Euchologion of Jerusalem and Palestine is based on the Georgian witnesses. We will give an introduction to our project and an overview of the first results. 498 THEATRE AND LITURGY: PERFORMANCE AND RITUAL IN CHRISTIAN WORSHIP – PART 2 Conveners: Andrew Walker White, Niki Tsironis Ouresis Todorovich, Analogies between the Transition from the Ancient Performative Image to the Byzantine Liturgical Image and Evolving Contemporary Concepts of Digital Imagery Jaakko Olkinuora, Re-Defining the Liturgical Functions of Canon Poetry Przemysłav Marciniak, Hypokrisis and Mimesis – Byzantine Concepts of Theatrical and Non-Theatrical Imitation Ida Toth, Reading Performance: The Late Byzantine Rhetorical Theatron, Reconsidered Margaret Mullett, Contexts for the Christos Paschon Ouresis Todorovich National and Kapodistrian University of Athens, Faculty of Social Theology, Secretariat School of Theology, Athens, Greece; todorovich@hotmail.com Analogies between the Transition from the Ancient Performative Image to the Byzantine Liturgical Image and Evolving Contemporary Concepts of Digital Imagery In late antiquity, both the portrayal of images drawn from nature and the anthropomorphic personifications of seasons and natural phenomena—particularly on mosaic pavements in churches but also in late antique textiles from Egypt—denoted an ambivalent status in a sense that they could be understood in both Christian and pagan terms. From a historical point of view, these images reflect a complex transitional phase from a pagan concept according to which an image performs a certain ritualistic, symbolic and narrative role, to a Christian concept according to which this role continues but in time evolves and becomes ever more aesthetically imbued with a new theological content. This new theological content gradually placed new demands on how an image should function and therefore it led to a distinct conceptual transition from what might be termed a ritualistic or performative pagan image to Byzantine liturgical image. The twofold aim of my paper is firstly, to concisely articulate the previously overlooked aspects of this transitional phase between the pagan and the Byzantine concept of an image, and secondly, to corroborate on the significance of that transition for understanding problems relating to concepts which underline contemporary digital imagery. Jaakko Olkinuora University of Eastern Finland, Joensuu, Finland; jaakko.olkinuora@uef.fi Re-Defining the Liturgical Functions of Canon Poetry The history of Byzantine hymnography is currently being rewritten: new discoveries of unpublished texts and alternative theories for the development of hymnographic genres characterize contemporary scholarship on Byzantine literature. While there have been recent contributions on the liturgical history of the canon, interpretative aspects are widely neglected. As a part of this quest, the liturgical functions of canon poems need to be re-defined. The present paper suggests new methodological approaches to analysing the genre of canon poetry, drawing on performance theory and the different aspects of communication between the hymnographer-chanter and his audience. 500 Przemysłav Marciniak University of Silesia, Katowice, Poland; przemyslaw.marciniak@us.edu.pl Hypokrisis and Mimesis – Byzantine Concepts of Theatrical and Non-Theatrical Imitation In a scholion to a fragment of Lucian’s treatise The Dance Arethas tells a story of some young people who imitated a possessed person and, as a consequence, ‘they were not restored from this state but departed with this wretched imitation’. This story, one among many, shows that both hypokrisis and imitation, understood as ‘pretending to be someone else’, were treated with suspicion in the Byzantine period. In my paper I intend to discuss how these concepts were understood by Byzantine writers – my main body of evidence comes from the 12th century where authors such a Eustathios of Thessalonike, John Zonaras and Theodore Prodromos discussed hypokrysis both from a historical perspective and as a part of the daily life. I will also argue that this mixed attitude towards hypokrisis might have been partially responsible for the lack of theatre in Byzantine times. Ida Toth University of Oxford, Ioannou Centre for Classical and Byzantine Studies, Oxford, United Kingdom; ida.toth@history.ox.ac.uk Reading Performance: The Late Byzantine Rhetorical Theatron, Reconsidered Byzantine rhetorical works are graphic and self-referential. No less so Palaiologan imperial orations: their deictic language and dramatic rendering conceptualise both the role of the performer and the spatial setting for his performance. Many conjure up a grand stage, at times even much more imposing than any of the physical spaces of the imperial theatron, populated with an ecumenical audience, representing a compendium of the Byzantine populace as a whole. Striking visual references repeatedly emerge as the orator depicts both the events that he relates and himself as their spectator (ἐγὼ δὲ θεατὴς τῶν γιγνομένων), as if these are taking place before his very eyes. Still, not all imperial orations include such features. A noticeable lack of elements of ritual and performativity, and a weaker authorial voice, suggest that the stage and the mise-en-scène for these rhetorical pieces were envisaged as, and indeed may have been, less imposing. Using as case studies the rhetorical output of the most prominent Constantinopolitan orators who celebrated the reigns of the first two Palaiologan emperors, this communication examines the variety of ways in which these authors describe their surroundings as they offer their readers a 360-degree view from the centre-stage position that they themselves confidently occupy and command. 501 Margaret Mullett Belfast, United Kingdom; margaret.mullett@aol.co.uk Contexts for the Christos Paschon The Christos Paschon is the only surviving Byzantine tragedy, which has always presented a problem to readers. Whether or not it was ever performed, the issue is more about its performability: whether it could have been performed, whether it shows enough awareness of ancient tragedy to suggest more than reading on the page. This paper suggests that it does, and that its performance, whether noetic or theatric, was influenced by performance practice in other genres, both experienced in everyday life and learned through rhetorical training. It looks at possible twelfth-century models for chorus, monologue and dialogue, and analyses key contemporary texts closest to the unicum. It is also argued that the chosen context may affect our understanding of the performance whether realized or not-- or even our views of the dating of the piece--, and different cases are considered: the Euripidean source-texts; late antique works; the liturgical Virgin’s laments in hymn and sermon; the Cyprus passion play and western mystery plays; the rhetorical dramatia of the twelfth century and the Katomyomachia. 502 SYNODIKA Conveners: Frederick Lauritzen, Antonio Rigo, Anna-Marija Totomanova Frederick Lauritzen, The New Edition of the Synodikon of Alexios Studites Antonio Rigo, Le Synodikon de l’Orthodoxie et le Palamisme (P) Anna-Marija Totomanova, The History of the Bulgarian Synodikon Ivan Biliarsky, The Printed Rumanian Synodikon from Year 1700 Ivan Christov, Notes on the Greek–Old Bulgarian Lexical Parallels in Tsar Boril’s Synodikon Kirill A. Maksimovič, The Russian Synodicon of Orthodoxy (Primary Version of the Eleventh Century with Later Additions) Frederick Lauritzen Venice, Italy; fredericklauritzen@gmail.com The New Edition of the Synodikon of Alexios Studites The guiding opinion about the Synodikon has been that Synodikon was not modified substantially between 844 and 1082. However it is clear that there were additions mainly in the early tenth century, at the time of the synod which produced the so called ‘Tomos Unionis’ in 920. Moreover, the six manuscripts which give us the oldest surviving version point to an important edition dated to period of ca 1028-1034. Since this is the period of the patriarchate of Alexios Studites (1025-1043), this important step in the composition of the Synodikon may be termed the Synodikon of Alexios Studites. Among the many features which define it as being typical of his patriarchate, one may single out his combined effort against the dualist heresy (23 anathemas) and two anathemas against the Syro-Jacobites and Nestorians. The Syro-Jacobites in particular were the object of numerous synods gathered by Alexios Studites during the period 1025-1043. Therefore the Synodikon of Alexios Studites is not simply and accidentally dated to ca 1028-1034 but represents the cultural interests specifically tied to the patriarchate of Constantinople in the period 1025-1043, with its special focus on dualist heresies and especially the question of Nestorians and Syro-Jacobites. Antonio Rigo Università Ca’ Foscari, Venice, Italy; arigo@unive.it Le Synodikon de l’Orthodoxie et le Palamisme (P) La communication, consacrée aux articles inserés dans le Synodikon de l’Orthodoxie après le Concile du 1351, est divisée en trois parties. 1. Réconsidération des manuscrits du Synodikon p et étude de la tradition indirecte représentée par les œuvres des auteurs antipalamites contemporaines, publiées ou inédites (hiéromoine Niphon, Jean Cyparissiotès, etc.). 2. Rapports entre les articles du Synodikon et le Tome synodal du 1351. 