VC Reduplication in Australian Languages: The bigger picture

VC Reduplication in Australian Languages Amy Parncutt Dr Erich Round The University of QLD Reduplication Cross-linguistically Complex Simple • Reduplication = cross-linguistically widespread Total Partial ŋamiri → ŋamiri~ŋamiri wakari- → waka~wakari(Diyari: Austin, 1981) (Wargamay: Dixon, 1981) kek → kek-e~lek (Wakaya: Breen, 1974) guḍarpuy → guḍa~wuḍarpuy (Ritharngu: Heath, 1980) VC Reduplication • VC reduplication: – e.g. jimgan → j<img>~imgan (Mangarrayi: Jones, 2000). • Cross-linguistically rare • Australia – relatively common Today: • Diachronic account • Link to initial-dropping VC Reduplication • VC reduplication: – e.g. jimgan → jim<gim>gan (Mangarrayi: Jones, 2000). • Cross-linguistically rare • Australia – relatively common Today: • Diachronic account • Link to initial-dropping Outline 1. Overview of reduplication in Australia 2. Research on VC reduplication 3. Diachronic Account • Common Australian sound changes: • • Stop -> Glide lenition Vowel-Glide-Vowel coalescence 4. Link to initial-dropping 5. Our approach Background • The Australian Reduplication Project – Typological study – Reduplication in 120 Australian languages – Exhaustive set of reduplicated forms – Microvariate analysis • Prior Typological Studies – Fabricius (1998) – Overviews: Baker (2014), Evans (1995) Australian Reduplication VC reduplicating languages Jingulu Arrernte Kunjen (Oykangand) MalakMalak Warumungu KuguNganhcara Kunjen Mangarrayi Alawa Mara Mudburra Gurindji Wambaya Wagiman Ngarinyman Limilngan Kuuk Thaayorre Umpila (?) Bardi Bilinarra Kija Kukatj Maung Ngarinjin Uradhi Wakaya Wardaman (?) Yalarnga Synchronic Accounts • McCarthy & Prince (1986 et seq.) : Mangarrayi, Oykangand • Jones (2000): Mangarrayi • Pensalfini (1998): Mangarrayi, Jingulu, (Arrernte) • Crowhurst (2004): Mangarrayi • Round (2013b): Kuuk Thaayorre • Gaby & Inkelas (2014): Kuuk Thaayorre Mononucleic Reduplicants • Syllable2 Reduplication – eg. gajirri → ga<ji>~jirri – eg. marluga → ma<rlu>~rluga (Bilinarra: Meakins & Nordlinger, 2013) • Syllable2 & VC reduplication = 1 nucleus – > “Mononucleic” reduplicants. • All infixal reduplication = mononucleic Lack of long infixing reduplicants “Damaged” mononucleic reduplication Our analysis in a nutshell As per Bowern (2012) – Bardi: 1. Prefixed disyllabic reduplicant 2. Lenition of initial stop intervocalically 3. Coalescence of remaining VGV sequence – CVCV~CVCV → CVCV~GVCV → CVC~VCV Our account – extra step: 4. Generalisation of pattern to non-leniting C A well-evidenced case • Bowern (2012): Bardi Simplex Historical -linyji-marra-ngoorribi-garnboo-bardi-goondoorra- Reduplicated -linyji~linyji-marra~marrangoorri~ngoorribi -garnboo~garnboo-bardi~bardi-goondoo~goondoorra- -g<arnb>~arnboo -b<ard>~ardi -g<oond>~oondoorra- A well-evidenced case • Bowern (2012): Bardi Simplex Historical -linyji-marra-ngoorribi-garnboo-bardi-goondoorra- Reduplicated -linyji~linyji-marra~marrangoorri~ngoorribi -garnboo~garnboo-bardi~bardi-goondoo~goondoorra- -g<arnb>~arnboo -b<ard>~ardi -g<oond>~oondoorra- A well-evidenced case • Bowern (2012): Bardi Simplex -linyji-marra-ngoorribi-garnboo-bardi-goondoorra- Historical Reduplicated -linyji~linyji-marra~marrangoorri~ngoorribi -garnboo~yarnboo-g<arnb>~arnboo -bardi~wardi-b<ard>~ardi -goondoo~woondoorra- -g<oond>~oondoorra- A well-evidenced case • Bowern: Bardi Simplex -linyji-marra-ngoorribi- Historical Reduplicated -linyji~linyji-marra~marrangoorri~ngoorribi -garnboo-bardi-goondoorra- -garnboo~yarnboo-g<arnb>~arnboo -bardi~wardi-b<ard>~ardi -goondoo~woondoorra- -g<oond>~oondoorra- -gardi- -gardi~gardi-g<ard>~ardi*-gardi~yardi-gorndorr~gorndorrma- -g<ornd>~orndorrma*gorndorr~gorndorrma- -gorndorrma- A well-evidenced case Simplex Historical Reduplicated -garnboo-bardi-goondoorra- -garnboo~garnboo-bardi~bardi-goondoo~goondoorra- -g<arnb>~arnboo -b<ard>~ardi -g<oond>~oondoorra- gajirri marluga gaji~gajirri marlu~marluga ga<ji>~jirri ma<rlu>~rluga C V C* V ~ C V C* V … Intervocalic stop lenition (common) C V C* V ~ G VGV > V (common) C V C* V C* V … Redup of syllable 2! V C* V … VGV > V (common) C V C* V C* V … Redup of VC*! Regularisation / generalisation to initial C which isn’t stop/glide Some observations • Sound changes = common in Australia – Lenition of stop → glide • >300 instances in Ausphon Alternations Database • Micelli & Round (2014); Round (2013a, 2010) – Coalescence of VGV sequence • >50 instances (each direction) in Ausphon Alternations • Round (2013a); McManus (2012) • Final step = generalisation of “weird” pattern – Humans can recognize & generalise • Theory must allow for this The link with initial dropping • Initial dropping languages – Dropping of initial C, or CV – Often nearby languages with only partial