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:=9> FOREWORD The book SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT IN NIGERIA: STRATEGIC AND INNOVATIVE OPTIONS is a collection of work by scholars who are specialists on sustainable development in the Nigerian society. Sustainable development is an issue which requires contributions by scholars from various disciplines if objectives are to be achieved. In this book, the approach is reflected in the range of topics written by selected scholars from various disciplinary backgrounds. In Nigeria as in most other developing countries particularly sub-Saharan African countries, insecurity, social, economic and geo-political factors constitute barriers to sustainable economic development. This is reflected in the massiveness of poverty which is an everywhere phenomenon in sub-Saharan Africa today. The book therefore focuses on the development of feasible strategies for the attainment of steady state of sustainable economy for the region in both short and long run. The book’s orientation is appropriate to the Federal, State and Local Governments’ policy makers and officials. It is recommended as a required text for teachers in and students of Economics, Geography, Political Science, Environmental/Resource Management and Sociology. The book will also be useful to first year graduate students in the Social and Environmental Sciences. The high intellectual ability and in depth analysis displayed in the book are highly impressive and I have no doubt in my mind that the book will be a great asset not only to Nigeria and other sub-Saharan African countries but also to all developing countries trying to lay a sound foundation for sustainable development. I recommend this book highly to academics, researchers, planners, policy Makers, Professional, students and the general public. The thoughts of the reader whose intellect needs to be stretched with thought provoking issues on interactions between economic, socio-cultural, political, environmental, security and sustainable development will be stimulated. PROF. STEPHEN EKPENYONG Professor of Sociology University of Uyo, Uyo Akwa Ibom State, Nigeria. ϭ Ϯ INTRODUCTION Not many concepts have gained the kind of popularity that sustainable development has attracted. Ever since the World Commission on Environment and Development (WCED) published its report in 1987 titled “Our Common Future also referred to as the Brundtland report, the concept of sustainable development has become a household word. The acceptance of the report by the United Nations General Assembly also implies international acceptance of the commission’s definition of sustainable development as development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of the future generation to meet theirs. In Rio De Jainero, Brazil in 1992 at the United Nations Conference on Environment and development, the principles of Sustainable Development were set out. In the about twenty eight years since the WCED report, governments, Civil society and the academia have engaged the concept in discourses. In almost absolute deviance from the three pillars of economic development, social equity and environmental protection, only the last pillar has engaged most of the efforts. This volume is a collection by scholars with deep interest in the subject matter. The various chapters have deliberately crafted options to achieving sustainable development moving away substantially from mere climate change as an environmental issue. The attraction is that all papers have tilted towards addressing the perennial problems of security management, Information Communication Technology (ICT), agriculture and food security, education and health policies implementation, environmental protection, development models etc. in Nigeria as this inhibits sustainable development. The book is divided into 14 chapters, with each chapter equipped with strategic and innovative options geared towards an intentional attack on developmental issues bugging societal advancement in the 21st century. The chapter preparation with ideas that promote readership and pragmatic approach to achieving sustainable development is the intention of the book. The editors gratefully acknowledge the publisher Lambert Academic Publishing, Germany who provided valuable contributions towards ensuring high quality and timely completion of this work. A special thank goes to Prof. ϯ Stephen Ekpenyong of the department of Sociology/Anthropology, University of Uyo, Uyo – Nigeria who contributed with the foreword, suggestive and substantive comments. Aniefiok S. Ukommi (Ph.D) Donatus E. Okon (Ph.D) Lawrence O. Udensi ϰ CHAPTER CONTRIBUTORS AND INSTITUTIONAL AFFILIATION Dr. Nkereuwem S. Ekpenyong Department of Sociology, Faculty of Social Sciences, Niger Delta University, Amasoma, Bayelsa State, Nigeria. Mathias Jarikre Department of Peace and Conflict Studies, Institute of African Studies, University of Ibadan, Oyo State, Nigeria. Innocent A. Nwafor Department of Educational Administration and Planning, Faculty of Education, University of Calabar, Calabar, Nigeria. Lawrence O. Udensi Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Uyo, Uyo, Akwa Ibom State, Nigeria. Benson Udoms Department of Political Science and Public Administration, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Uyo, Uyo, Nigeria. Nsikanabasi Wilson Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Uyo, Uyo, Nigeria. Ofonmbuk Atakpa Department of Political Science and Public Administration, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Uyo, Uyo, Nigeria. Etu O. Ndubuisi Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Akwa, Anambra State, Nigeria. ϱ Joe L Augustine Department of Banking and Finances, Rivers State Polytechnic, Bori, Rivers State, Nigeria. Lenu Wege Department of Business Management, Rivers State Polytechnic, Bori, Rivers State, Nigeria. Barikui K. Torde Department of Accountancy, Rivers State Polytechnic, Bori, Rivers State, Nigeria. Dr. Emmanuel U. Awak Department of General Studies, Akwa Ibom State Polytechnic, Ikot Osurua, Akwa Ibom State, Nigeria. Dr. Aniefiok S. Ukommi Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Uyo, Uyo, Akwa Ibom State, Nigeria. Emmanuel O. Agha Department of Political Science, Sociology and Psychology, Faculty of Humanities, Federal University, Ndufu, Alike, Ikwo, Ebonyi State, Nigeria. Gilbert C. Aro Department of Political Science, Sociology and Psychology, Faculty of Humanities, Federal University, Ndufu, Alike, Ikwo, Ebonyi State, Nigeria. Dr. Otu A. Ekpenyong Department of Sociology, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Port Harcourt, Choba, Rivers State, Nigeria. Helen Nwachi Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Uyo, Uyo, Akwa Ibom State, Nigeria. ϲ Igbara F. Nwimue Department of Banking and Finance, Rivers State Polytechnic, Bori, Rivers State, Nigeria. Brian O. Eyang Department of Sociology, University of Calabar, Cross River State, Nigeria. Dr. Kingdom S. Mboho Department of Public Administration, Faculty of Social and Management Sciences, Akwa Ibom State University, Ikot Akpaden, Akwa Ibom State, Nigeria Dr. Aniefiok Ibok Department of Public Administration, Faculty of Social and Management Sciences, Akwa Ibom State University, Ikot Akpaden, Akwa Ibom State, Nigeria Dr. Donatus E. Okon Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Uyo, Uyo, Akwa Ibom State, Nigeria. Esther O. Chieke Department of Sociology, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Calabar, Cross River State, Nigeria. ϳ ϴ CONTENTS Foreword .............................................................................................................. 1 Introduction ....................................................................................................... 3-4 Contributors ....................................................................................................... 5-7 CHAPTER ONE Intelligence-Led Policing: A Strategic Approach for Counter Insurgence in Nigeria ............................................................................................................ 11 CHAPTER TWO Remobilization, Rearmament and Amnesty in the Niger Delta Region of Nigeria ................................................................................................................ 39 CHAPTER THREE Entrepreneurship Education, Skills Acquisition and Practices for Sustainable Development in Nigeria: Issues and Challenges ............................ 65 CHAPTER FOUR Human Security as a Strategy for Achieving National Security and Sustainable Development in Nigeria .................................................................. 89 CHAPTER FIVE Police Trust and Victimization: Implication for Crime Prevention in Nigeria .............................................................................................................. 107 CHAPTER SIX Engaging Citizen’s Participation in National Budget: Implication for Realizing the Millennium Development Goals in Nigeria .............................. 121 CHAPTER SEVEN Women Traders, Gender Relations and Development .................................... 137 ϵ CHAPTER EIGHT Unionization and Organizational Performance in Nigeria .............................. 161 CHAPTER NINE The Green Politics, Conflict and Sustainable Environment in Nigeria ........... 183 CHAPTER TEN Utilizing the Youths for Community Development in Nigeria: The Role of Change Agents and Social Workers ............................................................ 195 CHAPTER ELEVEN The Ujamaa Approach: Suggestion for a New Paradigm to Rural Development in Nigeria ................................................................................... 223 CHAPTER TWELVE The Impacts of Non-governmental Organizations (NGOs) on the SocioEconomic Transformation of Rural Communities in Nigeria: A Study of Pro-natura International in Eastern Obolo Local Government Area of Akwa Ibom State .............................................................................................. 237 CHAPTER THIRTEEN Promoting the Quality of Rural Life in Nigeria through Co-operatives .......... 255 CHAPTER FOURTEEN Increasing Women Participation in National Development: Implication for Realizing Vision 20:2020 in Nigeria .......................................................... 275 ϭϬ CHAPTER ONE Intelligence-Led Policing: A Strategic Approach for Counter Insurgence in Nigeria Dr. Nkereuwem S. Ekpenyong Abstract This chapter examined intelligence led policing and the intelligence strategies that could be adopted to counter insurgency in Nigeria. The concept of intelligence and intelligence led policing cum the strategies were discussed. The Ratcliffe 3-i was used as the framework for the operation of intelligence led policing in Nigeria. The intelligence process and the legal framework for intelligence led policing were considered. Indicators for terrorism were identified with intelligence gathering strategies such as locational data, financial information, group information among others and suggestions at ensuring effective ILP system in Nigeria. Introduction The changing nature of crime has resulted in a continuous growing awareness among leaders in the field of law enforcement of the urgent need for a more structured and systematic process of information gathering (Brown, 2007, p. 340). The old strategic approach of risk avoidance, which served states relatively well in terms of ensuring national security against predictable state adversaries no longer works as crime rate continuous to rise (Ratcliffe, 2008; Manning, 2001). Traditional policing methods that were reactive to and distant from the community have given way to proactive methods that require routine police-community interaction. These changes have far-reaching consequences for ensuring national security especially in a country like Nigeria where security services are battling to break away from the shackles of colonialism, militarism and unbridled ethnic/tribal loyalty (Roberg & Kuykendall, 1990). Acknowledging these trends, there have been increased demands on law enforcement to build global partnerships that lead to the sharing of intelligence and data about terrorism and other crime issues and work more closely with other agencies at home. Many states have developed or are in the process of ϭϭ developing fusion centers to increase the exchange of information and data across government sectors to “improve the ability to fight crime and terrorism” (the 9/11 commission report, Fusion Center Guidelines, 2005). Community policing was first attempt to take police back to the mythical age of street cops chatting to shopkeepers and clipping kids around the ear, in an attempt to restore police legitimacy. Problem-oriented policing emerged as a solution to repetitive crime problems, though the emergence has been slow and piecemeal. Compstat reiterated ideas of accountability for midlevel commanders and built on the importance of geography in local policing (Gilling, 2005). Recent years have witnessed calls for law enforcement to move toward an intelligence-led model of policing (ILP). Internationally many police organizations are totally or partially replacing traditional policing strategies, such as community policing and problem-oriented policing, with the new concept of Intelligence Led Policing (ILP) with the aim of improving the information process (Ratcliffe, 2008). Crime in Nigeria is a serious concern and impacts negatively on so many lives. The fear of crime, the loss of life, the socio-economic impact of crime, etc. all creates the impression that the battle against crime has been lost. The limited knowledge base within the law enforcement agencies, limited logistical resources and low retention rate of critical staff all contribute to the difficulty of reducing crime. The Nigeria Crime Problem circle is therefore very crucial to effective crime management. Both international and national factors have an impact on the development of crime in Nigeria. Increase in violent robberies, terrorism, oil bunker, international and local drug organizations, drug related activities (money laundering and corruption), and illegal immigration are current main criminal threats in Nigeria. Property related crimes are also dominant, while the low percentage of cases investigated indicates that the Nigeria Police Force is dealing with capacity problems (Ekpenyong, 2008). This chapter seeks to contribute to our understanding of ILP and how it can be used as a strategy to counter the Boko Haram menace in Nigeria. ϭϮ Theoretical Issues This chapter seeks to use the Ratcliffe 3-i model as a framework to explain the role of intelligence led policing as counter insurgency strategy. Given the dynamic nature of law enforcement intelligence and the ranging needs of different agencies attempting to grapple with intelligence processes, the interpretation of how intelligence is incorporated into the organization can be difficult. The Ratcliffe (2008a) model simplifies the systematic use of intelligence as it would be applied in the majority of police departments. The name “3-i” is derived from the actions influence, interpret, and impact - that occur between the agency and its environment. The analysts actively interpret the criminal environment in a manner consistent with priorities of their organization (e.g. New York City Police Department will have different priorities for their analysts than a rural agency in Montana). The direction of the arrow for interpretation indicates a pull model of information collection, rather than a push model. Ratcliffe (2008a) posits that while a push model – where analysts request information from patrol officers and these requests are fulfilled – is desirable, it is not a reality of how information is exchanged. As a result, a pull model, where analysts actively search for desired information, is utilized. The interaction between the analyst and the decision-maker is based on the ability of the analyst to influence a decision-maker. A decision-maker is not necessarily the chief executive, but a person who has the ability to affect the criminal environment. The responsibility rests on the analyst to determine who the true decision-makers are in the organization and attempt to influence their actions as a result of their analyses. The ability of analysts to have an influence on decision-makers is difficult given the traditional role of analysts (mostly civilians) in police agencies as publishers of reports and clerical-type personnel that do not carry the administrative weight to influence (Cope, 2004; Ratcliffe, 2008a). The final interaction of this ILP model is the ability of the decision-maker to impact the criminal environment as a result of deploying responses based on intelligence analysis. As Ratcliffe notes, this is perhaps over-zealous based on the accountability of crime reduction to rest with agency leaders, not an analyst-based recommendation. Resting on this model, this paper seek to explore the role of intelligence led policing as a means to overcome the security challenges presently facing our Nation Nigeria. This would be based on adopting the pull model where analysts ϭϯ actively search for desired information within a crime environment rather than the present push model most used by most security agencies in Nigeria where patrol teams are seen going around town seeking for information. Methodology This study utilised the qualitative research approach. Such an approach considered qualitative research as ‘open and emerging’ (Cresswell, 1998, p.8) and was necessary since it considered prior research done on the subject matter and essentially influenced the study’s understanding and interpretation of events (Struwig & Stead, 2001, p. 13). In this regard, the study considered secondary sources of data to conceptualise and contextualise the understanding of intelligence led policing as a strategic approach to counter terrorism in Nigeria. Origin and Meaning of Intelligence-Led Policing (ILP) Intelligence-led policing entered the police lexicon at some time around the early 1990s. As Gill (1998) has noted, the origins of intelligence-led policing are a little indistinct, but the earliest references to it originate in the UK where a seemingly inexorable rise in crime during the late 1980s and early 1990s coincided with increasing calls for police to be more effective and to be more cost-efficient. The driving forces for this move to a new strategy were both external and internal to policing. External drivers included an inability of the traditional, reactive model of policing to cope with the rapid changes in globalisation which have increased opportunities for transnational organised crime and removed physical and technological barriers across the policing domain. In the new “risk society” (Ericson & Haggerty (1997) the police were seen as the source of risk management data for a range of external institutions. With such an influence beyond the boundaries of law enforcement, it was never going to be long before the “new public management” drive to increase efficiency in public agencies reached the police. At the same time there was an internal recognition that changes were taking place in the dynamic relationship between the private security industry and the public police. The police were losing the battle on the streets, and public confidence with it. The rapid growth of private sector security saw police marginalized in some areas of public safety. ϭϰ The search for a new strategy was helped by the 1993 Audit Commission report into police effectiveness (Audit Commission 1993). This “landmark report” (Heaton 2000, p. 337) was the first foray of the Audit Commission (an independent body with responsibility for the economic and effective use of public money) into the machinations of operational policing. There were three central tenets to “helping with enquiries—tackling crime effectively”: • Existing roles and the level of accountability lacked integration and efficiency; • The police were failing to make the best use of resources; and • Greater emphasis on tackling criminals would be more effective than focusing on crimes. This report was followed up fairly quickly by further official publications that provided a road map to intelligence-led policing, including an HMIC publication Policing With Intelligence (1997) and a Home Office report on the integration of different intelligence sources, complete with case studies (Maguire & John 1995). The analytic, and more traditional, concept of ILP is rooted in the desire to improve policing practices through analysis of empirical evidence, facilitated by better and faster technologies. This movement toward evidence-based policing mirrors developments in the medical community (Sherman, 1998). Similar to evidence-based medicine, evidence-based policing recognizes that research alone is insufficient to alter practices. Another key component of ILP is the integration of the results of research into standards of policing practice. This requires the collection of data, the staffing of in-house analysts, and a mandate to integrate analysis into quality-improvement measures. However, the adoption of ILP did not arise solely from the concern with terrorism but rather builds on major developments in law enforcement that emerged in the past two decades of the 20th century. These include community policing, problem-solving policing, and continuous improvement business models. ILP possesses the same focus on crime and problem-solving methodology of POP. However, the requirements of the ILP era do vary slightly. First, the data gathered by community-oriented policing and POP is statistical and incident based, while intelligence analysis examines problems on a larger scope. The Bureau of Justice Assistance specifies that “Intelligence data is the formal process of taking information and turning it into knowledge while ensuring that the ϭϱ information is collected, stored, and disseminated appropriately. Crime analysis data, usually collected for investigative purposes, typically does not meet the same standards” (Bureau of Justice Assistance, 2005). Second, ILP stresses the importance of analytical techniques that are outside police officers’ own judgments to guide practices and decisions (Osborne, 2008). This is in contrast to the inherently subjective judgments that result from personal involvement in specific communities. Where communitybased policing focused on improving context specific practices by the police themselves ILP requires analysts that analyze data objectively. Jerry Ratcliffe, describes ILP as a management philosophy or business model characterized by the following: • Goal: to both achieve crime reduction and prevention and also to disrupt offender activity • Organization: a top-down management approach that operates by standard guidance • Practices: combination of crime analysis and criminal intelligence into crime intelligence, use of crime intelligence to objectively direct police resource decisions, focus of enforcement activities on prolific and serious offenders (Ratcliffe, 2008, p. 87). ILP has implications for both how policing is organized and how it does its work. On the organizational side—unlike community-based policing, which gives individual police officers substantial latitude in developing their relations with local communities—ILP is necessarily more centralized. Information from different sources has to be assembled in one central place. Data collection provides the basis for the empirical analysis, and decision rules should perform as well, if not better, than the subjective judgments of individual police officers. In terms of daily activities, one of the key differences is that ILP entails considerable time spent identifying and handling informants, an activity that is noticeably absent from the patrol and investigation aspects of policing. So what is intelligence-led policing? There are many different definitions of ILP, and each is appropriate for its specific use and purpose. Simply, for the purposes of this paper, I will adopt the definition of the Bureau of Justice Assistance (BJA) which defined ILP as “a collaborative law enforcement approach combining problem-solving policing, information sharing, and police accountability, with enhanced intelligence ϭϲ operations.” From the above definition, ILP entails a management’s implementation of the intelligence cycle to support proactive decision making for resource allocation and crime prevention. In order to successfully implement this process, security managers must have clearly defined priorities as part of their policing strategy. Intelligence-led policing (ILP) is a process for systematically collecting, organizing, analyzing, and utilizing intelligence to guide law enforcement operational and tactical decisions. ILP aids law enforcement in identifying, examining, and formulating preventative, protective, and responsive operations to specific targets, threats, and problems. ILP is a proactive application of analysis, borrowing from the established processes of the intelligence analytic function and using the best practices from existing policing models. The ability to examine, vet, and compare vast quantities of information enables law enforcement agencies to understand crime patterns and identify individuals, enterprises, and locations that represent the highest threat to the community and concentration of criminal and/or terrorist-related activity. Through this method, law enforcement agencies can prioritize the deployment of resources in a manner that efficiently achieves the greatest crime-reduction and prevention outcomes. Assessment and vetting of criminal information and Intelligence over a time also enables law enforcement agencies to examine the effectiveness of their responses, monitor shifts in the criminal environment, and make operational adjustments as the environment changes. At its core, ILP helps security managers make informed decisions to address agency’s priorities. These priorities can include issues such as crime prevention, crime reduction, case management, resource allocation, case clearance, anticipation of future threats, or crime problems. This