3. La date et les circonstances de l’insertion des articles dans le Synodikon de l’Orthodoxie. 504 Anna-Marija Totomanova Sofia University, Sofia, Bulgaria; atotomanova@abv.bg The History of the Bulgarian Synodikon The history of the Bulgarian Synodikon read on the Sunday of Orthodoxy starts with the translation ordered by King Boril (1207-1218), who convoked a synod against the Bogomils on the 11th of February 1211 in the capital city of Tarnovo. The Bulgarian translation draws on Komnene’s redaction of the Constantinople version of the Synodikon (C according to the classification of J.Gouillard) but the Bulgarian text does not agree completely with any of the extant versions of this redaction. The translated part includes some minor omissions, re-orderings and additions, the most important being the anathemas upon the Bogomils (344-402), the source of which is the Letter of Patriarch Kosmas [Kosmas I, 1075-1081 or Kosmas II Atticos, 1146-1147] to the dearest metropolitan of Larisa in connection with the ungodly heretics, preserved in Marcianus gr. II 74 (Coll. 1454 olim Nanianus 96), ff. 77v-79v of the 15th c. Some other additions (the list of heretics and some anti-heretic anathemas missing in C) are inserted into the text later and come from the horoses of the three oecumenical councils (4th, 6th and 7th) and of two local councils (of the council of Patriarch Mennas and Tomos Unionis), that were translated and published together with the Synodikon. The revision, which involved a linguistic redaction as well, took place in 14th c. when the text of Synodikon became a part of a canonical-liturgical compilation (archieratikon). This compilation survived in Palaouzov’s manuscript (НБКМ 289) and was probably ordered by the last Bulgarian patriarch Euthymius of Tarnovo who was one of the most prominent figures of medieval Bulgaria. The recent research shows that the 14th century editors of the Synodikon must have had at hand the Paleologean version of the Synodikon, whose translation is preserved in both Drinov’s copy (НБКМ 432) and in the recently published Paleologean synodikon from the Library of the Romanian Academy of Sciences BAR, Ms. sl. 307). We presume that all Bulgarian amendments – the list of Bulgarian kings, queens and hierarchs, included into the diptych, as well as the historical accounts of the Synod against bogomils and of the re-establishment of the Bulgarian Patriarchate in 1235 under King Ivan Asen II were inserted at the same time. The royal lineage in the diptych ends with the wife and children of the last Bulgarian medieval monarch, Ivan Shishman, whose name is missing in the list of the rulers. Ivan Biliarsky Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, Institute of History, Sofia, Bulgary; ivan.biliarsky@gmail.com The Printed Rumanian Synodikon from Year 1700 (No text) 505 Ivan Christov University of Sofia, Sofia, Bulgaria; ichri@abv.bg Notes on the Greek–Old Bulgarian Lexical Parallels in Tsar Boril’s Synodikon In this paper, I will inspect the translation of Greek terms related to the Church History and Theology in Tsar Boril’s Synodikon. A variety of approaches will be applied to appreciate the ways of rendering terminology a part of which has a sporadic presence in the Slavonic Middle Ages. First, studying the lexico-morphological term formation and applying statistics about termforming affixes allows us to make a statement if this is just a loan translation creating a mechanical morpheme-to-morpheme correspondance or it is closer to the principles of isomorphism, sensibly rendering the elements of the terms in the original according to the translator’s feel for the structure of Slavonic words. Secondly, studying the term-compounds that are a product of lexical and syntactical term formation adds to our understanding how sensitive the translation is. Thirdly, the variability of rendering the different meanings of the same term will be observed to appreciate the translator’s effort to avoid homonymy and ambiguity. Finally, a somewhat sceptical conclusion about the meaningfulness of the translation will besoftened by a comparison to the reception of more sophisticated Greek sources. Kirill A. Maksimovič Academy of Sciences of Göttingen, Göttingen / Goethe University, Frankfurt am Main, Germany; kirmaksimovic@gmail.com The Russian Synodicon of Orthodoxy (Primary Version of the Eleventh Century with Later Additions) The study of Old Slavonic translations of the Synodikon of Orthodoxy has a long tradition. In the second half of the nineteenth century, the oldest Slavonic versions of the Synodikon were supposed to be based on the ‘second’ (or ‘enlarged’) redaction of the original Greek text. However, the textual tradition of the Greek Synodikon at that time had not yet been properly studied, so that nothing but the C redaction (after Gouillard) was meant under the name of ‘second redaction’. This latter should be chronologically regarded as the third redaction after the original, Methodian redaction of 843–844 and the redaction of the Macedonian dynasty (M). The oldest evidence of the Old Russian Synodikon is preserved in the Kievan Primary Chronicle. In the Laurentian copy of the Chronicle, in 1108, it is said that after the death of St Theodosius, abbot of Kiev’s Monastery of the Caves, prince Svjatopolk ordered the Greek Metropolitan to enter Theodosios’s name in the Synodikon. Although in this context the term ‘synodikon’ simply indicates a diptych with the names of saints commemorated during the liturgy, the very term ‘synodikon’ 506 (literally ‘synodal act’ in Greek) refers to the contemporaneous Byzantine usage of the word συνοδικόν as an official liturgical book of the Church. According to the entry, only the Metropolitan of Kiev had the right to enter a name into the Synodikon. In the eleventh and twelfth centuries, almost all metropolitans were Greek and came from Constantinople. Being an official liturgical book of the Byzantine Church, the Synodikon was most probably brought to Kiev by a metropolitan to celebrate the Feast of Orthodoxy on the first Sunday of Lent. Since the Greek text was incomprehensible to most Russian laymen, a Russian-Slavonic translation was urgently needed. This conjecture may be reinforced by the contents of the Russian Synodikon, whose oldest part omits anathemas against John Italos (1082) and thus reflects the Greek original preceding the Komnenian C redaction. The absence of entries concerning John Italos leads us to the conclusion that 1082 might be regarded as a terminus ante quem for the emergence of the oldest Slavonic Synodikon translation in Kiev. The Synodikon is mentioned a second time in Vsevolod-Gabriel, Prince of Novgorod’s Church statute (composed by the year 1135). Both of these reports, which go back to the first half of the twelfth century, along with other arguments, allow one to conclude that the Byzantine Synodikon of Orthodoxy (in its pre-Komnenian form) was known in Kievan Russia as early as the second half of the eleventh or the first half of the twelfth century. This, in turn, makes it possible to place the translation of the Synodikon within the context of the school of translators founded in Kiev by Prince Jaroslav the Wise by 1037. The last Patriarch to be mentioned in the diptychs is Joseph II (1416–1439). The list of patriarchs in the oldest version of the Russian Synodikon thus goes up to the epoch of the union of Florence. Hence, the final form of this redaction could not have appeared any earlier than in the middle of the fifteenth century. Apart from the Old Russian translation of the Synodikon, there existed another, apparently made in the early or mid-seventeenth century and contaminated with the late Greek redaction of the sixteenth century Lenten Triodion. Russian-Slavonic translation of the Triodion is transmitted in a number of printed editions which had been undertaken throughout the 17th century (Kiev 1627, 1640, 1648; L’vov 1664, 1699). 507 LIFE AND WORKS OF PHOTIUS OF CONSTANTINOPLE Conveners: Filippo Ronconi, Marcello Garzaniti Marcello Garzaniti, The Photian Missionary Project Filippo Ronconi, Les lunettes de Photius : un savant byzantin et ses livres entre ‘ancienne’ et ‘nouvelle’ histoire Alessandra Bucossi, Prolegomena to the Edition of the So-Called Contra Veteris Romae Asseclas (PG 102, 392–400) Juan Signes Codoñer, Towards a Classification of the Works of Photius Bastien Kindt, « e-Photios Myriobiblos », une version digitale de la Bibliothèque de Photios Federico Montinaro, On Photios and Anastasius the Librarian: The ‘Heresy of the Two Souls’ and the Two Tales of the Council of Constantinople of 867 Jacques Schamp, Un programme philosophique pour un cercle de lecture Silvia Ronchey, Presentazione dell’edizione italiana della Biblioteca di Fozio curata da L. Canfora Silvia Tessari, Photius as Hymnographer. A Problematic Identity behind the Name Marcello Garzaniti University of Florence, Florence, Italy; marcello.garzaniti@unifi.it The Photian Missionary Project In the second half of the 9th century the Byzantine empire followed carefully the evolving geopolitical situation. In the Middle East, Constantinople was committed to defending the rights of Christian communities under the yoke of Islam in an intense polemic with Islam, while in the West was going slow, but inexorable the muslim conquest of Sicily. On the international chessboard, the Byzantine curia was aware of the important role of the peoples of the steppes, beginning with the Khazars, who not only