dropping – Or initial softening – Often also have final V loss – May or may not have stress shifted rightwards (Blevins, 2001; Alpher, 1976; Hale, 1976a,b,c; Sutton, 1976) C V C* V # C VT C* V Intervocalic stop lenition (common) C V C* V # G VGVT > V (common) C V C* V # C* VT Initial CV deletion & stress shift VT C* V VGVT > VT (common) C V C* # VT C* V Final V deletion Initial C deletion Regularisation / generalisation: • to initial C which isn’t stop/glide, OR • Elimination of deletion (possibly: retention of stress shift!) Some observations • Each step = common Australian sound change (not necessarily common elsewhere) • Final step: Tidying “wild” alternation pattern – generalising to new contexts, OR – removing it • Stress Shift = concomitant, NOT cause – Solves imperfect correlation between initial-dropping and stress shift 2 parallel, Y-shaped historical stories Initial state Common sound change: Lenition: stop > glide Lenited state Deleted state; unstable Final state; stable Deleted state; unstable Final state; stable Common sound change: Coalescence: VGV > V or VGV > V Regularisation/ generalisation Discussion • Requires “broad search” approach to data • Regularities AND irregularities in detail – AusPhon Alternations Database • frequency of lenition & V coalescence • records both regular & irregular phonology – Australian Reduplication Project • regular and irregular forms • microvariate detail – Both code irregularities • Important, because irregularities often provide the key to the historical pattern Conclusion • VC reduplication & initial-dropping => two outcomes of the same processes: 1. Sound changes common in Australia, not so common elsewhere 2. Generalisation of stop/glide-deleting pattern to more general • Unified, motivated account for two of Australia’s typologically most striking phonological patterns References • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • Alpher, B. (1976). Some linguistic innovations in Cape York and their sociocultural correlates. In P. Sutton (Ed.), Languages of Cape York, 84-101. Canberra: Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies. Austin, P. (1981). A grammar of Diyari, South Australia. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Baker, B. (2014). Word structure in Australian languages. In H. Koch & R. Nordlinger (Eds.), The languages and linguistics of Australia (Vol. 3, pp. 139-213). doi: 10.1515/9783110279771.139 Blevins, J. (2001). Where have all the onsets gone? Initial consonant loss in Australian Aboriginal languages. Forty years on: Ken Hale and Australian languages, (512), 481. Bowern, C. (2012). A grammar of Bardi. 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Massachusetts Institute of Technology. References (cont.) • • • • • • • • • • • • McCarthy, J. J., & Prince, A. (1986). Prosodic Morphology. Amherst: University of Massachusetts. [Annotated version, 1996. (Report No. 32). Piscataway, NJ: Rutgers University Center for Cognitive Science]. Retrieved from http://works.bepress.com/john_j_mccarthy/54 McCarthy, J. J., & Prince, A. (1993). Prosodic Morphology 1: Constraint Interaction and Satisfaction. (Report No. 3). Piscataway, NJ: Rutgers University Center for Cognitive Science. [Annotated ROA version, 2001]. Retrieved from http://works.bepress.com/john_j_mccarthy/53 McManus, K. (2012). Vowel hiatus resolution in Australian languages. Unpublished manuscript, University of Queensland. Meakins, F. & Nordlinger, R. (2013). A grammar of Bilinarra: An Australian Aboriginal language of the Northern Territory. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Miceli, L. & Round, E. R. (2014). Sound change in Australia: Current knowledge and research priorities. 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Canberra: Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies. Kugu Nganhcara (Smith & Johnson, 2000) (VC Reduplication) ngaya “I (1sg-nom)” ng<ay>~[aya] iiru-ma “here-emph” iir~[iiru]-ma pukpe “child” p<uk>~[ukpe] kanu “tooth” k<an>~[anu]-yi keka “spear” k<ek>~[eka]-yi nga’a “fish” ng<a’>~[a’]-yi munji yumpi mungga wegbe nunpa ungpa “swim” “do” “eat” “keep” “run” “break” “without teeth” “without spears” “without fish” m<unj>~[unji] y<ump>~[umpi] m<ungg>~[ungga] w<eg>~[egbe] n<unt>~unpa ungk~[ungpa] ungp~[ungpa] Wambaya (Nordlinger, 1998) (VC reduplication) banymi pass by b<anym>~[anymi] angbardi build angb~[angb]ardi bundurrijbi get full b<und>~[und]urrijbi bungmaji old man bunmungmaji keep passing by build repeatedly get very full old men Uradhi (Crowley, 1983): 2nd Syllable infixed (monogestural clusters as onsets / CCV) wili aŋa ipiŋi wampa ikya uɲƫa uŋya “run” “dig” “swim” “float” “speak” “sleep, lie down” “eat” wi<li>~[li] a<ŋa>~ŋa i<pi>~[piŋi] wa<mpa>~[mpa] i<ki>~[kya] u<ɲƫa>~[ɲƫa] u<ŋi>~[ŋya]