process provides guidance and support to the agency leader, regardless of the type of priority established. Meaning of Intelligence In order to understand how intelligence led policing can be used to tackle terrorism, we should begin by defining and describing what intelligence is. Intelligence comes from the Latin “to understand,” intelligere, and its roots are inter and legere. Literally, it is to collect or choose between things. By 1390, in English usage this referred to an inherent ability to choose well, and to express ϭϳ this by word or speech. Intelligence was also understood to pertain to the branches of knowledge, forerunners of disciplines and scientific departments. By 1450, the word had added nuance. It could mean “knowledge of events,” especially of military value, as well as communication about those events. Thus early on, there was a producer of information, a recipient, and knowledge understood as a good, brokered between them. In the sixteenth century, the word came to refer to the communications of spies, secret or private agents. Secrecy had been introduced. Intelligence was not just the acquisition of knowledge but also a certain kind of practice, one that could involve deception to acquire it, or to keep it from others. By 1602, it was used for an agency that obtains secret information (Reiss & Bordua, 1967). However, the word “intelligence” means different things to different people. The most common mistake is to consider “intelligence” as synonymous with “information.” Information is not intelligence. Misuse also has led to the phrase “collecting intelligence” instead of “collecting information.” Although intelligence may be collected by and shared with intelligence agencies and bureaus, field operations generally collect information (or data). Despite the many definitions of “intelligence” that have been promulgated over the years, the simplest and clearest of these is “information plus analysis equals intelligence.” The formula above clarifies the distinction between collected information and produced intelligence. It notes that without analysis, there is no intelligence. Intelligence is not what is collected; it is what is produced after collected data is evaluated and analyzed. If intelligence is analyzed information, what is analysis? Some agencies contend that computer software can perform analysis for them; thus, they invest in technology rather than in trained analysts. However, analysis requires thoughtful contemplation that results in conclusions and recommendations. Thus, computers may assist with analysis by compiling large amounts of data into an easily accessible format, but this is only collated data; it is not analyzed data or information, and it falls far short of intelligence. For information to be useful, it must be analyzed by a trained intelligence professional. In other words, intelligence tells officials everything they need to know before they knowledgeably choose a course of action. For example, intelligence provides law enforcement executives with facts and alternatives that can inform critical decisions. Intelligence is not what is collected; it is what is produced after collected data is evaluated and analyzed. ϭϴ A reasonable definition of intelligence as a working concept for this study is borrowed from Mark Lowenthal. He describes intelligence as “the process by which specific types of information important to national security are requested, collected, analyzed and provided to policy makers; the products of that process, the safeguarding of these processes and this information by counterintelligence activities; and the carrying out of operations as requested by lawful authorities.” (Lowenthal,2009).The fruits of this concept are the intelligence assessments, which provide important information regarding targets, capabilities, and intent of adversaries that may execute terrorism attacks on the population or infrastructure. On the surface, this information is incorporated as one aspect of the comprehensive risk assessment within the homeland in more general usage; intelligence can be seen as an umbrella term denoting five things: A particular knowledge; the organization producing that knowledge; the activities pursued by this organization; the process guiding these activities; and the products resulting from these activities and processes. The purpose of intelligence is to inform government: telling ‘best truth’ unto power - providing knowledge and understanding upon which national decisions can be made. Intelligence produces that particular knowledge that a state must possess regarding the strategic environment, other states and hostile non-state actors to assure it that its cause will not suffer nor its undertakings fail because its statesmen and the organizations and means for implementing security policy plan, decide and act in ignorance. Intelligence is production of in theory unbiased information about risks, dangers and threats to the national vision, the state and its population, as well as chances and opportunities for the advancement of national interests. The more accurate and timely the intelligence, the more it will allow for limited resources to be applied efficiently towards national security goals and policies. The Intelligence Process According to the Geneva Centre for the Democratic Control of Armed Forces (DCAF). 2006. Intelligence services. DCAF Backgrounder. Geneva: DCAF, p.2 Intelligence process consists of five steps: “planning, collection, processing, analysis and production, and dissemination” 1. Planning or Direction. Intelligence production can result from either planning or direction. Intelligence agencies are government organisations and ϭϵ established by the constitution or law, with specified functions and powers. Therefore, Intelligence agencies make plans to identify threats to their focal concerns– nation, citizens, state and regime. In addition to such intelligence planning, the government may require or direct the intelligence agencies to produce intelligence on specific organisations, actors, conditions and trends. In the case of direction, planning follows. Direction is often dictated by the priorities of the regime or government and more often involve requisition for current intelligence rather than forecast or predictive intelligence. The requisition of intelligence - be it through the organizational routine function or direction by the government is the first stage in the cycle. 2. Collection. The second stage in the cycle is the collection of information (data, statistics, reports, voice communication, signals and imageries) from different sources – human, signal, and open media 3. Analysis. In this stage, the information collected from different sources are analyzed with a view to identifying relevant parameters of interest. It also involves interpretation of observed patterns and trends, and recommendations for action 4. Dissemination. The intelligence (report) is disseminated among policymakers and actors who are entitled to receive them so that their policies, decisions and actions can be duly guided. 5. Consumption or utilization by policy makers, feedback to and or review by the intelligence Agencies. This stage involves obtaining feedback from the policy maker about the value of the intelligence supplied so that further collection or analysis of information may be undertaken or so that the strategies for intelligence production and dissemination reviewed, if necessary. However, as Lowenthal, has argued: Intelligence production, ideally, should be followed by the utilization of intelligence by the policy and decision makers as well as action agencies and officials. The cyclical sequence of activities is generally referred to as the intelligence cycle. ϮϬ Figure 2 - The Intelligence Cycle (Dixon, 2001) The Constitution and Legal Framework for Regulating Intelligence-Led Policing in Nigeria The Nigeria Police Force is a creation of statutes, having been established by the Constitution and the Police Act. While Section 3 of Police Act provides simplicity that “there shall be established for Nigeria police force to be known as the Nigeria Police Force.” The Constitution goes further in its Section 214 and section 3 of the Police Act to give the Force the monopoly of policing in Nigeria by providing that “… no other Police Force shall be established for the Federation or any part thereof” This monopoly is given further protection in the Second Schedule to the Constitution where “police and other government security services established by law” is placed under the Exclusive Legislative List. By the combined effect of Sections 11 (1) which gives the National Assembly the power to “…make laws for the federation or any part thereof with respect to the maintenance and securing of public safety and public order…” and Section 214 (2) of the Constitution, the National Assembly is saddled with the responsibility of enacting laws and making regulations for, among other subjects, the Nigeria Police. The Police Act is fallout of these constitutional provisions. The Nigeria Police Regulations which came into being in 1968 is Ϯϭ pursuant to Section 46 of the Police Act which empowers the President of the Federal Republic to make regulations … with respect to the policy, of the Force … and with respect to appointments to offices in the Force, promotion, transfer, dismissal and disciplinary control of officers. The President is empowered by virtue of the Police Act to “make standing orders for the good order, discipline and welfare of the force …” While Section 5 of the Police Act provides for the office of Inspector General of the Nigeria Police (I.G.) and such number of Deputy Inspectors-General, Assistant Inspectors-General … a Commissioner for each state of the Federation … as may from time to time be appointed by the Nigeria Police Council The Constitution gives the power of appointment of the Inspector General of the Police (IGP) to the President with the Nigeria Police Council playing an advisory role. By the same token the power of the President to remove the IGP is also subject to consultation with the Police Council. Appointments to positions other than that of the IGP and removal from such positions are vested in the Police Service Commission (PSC).It seems from paragraph 30 of Part I of the Third Schedule to the Constitution that the powers of the PSC are expressly limited to appointment, discipline and removal of officers below the rank of the IGP. A clear examination of the legal provision of the constitution shows lack of institutional autonomy that will allow for the gradual development of an effect intelligence delivery system within the police force. Again, a rapid examination of our laws reveals a legal and institutional recognition of the use of intelligence-gathering techniques in law enforcement. The duty of the police to prevent crime is at the heart of intelligence-led policing. Preventing the commission of a crime presupposes the interposing of the police between planned criminal infraction and its execution. Such interposing probably encompasses a wider terrain of police activities than we seem to appreciate. Thus a closer appreciation of the police duty of crime prevention may necessarily incline one to see this as the prime function of policing. What really is intelligence-led policing? Essentially, intelligence-led policing is law enforcement grounded on information acquired through covert and overt means and subsequently analysed and banked for immediate and future use. Intelligence in the context of law enforcement boils down to information that is acquired exploited and protected by the activities of law enforcement agencies to decide upon and support criminal investigation. Such intelligence is targeted ϮϮ at known and potential criminal threats and the vulnerabilities of individuals, groups or organizations within the policing jurisdiction. A distinction has been drawn between operational intelligence and strategic intelligence – each with different aims. While operational intelligence is typically short-term in nature, strategic intelligence focuses on the long-term aims and objectives of law enforcement agencies. According to Kelvin (2006), operational and strategic intelligence analyses have different aims, they are mutually dependent. Attempts to separate them, or to foster one at the expense of the other, will result in a fundamentally flawed intelligence programme and a failure to generate meaningful assessments of criminal activity. Operational intelligence as an integral part of the legal framework for policing in Nigeria is provided in the Criminal Procedure Act (CPA). Section 55 of the CPA provides that: Notwithstanding the provisions of this or any other written law relating to arrest, a police officer knowing of a design to commit any offence may arrest, without orders from a magistrate and without a warrant, the person so designing, if it appears to such officer that the commission of the offence cannot otherwise be prevented. The law stipulates in section 54 of the CPA that a police officer having such information must inform his superior officer “… and to any other officer whose duty it is to prevent or take cognizance of the commission of any such offence”. An important source of information to the police is by way of closely protected informants with whom the police have achieved the level of rapport and mutual confidence that keeps the channel of information open. The going son in a street gang or cult group, the loose-tongued neighbour who has hinted of his next would-be target, the new drug peddler whose identity is not yet within the knowledge of the police et cetera are all transmitted to the police through this covert means. This is only one of the tactics adopted by the police to break the chain of communication between criminals and their agents or collaborators. And as Brown, (2007) has opined: They (the police) have a role and capacity to adopt appropriate strategic and tactical surveillance of the hot spots and vulnerable areas, and maintain an eagle eye over the activities and lifestyle of suspected criminals. This intelligence-gathering technique is a time-tested law enforcement strategy by police establishments the world over. While it has yielded ample dividends in the fight against traditional crime, it has become obvious now that the dimensions that criminal infractions are assuming compel resort to intelligence sophistication and long-term capability. The scale of Ϯϯ terrorist attacks that Nigerians have experienced in recent times and the apparent helplessness in which the government seems to have been forced is a clear indication of how unprepared the various apparatuses of the state are to cope with the challenges we face. Perhaps if we have had a strategic intelligence in place there would have been a fore knowledge and forewarning that could have significantly limited the impact of these terrorist attacks. While it is conceded that intelligence may not completely obviate terrorism, it can substantially reduce the severity and frequency of attacks. Without a doubt the events and human carnage of 9/11 have pushed intelligence-gathering in the United States of America (USA) to a level arguably unsurpassed in its Painstaking thoroughness and co-ordination. Using Intelligence-Led Policing as Counter Terrorism Strategy Generally, Intelligence services exist to: (1) support the national decision- and policymaking process; (2) ensure early warning; (3) assist good governance; (4) provide long-term expertise; (5) support national and international crisis management; (6) support national defence and, in case of conflict or war, military operations; and (7) maintain and protect secrets. All intelligence services have three basic functions: collection, analysis and counterintelligence. Covert action, the more occasional fourth function, may be performed by external intelligence services or, as is increasingly the case also domestically, in disruptive actions by the police. Collection is the bedrock of intelligence: the acquisition of data and information that forms the basis for refined intelligence and knowledge creation. Without collection, intelligence is little more than guesswork. The collection process involves open and secret sources, who provide information that is obtainable in no other way, as well as a number of secret technical collection disciplines using a variety of collection methods and means (Carter, 2009). Analysis is collation, evaluation and analysis of data and information of all sources and their transformation into intelligence products. If collection is dominated by smart technology, analyses still reflect the perspicacity of the human mind. No amount of data and information can substitute for an insightful analyst able to discern the critical policy or operational significance of an event, action or trend which may be hidden within a mass of confusing and contradictory information. Ϯϰ Analysis and appraisal occur at all levels of intelligence and can be single source, multi-source, or all-source. Assessment is the final step in the analytical process, and strategic assessment is the final allsource intelligence product of actionable knowledge provided to government to anticipate risks and reduce uncertainty in its pursuit of furthering or protecting national political, economic and security objectives. While analysts must prove their capability to ‘connect the dots’, the overarching goal of analysis is to minimize uncertainty with, which policymakers must grapple in making decisions about national security and foreign policy. Furthermore, analysis must help to make sense of complex issues and to call attention to emerging problems or threats to national interests. The importance thereby is not only to determine what is accurate, but foremost what is relevant to the decision- and policymaker’s needs. Counterintelligence is intelligence designed to uncover hostile operations against the nation - the national effort to prevent foreign intelligence services and foreign-controlled political movements or groups from infiltrating the state’s institutions at home and abroad in order to engage in espionage, subversion, sabotage and terrorism. It is not security, but intelligence on which security policies should be based. Straddling the foreign and domestic boundaries, counterintelligence consists of offensive and defensive measures of protection: defensively by inquiries and vetting of civil servants and employees, through investigations, monitoring of known or suspected agents, and surveillance activities to detect and neutralize the foreign intelligence service’ presence; offensively through the collation of information about foreign intelligence services and their modus operandi, recruiting agents, and initiating operations to penetrate, disrupt, deceive and manipulate these services and related organizations to own advantages. Counterintelligence is, moreover, an integral part of the entire intelligence process: to make sure that what is collected is genuine through continuous evaluation of the reliability of sources and the credibility of information. It differs from intelligence collection in that it exists to counter a threat and is to some degree reactive. Results are not generally produced in the short term, and counterintelligence investigations cannot be limited to arbitrary time periods. Covert action comprises activities to influence political, military or economic conditions, situations and developments abroad, where it is intended that the role of the government will not be apparent or acknowledged publicly. Ϯϱ These may consist of propaganda measures, support to political or military factions within a specific country, technical and logistical assistance to foreign governments to deal with problems within their countries, or actions to disrupt illicit activities that threaten the own national interests or security such as terrorism, proliferation, organized crime or narcotics trafficking. Covert action is an option short of military action to achieve objectives which diplomacy and other means of security policy alone cannot. A limited policy tool, covert actions are often carried out in conjunction with other tools of statecraft or, domestically, in disruptive actions by law enforcement or the police. These functions or roles of intelligence services are common to most intelligence systems. How they are distributed between and among the intelligence agencies differ from state to state. These functions operate most effectively as part of a process in close conjunction with one another. Collection of intelligence cannot be done effectively without analysis that provides guidance or ‘tasking’ to collectors. Counterintelligence is necessary to protect collectors from becoming known, neutralized and exploited by adversaries. Similarly, a successful programme of covert action must be grounded in effective collection, analysis and counterintelligence. Thus, the nature of intelligence is such that the several elements of intelligence are parts of a single unified system whose success depends on all parts working effectively (Brown, 2007). IntelligenceǦled policing is a business model and as such can be largely successful when analysts interpret the criminal environment effectively, and use that intelligence to influence decisionǦmakers. Good intelligence is the best weapon against terrorism, but it should be all-source intelligence, and the kind, which is good for almost all kinds of intelligence -the value-added kind which separates out the signals from the noise, such as what is sometimes called Indications & Warnings (I&W) in the intelligence community. Indicators are discrete events or series of events that are mostly suspicious. Warnings are indicators which reach a critical mass. All-source means that indicators and warnings have been corroborated, contextualized, or deconstructed (correlated with the pattern from previous attacks). Different platforms (technical and human) of intelligence collection should also be used, especially open source platforms like the Internet. It is best when all the collection assets converge or cover at least one of the indicators an analyst is trying to assess (one of the meanings of "all source"). From the human asset Ϯϲ (espionage) aspect, this involves sometimes dealing with "bad apples," and from the open-source perspective, this involves mining the Internet for what it's worth. For analysis, while reactive (after the fact) investigation (also called deconstruction) may prove useful for some purposes, it's generally considered that with crimes like terrorism, a proactive (before the fact) strategy is best, and a proactive one which accounts for all sorts of strange and unusual contingencies. Sensitivity training may be needed with proactive efforts, especially when the intelligence resource being used is a community within the country where a significant number of immigrants live. Such communities can be an invaluable resource, but there should be friendly and open relationships between law enforcement and such areas. The arrests following the London subway and the Madrid train bombings, for instance, suggest that intelligence gathered from multiple sources, including surveillance cameras, community informants, and prison officials, was instrumental in post event investigations. Recent arrests of suspected terrorists in the United States (Florida), Canada, and Britain suggest that intelligence may be able to identify terrorist groups and allow for intervention prior to an attack. This is consistent with reports from countries, such as Israel, with long experience in combating terrorism (Adama, Kozanoglua, Paliwala, & Shafiq, 2007). A proactive mode of inquiry will also take advantage of the fact that many terrorists have quite predictable social and psychological motivations. Their "profiling" is somewhat easy to do. In many ways, terrorists behave like common criminals, but they just take politics or religion very seriously. Terrorists, like most enterprises, repeatedly use their tried-and-true tactics until they are no longer effective (Gill, 2000). Also, because non-state or modern terrorists usually have no legitimate sovereignty structure, like a nation-state or official organization, the role of group support and reference groups in the system become extremely important. Strategic thinking toward elimination of terrorism as a "tactic" not an enemy is still evolving (Pena 2006), but traditional techniques have some value too. Indicator collection and efforts toward "profiling" should strive toward including all the following in intelligence gathering and interpretation: "Indicators" refer to those collectable things which would have to happen and those that would likely happen as a scenario unfolds (Cope, 2004). Indicators are usually thought of as factors of risk. The three (3) primary factors of risk regarding terrorism are: adversary capability, Ϯϳ adversary intentions, and target vulnerability. There is some debate within intelligence circles as to whether the third one is necessary, and some people define "terrorism threat assessment" (as opposed to terrorism risk assessment) as only involving the first two. The third is controversial precisely because it sometimes involves collecting vulnerability information on an ally or friendly force. While ordinary street crime is often deterred by crackdowns, target hardening, denying opportunity, and aggressive security (with known displacement patterns), terrorism frequently defies deterrence and predictable displacement patterns because they don't seek targets of opportunity, but symbolic targets. As a group, terrorists are very team-oriented and always prepared for suicide missions. On the other hand, ordinary criminals are undisciplined, untrained, and oriented toward escape. Terrorists are just the opposite. They have prepared for their mission, are willing to take risks, and are attack-oriented. If captured, they will usually not confess or snitch on others as ordinary criminals do. Traditional law enforcement methods are not all that effective when it comes to the investigation or intelligence of terrorism. In all counterinsurgency (COIN) operations, the collaboration between the police and the military cannot be overemphasized. Due to the fire power of insurgents and terrorists, police are ill-equipped tactically to match them. Although joint COIN of the police and the military appear not well defined, these exercises have often brought success (Gilling, 2005). More often, the experiences of countries like Afghanistan, Algeria, and India have revealed that it was the culture and complexities of the environment that determined where insurgencies had premised on the fact that terrorists and insurgents routinely use the public as a ‘war buffer.’ Intelligence erupted. COIN is a grassroots battle that not only requires military force, but the establishment of security at the local level through everyday police presence. This can only be achieved through indigenous policing which would involve close contact with all members of the community. In some countries where insurgency of terrorists has been checked, the police had been deployed to areas in which they have had vast knowledge and exposure. This has often been referred to as neighbourhood or community policing. This tactical approach is collection within the security agencies. Intelligence therefore remains an important aspect of national security risk assessment and management. Improved collaboration between the police Ϯϴ and other agencies in the intelligence community is critical for producing effective threat assessments that provide utility in assessing and managing national security risk. The need to improve cross discipline collaboration between the police and other agencies in the intelligence community exists, and greater collaboration between them will advance the quality of threat assessments and thus risk management within the national security enterprise (Baker et al., 2009). Obstacles to Effective National Intelligence Service Delivery in Nigeria National intelligence delivery through ILP in Nigeria faced a lot of obstacles. Firstly, there is, at present, no effective and efficient professional institutional framework for the coordination of these agencies. Existing channels of interagency coordination are the Office of the National Security Adviser and the Joint Intelligence Board. There are other several obstacles to effective national and organizational intelligence service delivery. Some of these obstacles are: 1. Rivalry between intelligence officers and agencies: Rivalry is a major problem which is compounded in countries with multitudes of security and intelligence agencies and layers of government authorities as in federal states. 2. Training of officers on information relevant for the production of intelligence: Training of police officers in different functional areas, especially patrol and border officer in information gathering is critical to the production of timely, relevant and reliable intelligence. Without adequate and relevant training, many police and security officers are often not sensitive to the relevance of information that they receive or events that they observe for effective intelligence production. As Gilling (2005) noted: Most local law enforcement officers have never been in the intelligence business and therefore may not know precisely what information they should look at as indicative of terrorist activity or that may have value within a larger intelligence context. These signs are not necessarily obvious, but rather subtle, and would not be discernible to a regular patrol officer or detective without proper training. Officers or Ϯϵ detectives may have valuable information without even knowing it and may not know how to share the information because they have never had adequate terrorism intelligence training. 3. Plurality or proliferation of police and security organizations are often regarded as obstacles to effective flow, coordination and utilization of intelligence. Ratcliffe noted that the existence of police at local level and their political control by local politicians in America are regarded as “foundation for greater accountability and community liaison”. But he argued that “it is a technical and cultural roadblock to collaboration and information”. This is not different from the scenario in Nigeria. Similar obstacles were observe following the 9/11 experience to resolve such challenges the government of the united states mandated the establishment of Cooperative intelligence or fusion centers in states as “response to the problem of information sharing vertically between federal, state and local police, and horizontally between peer agencies. Nigeria can learn a lesson from this problem and organized an effective national intelligence delivery service to counter insurgency. Conclusion and Suggestions In today’s complex environment—including constrained budgets, threats from criminals and terrorists, and concerns about privacy and civil liberties—it is important for law enforcement agencies to do more with less. ILP enables law enforcement agencies to access and share comprehensive intelligence, and it helps to ensure that succinct and timely information is available to all decision makers. It provides agencies with the capability to draw meaningful conclusions from analyzed information and make strategic, operational, and tactical decisions for effective crime reduction and threat mitigation. Presently, in Nigeria, the crime situation is worrisome, every geo-political zone in the country is witnessing various types of violent crimes and conflicts. In the South-South, south-west, south east Zones, armed robbery, kidnapping, sabotage of petroleum production facilities while, Cutting across the three northern geo-political zones are the destabilizing issues of indigene/settler internecine conflicts, ethno-religious conflicts and religious insurgency led by a ϯϬ group known as Jamâ’atu Ahlis Sunnah Lâdda’awatih wal-Jihad (popularly referred to as Boko Haram). The phenomenon of crime is so prevalent that almost everyone in Nigeria knows somebody who has been a victim of one crime or another or even killed in the most gruesome circumstances in spite of unceasing war on crime waged by the nation’s police and security agencies. These challenges indicate that security personnel are yet to meet the expectations for quality services delivery particularly in preventing terror attacks and the activities of extremists, as well as being more pragmatic and innovative in response to numerous challenges posed by this problem to public. As highlighted in this paper, there is an urgent need for an effective intelligence delivery service by adopting and integrating operational and strategic intelligence analyses to generate meaningful assessments of criminal activity. Intelligence-led Policing should extends beyond the institution of the Nigeria Police Force and embrace all security agencies involved in general provision of public safety and security by adopting the Ratcliffe pull model which will serve as a process for systematically collecting, organizing, analyzing, and utilizing intelligence to guide law enforcement operations in Nigeria. Finally, the following suggestions could be useful: That there is the need to set out structures and processes that would provide strategic guidelines to gathering intelligence and also to meet up with the contemporary policing system; The government should develop and adopt a national intelligence sharing policy. This should be accompanied by the establishment of a national intelligence database; Taking cognisance of the need for synergy between the police and other security agencies, regular forums for horizontal and vertical sharing of intelligence at every level must be created and supported; Government should create special budgets for the training and retraining of the security personnel to strengthen intelligence Capability. Such trainings must emphasize goals and objectives of intelligence gathering; and a modern training curriculum on intelligence-led policing should be developed for security training institutions in the country. Directions for Future Research Up until the present time, not much work is being done on intelligence-led policing in Nigeria. Following exploration, more robust empirical evaluations ϯϭ is needed in this area of study in the country as Intelligence-led policing is currently in the transition from conceptual to empirical exploration. 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Cambridge, MA. ϯϳ ϯϴ CHAPTER TWO Remobilization, Rearmament and Amnesty in the Niger Delta Region of Nigeria Mathias Jarikre Abstract The chapter is aimed toward an explanation of remobilization and rearmament of armed youths in the Niger Delta. It also interrogates the objectives of the Amnesty proclaimed by the Federal Government. This would be done within the purview of ex-militants who have been at the vanguard of the armed struggle in a resource based conflict. This chapter asserts that the goals and benchmark of the Amnesty programme are deliberately skewed in favour of the government and multinational corporations. Based upon this assertion, this chapter critically examines the prospect and challenges of the Amnesty programme, and argues that a complex web of issues surround the Niger Delta conflict. The Amnesty programme, like previous Government intervention efforts has not been able to give a single explanatory model for sustainable peace. What is clear, however, is that the undercurrent of the Amnesty programme may be explained from two perspectives: The increase in oil production and the armed conflict that has become more complex marked by vicious change. Thus, the chapter concludes that the pervading sense of insecurity in the Niger Delta, may escalate when the militants remobilize and rearm to return to the creeks as a result of disillusionment. Introduction Demobilization and disarmament are two critical peace processes to wind up peace operations. The former is the “formal disbanding of military formation, and, at the individual level, is the process of releasing combatants from a mobilized state” (Anderlini & Pampell, 2004:1, p.). While the later, according to United Nations Department for Disarmament Affairs (2001), is the collection of small arms and light and heavy weapons within a conflict zone. However, studies (e.g., Adekanye 2004; Anderlini & Pampell, 2004) have proved that exϯϵ combatants are likely to rearm and remobilize at least soon after activities to address the issues of disarmament, demobilization and reintegration ended. In the 1950s, the United States embarked on the strategic process of rearmament of West Germany to consolidate the Cold War policies of containment and deterrence of Russia and communism (Halle, 1967; Gaddis, 1992; Jarikre, 2011). The process underscores the Cold War security imperatives of West Europe, “the security of West Europe could hardly be achieved without the defense of West Germany” Halle (1967, p. 243). When the Second World War ended in 1945, the military forces of the Soviet Union were in occupation of most of the buffer area and eastern part of Europe, including Poland, Hungary, eastern part of Austria, Rumania, Bulgaria and Yugoslavia. At that time, the military forces of United States and the western allies had withdrawn after the defeat of Germany, but tried to keep the Germans disarmed and to restrain them by the threat of international sanctions (Halles, 1967). However, Russia continued to advance and expand its occupation of the uncaptured half of Europe. Russia’s expansionist onslaught in Europe presented a precarious situation and a crisis of balance of power. Of course, this gave birth to the Cold War (1945 – 1991) which began soon after World War II. The decision to rearm West Germany, which was orchestrated by the United States of America, was a grand plan to contain the growing Russia’s communist regime in Europe. However, there were palpable apprehension by many, especially Germany’s immediate neighbours (Russia and France), who considered the plan as reckless and could precipitate West Germany to go to war for the recovery of East Germany. Rearmament and remobilization by ex-combatants is a crucial challenge facing policy makers and practitioners of DDR programmes in Africa. From the plethora of literature and results of research studies (Adekanye 1996, 1997, 1999, 2001, 2004; Kingma 2000; BICC 2000; Van de Menwe 2009; Learnt 2011; Zena 2013), especially in the cases of Angola, Ethiopia, Eritrea, Mali, Mozambique, Somalia, South Africa and Uganda, are succinct explanation for the phenomenon of ‘return war’ (Adekanye 2001). In Nigeria, for instance, the echoes of Biafran remobilization are/is sounded over 40 years after the end of Nigerian Civil War by a group of Igbo youths under the aegis of the Movement for the Survival and Self Actualization of Biafra (MOSSAB). Also, the hitherto armed struggle in the Niger Delta is a rebirth of some sort of Adaka Boro’s revolt against the Nigerian state in the 1960s. ϰϬ Certainly, the Niger Delta ex-militants were non statutory forces (NSF), self-acclaimed freedom fighters, who can be classified as guerrilla formations. Rearmament and remobilization in the Niger Delta as conceived in this study explains two emerging phenomenon that appear to be consequences of the management of the presidential amnesty programme. The former describes the clandestine acquisition and possession of arms after surrendering their weapons to the government as part of the DDR process. The later involves the emergence of various groups and associations of ex-militants to articulate their interest in relation to the amnesty programme. The rearmament and remobilization activities are shrouded in secrecy and illegality but are formidably supported by proceeds from crude oil theft and illegal bunkering (The Nation, 2013). The motive for this is partly to acquire weapons and recruit an army of youths to protect their territories from onslaught of legitimate security personnel. As well as the fear of government failure by renegades who did not believe in the amnesty process (Adekanye 2004; The Nation 2013). In the past two decades, the Niger Delta region has witnessed a number of conflict situations. These have included; a series of protracted conflicts involving intra and inter – ethnic and communal wars: Ijaw – Ijaye, Ogoni – Andoni, Eleme (Ogoni) – Okrika; the fratricidal war in Nembe between Basambri and Ogologbomabri; Igbide – Emede (communal conflict between two Isoko communities); the bloody Warri tripartite ethnic conflict among Ijaw – Itsekiri and Urhobo (Ibeanu 2002, p. 164; Bassey 2000, p. 3). According to Ibeanu (2002, p. 194) and Asuni, (2009, p. 5), the central causus belli in these conflicts are conflicting claims made by communities to land and creeks on which there are petroleum deposits or oil installations. However, Omeje (2004, .p. 429) contend that “not all recent conflict in the Niger Delta have their origins directly in oil. Oil extraction and distribution, as well as oil revenue politics, no doubt, inform most contemporary conflicts in the Delta but these by no means include the existence of some extra-oil frontiers of conflict in the region”. Furthermore, several scholars have advanced several factors as conflict triggers, which often than not complement, overlap but repeatedly underscore the persistent insensitivity of government and multinational corporations operating in the region. For instance, Ukeje (2001), Ifeka (2001), Fleshman, (2002), Ikelegbe (2005) and Dibua (2005) identified marginalisation and frustration among local communities to be the main reasons why conflict situations arise in the region; while Ejobowah, (2000), Obi (2001), Ross (2003) ϰϭ and Omeje (2004), are of the view that quest for increased oil derivation and resource control stands as the propeller of conflicts in the region. Onduku (2001), Dibua (2005) and Eweje (2006), harped on oil extraction and the resultant environmental degradation to be the major cause of conflict in the region. Evidently, from the foregoing, communal and ethnic animosity was prevalent but there is an overarching sense of grievance in unity against the exploitation and neglect of the region (Asuni, 2009). To this end, the youths have turned their energies to confront the Nigerian state and the multinational oil companies in what has grown into a major insurgency (Asuni, 2009) until 2009, when the presidential amnesty for the Niger Delta militants was proclaimed. It can be argued that the geopolitical composition of the Nigerian state and structural insecurity necessitated a repressive and militarized response to any form of civil dislocation. Strategically, it was expedient for the government to institutionalize its social–political authority in the Niger Delta through a genuine sense of commitment rather than a military power option. To this end, the preference of coercive and militarized intervention by the state were fundamentally transformed when Yar’Adua introduced the Presidential Amnesty Programme (PAP) of absolution but not with holy water for the Niger Delta ex-militants or settlement as being carried out by the administration of President Goodluck Jonathan. The Niger Delta conflict in all ramifications of its geopolitical character is not primarily a product of the ideological predisposition of regional leadership designed to pursue regional interest or the working out a power equation in the Nigerian state. Rather, it was a product of frustration, consequent upon socioeconomic deprivations. Obviously, it was not a product of domestic political concerns associated with different factors and personalities, but as a result of protracted neglect, hardship, poverty, deprivation, environmental degradation, etc, supported by non state collaborators like multinational corporations (Ibeanu 2002, Eweje 2006, Saull 2007, Ibaba 2011). However, the activities of the Niger Delta militants were given cohesion and motivation to resist any form of state repression by a heavy dose of coercive military option. The consequences of the strategic military option were enough to generate geopolitical and security concern for the Nigerian state more than the dwindling crude oil production of 700,000 barrels per day. ϰϮ Two critical areas are worthy of note. The first is the character of militant activities in the Niger Delta was determined by the prevalent political, economic and military hostility that it had to contend with from both the state and multinational oil and gas companies. Hence, military coercion and repression was a major stimulant to the creation and promotion of militancy. Consequently, it contributed to the expansion and protraction of the conflict, criminality and proliferation of small arms in the Niger Delta. The second is the unwholesome insecurity situation in the Niger Delta appears to limit the choice by the government to ensure the security of the economy and its key assets (multinational oil and gas facilities to maintain the production capacity of 3.2 million barrel per day) (The Nation, 2013) The preponderance of a military coercion as a form of state intervention was not then an inevitable outcome. Rather, it was a product of a combination of political variable and the fear of anarchy created by the kidnapping of foreign nationals, destruction of oil facilities and social insecurity. However, these factors were not enough to command the consistent use of highly repressive and coercive military approach. The Niger Delta region is one of the three largest wetland and most extensive freshwater swamp forest, abundantly endowed with both renewable and non-renewable natural resources and major source of Nigeria’s national wealth (Niger Delta Environmental Survey Report, 1997; Niger Delta Human Development Report, 2006). It is a paradox that this oil rich region also displays a rich heritage of poverty and dearth of social and infrastructural development, in spite of the immense crude oil and gas extraction activities and the increase from crude oil wealth (Eweje, 2006). The poor state of the region has been profoundly compounded by the harmful effects of increasing oil extraction, oil spills and pollution, environmental degradation, and gas flaring, among others. In addition to environmental degradation, pollution and the negative effects of exploration activities which have deepened the level of poverty of the people, is the unyielding posture of multinational companies to their corporate social and environmental responsibilities to the host communities (Niger Delta Environmental Survey Report, 1997). Indubitably, the Niger Delta communities are strategically excluded from the activities of the oil and gas industry. While the multinational oil companies doing business in the Niger Delta, have consistently argued that the provision of social infrastructure such as roads, electricity power supply, supporting agriculture and its extension services are ϰϯ the statutory obligation of the government. This argument appears to be true on the ground that the Federal Government controls all revenues accruing to the nation from crude oil reserves (on and offshore) including all lands under the Land Use Act. It is in this sense that Ejobowah (2000) surmised that the Niger Delta question is “conflict arising from the federal government's control of oil resources and the distribution of their revenue among the constituent states of the federation, and oil communities' ownership claims to the resources” p. 29). Presidential Amnesty Programme (PAP) for Niger Delta Militants Consequent upon the approval by Nigeria's Council of State, President Yar’Adua invoked Section 175 of the 1999 Constitution on 25 June, 2009, to proclaim and “grant amnesty to all Niger Delta militants willing and ready to participate in the DDR programme” as recommended by the Niger Delta Technical Committee (Niger Delta Technical Committee, 2008, p. 66). The proclamation included among others, presidential pardon, rehabilitation programme, education and training of militants who wish to take part. The offer was predicated upon a strategic plan to enthrone “enduring peace, security, stability and development” in order to reduce restiveness and increase national wealth through increased oil production output in the Niger Delta. Thus, the rationale for the policy of amnesty in form of demobilization and reintegration of ex-militants was essentially geared toward ending years of attacks on the region's beleaguered oil industry. Of course, the emergence of a formidable militant youth culture (insurgence) in the Niger Delta is a major factor that has continued to accentuate the conflict. The amnesty programme has a triad task to “disarm, demobilize and reintegrate” (DDR) Niger Delta ex-militants to civil society. The responsibility of managing the amnesty programme rests on the Presidential Amnesty office headed by the Special Adviser to the President on Niger Delta. The PAP involves the wholesome paraphernalia of traditional DDR programme. The process began when some Niger Delta ex-militants in response to the amnesty proclamation surrendered arms and ammunition at strategic points, for a period of 60 days under strict supervision of military personnel and government officials. The amnesty, as proclaimed for the Niger Delta militants was time specific giving a deadline of between August 6 and October 4, 2009, to all militants in the creeks to renounce violence, surrender their weapons and accept ϰϰ the offer. This process of disarmament was followed by the demobilization exercise that took place in Obubra in Cross River State. The demobilization exercise for the Niger Delta ex- militants included biometric documentation, fitness check, nonviolence transformational training, and psychological integration processes in form of counseling and career classification. PAP is currently at the most critical aspect of its mandate of reintegration of demobilized ex – militants into civil society. According to the Special Adviser to the President on Niger Delta Affairs, Hon. Kingsley Kuku, PAP has accomplished the mandate of disarmament and demobilization phases of its DDR programme with the rehabilitation of 13,747 already demobilized out of which 8,372 ex militants are fully integrated with gainful employment (The Nation, February 24, 2013, p. 62). Without doubt, the Presidential Amnesty Programme (PAP) has been very critical and strategic to the prevailing relative peace in the Niger Delta as witnessed in the increased oil production output from “700,000 barrel per day (bpd) at the peak of the Niger Delta militancy in January 2009, to 2.4/2.6 million bpd in December 2012”, (The Nation, February 24, 2013, p.62) and the increasing enthusiasm of ex militants to enlist into the programme. A total of 20,192 Niger Delta militants accepted the offer of amnesty and surrendered large number of arms and ammunition to the federal government at the expiration of the 60-day grace period on October 4, 2009. Since then, the figure of enlisted ex-militants absorbed into the amnesty Programme has increased to 30,000, with the introduction of the second and third phases of 6,166 persons in November, 2009 and 3,642 persons, who were granted waiver in December, 2012 respectively.