controlled the Volga basin, but were trying to expand their influence as far as the Black Sea and the Crimean peninsula. In Byzantium there was great concern about the Carpathian and Balkan inland, opened to Central Europe and to the Danube area, which marked the old boundaries of the Roman empire. There the Carolingian Empire was proceeding with determination its work of colonization and christianization, particularly along the river Danube. Meanwhile, the Roman papacy had resumed the initiative beyond the Adriatic and the Holy See planned to take again control of Illyricum, converting the barbaric peoples and reorganizing the Roman church in the territory. After coming to the patriarchal throne in 858, Photius, supported by the imperial curia, drew up a complex missionary plan, which was to have a universal character, ecumenical in the etymological sense of the word, and was to restore Constantinople, the Second Rome, to its historical role. In this project the conversion of the Slavs to Christianity would counterbalance the Germanic peoples’ adherence to Western Christianity. A leading role in this project was to be played by Photius’s “close friend” Constantine-Cyril. The constitution of the Macedonian theme and the administration of sclaviniae prepared this project. Since Constantine-Cyrill’s brother Methodius had held the office of archon in a sclavinia for a long time, he was inevitably involved in the process of Christianizing the Slavs in the Byzantine Empire. An exposition of Photius’s theological reflection with missionary purpose can be found in the Letter addressed to khan Boris, written between 864 and 866. After a brief introduction on the “salvation of the soul”, the Letter contains an exposition of the Nicene creed and the history of the seven councils. In the second part the patriarch offers some reflections on moral and some advice on good governance. In the circle of Photios few years later was composed the Soterios, a Greek anthology, which has a structure similar to the Letter, but with a much more complex articulation. In our opinion this work is a key witness to the theological reflection at the basis of the Byzantine missionary project. The Slavic version of Soterios, whose oldest witness is the Izbornik 1073, dates back to the age of Tsar Simeon of Bulgaria but may be connected to Cyrillo-Methodian mission, in particular to the activity of Methodius, Archbishop of Moravia. The work is not a simple catechesis addressed to neophytes, but a collection of complex theological texts that come from the most classic tradition of patristic thought, and could represent an extraordinarily useful tool for the formation of the missionary clergy. 509 Filippo Ronconi École des hautes études en sciences sociales, Paris, France; ronconi@ehess.fr Les lunettes de Photius : un savant byzantin et ses livres entre ‘ancienne’ et ‘nouvelle’ histoire La Bibliothèque de Photius reflète un moment de la vie politique byzantine caractérisé par des oppositions violentes à l’intérieur de l’Eglise et du pouvoir impérial en général. Dans ce cadre, Photius paya le prix fort de la déposition et de l’exil : privé de ses livres, il décida, vers 867, de sauvegarder la mémoire des lectures qui avaient constitué le noyau identitaire de son cercle, un groupe d’élèves et de camarades, transformé en lobby du pouvoir à l’époque de son premier patriarcat. A la réception du petit ouvrage, composé par Photius à partir de ses souvenirs et de quelques notes, son frère Taraise et ce qui restait du cercle, sous la pression de délibérations conciliaires ordonnant la destruction de tous les matériaux photiens, y ajoutèrent les notes d’enseignement et de recherche en leur possession. C’est ainsi que naquit un grand dossier, point de départ de la tradition manuscrite de la Bibliothèque que nous lisons aujourd’hui. L’étude stratigraphique de certains chapitres de l’ouvrage permet de comprendre les logiques d’utilisation des sources et en particulier des découpages dont elles furent l’objet : il est par exemple possible de démontrer que les textes historiographiques de l’Antiquité furent choisis sur le critère de leur cohérence avec les racines judéo-chrétiennes et romaines qui constituaient les paramètres identitaires des élites dont Photius faisait partie. A l’intérieur de chacun de ces ouvrages, en outre, une sélection de passages a été opérée, sur des critères érudits (comme le démontrent les cas d’Hérodote et de Thucydide), mais aussi politiques (c’est le cas de Diodore de Sicile). Ce n’est qu’au vu de ces éléments de contexte, à la fois culturel et conjoncturel, qu’on peut saisir la dynamique de création des différents chapitres de la Myriobiblos. J’examinerai donc les chapitres de la Bibliothèque portant sur les ouvrages des historiens anciens les plus importants. J’utiliserai à cette fin, pour ainsi dire, les lunettes de Photius, en mettant en valeur – via l’analyse littéraire, structurelle et philologique des dits chapitres – la manière avec laquelle les élites intellectuelles du « premier humanisme byzantin » interrogeaient les « temps révolus au nom des problèmes et curiosités - et même des inquiétudes et des angoisses – de leur temps présent » (Braudel). Une telle lecture de cet ouvrage démontrera que, loin d’être l’expression d’une dimension stérilement érudite, il résume les dynamiques intellectuelles et culturelles d’une époque difficile. 510 Alessandra Bucossi University Ca’ Foscari, Venice, Italy; alessandra.bucossi@unive.it Prolegomena to the Edition of the So-Called Contra Veteris Romae Asseclas (PG 102, 392–400) The short text published by Joseph Hergenroether (Ratisbonae, 1857) as an appendix of the most famous Photii Patrarchae Liber de Spiritus Sancti Mystagogia (PG 102, 280–392) and widely quoted by the polemicists who wrote against the Filioque is still unedited. Starting from the first editor of the treatise, Hergenroether, there have been various attempts to establish if the text was written by the Patriarch Photius and if it can be considered an epitome of the Mystagogia (e.g. Hergenrother, Podskalsky, Sieben, Gordillo, Haugh, Oberdorfer, Barmine, Kusabu, Kolbaba). This short communication will present the ‘state of the art’ in research on authorship attribution and recensio codicum in order to inform the international academic community about the project of editing the Contra Veteris Romae Asseclas planned by Alessandra Bucossi and Paolo Eleuteri. Juan Signes Codoñer Universidad de Valladolid, Valladolid, Spain; juansignes54@gmail.com Towards a Classification of the Works of Photius Under the name of Photius literary works, reference books, drafts, scholia, manuscripts and excerpts have been preserved. Their classification cannot be attempted along the traditional lines of literary genres or on the basis of the content of the works, for this represents a synchronic and horizontal approach which does not take into account the rather hierarchical and diachronic nature of Photius’ heterogeneous writings. Collective authorship, rewriting, intended diffusion, instrumentality and originality are all of them aspects to be considered in the classification advanced here, which is a compromise between all these conflicting criteria. [See J. Signes Codoñer (2013), “La diffusion envisagée par l’auteur pour son œuvre comme guide pour un classement de la litterature à Byzance aux IXe et Xe siècles”, in P. Odorico (ed.), La face cachée de la littérature Byzantine. Le texte en tant que message immédiat (Dossiers Byzantins 11), Paris, 87-122] 1. PHILOLOGICAL AND EXEGETICAL WRITINGS 1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4 1.5 1.6 Library [TLG]: Henry (1959-1977) Lexicon [TLG]: short version: Porson (1882); long version: Theodoridis (1982-2013), Commentary to the letters of Paul [TLG]: Staab (1933) [cf. § 2.1]. Commentary to the Gospel of John [TLG]: Reuss (1966) [cf. § 2.1]. Commentary to the Gospel of Matthew [TLG]: Reuss (1957) [cf. § 2.1]. Scholia on the Klimax of John of Sinaï [––– ]:Papadopoulos-Kerameus (1892); PG 88 [cf. §2.1, particularly Amph. 273, chap. 27 of the Scala Paradisi]. 511 1.7 Παραινέσεις διὰ γνωμολογίας [?] [–––]: Hergenröther (1869); Sternbach (1892) [cf. §1.1, cods. 167 on Stobaeus, 196 on the Paraineseis of Ephrem of Nisibis, 232 on the Floril. of Stephen Gobar, and §2.2]. 1.8 Fragmenta dialectica [?] [–––]: Hergenröther (1869) [cf. Psellos, opus 50, Σύνοψις τῶν πέντε φωνῶν καὶ τῶν δέκα κατηγοριῶν τῆς φιλοσοφίας and opus 51 Περὶ τῶν πέντε φωνῶν in Duffy (1992), Michaelis Pselli philosophica minora, and also Amphilochia 137, Τῷ αὐτῷ Ἀμφιλοχίῳ ζητήσαντι σύνοψιν σαφῆ τῶν δέκα κατηγοριῶν and 138, Περὶ οὐσίας]. 1.9 Ἑκ τῶν ἐκκλησιαστικῶν ἱστοριῶν Φιλοστοργίου ἐπιτομὴ ἀπὸ φωνῆς Φωτίου πατριάρχου [TLG Philostorgius]: Winkelmann (post Bidez) (1981) [cf. §1.1, cods. 27-31, 40-42, 88-89 on eccl. histories]. 1.10 Sylloge canonum [–––] Beverigius (1672); PG 137-138 [cf. Bibl., cods. 15-20, on the acts of the councils of Nicea I (325) to Nicea II (787) and cods 52-53 on the synods of Side and Carthage; cf. §3.2] 2. LITERARY WORKS 2.1 Letters and Amphilochia [TLG]: Laourdas & Westerink (1983-1988) [cf. §1.1] 2.2 Parenetic chapters [?] [–––]: long version: Emminger (1913); short version (not of Photius): PG 107 [cf. §1.7, § 2.1 (for example, letter 1 to Boris), §2.4, §3.1 (esp. proem)]. 2.3 Homelies [TLG]: Laourdas (1959) [cf. §1.1, §2.6]. 