(The Nation, February 24, 2013, p.62) The proclamation of amnesty provided a novel platform of political legitimacy to disarm the militants without military coercion. According to Aghalino (2012) “the amnesty programme was a master stroke as hardly any genuine incentive for the militants to remain in the creeks. The pocket of the renegade group of Movement for Emancipation of Niger Delta MEND is virtually without sympathy as wind has been taken from their sail” (p. 150). The PAP ‘circus’ leveraged on the genuine desire of ex-militants to disarm and abdicate militancy within sixty days, culminating in immunity from prosecution including those who were being prosecuted for such related offences. The spirit and letter of the amnesty is based on moving away from the old order to reintegrate ex-militants into civil society and the economy. A functional aspect ϰϱ of the amnesty has been its emphasis on the need to demystify the militants and their strike force and to functionally define their activities as criminal and to that effect, no individual or group could arrogate to itself the monopoly of militancy and use it to hold the society hostage. In spite of the suspicion and fear that pervaded the amnesty offer at inception, the dramatic twist of political development in Nigeria with the ascension of then Vice President Goodluck Jonathan, who is from the Niger Delta, as Acting President in the absence of the sick President and becoming President after the death of Yar’Adua, played a key role in reducing the skepticism and hostility to the amnesty deal. In addition, militants’ disposition to resistance and perception of government intention changed significantly after the military invasion of Camp Five and bombardment of Gbaramatu kingdom. Camp Five was a stronghold of one of MEND’s strategic Commanders located in the creeks of Gbaramatu Kingdom. Consequently, the success of this military action precipitated the declining fortunes of militant activities in the region. In a sense, the military aggression and coercion across the Niger Delta prompted those who were hitherto unwilling to accept the amnesty proclamation to make a fundamental shift in strategic thinking at seeing the government security forces as a greater force and threat to their continued struggle. Of course, one can be sure that the military security forces in the Niger Delta code- named Joint Task Force (JTF), when they launched the surprise attack on Camp Five and Gbaramatu Kingdom, were acting on the basis of an established time – table to suppress the struggle. In addition, they were moved, rather, by opportunism based on the conception that it was a time of festivity. It is worthy to note that, the overwhelming success of JTF onslaught culminated in a surprise turn around decision by a large number of militants including Camp Five former Commander, Government Ekpemupolo (Tompolo), who were hitherto unwilling to do so, to unconditionally accept the amnesty. To this end, the sudden acceptance to demobilize and be reintegrated by certain militants was strategically enforced through natural fright to realize that they (militants) were no match for the JTF – government security operatives. Given their well – known less than palatable history with the Nigerian military, many of these youths were skeptical about the exact intentions of the federal government. Some even feared that the general idea was to round all of them up and arrest or even kill them (The Nation, 2013). Thus, several ex-militants who accepted the offer of the amnesty and disarmed through their leaders were not ϰϲ enlisted for fear of men and officers of the Nigerian Armed Forces, who manned the disarming and documentation phases. Another essential but critical features that gave credence to embracing the amnesty offer was fear of another military invasion and defeat by community leaders whose support for militancy had began to wane. The leaders of the Niger Delta communities in a bid to relieve itself of blame for what appears to be mounting pressure to find equilibrium, encouraged their youths to embrace the amnesty offered. This is because the communities felt the pains of the struggle even more that the so-called armed agitators during military invasion that razed all houses in sight with no time to distinguish armed agitators from innocent citizens even the vulnerable groups. Government Commitment to the Amnesty Programme The amnesty for the Niger Delta militants is supposedly designed to create a national framework that will prevent re-insurgence, remobilization and rearmament in the Niger Delta. It was a culmination of a decision made by the National Council of States meeting that Niger Delta militants should be permanently disarmed. The political and technical design of the amnesty as a DDR program underscores government’s desire to “breakdown existing command and control structures that challenge the State’s monopoly in the use of force” (Baare, 2007, p. 5). The thinking behind this, it is supposes, was that the increase of oil wealth could hardly be achieved without the termination of hostilities, militant activities and criminality in the Niger Delta. To this end, by the proclamation of amnesty to demobilize and disarm Niger Delta militants, the government had made itself responsible for strategic pursuit through a peace process to position the region on its way to achieving prosperity such as it had never known before. Since the commencement of the demobilization and reintegration process, though the process depicts the possibility of moving away from the old order in a back-and-forth manner, it cannot be viewed in the strict sense of integration and absorption. Rather, what is obtained is that the former (ex) militant structure with its command has become the cornerstone and the pivot on which the amnesty wheel revolves. The entire programme shows the absence of psychological reintegration of repentant militants, rather, it came off as an attempt at social recreation and to constitute a new force without educating them on the need for attitudinal change, to accept and be willing to live together and ϰϳ to remove past prejudice and mistrust from their mind (Psychological Integration Programme). For instance, some ex-militants on foreign training either in Ghana, Asia or Europe have been identified as being unable to cope with the new environment and training processes and would rather want out. Though, psychological integration is a much slower and more difficult task to achieve than the physical integration, yet, both are necessary before any given post conflict state can achieve a truly created peace building atmosphere (Adekanye, 1996). The reintegration should not be an isolated event rather it should be interdependent and carried out in the fulcrum of interrelatedness to various institutions and order. In line with the United Nations Article on Conflict Resolution, Government must resolve to maintain its commitment to the entire demobilization and reintegration process, without creating fear of the unknown in the minds of the ex-militants and the Niger Delta communities. Precedence has shown that the endemic failure of Government to assert adequate authority and oversee effective disarmament, set the stage for seriously flawed reintegration efforts (Gamba in Baare, 2007, p. 3). That is, the Government should ensure that repentant militants would be strategically integrated and subordinated through a control system that it would lead. In this sense, the tension that may fluctuate throughout the process and after, as a result lack of enthusiasm, capacity for tolerance and perseverance over the lapse in the different strategic and political concerns are envisaged and mitigated. The current successes of the amnesty programme with various on-going disarmament, demobilization, rehabilitation and reintegration processes both at home and abroad have created a legion of (ex) militants and the emergence of an organized group of angry and disillusioned young men who claimed to have been denied and deprived of formal reintegration by dishonest government official after receiving their arms/guns from them. According to this group, the government should return their guns because it is unjust to make them surrender arms and be denied the benefits of reintegration. Such victims would want to go back to the creeks. This group would probably not have mattered if they had not strategically mobilized themselves as an organized opposition to the process. There is no gainsaying the fact that this self-acclaimed ex militants who were not enlisted into the PAP, have a great deal of experience in militancy and destruction and may constitute another group that may be averse to Government’s plan and would make demands which the Government cannot ϰϴ literally meet. It is in this sense that Adekanye asserted that, issues of increased involvement of ex-combatants in urban violence and foreign mercenary service in other conflict- torn Africa states (Angola, Liberia and Sierra Leone) may not be unconnected with the lack of effective domestic programme of socio economic reintegration of ex-combatants (Adekanye, 1996). The objective of presidential amnesty programmes to disarm, demobilize and rehabilitate ex militants in order to enthrone sustainable peace must garner the support of ex militant elements and should not be jeopardized because of inherent costs and benefits. In this regard, the Government cannot afford to carry out its businesses as to raise doubts in the mind of the society. So that none would want to ask “what hope is there that the resources and political will are there to ensure the longer-term development of the Niger Delta and prevent a resurgence of the cycle of the frustration, unemployment and violence that has characterised the region for so long? Thus, ensuring sustained economic recovery and income for ex-combatants requires more enduring interventions than DDR can offer (Specker, 2008,) Remobilization and Rearmament of Niger Delta Militants The strategic integration and successful implementation of DDR programme is an essential component of peace building in post conflict societies. However, DDR programmes in and of themselves, no matter how well-executed, are unlikely to define the specific trajectories of post-war countries (Stankovic & Torjesen, 2010). PAP like any conventional DDR programme is strategically a symbol of legal and political process germane to build an effective and credible state through economically viable alternative lifestyles, as well as overall socio economic development of the region. Though, it was hoped that the amnesty programme will reduce militancy and insecurity, conflict and competition between the socio economic forces (government and multinational companies) and the social system (host communities including demobilized and disarmed militant groups). Essentially, the reintegration entails social and economic processes of integrating ex militants into non-combatant status with gainful employment and sustainable income within an open time-frame, primarily taking place in communities at the local level. It is simply patriotic to think that there is absolute support for government planned change by all stakeholders. But, it does appear that some activities seem ϰϵ to galvanize or inhibit the possibility of remobilizing and rearmament in spite of sustained military security activities by the Joint Task Force (JTF) in the region. This could be reminiscent of the role played by politically remobilized former combatants in Zimbabwe and Sierra Leone. This is true to some extent because the ex-militants who are currently undergoing rehabilitation processes have not completely broken links with their erstwhile revolutionary mentors, high militant command and, of course, their activities of illegal bunkering and oil theft which had sustained the struggle. Yet again, available comparative studies and data have shown that most ex-combatants are known to have at least two, if not up to four or five guns in their personal and individual possession. Broadly speaking, at the micro level of individual militants, weapons have come to have economic as well as security value for those who possess them, still, as indeed citizens, over time have long been part of their very cultural existence, indeed a means for their very existence (Adekanye, 1996; IPA, 2003). The political will to circumvent any act or interest to remobilize and rearm must be ensured based on the understanding that counter revolution is not only consistent but co-exist with supportive tendency for remobilization and rearmament, just as in the case of the Niger Delta. What this brings to mind is that, the dominant factor in this case, should be the overall security and geopolitical opportunities, in relation to the development and the degree to which remobilization and rearmament could threaten to undermine the peace process, security and economic growth of the nation. Yet, because government intervention in the Niger Delta conflict is not reducible to the amnesty programme, the account of government intervention in relation to PAP, also needs to look at remobilization and rearmament more broadly as a form and bye product of not reaching a consensus and acting within the ambit of an agreement and expectation. In Gurr’s word “relative deprivation is the perceived discrepancy between man’s value expectation and the value capability” (Gurr, 1970:22). Ibaba (2011) argues that ineffective policies which fail to address fundamental causal factors in terms of oil induced environmental degradation and corruption in governance engendered frustration and created a cycle of aggression which instigates violence. Consequently, the challenge of unresolved frustrations is now a threat to PAP. Accordingly, he surmised that, “the amnesty which removed the militias from the creeks can be likened to an inchoate operation for removing a cancerous part of a body without containing its further spread or re-emergence” (Ibaba, 2011, p. 264). Thus, the implication of the ϱϬ inability to escape the frustration – aggression trap might steer up possible losers from the amnesty deal to stage a return to the creeks, maintaining the status ante, those who are unable to cope with the reintegration processes abroad would prefer the active life in the creeks, disillusionment from lack of gainful engagement, availability of small arms and the increasing oil theft and bunkering, etc. The discourse on PAP and the thesis of remobilization and rearmament of ex militants in the Niger Delta is based on identified pentagonal prong of fault lines which includes, composition of PAP, controversies over managing reinsertion, political expedience, not addressing conflict triggers and the role of multinational oil and gas companies Composition of the Presidential Amnesty Programme Though, it could be argued that the demobilization was foreseen as one that may be necessarily linked to the integration process, what is on ground is far from being an integration process. There are still more (ex) militants not represented in the rehabilitation process. Besides, the PAP recognized three batches excluded the ex-militants of Itsekiri ethnic nationality and other militant groups. Thus, the three batches adopted by the amnesty programmes since October 4, 2009, are not enough for achieving the objective of Amnesty and peacebuilding. Accepted that high level exclusion in the amnesty for Niger Delta former militants like any other DDR program deserve recognition as inevitable (Baare, 2007, ), however, the amnesty programme is highly selective and skewed in favour of some ex-militant groups. The programme as is currently composed revolves around a selected few repentant militant leaders and their camps. Among them are Commander Ebi Ingbila Kiri Camp, Commander Bomo camp, Commander John Isiayei camp, Commander Frank camp, Commander NgoloNgolo camp, Tompolo’s camp, Ateke Tom’s camp, China group, Slele group, Bosta Rhyms group, Rumuekpe group, Farah group, Egberipapa group and handful of militants from Edo and Ondo State – 10 militants (This Day, September 11, 2011). The reintegration process of ex-combatants is often a painstaking and long term activity that involves economic, developmental and transitional processes (Baare, 2007). The integration process of ex-militants has not only created a dilemma in the communities of the Niger delta but also to the administrators of the DDR programme. This is because there is an attempt by ϱϭ the authorities at a quick fix to ignore best DDR practices, and without adopting strategic evaluation of the appropriateness and utility of integration programming. In view of the above, the amnesty programme runs the risk of intensifying the armed struggle. It is worthy to note that an understanding of Emile Dukhiem and Talcot Parson’s functionalist theory is critical in the reintegration process of repentant militants, to mitigate unforeseen contingency of integration of ex-militants. For instance how would those excluded react and how would it impact on the self-excluded and the entire peace process in addition to other variables. The fallout of the amnesty programme will certainly pitch the excluded repentant-militants including self excluded against the peace process which may affect government’s desire to increase gross domestic product through oil production. This is very complex especially when viewed from the backdrop of who is engaging who and for what and why? Similarly, the idea of targeting only some ex-militants for reintegration portend serious danger, and could be counter-productive to the very essence of the Niger Delta struggle, borne out of the dearth of development, resource control, deprivation, unemployment, etc. Consequently, it will create social challenge with serious implication for the Niger Delta communities. The amnesty programme has successfully created camps and is witnessing the emergence of cleavages between what is now known as the first, second, third and the unaccepted but self-acclaimed group of ex-militants of Niger Delta. With particular reference to Sierra Leone where “long time observers have convincingly pointed out the patterns of exclusion of male youth by RUF during the scramble to become eligible for the DDR programme directly feeds in to structural causes that gave rise to the conflict in the first place” (Richards et al. in Baare, 2007, p. 17). There is the strong feeling of relative deprivation by some ex-militants, especially those who are not in foreign training programmes. They tend to feel that they are not getting enough and this could be a valid explanation for remobilization and rearmament. The question often asked by many is, why single out one group of demobilized militants for preferential treatment and what is the basis for such choice? For instances, Some ex- militants have been so designated for special reintegration processes with foreign training even when they have shown that they lack the capacity to cope with such rigorous and ambiguous processes. The entire programme had shown preference for MEND ex-militant elements who are regarded as different from the other ϱϮ population of demobilized and repentant militants. There is the palpable apprehension that it could have the ripple effect of accentuating discontentment from the perception that all ex-militants are equal but some are more equal than others. Consequently, the programme appears to erode self confidence and esteem amongst some ex militants who are from minority groups in the Niger Delta against the others, who are considered as special groups designed for the emergent military ethnocracy cum governing group from the rest of repentant militants (Adekaye, 1996, p. 9). Controversies over Managing Reinsertion Reinsertion as a measure of transitional assistance to ex-militants during demobilization prior to reintegration involves short term material and/or financial assistance to meet immediate needs of transitional safety allowances, food, clothes, shelter, medical services, etc (Isima, 2004; Knight and Ozerdem 2004, HPG 2005 in Baare, 2007). The management of the reinsertion process in relation to the welfare and stipends of ex militants in the PAP is rife with cult like secrecy to short change beneficiaries. The welfare package and stipend, as it were, lack strategic planning and management indices that define the objectives of PAP in relation to socio – economic reinsertion of ex militants. For instance, one wonders at the rationale behind the N65,000 monthly allowance given to the ex-militants, which is far beyond the salary of a graduate employee on salary grade level 8. In addition, from the demobilization exercise the ex militants were exposed to ostentatious live style in hotels and its sundry services including laundry services. The question arising there from is; can this group of exmilitants sustain the imposed ostentatious life style at the end of the PAP in 2015? The PAP was designed for specific number and certain categories of persons, but the welfare package and monthly stipend (of N65,000) has precipitated a situation where every oil pollution victims, unemployed graduates, uneducated, etc, cash on spur of the moment as a ticket for better life (The Nation, 2013). Increasing discontent within the rank and file of former militant groups, between ex militant leaders and their foot soldiers, as well as disenchantment with the management of PAP in relation to monthly stipend and welfare, none fulfillment of pre – amnesty promises and sundry factors are gathering storm and threatening the peace and security of the region. A case in popint is ϱϯ portrayed by media reports of a self acclaimed former foot soldier under the command of Kile Torughedi (Young Shall Grow), a leader of western wing of MEND, who identified himself simply as General Jasper Adaka Boro and claimed responsibility for the killing of 11 policemen, who were on duty at a public function organized by Young Shall Grow, his former boss, on April 11, at Azuzuama. According to the media report, the former Young Shall Grow foot soldier, now a self acclaimed General accused his former boss of embezzling over N80 million of amnesty funds for his boys and warned other leaders who are short changing their foot soldiers in the payment of monthly stipend (The Nation, May 12, 2013, p. 25). To put this in its plainest form possible, Gurr’s theory of relative deprivation is apt for a clearer understanding why some exmilitants may rearm and remobilize back to the creeks. Relative deprivation is a simple theory that says that the more people are deprived of what they consider their due, against what their compatriot are getting, the more likely they are to rebel. Under yet controversial circumstances, no fewer than five youths were killed at Lobia in Bayelsa State, on May 4, 2013, a vessel and a barge belonging to one former militant leader, was hijacked and the six crew members on board, abducted, with demands for a N6 million ransom. All these incidences were fallout of a clash between two armed gangs. The gang rivalry between Kile Torughedi and the contingents of his former foot soldiers over sundry issues including the multibillion naira pipeline surveillance contract awarded to ex militant leaders is fueling increasing discontentment among the ex warlords, and it portends danger to the peace and stability of the Niger Delta region. The prevailing situation whereby former militant leaders and their foot soldiers are at daggers drawn against themselves now, in the near future, they may turn against the society and the state, if the government does not wake up to nib it and other forms of criminality in the creeks in the bud. Political Expedience The Presidential Amnesty Office is significantly a MEND project with undue representation to the deliberately exclusion of others. Apparently, the programme of demobilization has been largely aimed at satisfying MEND and to reduce or neglect the representation of other former militia groups in the Niger Delta. It can be argued that the programme was designed to pursue the ϱϰ formal dissolution of the control structure of MEND and to breakdown its existing command but rather what we see today is that MEND is more sophisticated, stronger and more disposed to take the militancy to another level. There are palpable fears of creating a new community of repentant militants. One danger that the programme portends is that, it might serve as a paramilitary base for a potential force from which could be raised a social army for any future political eventuality. Indubitably, PAP is still politically expedient for the presidency, acting as a benefactor, ex-militants could be willing tools to mobilize support for the kinsman when the need arises. As long as ex-militants are organized along their former militant camps and leadership which determines PAP economic benefits and who gets what, their commitment to the interest of their principal (militant camp high command) and programme may not be in doubt even when these revolutionary interests are at odds with the political stability of the state. This current structure, as it were, should engender some form of apprehension on the part of government and society at large. Nevertheless, the government has the capacity to fragment, weaken and crush such emerging camps to ensure that the resource struggle against the state does not exacerbate a new form of socio-political conflict. On the contrary, the lack of political will on the part of government may propel and give way to a new source of conflict, militancy and insecurity in the Niger Delta. Lederach (1999) captures the dynamism of conflict “as a never static phenomenon, but rather it is expressive and dialectical in nature. Relationally based, conflict is born in the world of human meaning and perception. It is constantly changed by on-going human interaction, and it continuously changes the very people who give it life and the social environment in which it is born, evolves, and perhaps ends” (Lederach, 1999:63). While ex-militants are now talking peace and tagging along with the amnesty programme, in order to garner and savour the socioeconomic benefits of government patronage in a presumed wasteful rehabilitation process of ex-militants, the former ex militant Commanders may be preparing a new platform for a renewed resistance struggle to discretely sustain and maintain their cohesion and supply of arms. With the present level of cooperation and support from the various exmilitant group leaders, the government may not be in any pressure to clamp down on the re-mobilization and re-armament plans and even loosen its grip at ensuring sustainable peace and security in the Niger Delta. Without a doubt, PAP is a formal response to any form of armament and mobilization but the ϱϱ Association of Niger Delta Ex-Militant Leaders, Leadership, Peace and Cultural Development Initiative (LPCDI), amongst others are becoming strategic platforms for upholding the cohesion of the struggle and to ensure that the militia forces are integrated and loyal to the course of the struggle. The danger that the presidential amnesty programme and peace process faces is that former militant leaders have continued to organize or metastasize into