2.4 Poems [sticheron in sanctum Methodium; ὕμνος ἐκ προσώπου Βασιλείου δεσπότου; ὕμνος ἐκ προσώπου τῆς ἐκκλησίας εἰς Βασίλειον; ἐγκωμιαστικὸς εἰς Βασίλειον; poema ad Basilium] [–––]: Mai & Matranga (1843); PG; Ciccolella (1998); Markopoulos (1992); Beckby (19651968), Anthologia Graeca, Book 9, poem 203 (of Photius or Leo) [cf. §2.2]. 2.5 Mystagogia or Λόγος περὶ τῆς τοῦ ἁγίου πνεύματος μυσταγωγίας [?] [TLG]: PG 102 (epitome); Kolbaba (2008). 2.6 Contra Manichaeos. Διήγησις τῆς νεοφανοῦς τῶν Μανιχαίων ἀναβλαστήσεως + ἐκλογαὶ ὁμιλιῶν [TLG]: PG 102; Conus-Wolska (1970) [cf. Bibl. 1.1, cods. 80 on Against Manicheans of Heraclianus of Chalcedon, 179 on the Manichean books of Agapius; cf. §2.3]. 2.7 Πρὸς τοὺς λέγοντας ὡς ἡ Ῥώμη θρόνος πρῶτος [Sp.] [–––]: Gordillo (1940). 2.8 Περὶ τῶν Φράγγων καὶ τῶν λοιπῶν Λατίνων [Sp.] [–––]: Hergenröther (1869). 3. JURIDICAL AND CANONICAL TEXTS 3.1 Eisagoge [TLG]: Zachariä von Lingenthal (1852) [cf. §1.10, §2.2] 3.2 Syntagma canonum [–––]: PG 104 [cf. §1.10; §3.4] 3.3 Interrogationes decem. Συναγωγαὶ καὶ ἀποδείξεις ἀκριβεῖς συνηλεγμέναι ἐκ τῶν συνοδικῶν καὶ ἱστορικῶν γραφῶν περὶ ἐπισκόπων καὶ μητροπολιτῶν καὶ λοιπῶν ἑτέρων ἀναγκαίων ζητημάτων [–––]: PG 104 [cf. §1.10] 3.4 Nomocanon [Sp.] [–––]: Rhalles & Potles (1852-1859), vol. 1 [cf. §1.10; 3.2] 3.5 Canons of the 861 and 879-880 councils [–––]: Mansi 16, 536-549, Mansi 17, 479-504. 3.5 Single laws [?] [–––]:Ashburner (1909); Burgmann & Troianos (1979); Medvedev, Piotrovskaja & Lipšic (1984). 512 Bastien Kindt Université catholique de Louvain, Institut orientaliste, Louvain-la-Neuve, Belgium; bastien.kindt@uclouvain.be « e-Photios Myriobiblos », une version digitale de la Bibliothèque de Photios Byzance nous a transmis de nombreux textes. Mais cette transmission fut aussi une implacable sélection. Des textes ont été sciemment rejetés, d’autres ont sombré dans l’oubli. Dans ce contexte, une source comme la Bibliothèque — qui réunit 280 recensions d’ouvrages rédigées par le patriarche Photios — fait figure de sanctuaire. Le projet « GREgORI», mené à l’Institut orientaliste de l’Université catholique de Louvain — GREgORI. Softwares, linguistic data and tagged corpus for ancient GREek and ORIental languages (http://www.uclouvain.be/gregori-project) —, a une longue expérience en matière de traitement automatique des langues anciennes et orientales, particulièrement en matière d’étiquetage lexical et morphosyntaxique des textes grecs patristiques et historiographiques d’époque byzantine. Entre 1990 et 2012, ces travaux ont permis de produire vingt-cinq volumes de concordances lemmatisées et d’index, tous publiés dans le Thesaurus Patrum Graecorum, une collection produite et diffusée par Brepols Publishers. Depuis 2015, le projet se poursuit en développant deux objectifs complémentaires : - multiplier et améliorer les outils informatiques et les ressources linguistiques utiles à la réalisation de corpus numérisés des textes écrits non plus seulement en grec, mais aussi dans les principales langues de l’Orient Chrétien (à savoir l’arabe, le syriaque, l’arménien, le géorgien, l’éthiopien et le copte) ; - mettre au point des environnements offrant aux utilisateurs — linguistes ou philologues — la possibilité d’explorer et d’interroger adéquatement ces corpus. En 2004, Jacques Schamp et Bastien Kindt publiaient le Thesaurus Photii Constantinopolitani. Cette publication fournit la concordance lemmatisée complète du texte de la Bibliothèque de Photios. Chaque forme du texte est mise en relation avec le lemme qui lui correspond et sa catégorie morphosyntaxique. Aujourd’hui, les données informatiques du Thesaurus Photii ont été exhumées et mises à jour pour constituer une version digitale de la Bibliothèque. Notre intervention présentera les différentes manières d’explorer et d’exploiter cet « e-Photios Myriobiblos ». Trois modes d’interrogation seront illustrés : - le premier interroge directement les bases de données (reposant sur le système de gestion de base de données Microsoft SQL Server) et illustre comment l’utilisateur peut générer automatiquement (à l’aide d’un créateur de rapports, en l’occurrence SAP Crystal Reports) et obtenir instantanément des concordances lemmatisées et des listes lexicographiques (listes fréquentielles, listes alphabétiques, listes alphabétiques inverses, etc.) portant sur des faits de langue correspondant à ses interrogations ; - le second repose sur l’utilisation d’une interface dédiée au traitement de corpus (en l’occurrence le logiciel open source Unitex) qui permet de formuler des interrogations combinant dans une seule requête des éléments lexicaux, grammaticaux ou syntaxiques, offrant ainsi de véritables outils d’extraction d’information ; 513 - le troisième présente une interface en ligne qui permet d’afficher dans un navigateur WEB (Microsoft Internet Explorer, Mozilla Firefox, etc.) la concordance correspondant aux résultats d’une requête. Le corpus « e-Photios Myriobiblos » compte 345.207 mots et totalise 54.117 formes différentes, classées sous 17.069 lemmes. De multiples requêtes peuvent être formulées : - quelles sont les formes attestées d’un lemme ? - dans quel Codex de la Bibliothèque apparaissent telle forme ou tel lemme ? - quel est le vocabulaire spécifique de tel Codex par rapport à un autre ou à l’ensemble du texte ? - quel est le vocabulaire commun d’un Codex ou d’un ensemble de Codices par rapport à d’autres parties du texte ? - dans quels environnements morphosyntaxiques apparaissent tels lemmes ou telles expressions ? - etc. L’exposé montrera comment, en fonction de ses attentes, l’utilisateur lambda, même peu expérimenté en matière de traitement informatique, peut tirer parti d’un corpus parfaitement lemmatisé. Ces outils offrent aux chercheurs la possibilité de baser leurs observations sur un corpus parfaitement étiqueté, engageant les recherches vers une étude systématique et exhaustive du vocabulaire réellement utilisé par le Patriarche, dans l’ensemble de la Bibliothèque. Il s’agit de compléter — grâce à l’outil informatique — les enseignements tirés des multiples lectures possibles d’un texte, en multipliant les modes d’accès aux données qu’il renferme. Federico Montinaro Eberhard Karls Universität, Tübingen, Germany; federico.montinaro@uni-tuebingen.de On Photios and Anastasius the Librarian: The ‘Heresy of the Two Souls’ and the Two Tales of the Council of Constantinople of 867 Anastasius the Librarian (died ca. 879) is a towering figure in the ecclesiastical and intellectual history of the ninth century. His rhetorical skills and knowledge of Greek gained him the confidence of popes and Western emperors, for whom he acted as a secretary, especially in the relations with the Eastern Church and Byzantium. Anastasius was also the initiator of a grand translation project from Greek which, in line with the impact of his literary activity, has perceptively been called a “political hagiography”. This project included the Latin version of the acts of the general Church councils of the eighth and ninth centuries and notably of the one summoned in Constantinople in 869-870 to depose the patriarch Photios, which Anastasius attended. In 858 Photios, a scholar and a layman, had replaced Ignatios following a contested election which would eventually lead to internal conflict and schism with Rome. In the introductory dedication to his translation of the 870 acts, Anastasius puts in the mouth of Photios’ friend Constantine (Cyril) the Philosopher, the Byzantine missionary later remembered as the apostle of the Slavs, the claim that the patriarch would have formulated a doctrine to the 514 effect that man possesses two souls. There is no obvious reason to believe that Anastasius, who is elsewhere extremely critical of Photios, had this story directly from Constantine and Francis Dvornik was probably right in attributing its origin to Metrophanes, the exiled Ignatian bishop of Smyrna, whom Anastasius met personally in Constantinople. Anastasius is not the only source to accuse Photios of preaching a ‘heresy of the two souls’. The tenth-century Greek chronicler commonly known as Pseudo-Symeon, whose work is preserved in Paris. gr. 1712, made a similar allegation, although in a sensibly different context, placing Photios’ campaigning after his accession to the patriarchal throne. Recent research on Pseudo-Symeon’s sources has shown that much of the mid-to-late-ninth-century material in his chronicle may have come from the lost historical work of Niketas David of Paphlagonia, the author of the hagiographical Life of Ignatius and, in all probability, the compiler behind the so-called ‘anti-Photian collection’ preserved in Marc. Gr. Z. 167. The charge of heresy against Photios would thus seem to stem entirely from Ignatian circles and should be handled with great care. It is nonetheless worth noticing that the accusation of distinguishing two souls, one sinful and one which is not, had been a stock argument of Christian polemics against Manichaeism since the 4th century, as evidenced by Augustine’s treatise On the two souls and, sparsely, in his other writings. Whether Augustine understood the Manichean thought correctly on this point, that such an accusation could be brought against Photios may tell us something about 9th-century Byzantine cultural history. For the theory of the existence of two human souls certainly was a feature of ancient Gnostic philosophy which in Late Antiquity came to be accepted, with modifications, by pagan philosophers such as Porphyrios. Incidentally, Anastasius’ acquaintance with Ignatian circles in