incredible vicious associations, possibly to create a platform for remobilization. In this sense, the leaders and followers of the various groups now have options for sustaining the struggle and defend their cause with a contingent arrangement to remobilize and rearm. These platforms may not be contemplating the establishment of a single defense force for the Niger Delta struggle, to be composed of contingent contributions from member militant groups under a single commander. But the danger in it is that the ex-militant groups are poised to obey the clarion call to violently confront the state jointly in the creek communities of the Niger Delta and defend their inalienable rights to the resources. The creeks represent a difficult terrain for security operatives but a familiar one for the ex-militants in their usual gorilla style to once again assume the guise of a lake that drew the settlement around its shores together into a single society of insecurity. The tendency and capacity for remobilization and rearmament by the Niger Delta ex-militants cannot be ignored or taken for granted when considered in relation to recent political development and utterances. For instance, in a swift response to the attack on the United Nations building in Abuja by an Islamic extremist group popularly known as Boko Haram, the Association of Ex-militants Phase II Extension of the Federal government amnesty programme made up of self acclaimed ex generals warned that “if anything should happen to President Jonathan, it means the end of the country, because we are ready to make it ungovernable…”(This Day 11 September, 2011). In a sense, the exmilitants have impressed it on the government and the society in general that in spite of their resolve to sustain the peace process, dismissing the notion that exmilitants are a set of dangerous beast, bent on the course of aggression whenever it should, have become a myth that cannot be removed or accomplished in a short time. Still on political expediency, Asari Dokubo, leader of the Niger Delta People Volunteer Force (NDPVF), had once again assured Nigerians that “the day Jonathan is no longer the President, all of us (ex militants) who are on ϱϲ sabbatical will come back, there will be no peace not only in the Niger Delta but everywhere” (The Nation, May 12, 2013, p. 72). In the same spirit, the Special Adviser to the President on the Niger Delta and Head of PAP, Hon Kingsley Kuku in a speech in the United States, had been widely quoted to have informed the world that “it is true that the PAP has engendered peace, safety and security in the sensitive and strategic Niger Delta”. However, he went further to predict “it is only a Jonathan presidency that can guarantee continued peace and energy security in the Niger Delta (The Nation, May 12, 2013, p. 72). The implication of these comments is that the ex-militants have strongly resolved to return to their trenches in the creeks but should enjoy the carrot of wasteful obsession of governance in Nigeria, while it lasts. This does explains the seeming appearance of the lack lustre attitude toward addressing the lack of development and other sundry issues that led to the frustration and insurgency. Undermining Conflict Triggers The broader perspective of amnesty and the professed abdication of militancy raise fundamental issues for our consideration, especially within the context of the Niger Delta struggle, as a form of opposition to historical and monumental degradation that have caused poverty, under-development and oppression. First, the objective and significance of accepting amnesty and the role of ex-militants in supporting oil exploitative activities in the region. Second, the ex militants disposition to the existing plight of the region in the post amnesty context appears reducible to the behavior of selfish revolutionaries who seize power after which they continue in the same spirit of the oppressor. With respect to the first, the transformational potency of the amnesty programme under the current leadership is significant. The choice to disarm and be reintegrated, as well as plans to address a number of conflict triggers as it affects some ex-militants but not for the aggregate good of the entire region underscores this point. There is a consensus by analysts that “failing to address the issue early set the stage for continued structural conflict” (Baare, 2007, p. 17). In a sense, the new thinking is beyond the idea of developing the region but creating enabling atmosphere for sustainable exploration and exploitative activities of multinational oil companies that would ensure increased crude oil production. True to Omeje’s summation that, “not unexpectedly, the state's management of the oil conflict has been far ϱϳ from fair because of its interest to maximize oil revenues” (Omeje, 2004, p. 427). The Role of Multinational Oil and Gas Companies Indeed, the central objective of Government and ex-militants’ idea of amnesty in a region of protracted fragmentation and hostility to multinational oil companies and government facilities could be seen as a fundamental ditching of the core framework which had guided the spirit and letter of militancy in the Niger Delta. However, notwithstanding the current romance of convenience between the government and ex-militants which had never existed with previous regimes, the key turning point in the relationship was not the government meeting the sundry demands of the region or ending of agitation and the conflict trajectory, rather, a carrot and stick approach made available to some groups within the struggle. It is this and nothing else that forced a change. The multinational oil companies may find it strange, for them the old problem remains, of course, operating in the same turbulent environment and host communities that had in the past, been ambitious to claim ownership of the natural resource through hostility. The multinational oil companies cannot take as detached an attitude as the government or others may, toward a possibility of remobilization and rearmament of ex-militants for the purpose of conducting its operation in a sustainable peaceful environment. The fear that ex-militants may remobilize or rearm may exist everywhere or other spheres, but not as strongly viewed among the Multinational companies, aggravated by other considerations of weight. One of such considerations is that the multinationals have more than once in their operations had more terrifying experiences with militant aggression. The companies disposition to the current training and capacity building for ex-militants as part of the reintegration process for possible employment and engagement in the sector through the amnesty agreement, which is complimented and reinforced by the Local Content Law and Petroleum Industry Bill, is one of apathy and might resort to desperate measures to prevent their engagement/employment in the industry. Such a posture might orchestrate the remobilization and rearmament of ex-militants and re-insurgence. This possibility might constitute by far the major threat to the future operation of the multinationals. It is conceivable that the multinationals would prefer the Government to maintain the status quo and continue to station security ϱϴ operatives at their operational bases and militarize the entire Niger Delta with repressive forces to forestall re-insurgence while they are at liberty to abdicate their corporate social responsibilities. This position is delicate and dangerous. The assumption of the non-informed minds in the Niger Delta is that rehabilitated ex-militants with training and capacity in oil and gas operations would, in fact, be disposed to pursue a systematic takeover of the industry in the Niger Delta. There is the wide spread believe among players in the industry that trained ex-militants with requisite capacity will begin to pursue the implementation of the Local Content Law as enshrined in the proposed Petroleum Industry Bill. The question therefore is, would it not generate another vista of conflict between host communities and operators of the industry, especially those who have continuously schemed to keep the host communities away from its operations? Such prospects would be more intolerable because the present operators of the industry had for the most part, no reason to desire the inclusion of the host communities in terms of employment or labour contract and technical support services. In fact, they dread it. Reintegration processes and efforts are usually less visible but fundamental to the entire demobilization process. It generally appears to be a major challenge in the overall process of the amnesty. Like other demobilized combatants, the Niger Delta ex-militants are faced with challenges to build up adequate structures that can earn them sustainable means of livelihood. Thus, there is an urgent need to create opportunities to resolve the emergent challenges. Klingebiel et al. (1996) studied reintegration in Eritrea. The study revealed the daunting challenges of securing livelihood and accommodation within the available and accessible arable land, business space and housing, which are germane to successful reintegration (Klingebiel et al., 1996:73). The issue here is that the contribution and support of multinationals corporations is necessary. Due to its activities, oil induced environmental degradation have negatively impacted on the Niger Delta communities (reduction in land space, destruction of aquatic life, etc., which have resulted in loss of employment and lack of development). At any rate, it does appear that such circumstances provide profound provocation for ex-militants to reinvigorate the agitation for multinational oil companies, to do more for their host communities. Suffice it to say that, since the company is a part of the community, it is the community's right, not merely privilege, to require from the company what the community wants in order to justify their continued operations. The posture ϱϵ of the multinationals, because it seems less than charitable, has almost always been silent and not spoken out. Rather, they say what is conventional and respectable and expect their management through its activities and corporate social responsibility to say it as well. For them, amnesty becomes a proclaimed goal, its proclamation as such constituting the principal item in such corporate cant, as the Government feels obliged to include it in its pronouncements. This position should stir some fear that they would sooner than later turn away from it since it is a strange bedfellow with the customary divide and rule policy of blackmail and payoffs to/with host communities to sustain internal strife and disequilibrium. Conclusion As a consequence of adhering to DDR best practices, the PAP runs the risk of imminent remobilization and rearmament of ex-militants in the Niger Delta. This, one supposes, was not an outcome that late President Yar’ Adua had intended to produce when he decided on the proclamation of amnesty for Niger Delta militants. Indubitably, the strategic efficacy of PAP cannot be overemphasized. It has appropriated in a most efficient manner the global model of four prong approach through the structured mechanism of disarmament, demobilization, reinsertion and reintegration (DDRR). The central thesis of this paper is that the Nigerian State needs to beware and take more seriously remobilization and rearmament of ex-militants in the Niger Delta as a result of sundry divisive trends within the PAP and the prevailing socio-economic and political context. This chapter observed that these divisive forces are becoming more formidable and are ominously underpinning motivations for remobilization and rearmament. The future of the Niger Delta is hanging precariously on the balance and the government and multinationals oil and gas companies should intervene to tip the scale. Obviously, without peace there can be no meaningful development conversely, there can be no peace in the Niger Delta without development. The challenge confronting the state, therefore, is to bring the fundamental issues of development plaguing the region on the same page with the PAP. Critically essential, the twin issue of peace and development in the Niger Delta can no longer be pursued in a fragmented or separated manner, rather, what is required, is an integrated approach to peace building. The various institutional responses ϲϬ (Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), Ministry of Niger Delta) to the Niger Delta question must interface to build a synergy to adequately and constructively confront the myth of development in the region to address infrastructural deficit(comprising lack of good roads, hospitals, constant supply of electricity and potable water), resource ownership, youth employment, oil pollution, and environmental degradation: the fundamental issues which have consistently confronted the indigenous communities of the Niger Delta region. References Adekanye, B. J. (1996). Disarming Ethnic Guerrillas, Power Sharing and Transition to Democracy in Africa: Ethiopia, Mozambique, South Africa and Uganda as Comparative Cases. Oslo: International Peace Research Institute. Agbakwa, C. S. (2000). A Path Least Taken: Economic and Social Rights and the Prospects of Conflict Prevention and Peacebuilding in Africa. Cambridge Journal of Africa Law. Available online at: http://www.jstor.org/stable/30038547 accessed 20/07/2011. Aghalino, S.O. (2012). Brief but revolutionary: Yar’ Adua and the Sustainable Development of the Niger Delta, Nigeria. Global Advanced research Journal of History, Political Science and International Relations. Available online at: http://garj.org/garijhpsir/index.htm. Asuni, J. B. (2009). Understanding the Armed Groups of the Niger Delta. New York: Council on Foreign Relations Inc. Available online at:www.cfr.org. Awe, B. (1999) Conflict and Divergence: Government and Society in Nigeria. African Studies Review, 42(3). Available online at: http://www.jstor.org. Baaré, A. (2004) An Analysis of Transitional economic Reintegration. Swedeen: Swedish Initiative for Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration (SIDDR). Available online at: www.ud.se/content. Accessed: 29/07/2013. Dibua, J. I. (2005). Citizenship and Resource Control in Nigeria: The Case of Minority Communities in the Niger Delta. Africa Spectrum, 40(1). Available online at: http://www.jstor.org/stable. Ejobowah, J. B. (2000). Who Owns the Oil? The Politics of Ethnicity in the Niger Delta of Nigeria. Africa Today,47(1). ϲϭ Eweje, G. (2006). Environmental Costs and Responsibilities Resulting from Oil Exploitation in Developing Countries: The Case of the Niger Delta of Nigeria. Journal of Business Ethics, 69(1) Available online at: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25123935 Accessed: 20/08/2010 08:15. Gurr, T.R. (1970). Why Men Rebel. Princeton: NJ: Princeton University Press Ibaba, S. I. (2011). Amnesty and Peacebuilding in the Niger Delta: Addressing the Frustration-Aggression Trap. Africana Special Issue: The Niger Delta, 5(1) Available online at: http:/www.africanajournal.org. Ibeanu, O. (2002). Janus Unbound: Petro-Business & Petropolitics in the Niger Delta. Review of African Political Economy, 29(91). Available online at: http://www.jstor.org/stable. Idemudia, U. and Ite, U. E. (2006). Demystifying the Niger Delta Conflict: Towards an Integrated Explanation. Review of African Political Economy, 33(109). Available online at: http://www.jstor.org/stable/. Ifeka, C. (2001). Oil, NGOs & Youths: Struggles for Resource Control in the Niger Delta. Review of African Political Economy, 28(87). Ifeka, C. (2000). Conflict, Complicity & Confusion: Unravelling Empowerment Struggles in Nigeria after the Return to 'Democracy. Review of African Political Economy, 27(83). Ikelegbe, A. (2001). Civil Society, Oil and Conflict in the Niger Delta Region of Nigeria: Ramifications of Civil Society for a Regional Resource Struggle. The Journal of Modern African Studies, 39(3). Ikelegbe, A. (2005). State, Ethnic Militias, and Conflict in Nigeria. Canadian Journal of African Studies, 39(3). International Peace Academy (IPA), (2003). Transforming War Economies: Chanllenges for peacemaking and Peacebuilding. Report of the 725th Wilton Park Conference in association with the International Peace Academy Wilton House, Sussex 27 -29 October 2003, New York: International Peace Academy Klingebiel, S., Inge G., Corinna, K., Sabine, L., and Haje, S. (1995) (eds) Promoting the reintegration of former female and male combatants in Eritrea: possible contributions of development co operation to the reintegration programme. Bonn: DIE Lederach, J. P. (1999). Building Peace: Sustainable Reconciliation in Divided Societies. Washington DC: USIP. ϲϮ Madavo, C. (2000). Stand back and take a more positive look at Africa. International Herald Tribune. Paris. Available online at: http://www.iht.com/IHT/Today/Tue/Ed/edmadavo.html Niger Delta Environmental Survey (NDES) (2000). Niger Delta Development Priorities and Action Plan, phase II report, vol. 2. Okonmah, P. D. (1997). Right to a Clean Environment: The Case for the People of Oil-Producing Communities in the Nigerian Delta. Journal of African Law, 41(1). Available online at: http://www.jstor.org/stable Omeje, K. (2004). The State, Conflict & Evolving Politics in the Niger Delta, Nigeria. Review of African Political Economy, 31(101). Onuoha, A. (2005). From Conflict to Collaboration: Building Peace in Nigeria’s Oil Producing Communities. London: Adonis and Abbey Publishers Ltd. Specker, L. (2008). The R phase of DDR processes. An overview of Key Lessons Learned and Practical Experiences. Clingendael Institute. Stankovic, T. and Torjesen, S. (2010). Fresh Insights on Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration: A Survey for Practitioners. Oslo: Norwegian Institute of International Affair (NUPI). Available online at: www.is..ethz.ch/digital/publication. Technical Committee on the Niger Delta (2008). Report of the Technical Committee on the Niger Delta. Volume 1, November The Nation, 24 February, 2013 The Nation, 12 May, 2013 The Nation, 20 June, 2013 This Day, 11 September, 2011 United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) (2006). Niger Delta Human Development Report. Lagos: Perfect Printers. ϲϯ ϲϰ CHAPTER THREE Entrepreneurship Education, Skills Acquisition and Practices for Sustainable Development in Nigeria: Issues and Challenges Innocent A. Nwafor and Lawrence O. Udensi Abstract The need for a country’s socio-economic growth is a joint responsibility of the government and citizenry which can be fittingly actualize through entrepreneurship practices. In order to ensure that most of the citizens acquire the skills of being successful entrepreneurs, the government has taken various measures, which include incorporating entrepreneurship education as one of the core curriculum content in higher institutions of learning. This is clear evidence that the country seeks to achieve a sustainable development through training of entrepreneurs to reap from various investment opportunities in the country. This chapter presented issues and challenges of entrepreneurship education as a tool for entrepreneurship skills acquisition and practices in Nigeria for sustainable development. However, entrepreneurship development is seen as a veritable tool for enhancing acquisition of entrepreneurship skills for business opportunity identification and SME formations, which will provide job opportunities for the citizens and as well enhance income to government treasury to enable economic development through Taxation and various business levies. Facilitation for entrepreneurship skill acquisition can occur in a formal school emanating from integration of entrepreneurship education into school curriculum, nonformalized organized entrepreneurial training, and also through apprenticeship which will afford the entrepreneurial training opportunity to those that are out of school. More so, the implementation of these trainings are being impeded by some flaws which are seen in terms of; inadequate funding, entrepreneurship attitude of prospective trainees, family challenges, technological and infrastructural challenges, low level entrepreneurship knowledge, as well as other socio-political factors. In the face of these seeming challenges, appropriate recommendations were made which the implementation will lead to production of well skilled entrepreneurs that will serve to enable the country grow economically and improve overall living standard of the citizens. ϲϱ Introduction The dawn of 21st century has witnessed tremendous efforts by countries of the world towards actualization of status quo of one of the world leading economies. This has triggered several reforms in the education sector, targeted towards high skilled human capital development to serve as drivers of socioeconomic development in the country, through science and technology, entrepreneurial practices and other social services. Entrepreneurship education is one of the major ways to ensure emergence of capable entrepreneurs and has recently been fully incorporated into Nigerian education curriculum. This is aimed at instilling in the citizens the consciousness and skills for self-reliance. In line with the national goals of Nigeria, which has been endorsed as the necessary foundation for educational activities in the country. The national goals of education as stated in the National Policy on Education (Federal Republic of Nigeria, 2004) are as follows: • A free and democratic society • A just and egalitarian society • A united and self-reliant nation • A great and dynamic economy • A land full of bright opportunities for all citizens The effort to achieve ideal Nigerian society that is economically and socially advanced as the acclaimed giant of Africa, can be actualized through reformed and qualitative education of the citizenry. Emphasizing on the relevance of functional education, Nwangwu (2007) maintained that the greatest weapon against poverty is education of the youths, which he upheld that any form of education that does not equip its beneficiaries with skills to be self-reliant is a faulty system of education. Entrepreneurship education aims at equipping the learners with those skills that will enable them become successful business owners which will serve to reduce rate of dependency, poverty, crime, and serve to improve the overall living standard through significant contribution of economic and social activities being carried out by entrepreneurs. Survey by United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs Division for Social Policy and Development (2013) found that empowering people by giving them a ϲϲ good education that will prepare them to have a career or create jobs will make them more confident and self-reliant. It will allow them to have good earnings to enjoy good living and help their children to live a better life. The citizens equipped with the education will stand to provide quality services to the society through the practices of what they learnt which will serve to advance the society. The efforts to grow and develop economically are often attributed to the role of government and entrepreneurs which is complementary and not mutually exclusive. Nigeria is a country that is highly endowed with entrepreneurship opportunities. However, the realization of the full potential of these opportunities has been dampened by the adoption of inappropriate industrialization policies (Ebiringa, 2012). Poor implementation of strategies for integrating entrepreneurship education for entrepreneurship skills acquisition by would-be entrepreneurs, and general poor approaches to empowerment of entrepreneurs in the country also account for drawbacks in reaping from the numerous entrepreneurship opportunities in the country. Several policy interventions that were aimed at stimulating entrepreneurship development training and small and medium scale enterprise development based on technology transfer have failed to achieve the desired goals as it lead to most indigenous entrepreneurs becoming distribution agents of finished imported products as oppose to building local based entrepreneurial capacity for manufacturing, mechanized agriculture and expert services (Ebiringa, 2012). The less-explored areas of telecommunication, transportation, tourism, hospitality, entertainment, food processing, textiles, and numerous crafts etc. has a high probability of success, hence, the need for concerted effort by government and organized private sector to create the enabling environment to support manpower training for entrepreneurship through entrepreneurship development for exploration of opportunities in these areas. Furthermore, the need for enhancement by the government through support initiatives to entrepreneurs (both practicing and emerging ones) and enactment of law and order that promotes freedom and flexibility of doing business. This chapter aim to discuss how entrepreneurship skill acquisition through entrepreneurship education can enhance sustainable development in Nigeria. Since development of entrepreneurs is mainly obtained through entrepreneurship education in formal institutions of learning, non-formalized entrepreneurship training, life experiences and entrepreneurial empowerments. ϲϳ These issues are discussed in line with the challenges and the impact so far on the economy through establishment of small and medium enterprises (SMEs). Recommendations were made for the way forward towards actualization of better entrepreneurship development for entrepreneurship skill acquisition which will foster emergence of fully skilled and equipped entrepreneurs for exploration and exploitation of the economy for rapid growth and sustainable development in Nigeria. Conceptual Review Entrepreneurship: Entrepreneurship has been defined by many scholars and is seen in all ramifications to embrace ability to identify business opportunity, gather human, financial and other material resources to invest in the business opportunity despite the seeming risk, and work collaboratively with people to maximize profit. The practice of entrepreneurship is connected with