Constnatinople and with the exiled bishop Metrophanes in particular may also explain the discrepancy between his presentation of the council of Constantinople of 867, where Photios had allegedly slandered the papacy, and the very account given by the bishops who three years later condemned Photios. Even the latter did not venture beyond accusing the deposed patriarch of having tampered with the signatures appended to the 867 acts. Anastasius knew this account for having translated it into Latin but, like Metrophanes in a contemporary document, presented the 867 acts as being entirely Photios’ forgery and alleged that the council itself had never taken place. Jacques Schamp Embourg, Belgium; jacques.schamp@unifr.ch Un programme philosophique pour un cercle de lecture Photios avait eu au moins un frère extrêmement cultivé. Il lui a dédicacé la Bibliothèque, mais en plus il lui y a fait une place en qualité de lecteur des discours d’Himérios. Patrice, c’est-à-dire haut dignitaire de l’Empire, Tarasios avait toute raison de s’intéresser à l’éloquence. Qu’en fut-il de la philosophie ? Tarasios lui-même n’a laissé aucun texte. Quant à Photios, on répète, en général sans se poser beaucoup de questions, qu’il avait été un aristotélisant convaincu. Pour l’essentiel, sa contribution sur ce terrain se ramène à des travaux sur les Catégories d’Aristote, soit une série de 515 Questions à Amphilochios, disposées de façon surprenante, et à des notes mêlées au commentaire d’Ammonios à l’Isagôgè de Porphyre. Les deux noms d’Ammonios et de Porphyre peuvent étonner. En fait, à travers l’Anthologie de Stobée, Photios peut avoir lu un nombre de textes porphyriens perdus au fil de la tradition. Sur Ammonios, il souligne qu’il avait pratiqué surtout Aristote avec une rare maîtrise au point qu’il l’emportait sur les hommes de sa génération et même sur ceux de la génération de Proclus par ses connaissances en matière de géométrie et d’astronomie. Dans un des rares chapitres de la Bibliothèque où il fait état de sentiments personnels, il analyse les Theologoumena arithmetica de Nicomaque de Gérasa, un texte devenu rarissime déjà au IXe s. et perdu de nos jours, sauf de rares fragments, conservés dans un traité au titre identique d’un PseudoJamblique. Les Theologoumena font suite à l’Introduction arithmétique du même Nicomaque, que Photios avait lu, comme son frère probablement. L’auteur laisse entendre dans son Introduction qu’il va mettre sur le métier ses Theologoumena. L’introduction, du reste, fut toujours un livre largement lu et commenté, surtout dans l’école néoplatonicienne issue de Jamblique, et l’on a toute raison de supposer que Photios avait découvert dans une préface à l’Introduction arithmétique l’existence des Theologoumena. Ce dernier ouvrage exigeait du lecteur une formation extrêmement solide, « en géométrie, en arithmétique et dans les autres sciences (mathématiques) », celle que possédaient les jeunes hommes de son entourage et de celui de son frère, ayant « le souci de l’exactitude » (...) « à un degré non moindre (...) que le fils d’Hermias ». Il y a bien là des allusions à une école et même des indications sur le programme des cours dispensés. Après Stéphanos, le dernier des néoplatoniciens avérés, on a continué à rédiger des introductions à la logique dont des éléments ont passé dans les ouvrages chrétiens : elles allaient être utiles dans la lutte contre les dernières hérésies, monoénergisme, monothélisme et iconoclasme. L’organisation de l’école de Photios pouvait aussi, mutatis mutandis, servir de modèle. Les textes conservés conduisent à la première synthèse de la QA 77 sur les Universaux. En introduisant le problème, Photios joue sur un schéma empruntant au fameux mythe de la caverne. Ses textes offraient ainsi les moyens d’aborder les plus difficiles problèmes de la théologie byzantine. Par exemple, dans QA 231, en s’interrogeant sur le mystère de l’Incarnation, Photios se demande si le Christ a assumé l’homme universel ou l’homme particulier. Dans QA 180, il s’interroge sur la connaissance de Dieu en laissant percer des accents plotiniens dus probablement au De nominibus divinis du Pseudo-Denys l’Aréopagite. Il a tracé la voie à des théologiens comme Grégoire de Chypre ou Grégoire Palamas. Silvia Ronchey Università di Roma 3, Rome, Italy; s.ronchey@gmail.com Presentazione dell’edizione italiana della Biblioteca di Fozio curata da L. Canfora Nell’incontro su “Life and works of Photius of Constantinople” presenterò brevemente al pubblico del XXIII Congresso di Studi Bizantini di Belgrado la prima traduzione italiana integrale della Biblioteca di Fozio, che viene finalmente offerta ai lettori, per i tipi della Scuola Normale di Pisa, dopo decenni di lavoro d’équipe condotto da Luciano Canfora e dalla sua scuola. 516 Oltre alla preziosa Introduzione di Luciano Canfora e alla cruciale Nota sulla tradizione manoscritta di Stefano Micunco, il volume include un commento sistematico ed essenziale, curato da Nunzio Bianchi e Claudio Schiano, che accompagna il lettore nella selva fittissima dell’erudizione racchiusa, e talvolta dissimulata, in quest’opera non certo originariamente destinata alla circolazione libraria, ma nata come strumento di difesa della cerchia raccolta intorno al patriarca e variamente bersagliata dall’ala avversaria della chiesa bizantina. Nella cerchia di studiosi e filologi raccolta a sua volta intorno a Luciano Canfora, e in particolare nella squadra dei trentadue traduttori della Biblioteca foziana, spiccano, oltre a Canfora stesso, a Micunco, a Bianchi e a Schiano, vari altri bizantinisti italiani della generazione più giovane: anzitutto Luciano Bossina e Tommaso Braccini; e poi Margherita Losacco, Rosa Otranto, Pasquale Massimo Pinto ed altri ancora. A fronte figura il testo greco, migliorato rispetto all’unica moderna edizione circolante, quella della Collection Budé. Al termine, l’indice analitico di Immanuel Bekker fornisce al lettore una preziosa chiave per la consultazione. Silvia Tessari Falcade, Italy; silvia.tessari@unipd.it Photius as Hymnographer. A Problematic Identity behind the Name Under the name Photius several hymns have come down to us (mainly canons – among which we mention at least the hymnographic series dedicated to the Virgin, the Holy Trinity, St. John the Theologian, St. Nicholas, but also stichera, idiomela and prosomoia), recently edited by me (2014, Edizioni dell’Orso/Fondazione Ugo e Olga Levi). The purpose of my speech is to clarify which internal elements (lexicon, grammar, poetic style, including rhetoric figures, metric, and music) and external (palaeographic tradition, provenance of the testimonia, information brought from coeval sources) can bring light on the identity of the author – but I believe authors – who wrote them. Though these elements are relatively scarce in quantity, they help us to divide in different sets the received corpus and to attribute to the patriarch only a subset of the total, with a certain amount of sureness. I will moreover summarize the clues (structure of the hymns, dating of the sources hitherto identified, quotes or echoes from other authors – though very rare –, use of specific hagiographical sources) useful to check the supposed dating of these hymns, comparing it with the time span in which Photius the patriarch lived. 517 FASHION IN TRANSITION: FROM BYZANTIUM TO THE BYZANTINE COMMONWEALTH Conveners: Aleksandr Musin, Marcin Wołoszyn, Perica Špehar Aleksandr Musin, The Reception of Byzantium in the Medieval Eastern Europe: Nature and Character, Use and Abuse… Marcin Wołoszyn, Making Border of Kievan Rus’ Visible. Finds of Kolts from Poland Perica Špehar, Archaeological Finds of Late Medieval Crescent Earrings in Serbia Irina Sterligova, Pendants (Kolty) from the 1822 Ryazan’ Hoard: Ornaments of an Earthly Princess or Gifts to the Queen of Heaven? On the Evolution of Prestigious Byzantine Women’s Headdress Accessories in Rus’ Bojana Stevanović, Serbian Medieval Painting as a Source for the Crescent Earrings Ljudmila Pekarska, The Golden Age of Kievan Kolts: Iconographic Influence of Byzantine Art and Local Stylistic Developments Svetlana Ryabtseva – Aleksandr Musin, Chronology and Periodization of the Reception of Byzantine Dress Accessories and Fashion in the Eastern European Culture, 8th-14th Century Mária Vargha, Traces of Byzantine Fashion in Hungary in the High Middle Ages Aleksandr Musin Institute for History of Material Culture, St. Petersburg, Russian Federation; aleksandr_musin@mail.ru The Reception of Byzantium in the Medieval Eastern Europe: Nature and Character, Use and Abuse… The civilization of Old Rus’ has always been thought of as the result of the influence of Byzantium. The interaction between Mediterranean civilization and Eastern Europe has been interpreted as transplantation of basic elements of Byzantine culture and the following development into original phenomenon, as use and abuse of Byzantium during its reception. However, the key-word of such process might be “reception” sensu stricto. Scholars usually regarded the process of reception as systematically organized. As a result the Old Rus’ can be compared to the large Byzantine provincial monastery at least of the level of their library. However, the reception of Byzantium in Early Middle Ages scarcely ever was a conscious process. Such conclusions can be reached through the comparison of different cultural activities in Eastern Europe that had byzantine origins and very seldom