the innovative modern industrial business leaders. According to Suleiman (2006), entrepreneurship is the willingness and the ability of an individual to seek for investment opportunities, to establish and to run an enterprise successfully. This conceptualization is in line with that of Nwangwu (2006) who sees entrepreneurship as the willingness and the ability of an individual or a firm or an organization to identify an environmental change and exploit such an opportunity to produce goods and services for public consumption. This seems to broaden the scope of who carry out the responsibility of entrepreneur from an individual to group. In the words of Dangote as stated by Odjegba (2005), entrepreneurship is built on vision, focus and determination. It is built on standards management practices, enabling environment, access to funds etc. According to Unachukwu (2009), the concept of entrepreneurship is associated with a number of activities, they are: • The ability to create and build something from nothing. • The ability of having a vision matched with focus and determination of building an enterprise. • The skills for seeing an opportunity where others fail to do so. ϲϴ • The ability to build a working team to complement your own talents and efforts. • The ability to aggregate, marshal and control resources judiciously. • The willingness and ability of innovativeness and creativity • The willingness to undertake personal and financial risks. • The ability to engage in activities despite all odds and in fact surmounting these odds and possibly turn them into your own favours. From the above, it could be collaborated that entrepreneurship goes beyond being smart and quick to apprehend, but ability to identify and apprehend opportunities, apply possible tricks, individually and collectively to thrive despite possible arising difficulties. According to Udochukwu in Iheonunekwu (2003), three definitions of entrepreneurship are relevant to the development situation not only in Nigeria but also in other African countries; firstly, entrepreneurship refers to the attitude, skills and actions of an individual or individuals starting a new business. An individual, private entrepreneur is a creative person and a risk bearer who is good at, recognizing opportunity, analyzing it, making a decision to act upon it, marshaling necessary resources, and implementing a programme leading to a new enterprise formation and profit making. Even though the business may be small, he or she needs from a managerial skills viewpoint: analytical thinking, marketing, accounting, finance, and manufacturing, etc. The second definition recognizes that large corporate bodies can also be entrepreneurial by their management styles and initiatives. This is sometimes referred to as “intra-preneurship” because the senior management of the organization cannot always create the physiognomies usually found in small firms, in terms of informality, close communication, and mutual support. Individuals in the organization will be developed to be quick in identifying and capitalizing on opportunities in favour of the organization. Such people will be required to conceptualize change before others can. The third definition considers a whole nation as being entrepreneurial. It is managed to the extent that its economic, social, legal and total policy environment enables individuals and corporate bodies to more easily recognize and take risks to exploit opportunities at home and abroad. The concept of entrepreneurship is however, concerned with individual or group and their willingness and ability to recognize and pursue business ϲϵ opportunities with collaboration of others for profit making. It will require embarking on business activities capable of converting such opportunity to monetary gain irrespective of arising risks. These activities must involve someone who is an entrepreneur and enabling environment. An Entrepreneur: Having seen some scholarly reviews on the concept of entrepreneurship, it is pertinent to discuss who an entrepreneur is. An entrepreneur is a person who possesses the ability to recognize and evaluate business opportunities, assemble the necessary resources to take advantage of them and take appropriate action to succeed (Meredith, 1983). As coined by Unachukwu (1992), an entrepreneur is a person or group of persons, who initiates business, organizes, controls, and combine other factors of production, directs the process of production and bears all the attendant risks. An entrepreneur in this context is an innovating individual who has developed an ongoing business activity where none existed before. An entrepreneur can be seen as a person or persons who possess the ability to recognize and evaluate business opportunities, assemble the necessary resources to take advantage of them and take appropriate action to ensure success. An entrepreneur constantly discovers new markets and tries to figure out how to supply those markets efficiently and maximize profit. An entrepreneur searches for change, responds to change, and exploits change by converting change into business opportunity. Thus, entrepreneurship is the process of bringing together creative and innovative ideas, coupled with management and organizational skills in order to combine human and material resources toward accomplishing pre-determined goals (Ololube, Uriah & Dudafa, 2014). The above definitions show that an entrepreneur is a creative person who is ready to bear all forms of risks associated with an enterprise. Be it production, sales of goods, and other services. He collaborate with others to organize work, make decisions, find customers to ensure survival of the business enterprise and handles other diverse activities at the same time to ensure the survival and profit maximization of the enterprise. It can therefore simply say that an entrepreneur is any person or group of persons who identifies business opportunities, initiate the business, use scarce resources at his disposal, and work collaboratively with others in most beneficial way to make profits and sustain the business venture. It ϳϬ is mostly driven by ability of the individual or group to exercise skills they acquire through teachings and life experiences of entrepreneurship which is accounted by ability to identify opportunity, venture into the business with help of others, irrespective of the risk. Iheonunekwu (2003), identified three types of entrepreneurs, they are: • The individual as an entrepreneur: It deals with person or individual that solely identifies business opportunity and takes upon himself to invest and bear the consequential risk. He acquires other means of production and harnesses them in order to make profit. The individual assumes the duties of the chief executive which provides planning, organizing, coordinating and general control. • Corporate bodies as an entrepreneur: They are registered companies who ventured into businesses by combining other means of production for profit making. They are legal entities who can sue and can be sued and also has the right of succession. The liabilities of its members are limited to the extent of their capital contributions. • Government as an entrepreneur: Government is known to have assumed the role of entrepreneurs by going into certain businesses in order to accelerate the rate of economic growth. In Nigeria, government is involved in different types of enterprise, ranging from transportation, manufacturing, banking, whole selling, and other service. Reasons may be of capital intensive nature of some investments which individuals cannot afford or be reluctant to invest in though some of these services may be essential. Governments also go into investment for more employment creation for the citizens. Entrepreneurship Development According to the evaluation report of United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) (1999), entrepreneurship development refers to the process of enhancing entrepreneurial skills and knowledge through structured training and institution-building programmes. Furthermore the report state that entrepreneurship development aims to enlarge the base of entrepreneurs in order to hasten the pace at which new ventures are created, it accelerates employment generation and economic development. In trying to establish distinction between entrepreneurship development and small and medium enterprise development, ϳϭ the UNDP (1999) document states that the former focuses on individual who wishes to start or expand a business while the latter focuses on developing the enterprise, whether or not it employs or is led by individual who can be considered entrepreneurial. Entrepreneurship development concentrates more on growth potential and innovation. Iheonunekwu (2003) posited that entrepreneurship development is a programme of human capital development; requirement for instilling, and preserving entrepreneurial climate in an economy. Entrepreneurship development programme may be described as programme of integrating interactive development inputs aimed at increasing the supply of adequately trained entrepreneurs who are motivated to make a success out of their business venture. From the foregoing, entrepreneurship development can be seen as inculcating entrepreneurship attitude in individual to become a successful entrepreneur. It will involve the training of individuals’ mind, skill development and inducing willingness in them to be business owners and developers through some structured learning process. The training will seek to equip the individual with, ability to for-see opportunity before others, good communication/marketing skills, innovativeness, leadership ability, willingness to risk resources at his disposal for investment and work collaboratively with people to make gain. According to Iheonunekwu (2003), education, training, and experience can increase the supply of entrepreneurs by making available more skills, which are suitable for entrepreneurial endeavours. Thus, entrepreneurship development can occur in the following ways: Entrepreneurship Education in Formal Institutions Raposo and Paco (2011) states that entrepreneurship education is not just about teaching someone to run a business, it is also about encouraging creative thinking and promoting a strong sense of self-worth and empowerment. Entrepreneurship education as often said includes teaching and learning of entrepreneurship in formalized institutions. It involves training of students to be potential entrepreneurs. Through entrepreneurship education, students learn a lot more. The core knowledge created through entrepreneurship education includes: • The ability to recognize opportunities in ones’ life ϳϮ • The ability to pursue opportunities, by generating new ideas and found the needed resources. • The ability to think in critical manner • The ability to establish and operate a new firm, work with people to achieve goals • Risk bearing and management, etc. Besides knowledge and skills in business and entrepreneurship education is mainly about the development of certain beliefs, values and attitudes, with the aim to get students to really consider entrepreneurship as an attractive and valid alternative to paid employment or unemployment (Ololube et al., 2014). Bechard and Toulouse (1998) sees entrepreneurship education as a collection of formalized teachings that informs, trains, and educate anyone interested in business creation or small business development. For Unachukwu (2009), it means different things at different levels of education. At primary and secondary school level, the aim is mainly to create awareness for a career option and thus serves to boost entrepreneurship attitude and intentions. It however serves as a vehicle for the development of academic skills and emphasis on the importance of school subjects. At the tertiary level, it is perceived not only as a career opportunity, but as a way of upgrading young persons’ abilities and skills to succeed as an employee and as entrepreneur. The implication therefore is that the overall purpose of entrepreneurship education is the development of expertise in doing business. It is the process of providing individuals with the ability to recognize business opportunities, the insight, zeal, knowledge, courage and skills to act on them. According to Paul in Ojeifo (2012), entrepreneurship education is structured to achieve the following objectives: • To offer functional educational education for the youth that will enable them to be self-employed and self-reliant; • Provide the youth graduates with adequate training that will enable them to be creative and innovative in identifying novel business opportunities; • To serve as a catalyst for economic growth and development; • Offer tertiary institution graduates with adequate training in risk management, to make certain bearing feasible; • To reduce high rule of poverty; ϳϯ • Create employment generation; • Reduction in rural-urban migration; • Provide the young graduates with enough training and support that will enable them to establish a career in small and medium sized businesses; • To inculcate the spirit of perseverance in the youths and the adults which will enable them to persist in any business venture they embark on and • Create smooth transition from traditional to a modern industrial economy. The relevance of entrepreneurship education cannot be overlooked, therefore its incorporation into school curriculum is a welcome development towards building a better Nigeria that is poverty free and employment sumptuous, which is geared towards socio-economic standardization. Non-formalized Training Entrepreneurship training here is different from formal entrepreneurship education students receive in schools. It refers to entrepreneurship programmes organized in a non-formal setting. It can be organized by government agencies, NGOs, private groups or individuals and other community development agents, to empower individuals that are not in formal education whom might not have the opportunity to benefit from formal entrepreneurship education. The main target populace for this training is the rural populace, out-of school children, disadvantaged, talented, and those that formal education is less significant to after some certain level (both in urban and rural areas). The training should constitute range of designed programmes in certain duration to expose the trainees on craftsmanship, opportunity identification, rational thinking, fund sourcing, investment and team work as well as other managerial function skills to enhance them run and develop their businesses, as well as ability to train others. The aims and objectives of the training will seek to pursue that commensurate with objectives of entrepreneurship education in formal setting. Apprenticeship/Experience This is another form of entrepreneurship development that has to deal with bringing the learner in practical contact with the business/artisan in question in the enterprise. This is done irrespective of the trainee educational background or ϳϰ previous experience. The entrepreneurship skill is acquired as a result of interaction with the entrepreneurial environment over time and working with an entrepreneur. Since experience is one of the best ways of knowledge/skill acquisition, an individual stands a chance of getting mastery of entrepreneurship skills and can enable them start up their own business when they identify opportunity. On the other hand, live experience i.e. meeting one-on-one or internship by trainee entrepreneurs (both in formal and non-formal setting) with already established entrepreneurs or using entrepreneurs as tutors will enhance more appreciation of the training by the trainees and enable them see need of being independent and also have idea of rate of economic return in private business. Entrepreneurship development can also be seen in terms of creating enabling environment that favours business establishment for thriving of economy of the country. It can be in form of government enactment of favourable entrepreneurship policies, empowerment of citizenry through programmes and initiatives that support entrepreneurship, and so on. Entrepreneurship Empowerment and Growth of Enterprise for Economic Development The major aim of entrepreneurship development is to equip individuals for investment i.e. small and medium enterprise formation, for job and wealth creation which enhances overall growth and development of the economy. Fundamentally, the Nigerian government promotes entrepreneurial culture through initiatives that build business confidence, positive attitude and pride in success. It also support and encourage new ideas, social responsibility, technological support, encouraging inter-firm linkages and promotion of research and development. More so, enactment and maintaining laws and order and the freedom to do business is a good effort towards creating enabling environment for entrepreneurs to practice. Incorporation of entrepreneurship education into higher education curriculum in the early 2000s is another government good determination towards entrepreneurship development and emergence of entrepreneurs in the country. This is all geared towards creating the impetus for economic growth and development through establishment of businesses and industries by the entrepreneurs. ϳϱ Having created enhanced atmosphere for enterprise formation by the government, the following trends are suggested for small or medium enterprise formation: 1. Identifying business opportunity 2. Selecting a right business opportunity most suitable for you, place and time. 3. Survey of availability of such businesses in other places and their progress or failure. 4. Carry out feasibility study and develop your feasibility report. Feasibility report will help you to determine whether you carry out your business intention profitably. According to Ifechukwu (1992), feasibility report tells you whether a business plan will succeed or fail. The feasibility report according to Iheonunekwu (2003) features as follows: • The product • The market for the product • The management team • The production process • The marketing plan • Manpower requirements • Estimated capital expenditure • Estimated working capital • Cash budget • Projected income statement • Projected balance sheet • Profitability analysis These analyses will help you to decide whether to go ahead and invest or to decline and take alternate action. If your analysis is positive you now proceed to: • Investment: acquire and harness other factors of production • Start production process/sales ϳϲ • Implement your marketing plan • Periodic evaluation: to determine whether the business is profitable or not or at breakeven point • Continue or withdraw • If continued, further consultations and expansion of the business. Starting up SME is relevant to both the individual and national economy. It offer one the opportunity of building successful business locally and/ or internationally and accord opportunities for big earnings and enhances independence of the individual. To the national economy, it helps to mobilize and utilize domestic savings and dormant resources, and through business activities of entrepreneurs, earn returns to the government treasury in form of Value Added Tax, corporate Tax, Personal Income Tax and other levies. According to Ebiringa (2012), the difference in economic growth rates of countries of the world is largely due to the quality of entrepreneurs in those countries. According to him, production factor of land, labour and capital are said to be dormant or indolent without the entrepreneur who organizes them for productive ventures. Setting up enterprises in Nigeria is bound to essentially result in increased production, employment of labour, stimulation of export for foreign earnings and will contribute significantly to growth of gross domestic product (GDP) of the country. Challenges of Entrepreneurship Development in Nigeria Challenges of entrepreneurship development are those barriers or obstacles to effective carrying out of programmes and procedures required to develop entrepreneurs in the country. They are factors that impede the formulation and implementation of programmes required for manpower development for entrepreneurship. It can also see in terms of barriers that hinder entrepreneurs to form and develop enterprise which is the main aim of entrepreneurship development. Some of the challenges of entrepreneurship development in Nigeria are as follows; ϳϳ Finance: Entrepreneurship education and training does not end in theories, it requires empowerment and practical approach. The need to hire trainer expatriates calls for adequate funding of the programme. Also provision of equipment to be used for the training requires fund and when these equipment are not there the trainees may end up learning in theories without actually knowing how to do it especially when it involves craftsmanship and production. Also inadequate fund and high rate of borrowing from financial institutions which is accompanied by demand for huge collateral commensurate or more than the borrowed fund which the youth might not have access to, has constituted critical bottleneck to entrepreneurship development. Youths and school aged persons who are trained or trainee entrepreneurs might not have money to invest and develop an enterprise. Even the little that can be generated through personal savings and friends may be largely inadequate in the face of high cost of living and poverty. It should be noted that, even in the face of numerous opportunities and good entrepreneurship skills, “if there is no money, whatever that is your innovation will not work”. Hence, the trained or trainee entrepreneurs cannot develop in practice. The budgetary allocations that are available to the education sector in Nigeria are nothing to write home about. Funds provided for education management and planning is too small for proper planning to take place. The condition of the sector remains a thing of concern. Under-funding and systemic corruption makes the matter worse. The insufficient funding of education sector stands as one of the major factors working against effective management, planning and implementation of entrepreneurial education programmes (Ololube et al., 2014). Entrepreneurial Attitude: Attitude of individuals towards engaging in some certain types of businesses poses a great challenge to entrepreneurship development and practices in Nigeria. According to Unachukwu (2009), the wealth, resources and rich endowments of mineral resources of Nigeria have largely allowed the Nigerian populace and even the government to be complacent. This is seen especially in Niger-Delta regions where oil explorations are being carried out. The youths ϳϴ barely rely on compensations from government and oil companies and are reluctant to carry out any business. Government recent attempt to develop back agricultural sector as alternate source of revenue is yet to create reasonable impact. Another fact to note here is ego or pride or shyness in engaging in some certain type of business by individuals, notwithstanding the prospected income and impact of the business. Family Challenges: There is often great pressure from some Nigerian parents who prefer their children making money in short term over long term benefit of education and trainings. This makes it difficult for youths from such families to devote amount of required time for training in entrepreneurship. This also accounts for high rate of child labour, age-labourers, without any entrepreneurship skills. Also family economic status quo might not be favourable for parents to carter for their children training and education charges, hence the need for societal intervention. Technological and Infrastructural Challenge: In the face of modern technologies, there is need for acquisition and utilization of computer based entrepreneurship education. High cost of these resources and ability to adapt to their usage constitute a critical challenge to entrepreneurship development. For example, online orders, marketing and sales, requires use of computer and internet facilities. Development of plat forms (web sites), hosting and subscriptions, requires relatively huge sum beyond affordability of many young entrepreneurs. Also inability to use them effectively as manpower for ICT based entrepreneurship training is seriously lacking in most Nigerian universities and other localities. Lack of good road networks, unstable power supply, limited access to information and data, inadequate water supply, all constituted challenges to entrepreneurship development. Lack of power supply makes some training and even investment impracticable. Using alternate power supply like generators will increase cost of training for trainee or production for entrepreneur and leads to high input and limited profits and may cause the establishment noninteresting. The entrepreneur may pack up after some time of only break-even or loss. ϳϵ Low Level Research: Entrepreneurship knowledge in Nigeria is not yet comparable with that of the western world who are role models in industrialization due to low level of research in entrepreneurship. This hinders level of exposure and knowledge of our entrepreneurs and prospective ones, hence low innovations and development of enterprise especially in technological based production and services could not make a significant impact as supposed in the country. Socio-politico Factors: Number of social and political factors challenge entrepreneurship development and practice in Nigeria. In many parts of the country, youths instead of using their skills in enterprise development and inspiring young ones to be entrepreneurs, they engage in social vices for money making. For example, recent baby industries, vandalism, kidnapping, armed robbery, prostitution, etc. Also non participation of members of the society in running entrepreneurship development centers impedes on its development. Political factors are; low level allocation to education, political and bureaucratic corruption, business policies, example, taxation policy or cost and procedures of registering a company, may make or hinder entrepreneurship