were the object of comparative studies: literature and architecture, material culture and liturgy, etc. In my vision the historical reception as an active and creative process headed by local community was multilevel and multiple staged which comprises the introducing to the “alien” culture, selection of its elements, their incorporation and absorption, and then their use and transformation, in new system or at least new configuration sometimes up to the complete “rebranding” or refuse. The present approach allows some general observations. The Eastern European reception had been effectuated through the intermediate Slavonic cultures of Great Moravia and Bulgaria. Very often we deal with the double reception or acculturation that sometimes brought into Eastern Europe only echo of Byzantine world. This situation created different iconographic and stylistic “modules” reused according different combinations in the local culture. It could be linked to the specificity of “receptive aesthetics” and its «horizon of expectation». The transplantation of different byzantine elements on the Eastern European soil sometimes led to the deprivation of the original meaning and their re-semantization. In a paradox manner numerous elements of non-religious character received in Slavonic culture purely confessional meaning and were used in public worship and private devotion. The existence of different levels of the reception and its active spontaneous character make scholars revisit the cultural and anthropological mechanism of exchange. In several field of cultural activity Old Rus’ accepted through the reception not the phenomena themselves, but their bearers who quickly acculturated in the local milieu and lost their tradition and habits. We can conclude that the reception of Byzantium in Old Rus’ had accidental and occasional character. The similar situation can be observed in the field of interests of the present session of free communications - fashion, costume, jewelries, adornments, and dress accessories. Their transition led to the use of only limited elements of byzantine costume where these elements are sometimes difficult to recognize because of serious transformation. As a result “casual reception” did not lead to the formation of “casual dress” according byzantine example as well as in other different areas of byzantine-originated cultural activity. In fact, the modern humanity has right to see in medieval Rus’ a kind of caricature of Byzantium and not an icon of Byzantium as several colleagues would prefer. 519 Marcin Wołoszyn Polish Academy of Sciences, Institute of Archaeology and Ethnology, Warsaw, Poland, marcinwoloszyn@gmail.com Making Border of Kievan Rus’ Visible. Finds of Kolts from Poland The Christianity embraced by Piast Poland, similarly as Premyšlid Bohemia came from Rome. The differences between the lands lying between the Odra and the Vistula rivers and the territory of the Kievan Rus’, converted in 988/989 from Constantinople, may be observed in the material culture, ranging from the Pre-Romanesque and Romanesque churches known from Poznań, Cracow or Przemyśl and the Orthodox churches of Kiev and Novgorod to fashions in the clothing worn by the elite subjects of the Piast and the Riurikid rulers. One likely example of the impact of western culture on the jewellery of the Western Slavs could be type Orszymowice finger-rings (11th-12th cc.). Eastern Slav jewellery on the other hand evidently evolved with substantial impact from the Byzantine environment. One of the most distinctive female ornaments in Kievan Rus’ are decorative pendants known as kolts. Present day Poland has come to be perceived as a country which is monoethnic and Roman Catholic but it is important to note that in 11th14th century the eastern region of modern Poland represented the western periphery of Kievan Rus’. In recent years we have seen a major revival in the archaeological research in this region, and new finds include several kolts and moulds for their production. Worth mention are two silver kolts found at Trepcza near Sanok (grave finds?; 13th c.), four silver kolts from the hillfort at Czermno, site No. 1 (from two hoards dated to the 13th-14th c.), one more kolt from the same locality, recovered near the river Huczwa (site No. 70), and two moulds recovered in Chełm. The present paper reports on the results of analysis (also metallographic) of these new and exciting finds. Made of tin, the kolt from Czermno, site No. 70 appears to be an imitation of the more traditional silver and gold kolts. The local production of kolts in our region is suggested by the finds of casting moulds from Chełm, the medieval Kholm, a major centre of western Rus’ of the thirteenth century. According to the Galician-Volynian Chronicle, in the reign of Prince Daniel of Galicia (d. 1264) craftsmen, some of them from other areas of Rus’ took up residence in Kholm. It is possible that after the Mongol invasion (the fall of Kiev in 1240) some craftsmen may have fled to this previously peripheral, western part of Rus’. We have no finds of kolts from the territory of Piast Poland; the only kolt recorded in Bohemia is almost certain to be post-medieval import. Consequently, kolts are an attractive subject for research, for more than just their aesthetic value. They are a material marker of the elite in Kievan Rus’, a form which during the Early Medieval Period (11th - 13th c.) did not spread among its western neighbours. 520 Perica Špehar University of Belgrade, Faculty of Philosophy, Belgrade, Serbia; perica.spehar@gmail.com Archaeological Finds of Late Medieval Crescent Earrings in Serbia Besides those types of medieval jewellery that are based on the prototypes that dated even from (pre)Roman times and that were modified and accepted in Slavic cultures through Byzantium, the presence of ancient heritage in the Balkans is likewise fully reflected by the appearance of the so called crescent earrings. The presence of ancient and Byzantine forms in medieval jewellery was punctuated many times and very well studied. However, when it concerned the courses of further research, it is necessary to aim the attention toward the narrowly defined matters of the employment, production and regional characteristics of certain adornments. Therefore, on this occasion we will make an attempt to shed some light on the presence of some late types of lunula earrings within an archaeological material from Serbia, which are dated to the last decades of the 14th and to the 15th century. The available material is relatively scarce, when considering its quantity (about 30 known earrings), but it is versatile by its morphological characteristics, production techniques and decoration style. It affords certain basis for establishing chronological contexts of their appearance. Besides, the intention is to observe the importance of these finds within the image of entire material heritage of the late Middle Ages in said area. Although they are just one segment of relatively rich archaeological assets, as the indicative type the lunula earrings completely follow the courses of development of the epoch they belong. Namely, beside the fact that they mirror the aesthetic criteria and technical knowledge, these objects can be observed as the manifestation of social and economic circumstances during the period of the last envigouring of Serbian state, before the final establishing of Ottoman rule. These earrings are mostly made of precious metal, and according to the position of graves, inside which they were discovered (especially in regard to the churches), as well as to the fact that they are found in the hoards of precious objects, it seems that they were used by wealthier members of society. Medieval written and pictoral sources testify likewise that the jewellery was the manifestation of status and prestige. Especially interesting question relates to the heraldical and symbolical function of earrings, because some exceptionally luxurious pieces with the representation of the two -headed eagle as well as the monograms, which can suggest to some very noble users, maybe even the members of the royal family. On this occasion we will demonstrate certain regional characteristics within central, western and eastern Balkans, based on the distribution of lunular and some other types of late medieval earrings. Thereby, some observations impose that can be compared with the data in Late Medieval archive documents that make clear distinction between Serbian, Bulgarian, Latin, even the Walachian earrings, the production of which obviously depended on the specific taste of the ambiance. When considering the workshops, the present level of research makes it difficult to come out with valid assumptions. Therefore, our knowledge has to be upgraded by the cognitions about the technological, physical and chemical characteristics of said earrings in wider area, which certainly must be the further step in future investigations. 