development. Other obstacles to entrepreneurship development and practices in Nigeria in the view of Ojeifo (2012) are: • Rampant political and bureaucratic corruption with the absence of social consensus on important macro-economic policy issue; • Poor access to vocational and skills-development training for rural and urban youths involved in informal economy; • Absence of regulatory mechanism for effective oversight of enterprise development initiatives, especially those in SME space; • The presence of administrative and trade barriers that curtail capacity building and inhibit access to technical support; • Significant infrastructural deficit (especially with regard to roads and electricity) and systematic irregularities inimical to small businesses; • Absence of pro-active regulatory environment that encourages innovative enterprise development at the grass root level and • Access to capital. ϴϬ These challenges needs to be surmounted through strategies for effective entrepreneurship development which will enhance emergence of well trained and empowered entrepreneurs to practice, which will have significant impact on the country’s economy. Opportunities of Entrepreneurship Development in Nigeria Human talent is the single most important productive factor in todays’ knowledge economy. Focusing on the development of a skilled workforce and the expansion of human capacities through high quality system of entrepreneurship education, training, skill acquisition and life-long learning is important for helping youths and graduates find good jobs and enterprises to find the skilled workers they want (Ojeifo, 2012). This will put the entrepreneur at highly competitive advantage of business ownership, job creation and more chances of securing jobs as they will be highly skilled as opposed to present unemployable graduates that flood the labour market as job seekers. Developing a policy framework for youth entrepreneurship education in Nigeria which seems to boost opportunities for entrepreneurship development saw the birth of the National Directorate of Employment (NDE) in 1986, and the Work for Yourself Programme (WFYP) in 1987. Both programmes were joint programmes for training and financial support to entrepreneurs. The NDE was however more extensive and included three core programmes namely: the Youth Employment and Vocational Skills Development Programme; the Agricultural Programmes, and the Small Scale Industries and Graduate Employment Scheme. They were charged with a number of responsibilities, which includes: • To create employment opportunities and thereby reduce unemployment among youths and university graduates in the country; • To provide an enabling atmosphere for self-reliance and • To foster entrepreneurship Both the NDE and WFYP made impressions on the economy as they were able to empower young graduates in the task of job and wealth creation through entrepreneurial thinking. ϴϭ However, the youths were also confronted with the problem of nonpossession of sound knowledge of entrepreneurship. In an effort to curb this, the NDE introduced the Entrepreneurship Development Programme (EDP) which has as its principal function the offering of functional education to the youths to enable them to be self- employed and self-reliant. This marked the beginning of policy statements encouraging the teaching of entrepreneurship education in Nigeria. These efforts notwithstanding the problem of graduate unemployment continued to soar high and constituted a major problem in the country. In order to further address this issue, the Federal Government of Nigeria launched the National Economic Empowerment and Development Strategy (NEEDS) with the vision of equipping youths with various skills to make them self- reliant and consequently abridge poverty in the country. In order to realize this vision, NEEDS focused on four key strategies: namely; re-orienting values, reducing poverty, creating wealth and generating employment (National Planning Commission, (NPC) 2005). To ensure co-ordination, it was matched with endorsement by states as well as a commitment to the development of State Economic Empowerment Strategy (SEEDS) (NPC, 2005). The inter trade facilitations by Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), multi-lateral and bi-lateral relations Nigeria engages with other countries provides a vast opportunity at international level for entrepreneurial opportunities and practices. Government introduction of some empowerment initiatives like, Youth Enterprise With Innovation in Nigeria (YOUWIN) programme is another stride in enhancing opportunities for entrepreneurship development and practices. This programme was launched in 3rd September 2012, by President Goodluck Jonathan to reward outstanding creative performance among young entrepreneurs. Recent introduction of entrepreneurship education as a compulsory course in the curriculum of Universities in Nigeria is another great effort of the government towards entrepreneurship development, the aim was to challenge and equip graduates with entrepreneurial skills. While the progress is impressive, it is still quite limited. A vast majority of young graduates and trainee entrepreneurs still cannot easily access needed resources. In order to achieve viable entrepreneurship that will enhance sustainable development in Nigeria, the following strategies, according to Ayodele in Ojeifo (2012), will help to alleviate the problems of entrepreneurship education in the country: ϴϮ • There should be some form of genuine school work-based learning incorporated in some studies as part of the national economic development strategies. The development of apprenticeship scheme will give new graduates some work skill and experience; • Pool local public and private funds to create a small nature capital fund; • School based enterprises where students identify potential business, plan, create and operate small business using the school as mini-incubator; • Provide small business schools where interested students and community members can participate; • Develop entrepreneurship internship programme matching students with locally successful entrepreneurs with clearly established education programmes; • Establishing an enterprise college aimed at fostering the specific skills set required for entrepreneurship, to serve as skill acquisition centers for the youths; • Creating an economic friendly political environment and • Improving on the government taxation on small scale businesses. Effective entrepreneurship development through education, non-formalized trainings, experience, growth of enterprise, can be seen as collective responsibility of the government and the citizenry. Hence the entrepreneurs can reap from the following suggested investment opportunities: • Raw material processing • Telecommunication • Information communication technology (ICT) • Transportation • Fashion and designing • Online trades • Food supplement • Finance • Agriculture • Entertainment • Manufacturing ϴϯ • Engineering • Education • Medicine, and so on. Exclusive Roles of Educational Institutions in Entrepreneurship Development Nigerian educational systems are charged with the responsibility of producing competent and well learned graduates that can compete favourably with their counterparts anywhere in the world, and university management is charged with the duty of ensuring sustainable national development through innovation and entrepreneurial curiosity, because universities has and still have serious implication on national development (Ololube, et al., 2014) However, societal expectation is that educational institutions will “do everything” since its major business is social transformation, and human capital development. To this extent, educational planners and administrators will ensure effective implementation of entrepreneurship education curriculum at all levels of education. They have to provide manpower training for entrepreneurship facilitators which will enhance effective entrepreneurship education integration. This can be done through workshops, conferences, in-service training, entrepreneurship practices, etc. They should also make the school to be entrepreneur itself by embarking on some investments and production which will be done through students and this will enhance practical experience and promote students interest. Negotiating with already established entrepreneurs and partner with them for students internship and also hire them as facilitators from time to time will encourage face to face contact of students with established entrepreneurs which will enable them to appreciate the subject matter not in theories but in practice. There should be some empowerment packages provided for particular number of students whose performance and innovations are outstanding within a period which will be spearheaded by institutional heads and educational stakeholders. This will increase competitive participation and performances of students. They should also extend their roles to outside-school trainee entrepreneurs, through effective school-community relations. ϴϰ Conclusion This chapter has presented entrepreneurship education and skill acquisition as machinery for entrepreneurship practices for sustainable development in Nigeria, alongside with the inherent challenges of entrepreneurship development in the country. It is observed that entrepreneurship development is the function of entrepreneurship education, training, experience and practice. Entrepreneurship development enhance emergence of skilled entrepreneurs for economy through inculcation of spirit of innovativeness, rationality, opportunity identification ability, ability to take and manage risk, ability to manage and develop enterprise and ability to work with others for goal attainment. The ability to train and empower skilled entrepreneurs leads to economic growth. Wealth creation, poverty reduction, employment creation, innovations in science and technology, accounts for economic growth and development of a nation are all outcomes of effective entrepreneurial practices. For these reasons, government has embarked on some policies and initiatives to ensure that Nigeria move from status quo of underdeveloped to one of the world leading economies. Among these initiatives are: • Establishment of national directorate of employment (NDE), work for yourself programme (WFYP), entrepreneurship development centers (EDC), etc., with each charged with diverse responsibilities towards entrepreneurship development and empowerment; • Inclusion of entrepreneurship education as part of tertiary institution curriculum; • Attraction of international technical support assistance in SME formation, for example from, UNDP, USAID, etc.; • Loans and support scheme for SMEs and • Reward for outstanding innovations, for example, YOUWIN. And so on. Recommendations Having created entrepreneurship enhanced atmosphere in the country, and the high reaching impact is yet to be felt, it is therefore recommended as follows: ϴϱ • Entrepreneurship schools should be established in cities and localities by both the government and private sector. The programme should be structured to reflect full entrepreneurship, other than business school. Education here should be absolutely free, or with reasonable subsidization from the government. This will enhance more enrolments other than relying on present Universal Tertiary Matriculation Examination (UTME) admission slots, of which those who are not opportune will not benefit from entrepreneurship education already introduced in the school curriculum. Also youths of low intelligent quotient who have less interest in schools will find this school interesting. • Adequate fund should be provided by the government at all levels for manpower mobilization for entrepreneurship education and training, procurement of needed equipment and facilities for training, and for empowerment of trained entrepreneurs to practice. • There should be enactment and enforcement of some favourable entrepreneurship policies, like low taxation on new businesses, easy business registration with Corporate Affairs Commission (CAC), ageloans with low interest rate and collateral free from banks and other financial institutions. • Learners and trainee entrepreneurs should be made to come in contact with some leading entrepreneurs in the society from time to time. This will enhance high appreciation of the practice. • Schools should develop manpower or hire Information and Communication Technology (ICT) expatriates to teach students computer and internet based businesses, since such manpower are seriously lacking in many Nigerian universities and other localities. The present globalization age requires high ICT literacy to key in to businesses worldwide which can only be actualize through development of prospective and practicing entrepreneurs in ICT, and moreover, the world is moving totally from analog way of task achievement to digital. • Adequate infrastructural development will enhance entrepreneurship development to a large extent. The government should try as much as possible to avoid political and bureaucratic corruption and ensure that the resources are allocated and utilized effectively. ϴϲ When most of these are applied, it will help to reduce unemployment and numerous social vices. The country’s economy will be great and develop significantly, ushering the country to status of advanced country to truly reflect the attributes as the acclaimed giant of Africa. References Bechard, J. P., & Tolulouse, J. M. (1998). Validation of a didactic model for the analysis of training objectives in entrepreneurship. Journal of business venturing, 13(4), 317-332. Ebiringa, T. (2012). Prospective: Entrepreneurship development and growth of enterprise in Nigeria. Entrepreneurial practice review, 2(2), 31-35. Iheonunekwu, S. (2003). Entrepreneurship, theory & practice. Owerri: Crown publishers. Meredith, O. (1983). The practice of entrepreneurship. Geneva: International Labour Office. Nwangwu, I. O. (2006). Fundamentals of entrepreneurship in educational management. Enugu: Cheston Agency. Odjegba, E. (2005). Building Nigeria’s entrepreneurship: What stakeholders say about essential ingredient. Sunday Vanguard, July 3. Ojeifo, S. A. (2012). Entrepreneurship education in Nigeria. Journal of education and practice, 3(14), 78-82. Ololube, N. P., Uriah,O. A., & Dudafa, U. J. (2014). The Role of University Management in Sustainable National Development through Innovation and Entrepreneurial Nosiness. International Journal of Educational Foundations and Management, 2(1), 13-24. Raposo, M., & Do Paco, A. (2011). Entrepreneurship education: Relationship between education and entrepreneurial activity. Psicothema, 23(3), 453456. Suleiman, A. S. (2006). The business entrepreneur: Entrepreneurial development: Smalland medium enterprises, (2nd Ed.). Kaduna: Entrepreneurship academy publishing. Unachukwu, G. O. (1992). Modern economics for senior secondary schools, book 1.Nsukka: Hallman. ϴϳ Unachukwu, G. O. (2009). Issues and challenges in the development of entrepreneurship education in Nigeria. African research review: An international multi-disciplinary journal Ethiopia, 3(5), 213-224. United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs Division for Social Policy and Development (2013). Online survey on promoting empowerment of people in achieving poverty eradication, social integration and full employment integration and full employment and decent work for all. Retrieved online from www.un.org/esa/socdev/publications/FullSurveyEmpowerment.pdf United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) (1999). Essentials, synthesis of lesson learned, entrepreneurship development. Evaluation office, no. 2. Retrieved on 3rd May 2014 www.UNDP.ORG/EO. ϴϴ CHAPTER FOUR Human Security as a Strategy for Achieving National Security and Sustainable Development in Nigeria Benson Udoms; Ofonmbuk Atakpa & Nsikanabasi Wilson Abstract Notwithstanding the numerous resources Nigeria is endowed with, and the various institutional provisions and policies formulated to achieve national security, the country is still bedeviled with insecurity. The various security challenges of Nigeria are measured through the lenses of vices such as Boko Haram, Niger Delta militancy, kidnapping, political thuggery, armed robbery, social and economic inequality, culture of violence, among others. The search for solutions for the above eludes Nigeria. The chapter examines the nexus between national security and sustainable development and proposes that to achieve national security and development, there is a need to work for and achieve human security exemplified through the individuals’ economic, political, personal, health security etc. Based on the findings, the chapter among others recommends that government takes a holistic approach towards the welfare of the people through policies that provide for socio-economic and political freedoms of the people; a committed, patriotic and dedicated leadership that provides good governance where accountability, transparency and people’s participation is the bulwark against insecurity; there is a strong need to strengthen the institutions and agencies of government as well as the political will of the state to fight the ills that threaten the security of individuals such as corruption, poverty, social injustice, socio-economic marginalization of citizens among others. When this is done, the state will experience national security which will be a catalyst for the attainment of sustainable development. Introduction Nigeria and indeed other states are passing through the worst of times in terms of security and development issues. It is fashionable to attribute lack of development in Nigeria to the prolonged period of military dictatorship. ϴϵ Ironically fifteen years of unbroken civilian rule in Nigeria has not impacted positively on the security and development indices. Political thuggery, and its attendant violence, kidnapping for monetary ransom, terrorism, militancy and other criminal vices tend to be on the rise in Nigeria and at the detriment of development (see Ojukwu, 2011 and Mejabi, 2011). Insecurity in Nigeria has become a household word and one of the greatest menaces of our time. The peak of insecurity is demonstrable with some major experiences: the adoption of over 200 teenage school girls in Chibok, Borno State since 14 April 2014 which has attracted international attention; twice, the Nyanya (a suburb of Abuja, Federal Capital Territory of Nigeria) motor park had come under heavy bombing with huge loss of lives; the bombing of the United Nations (UN) building in Abuja in 2010; the independence day bombing of the Eagle Square, Abuja on 1st October 2012; the midnight massacre/slaughter of Polytechnic Students in Mubi Town, Adamawa State in 2012; the frequent ambush and slaughter of security operatives especially in the North-Eastern part of the country are to say the least new but scaring experiences in Nigeria. Insecurity has taken a great toll on the socio-economic development of Nigeria. Some companies had either shut down operations in Nigeria or relocated from areas of great vulnerability. Investors dread conflict prone zones due to the risky nature of investing in such areas. Why is insecurity so prevalent in Nigeria? Is there a relationship between security and development? The central thesis and direction of this chapter is that human security is the foundation for achieving national security and sustainable development. No amount of guns or military approach can lead to national security and hence development if the individual socio-economic and political security in not achieved. National security and development becomes a mirage in the face of political oppression and exclusion, chronic social and economic inequality, malnutrition, hunger etc. as these provide a festering ground and fodder for social conflicts as well as make the people susceptible to negative manipulations. On its own, social and economic inequality manifesting in poverty is capable of leading to social vices such as kidnapping, armed robbery and sundry other crimes that are detrimental to the social stability of the state. The rest of the chapter is divided into five sections. The next section discusses human security, followed by the section on national security. The ϵϬ section following this treats sustainable development, the next discusses the nexus between human security, national security and sustainable development. The last section is the concluding remarks. Human Security Origin and Meaning: The concept of human security was popularised in 1994 by the Human Development Report of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). Acharya (2001) notes that the origin of the concept predates the demise of the cold war. He traced an important source of human security to the debates over the disarmament-development nexus to the various United Nations (UN) sponsored conferences commissioned to discuss the cold war arms race. Other medium that dedicated substantial energy to the discourse of human security include the Brandt Commission (1977), the Brundtland Commission (1987), and the commission on Global Governance (1992). The important point to note about these commissions is that their endeavours were instrumental to shifting the focus of security analysis from state to people-centred notion. Human security is therefore a people-centred approach as against the realist perspective or the traditional approach of security that is geared towards state security and consists purely of military approach. The Commission on Human Security (CHS) (2003) defines human security as an attempt to protect the vital parts of all human lives in ways that embrace human freedoms and human fulfillment. Human security means protecting fundamental freedoms that are the essence of life. It means creating political, social, environmental, economic, military and cultural systems that, together give people the building blocks of survival, livelihood and dignity. In a similar way Alkire (2003) contends that the objective of human security is to safeguard the virtues of all human lives from critical and pervasive threats, in a way that is consistent with long term human fulfillment. The UNDP notes that human security concerns the individual and his daily livelihood. Accordingly, it conceptualises human security to mean the protection of the individual from the threat of disease, hunger, unemployment, crime, social conflict, political repression and environmental hazards (UNDP, 1994). More specifically, the concept is a deviation from the dominant concerns of nation-states whose notion of security relates principally to the protection of ϵϭ the territory from external aggression or the protection of national interests in foreign policy formulation, or as international security from the threat of nuclear holocaust (UNDP, 1994). Human security is a revolution of the idea of security to man as the central factor. It concerns above all some central questions such as: can the people feed themselves? What happens to the jobs and other means of livelihood? Will the communities and man’s places be safe from crime? Will they be tortured by dictatorial state agents? Will they become victims because of their gender? Will their religion or ethnic origin target them for persecution? In the final analysis human security entails the security of people and hence nation- states without the use of military component. What this portends is sound policies that includes and cares for the peoples economic, political, social and environmental concerns. Features of Human Security: There are four important features of human security, viz: Human security is a universal concern: This suggests that human security is important to people in the developing as well as people in the industrialized countries. Although the intensity and response may vary certain threats are common to the people in the North and South of the world. These threats include: human rights violations, terrorism, drug-trafficking, pollution, unemployment, crime and a coterie of other life threatening menaces. The Interdependence of the Components of Human Security: The threat to security of the people in one part of the world has a domino (spill over) effect in other parts of the world. For instance the harmful effect of conflicts, terrorism, famine, drug trafficking, HIV/AIDS, etc. is not confined to any particular region but global in reach. The increasing inter-dependence of the world as a result of globalization and modern communication has also globalised threat. Human Security is People-Centred: It is related to how people live and conduct themselves in the society. It deals with how the people make choices, access to the economic opportunities, the way the people contribute to how political decisions are made, how they settle misunderstandings, etc. ϵϮ Human Security Ensures Prevention than Intervention: The concept of human security suggests prevention rather than intervention in the threats to people’s existence. It is quite easy to prevent threats such as diseases (malaria, HIV/AIDS, polio meningitis), conflicts etc. than intervene to stop them when they have already erupted. Little effort and fewer resources invested in education, awareness and enlightenment campaigns will do more good preventing violence that will arise from conflicts and wars, deaths from diseases, etc. (see UNDP, 1994). Components of Human Security The components of human security are grouped into seven categories, they include: • Economic security (assured basic income) • Food security (physical and economic access to food) • Health security (relative freedom from diseases and infections) • Environmental security (access to sanitary water supply, clean our and non-degraded land system). • Personal security (security from physical violence and threats). • Community security (security of cultural identity). • Political security (protection of basic rights and freedoms) (see UNDP, 1994; Acharya, 2001, Tsai, 2009). The seven components of human security is a springboard from the three pillars of human security identified by Annan (2005) as freedom from fears, freedom from work