521 Irina Sterligova Moscow, Russian Federation; irinasterligova@mail.ru Pendants (Kolty) from the 1822 Ryazan’ Hoard: Ornaments of an Earthly Princess or Gifts to the Queen of Heaven? On the Evolution of Prestigious Byzantine Women’s Headdress Accessories in Rus’ In the Moscow Kremlin Museums there is a pair of gold pendants with depictions of SS Boris and Gleb in cloisonné enamel (inv. № МР–969 and МР–970) from the hoard found in Ryazan’ in 1822. In shape they resemble gold kolty – pendants hung from women’s ceremonial headdress – but they are three times bigger and many times heavier; moreover, the images on kolty are usually of birds or fantastic creatures. These are not the only differences. The row of pearls runs not along the edge of the pendants, but round the medallions, and there is openwork filigree and precious stones in raised openwork settings on both sides. This sort of luxurious, convex, fragile decoration is unique, it is practically unknown on the kolty that were part of women’s finery. These pendants could not be containers for fragrances either, because the apertures in them are technical and not functional in character. The purpose of these pendants is debated. The majority of researchers think that they were specially made for an icon, but others regard them as parts of a princess’s ceremonial dress that could have been turned into a votive offering to an icon. A detailed technical analysis has allowed it to be determined that the single loops by which these pendants were attached are different from the double loops of ordinary kolty, and their size and weight, and the nature of their decoration, make them very inconvenient for use in costume. There is no trace of repair or wear, but at some point they had jewels added in raised decorated settings, which can easily be explained as decoration for icons. The contents of the 1822 Ryazan’ Treasure, which was found near the ruins of the Church of SS Boris and Gleb, show that the objects in it are unlikely to have been used in everyday life. They can all be seen as offerings to an icon of the Mother of God. Thus the technical aspects, typology and iconography of the “Boris and Gleb” pendants do not allow them to be included among the kolty of a princess’s ceremonial dress. Although the technique of the enamel images of SS Boris and Gleb is Byzantine, the presence of strips of filigree pattern, the abundance of stones and the way they are set are typologically close to Western European church treasures of the Romanesque period. The fact that “kolty” of this type could have been made specially for an icon on the model of a prestigious headdress is connected with the way icons were venerated in pre-Mongolian Rus’. Along with Orthodoxy, Rus’ had adopted the Byzantine tradition of decorating icons, but local tastes clearly showed themselves within it. The precious objects on Byzantine icon covers were an emanation of the holiness of the images of the world above that were depicted on the icon. By contrast, Western European religious images of the tenth to twelfth centuries, which were three-dimensional and in 522 most cases contained relics, were not perceived in transcendental space, but as actual mystical objects connected with the Lord and his saints in this earthly realm; their decoration contributed to a more intimate contact between man and God. The form of Latin religious treasures was close to the aesthetic ideals of the people of Rus’, and influenced the ornamentation of icons in the pre-Mongolian period, particularly the votive offerings (priklad) – precious objects from actual use or specially made in imitation of them and attached to the icons. The “kolty” from the 1822 hoard may have been attached to the richly adorned and quite extensive crown of a venerated icon of the Mother of God belonging to the principality of Ryazan’. Unfortunately, no information about it survives. Bojana Stevanović University of Belgrade, Faculty of Philosophy, Institute for Art History, Belgrade, Serbia; bojanastev@gmail.com Serbian Medieval Painting as a Source for the Crescent Earrings The topic of this essay is the depictions of crescent earrings in Serbian medieval painting. The half-moon shaped earrings, often defined by experts as crescent earrings, primarily represent a part of the Byzantine cultural heritage in South Eastern Europe. In order to construct a link with the relevant archaeological finds, the representations of the crescent earrings in Serbian medieval painting, i.e. in those scenes where earrings are depicted, will be analyzed. Furthermore, the essay provides a comparative analysis of lunular earrings recurrence in the neighbouring Bulgarian and Greek medieval painting. As far as Serbian thirteen-century wall painting is concerned, earrings are exclusively depicted as a part of female monarchs’ portraiture. They became more recurrent in representations of female characters from the Old Testament, as well as in portraits of female aristocracy and royalty. They adorn the frescos depicting the Nativity scene, the life of the Virgin (the earrings are sometimes worn by women bathing infant Christ and those offering gifts to St. Anne), the Baptism of Christ, the Marriage at Cana, as well as the scenes representing women as personifications or actual female characters. Representations of earrings can also be found in fresco paintings of Holy women, although in Serbian thirteen-century frescoes there are no representations of them. They start to occur in the second decade of the fourteenth century on frescoes in the churches built by aristocracy, clergy and members of Nemanjić dynasty. Figurative representations of Holy women can be found on the walls of pious endowments throughout Moravian Serbia. Furthermore, earrings adorn representations of Holy women in the iconography of female members of nobility and royalty. Since details such as clothing, jewelry and insignia on medieval representations of Holy women bear certain similarities to the contemporary historical portraiture, the attention must be paid to this phenomenon as well. It is notable that several types of earrings, found in treasuries of Serbian medieval aristocracy in the Republic of Dubrovnik, correspond to fresco wall paintings of female members of middle and high-ranking aristocracy of the period. From the mid-fourteenth century onwards, earrings were common jewelry, eagerly worn by medieval female monarchs, noblewomen and gentry alike. Consequently, the archaeological finds indicate that, although the fourteen-century female 523 portraiture does not adhere to representational realism, painters did tend to depict jewelry, adorning the women, in a realistic manner. Furthermore, the jewelry of the period has a dual purpose – it adorns women, but it also indicates their financial status. This essay will not provide only the overview of the representations of crescent earrings in the wall painting, but will also map the relevant chronology. The frequency of the representations of this type of earrings in the fourteencentury fresco painting indicates that they were in common use during the period. However, the number of relevant archeological finds does not support this claim. Relative rarity of crescent earrings, which can be traced to the same period, indicates they were passed on as an inheritance (for e.g. the will of Jelena Balšić contains the description of the crescent earrings along with the list of individuals who were to inherit them). Ljudmila Pekarska London, United Kingdom; Ljudmila_p@hotmail.com The Golden Age of Kievan Kolts: Iconographic Influence of Byzantine Art and Local Stylistic Developments The aim of the proposed paper is to present a very important and thus far insufficiently studied special phenomenon of Kievan Rus (10-13th centuries) art in the fields of jewelry productions. The article presents jewelry of high artistic workmanship known as Kolts (golden temporal pendants) decorated with polychrome enamel, filigree, pearls and made in cloisonné technique. Over 20 pairs of this elegant and luxurious commissioned jewelry have survived to the present day. All of them were found in hoards together with other precious jewelry in the ancient and richest part of medieval Kiev. Today they are located in different museums in Ukraine, Russia and in the West, and some remain in private collections. The article presents pairs of decorations with their unique design and motifs and rare depictions of saints and isolated human heads within enameled circles. The author analyses some rare examples and describes the approaches and perspectives that characterize the said period in general, highlighting Kiev in particular. It is noted that a new world of spiritual creativity quickly began to develop from 988 after Christianity was introduced from Byzantium as the official state religion of Kievan Rus. Kiev became the focal point of contact between Rus and Byzantium. At the end of the 10th and beginning of the 11th centuries, medieval capital accessed and absorbed the rich culture of the Byzantine Empire. Over the period of a century, Kiev developed to become one of the largest international centers in medieval Europe with some Western prelates in the 11th century describing Kiev as “the rival of Constantinople”. While Byzantium played an important role in the development of art of ancient Rus and the two cultures were closely connected, its influence on the artistic culture of the Kievan State varied during different periods. This perhaps helps to explain why we do not have sufficient evidence to confirm the whole extent of the deep interaction between the two cultures in the field of jewelry art during the 11-12th century. 524 The article will also present a small but very rich group of Byzantine enameled jeweler of the 11 to the first half of the 12th centuries and will investigate the similarities and differences of similar types of ornaments between the two great centers of jeweler production - Constantinople and Kiev. It will offer deep insights Kiev’s local production of golden cloisonné Kolts with their local Christian concepts of images. th The remarkable golden cloisonné jewelry indicates that Kiev successfully captured cloisonné enamel techniques and Christian iconography from Byzantium in the 11th century and introduced its own perfections to Kolts and other ornaments, for example, to Medallion chains, Diadems and Pendant medallions. The presented jewelry became an archetype model for the next style of local Kolts production gold with niello and pearls and silver and niello with filigree. The paper will explore this magnificent collection of aristocratic ornaments (their shape, style and subject) - developed native Kievan enameled gold and silver work from the 11-12th century with their distinctly Byzantine heritage traditions. Svetlana Ryabtseva Academy of Sciences of Moldova, Institute of Cultural Heritage, Chisinau, Republic of Moldova; sveta_earing@mail.ru Aleksandr Musin Institute for History of Material Culture, St. Petersburg, Russian Federation; aleksandr_musin@mail.ru Chronology and Periodization of the Reception of Byzantine Dress Accessories and Fashion in the Eastern European Culture, 8th-14th Century The paper deals with the characteristic and chronology of different periods of penetration of the Byzantine-Danubian, Bulgarian and Byzantine elements of costume in the culture of Eastern Europe as well as their future evolution and development. The authors propose to regard this process not as influence, but as reception that based on the active position of local Slavonic communities and their representatives. The reception of byzantine and byzantine-like fashion should be understood as a cultural “convoy” of the Christianization that led to the formation of specific forms of the Slavonic Christian culture comparable and not comparable to the Byzantine one in the same time. The first period can be determined for the 8th century when in the Eastern Europe have been attested earrings with star-like pendants, earrings with globular or “flashlight” pendants and bracelets with expanding ends locally made according Danubian examples. In the end of 9th – beginning of 10th century another set of adornments: earrings with “rays” and “bunches” crescent earrings of the Danube origins appeared in the region. However, they imitated the production of craftsmen of Great Moravia inspired by the Danubain examples. In the mid of 10th century another important jewelry dress with the granulation known as “earrings of Volhynia type” were broadly spread in modern Ukraine, Bulgaria, Poland, Serbia, and Carpathian-Dniester region till the mid 525 of the 11th century. The production of lunula pendants with granulation had emerged under the direct influence of the Danubian workshops. It is clear that for the first periods the Danube region played a special role of the mediator in the reception of Byzantium, and the migration of craftsmen could be its specific mechanism. However such prestigious elements of byzantine male costume of the 10th century as belt-buckles and bronze engraved rings finds of which are known in the Eastern Europe had not been accepted in the local culture. In the end of 11th century the formation of the new ceremonial Old Rus’ women costume have been attested. This costume existed up to the mid of the 13th century. In that case we can reveal the adaptation of the byzantine models through the politic, diplomatic and ecclesiastical contacts between Kiev and Constantinople. The full dress of this period included various types of ornaments with cloisonné enamel on gold – diadems, kolty, ryasny – that are supposed to be borrowed by the Rus’ directly from Byzantium. However, close parallels to the Old Rus’ diadems have been presented by gold item from Preslav, Bulgaria, second half of 10th century. So, in this case, Bulgaria, too, could be regarded as a mediator in the process of the reception of Byzantium. It should be noted that the favorite type of women temple decorations were kolty ornaments and three-bead temple-rings or earrings that had been firstly produced by Byzantine craftsmen. Meanwhile, in the 12th-13th century the simple lead replicas of kolty which could be regarded as local imitations of prestigious dress items have been attested in Novgorod, Volhynia, and Vladimir-Suzdal land. The reception of the byzantine fashion in the Eastern Europe was enough selective and transformative. In very rare cases in hoards and among archaeological finds the complete set of adornments and dress accessories can be attested. The analysis of sources shows that several items could be used as ex-voto offerings to venerable icons. In that condition the reconstruction of medieval women causal and ceremonial dress is one of the most important scientific problems. The end of the 13th – 14th century did not present any clearly seen byzantine elements of Byzantine women dress in Russian culture. In that time the reception was probably limited by the importation of prestigious textiles and gold-clothe and was characteristic of the reusing of previously received byzantine elements and their imitation. The oriental fashion began to dominate in the culture and society. Mária Vargha Central European University, Budapest, Hungary; m.vargha@gmail.com Traces of Byzantine Fashion in Hungary in the High Middle Ages The research into fashion and jewellery has proven to be valid not only to create typochronologies for artefacts, and with that, help date archaeological sites, but also to investigate socioeconomic processes. Until now, research on jewellery dated to the High Middle Ages has mostly focused on the first half of the period, and was dominated, especially regarding Byzantine-style objects, by the so-called Bjelo-Brdo debate. Concerning the interpretation of Byzantine-style finds, research mostly concentrated on religious issues, namely the role of Eastern Christianity in the process of the Christianisation of 526 Hungary. Although the research on the influence of Eastern Christianity in 10-11th century Hungary has recent results both in history and archaeology, in the latter including the investigations of both artefacts and diverse phenomena such as burial customs, still many question remains. Regarding the context of the objects, the present study focuses more on the everyday objects, such as trinkets and dress accessories of the commoners. This way a larger segment of the society is observable, and thus, larger religious and socioeconomic processes can be tracked. The latter is perhaps even more important regarding the interpretation of the finds from the second half of the High Middle Ages. As by that time, the domination of Western Christianity is absolute, Byzatine, and/or Byzantine-style artefacts tell more about socioeconomic, than religious issues. Especially because of this, it can be argued that the second half of the period could also provide important results, despite that it was not in the focus of the research. The refreshment of Byzantine relations and its influence on the material culture during the reign of King Béla III (1172-1196) is almost topoi-like, but it was never fully examined because of the difficulties of the research on the material culture of the period. Personal elements of the material culture, such as jewellery and dress accessories are the most commonly used artefacts to detect Byzantine influence on the material culture. However, in consequence of the domination of churchyard cemeteries, and in parallel with this, the impoverishment of the graves, the amount of such finds recovered seriously decreased. Another significant and well observable period of appearance of Byzantine-styled objects occurs during the latest part of the examined age, when Byzantine or Byzantine-style artefacts mostly turn up in the context of newcomers, Cumans, and Jazygians. Although their impact on material culture and also some social processes cannot be neglected, the fashion of such artefacts in the Late High Middle Ages should be reconsidered. For that, one of the best sources can be the hoard horizon that is connected to the Mongol invasion of Hungary in 1241-42. In the present paper, besides revisiting the main issues of these two well detectable periods, the question of what existed between should be in the focus of the present investigation, as until recently, research rather neglected it in consequence of the mentioned difficulties. As I was able to separate the characteristic 12th century material, this issue can be revisited. Therefore, in the present paper I would like to focus on that issue, the observable impacts of Byzantium in the material culture of Hungary around the 12th century, and its relation to 13th century Byzantine style artefacts, concerning religious, social, and economical issues. 527 STUDYING AND COMMUNICATING BYZANTIUM – PART 2 Chairs: Karsten Fledelius, Anna Linden Weller Mitko B. Panov, The Making of Medieval Identity: Imagining the Samuel’s State in Balkan Narratives (Mid-19th to Beginning of the 20th Century) Anna Tsypkina, A History of the Russian Expedition in Trebizond in 1916-1917 Francesco Lovino, How to Publish a Scholarly Byzantine Journal in 1920s and 1930s: The Case of Seminarium Kondakovianum Valerii Pirogov, Organizational Aspects of the Reconstruction of the Documentary Heritage of the Russian Monastery of Holy Great Martyr and Healer Panteleimon o

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