and freedom to live in dignity. Sources of Human Insecurity Conteh–Morgan (2005) among other contributions gave two important contributions to the discourse of human security. First, is his three tier analysis of human insecurity: Personal/Individual sources of insecurity: This includes harmful actions against people or property with visible and immediate consequences such as ϵϯ banditry, lootings, inters communal strife etc. This level of insecurity concerns all. However, the most vulnerable are women, children, and the aged. Institutional Sources of Insecurity which Embodies Harmful Action and Neglect of Institutions that Undermine Human Rights and Human Security Items in this category include but not limited to political oppression, state neglect, torture, state repression, corruption, military and paramilitary brutality, failure of social infrastructures, such as educational system, dilapidated road network, health facilities without necessary amenities, public servants with low morale, integrity and reputation etc. It is important to x-ray the institutional source of insecurity using two examples: the Niger Delta crisis and the Boko Haram insurgency in the Northern part of Nigeria. In the case of the Niger Delta Region (NDR), Jaja (2007, p. 183) captures the plight of the area in the following words: the underdevelopment of the Niger Delta as we have seen is a consequence of government direct neglect/unwillingness to initiate policies that would transform the lives of the people using their God given resources. The Niger Delta is thus a victim but this time not by foreigners but by their own Kith and Kin in government who plunder and exploit the area to develop other parts of the country while making excuses with the so called difficult terrain of the area. The point being made is that government action and in actions can constitute a source of insecurity which affects national security adversely. The restiveness in the Niger Delta is principally a reaction to the neglect of the region by the government and the multinational oil companies leading the militants to among others demand that the oil companies and government of the state should: • Provide full transparency on payments to government officials as demanded by global “Publish what you pay” campaign. • Accept financial responsibility for environmental damage caused by their past operations. • Implement international standard for environmental protection (see Jaja, 2007, p. 188). ϵϰ The above demands may have come as a result of the frustrated nature of the inhabitants and host of the treasures of the nation’s crude resources. According to Tell Magazine in Jaja (2007, p. 182) theirs is a society where they see money and yet live in penury. The unemployment situation there is scary and as such they have no jobs. Crude oil that they thought would bring them wealth has become a curse (p. 182). It is based on such issues as above that the Niger Delta militants had demanded for resource control. The consequences of this is manifold, ranging from the militarization of the region, a culture of violence and impunity, mercenary fighters, criminality and economic sabotage through disruption in production and illegal oil bunkering. The Tell Magazine of February 19, 2007 records that between August 2005 and January 2007 alone Nigeria lost 660,000 barrels of crude oil daily out of its 2.4 million barrels allocation from the organization of Petroleum Exporting Country (OPEC). The other institutional source of human insecurity as a result of government action/inactions is the case of Boko Haram Crisis. Ojukwu (2011) observed a relationship between the Boko Haram and governance deficit. Using the social conflict and frustration- Aggression theories he summits that one major cause of Boko Haram is lack of socio-economic and political development arising from lack of good leadership and hence absence of good governance leading to misplacement of priority by leaders of the state. Former Vice President of Nigeria, Alhaji Abubakar Atiku (2011) also captured the sources of insecurity in Nigeria tracing it to negligence by state apparatus. He observes that poor governance among other issues is the cause of rising wave of insecurity in Nigeria. What kind of society are we building when 80 percent of school age children in the North-East and some parts of NorthWest are not in school? Our energies should be channeled on what needs to be done urgently; enforce rules, value the people, show fairness and equity and assist and protect the most needy and vulnerable. Structural/cultural sources of human insecurity: This pertains to actions and consequences, which comes as a result of changes in mode of relations and productions in the society. Udoms and Ibiamu (2012) discussed this while analyzing the social condition of Nigerians in the era of globalization. Poverty, hunger, inequality, unemployment, decreasing life expectancy, infant mortality rates etc are examples of insecurity that fall under this category. ϵϱ The second contribution of Conteh-Morgan to the human security debate is his suggested panacea for human security at the personal, institutional and cultural/structural levels. These are posed in the following questions: • What is the underlying structure of privilege to the formation and conduct of domestic politics? • How is daily life affected by the historical construction of gender, class and culture, and their impact on individuals, institutions and structures? • What effect do the construction and reproduction of exploitative classes/power elite identities have on the theory and practice of human security? (Conteh- Morgan, 2005, pp. 71-72). National Security A starting point in discussing the concept of national security should begin with an analysis of the concept of security. Security: Ayoob (1999) divides the concept of security into two: • The realist or western view and • The third world or alternative view. The Realist or Western View The western notion of security is premised on two basic tenets: • That almost all threats to a nation’s security come from outside her territory. • That the threats referred to above are basically military in nature requiring military response (see Udoms, 2008, p. 26). According to Walter Lippman in Padelford and Lincoln (1967, p. 178), a nation is secured to the extent to which it is not in danger of having to sacrifice core values, if it wished to avoid war and is able if challenged to maintain them by victory in such a war. ϵϲ In a related view Arnold Wolfers in Akinyeye, 2001, p. 18) sees security in terms of the “military aspect of a nation’s goals, competition between satisfied and dissatisfied powers, strategic issues of super powers, alliance building processes, independence and sovereignty, civil- military relations, economic basis for strategic forces, conflict spots in international relations and problem of maintaining systematic balance”. Security from the perspective of the western view is aimed at combating external and internal military threats to the states interest. To combat those threats, nations take several steps including: establishment of armed forces, formulating domestic and foreign policies as well as formation of alliances and defence pacts to increase the defence range of the state and national interests. Third World View of Security The third world notion of security is seen in purely political dimension. It consists of internal as well as external variables that have the capacity to impact on the state, its boundaries, institutions or the survival of the governing regime. In other words these variables have the capacity to render the state weak in the pursuit of domestic and international politics. Imobighe (2001, p. 40) avers that security includes the whole range of human needs connoting freedom from or the elimination of threats to both the physical existence of the state and the ability to protect itself and providing for the welfare of all the people. The aptness and utility of the third world view of security is anchored on the fact that the bulk of the threat to the third world comes from within her territory. From whatever definition or explanation one views the concept, it is important to adopt the explanation given by Wehmier and Asby in Adebakin and Raimi (2012). They explain security to mean activities that ensure protection of a country, persons, properties of the community against future threats, dangers, and other forms of hazards. National security is amongst the key elements and priority areas in international relations. Ojukwu (2011) holds that national security is the capacity to control those domestic and foreign conditions, that the public opinion of a given community believes necessary to enjoy its own selfdetermination or autonomy, prosperity and wellbeing. It can be deduced from Ojukwu’s definition, that national security concerns the ability of a state to ϵϳ preserve its physical and territorial integrity while thriving to maintain sociopolitical and economic relations within the international community on terms that are not to the detriment of its citizens. It is in line with this that Yong (2001) sees national security as concerning the state’s protection of its territory and citizens from threats and dangers as well as preserving its core values. How do we relate national security to Nigeria, or what is the policy thrust of National Security in Nigeria? Ogbonnaya and Ehigiamusoe (2013) opine that national security as it relates to Nigeria is concerned with “protecting the lives and property of Nigerians, preserving her sovereignty, territoriality, and its economy and enhancing socio-cultural and political harmony”. These are objectives that are the core of any nation-state. These objectives are achieved through the use of total security. This embodies three elements: total defence, diplomacy and internal security. It need be recorded that for a better conception of national security it must be tied to the citizenry as the security of the individuals is the most important factor in the security of the state. According to Obasanjo (2002) Nigeria’s national security means the aggregate of the security interest of all the entities, individuals, communities and ethnic groups who live in Nigeria. The national security interest consist of strengthening Nigerian state, advancing her national interests and objectives, containment of instability, control of crime, elimination of corruption, enhancement of development, improvement of the welfare and well-being as well as the quality of life of every citizen (Karim & Albert 2011). This paper holds national security from a holistic fashion according to two scholars: Robert McNamara and Attahiru Jega. According to Mc Namara in Jega (2007), the security of any nation lies not solely or even primarily in its military capability but equally in development stable patterns of economic and political growth. Jega (2007) conceptualizes national security objectives to include the protection and defence of the country’s territorial integrity, promotion of peaceful co-existence in the polity, containing/ eliminating threats to internal security, ensuring systemic stability and bringing about sustainable and equitable socio-economic development. ϵϴ National Security Agencies in Nigeria The National Security agencies in Nigeria according to the National Security Agencies Act (2012) comprises: the Defence intelligence Agency, the National Intelligence Agency and the State Security Service. Several agencies including, the military, police, Department of State Services, (SSS), the Customs & Excise, the Immigration Service, the Prisons, the Civil Defence Corps etc are involved in various degrees of security of the country. Threats/Challenges to National Security Briggs (1988, p. 36) defines threats as “anything that constitutes a source of danger to the country’s territory, the lives of its people, its political and economic systems, and its sovereignty. In the same vein Imobighe (1990, 2001) sees threats to the nation-state as anything that undermines the security of the nation or anything that poses danger to the survival of the nation as a corporate entity. Threats to Nigeria’s National Security fall under two categories: internal and external. At the external level threats to Nigeria’s security include according to Benson Udoms (2008) the conflicts in West African sub-region as these increase availability of small arms and light weapons (SALW), mercenary soldiers who are ready to fight for a fee, refugees, illegal immigrants into the country etc. While the external sources should not be neglected, the real threat to Nigeria’s security emanates from within. The internal threats to Nigeria’s National Security include militancy, Boko Haram insurgency, bad governance, corruption, political and religious intolerance, poverty, porous border posts, ineffective state institutions (see Nwanegbo & Odigbo, 2013; Adebakin and Raimi 2012; Jega, 2007). According to Adebakin and Raimi (2012), threat to national security is the singular factor that is responsible for the astronomical increase in the nation’s expenditure on internal security. In the 2008, 2009, 2010, 2011 fiscal years the total expenditures earmarked for both internal security and defence in the approved budgets were N292.7billions N276.5billion, N422.9 and N563.2billion respectively. Besides the defence budget, the three tiers of government in the country enjoy security votes while legislators at the federal, state and the councilors at the local government draw on huge amount as constituency project funds. The ϵϵ discussion of these two funds is the subject of another paper but suffice it to say that they have come under serious criticism as they are not able to stem the spate of insecurity and dearth of infrastructures in the country. Eboh and Obodoechina in Adebakin and Raimi (2012) observe rightly that security votes has opened the floodgate of monumental frauds and stealing of state funds by the political elites in Nigeria. Sustainable Development Generally, development is positive reflecting improvement and enhancement of human life in various ramifications. It is in line with this notion that Dudley Seers holds that development should address three salient questions: what is happening to poverty, what is happening to inequality and what is the situation of unemployment? Seers conclude that development occurs when there is a significant reduction in poverty, inequality and unemployment in society (see Todaro & Smith 2003: 16; Udoms & Ibiamu, 2012; Udoms 2013). Sustainable development gained currency following the work of the 1987 UN commission on Environment and development popularly referred to as the Brundtland commission after its head—the Norwegian Prime Minister Gro Harlem Brundtland. The Brundtland Report aimed at promoting the interest of the present generation while not jeopardising the interests of future generations. The report also called by its milestone “Our Common Future” defined sustainable development as “a development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their needs” (Brundtland Report, WCED 1987, p. 15). Notwithstanding the interpretation accorded the definition by scholars and the debate on the best indicators for measuring the concept, some of its principles are salient and calls for attention. First, is commitment to equality and fairness? This implies that preference be given to enhancing the condition of the world’s poor as well as taking decision that respects the rights of future generations. Second, is the precautionary principle that prioritises cost-effective measures to preventing environmental degradation? Finally, is integration which embodies the understanding and acting on the complex relations between environment, economy and society. Drexhage and Murphy (2010) outlined the three pillars of sustainable development as economic development, social equality and environmental protection. ϭϬϬ The implication of the foregoing discourse on sustainable development is that socio-economic, political and environmental policies must be designed in such a way that they take care of the present as well as future needs of the citizens. The task and responsibility of ensuring this is that of the state. At this juncture it is germane to mention that besides the WCED of 1987, the World Summit on Environment and Development in Rio de Jainero, 1992 adopted Agenda 21 which is an important reference point for sustainable development. The principal tenets of Agenda 21 include: The precautionary principles and recognition, that each government is responsible for creating conditions for sustainable development within its own borders with the participation of its own population and international cooperation when needed (Olayode, 2006). It is to be noted that for any state to attain sustainable development, there is need for conscious and genuine efforts aimed at surmounting the political challenges which according to Olayode (2006) consists of democratization, equitable distribution of wealth, respect for human rights, combating corruption, sound resources management etc. To this may be added: determined efforts at elimination of the culture of impunity, glorification of mediocrity, a visionary leadership- one that abhors selfishness, abolition of a waste oriented management of the common wealth for primordial interests among others. The greatest window of opportunity to the realisation of the goals of sustainable development is political will. The will to make policies that are people centred, this will help to make economic and political choices that involve sacrifices that brings the greatest good to the greatest number of citizens rather than primordial interests. Human Security, National Security and Sustainable Development: The Nexus Sustainable development is built on national security. National security is attainable only in the presence of human security. Put differently security from holistic view is indispensable to sustainable development. The security development nexus is captured succinctly by Omoyibo and Akpomera (2013) when they noted that a country cannot achieve development unless it first seeks to achieve human security. This is because human resources are essential to any country’s development, but if the people are living in fear, then they cannot be ϭϬϭ productive or competent in any environment. Therefore, the first responsibility of any nation and its respective ports of entry is human security. Hence, the primary role of any state is to preserve the security. Hence, the primary role of any state is to preserve the security of the people occupying its territory (emphasis not in original). Insecurity threatens the development and survival of any nation-state. In the Nigerian state, the activities of several militia and the dreaded Boko Haram terrorist-group have launched several activities and attacks that are detrimental to the development interests of the country. The violence associated with the activities of these clandestine groups have resulted in the loss of several lives, loss of man-hour and productive hours to the nation, sometimes untold embarrassment and emotional/psychological pains (the most recent and traumatic is the kidnapping of over 200 School girls in Chibok, Borno State since 14 April 2014. In the Niger Delta Region of Nigeria, the activities of militant groups have caused both Nigerian state and the oil companies untold and innumerable, socio-economic losses through vandalisation of oil pipelines, illegal oil bunkering, disruption in production, hostage taking of both national and foreign personnel. Kidnap for ransom is a daily occurrence in Nigeria with its attendant consequences (see also Omede, 2012). The foregoing points to some fundamental implications: One, the increase in defence budget at the expense of other sectors of the economy. Two, there is a disruption of production endeavors in virtually all the sectors of the economy resulting in loss of employment, loss of income to individuals, corporate organizations and the governments. Three, the erosion of investors’ confidence in investing in any country with poor record of security of lives and property. Secured states have the potentials of attracting both local and foreign direct investments. The role of investment in economic development of the nation cannot be wished away. Concluding Remarks This chapter examined human security in the national security, and sustainable development architecture. Its major findings include: • Human security is a shift of focus from the traditional state centric view of security, to the concerns for the people who live in the state; ϭϬϮ • For national security to be attained the security of the people must be guaranteed; • Insecurities and threats to national security is a consequence of the systemic failure particularly as it concerns the individuals’ socioeconomic and political welfare; • Bad governance and leadership failure is one of the strongest threat to human security and hence national security; • Sustainable development of the state is possible only when there is human security which is a necessary raw material to producing national security. Consequent upon the discussion of the subject matter of the chapter and the major findings, it is recommended that: • The government should take holistic approach to work towards the welfare of the people in the society through sound policies created to provide socio-economic and political freedoms of the people in the society. • The individuals, civil society, pressure groups should continually engage government with a view to making sure that policies of government are people centered. Particular attention should be paid to policies and programs that eliminate excessive inequalities, political exclusions and marginalisation of groups and other individuals in the state. • There is a strong need to strengthening the institution and agencies of government, as well as the political will of the state to fight ills that threaten the security of the individuals and that of the state. Such ills as political and economic corruption, poverty, social injustice, socioeconomic marginalisation of groups and ethnic nationalities as well as the myopic and primordial orientation of public office holders. • A committed and patriotic leadership that, is dedicated to providing good governance is a bulwark against insecurities in the state. With good governance where accountability, transparency, participation and quest for efficiency in the utilisation of the commonwealth of the people are essential foundations, the causative agents of insecurity both to the individuals and the state are stemed down. The resulting society is one that security will lead to development and development managed to produce harmony and order in the society. ϭϬϯ • One of the major causes of insecurity in Nigeria especially from the Niger Delta Region is agitation for resource control. Therefore, it is recommended that the federal government adopts a true federal structure. This will ensure genuine political autonomy consistent with Kenneth Wheare’s principles of federalism. • The intelligence gathering of security agencies should be strengthene. This is to make sure that violent conflicts can be prevented before they erupt. It is quite less expensive in economic and social terms to prevent than to stop insecurities and conflicts. The above recommendations if jealously implemented will lead to the security of the individuals that will lead to national security and hence produce sustainable development. References Adebakin, M. A. and Raimi, L. (2012). National security challenges and sustainable economic development: Evidence from Nigeria. Journal of Studies in Social Sciences, 1(1), pp. 1-30. Atiku, A. (2011). Why Nigeria is not secured. The Nation Nov. 22 p. 7. Alkire, S. (2003). A Conceptual framework for human security- Working Paper 2 Oxford: Centre for Research on inequality human security and ethnicity (CRISE). Akinyeye, Y. (2001). African security in historical perspectives. In: R. Akindele and Bassey E. Ate (eds) Beyond conflict resolution: Managing African security in the 21st Century. Ibadan: Vantage Publishers. pp. 1638. Annan, K. (2005). In larger freedom: Toward development, security and human rights for all. New York: United Nation. Briggs, D. (1988). The challenges of external threats to Nigerian sovereignty. Nigerian Journal of International Studies 12 pp. 35-45. Commission on Human Security (2003). Human Security Now. New York: Commission on Human Security. Conteh-Morgan, E. (2005). Peacebuilding and human security: A constructivist perspective. International Journal of peace studies, 10(1), 69-86 ϭϬϰ Imobighe, T. A. (1990). Doctrines for and threats to internal security. In A. E. Ekoko and M.A. Vogt (Eds.), Nigerian defence policy: issues and problems (pp. 222-235). Lagos: Malthouse Press. Imobighe, T. A. (2001). An overview of the theoretical issues in African security. In B. A Akindele and B. E. Ate (eds). Beyond Conflict Resolution: Managing African security in the 21st Century (pp. 39-58). Ibadan: Vantage Publishers. Jaja J. M. (2007). Underdevelopment and conflicts in the Niger Delta: The tragedy of Oil exploration. In: Abi Derefaka, and Atai Okorobia (eds), The future of the Niger Delta: The search for a relevant narrative. Port Harcourt: Onyoma Research Publications. pp. 173-190. Jega, A. M. (2007). Challenges to the achievement of Nigeria’s security objectives. In democracy, good governance and development in Nigeria: Critical Essays. Ibadan: Spectrum Books. Karim, A. A. and Albert, O. (2011). Electoral Violence and its Implications for National security in Nigeria Fourth Republic. In: Isaac Albert, Nathaniel Danjibo, Olusola Isola and Stephen Faleti (eds). Democratic elections and Nigeria’s national security. Ibadan John Archers. Pp. 219-230. Mejabi, H. O. (2011). Domestic terrorism in the Niger Delta: A Case Study of hostage taking and kidnapping in Abia State, Nigeria. In Isaac O. Albert, Willie, A. Eselebor and Nathaniel D. Danjibo (eds) Peace, Security and Development in Nigeria (pp. 283-296). Ibadan: University Press. National Security Agencies Act (2012). Laws of Nigeria. Retrieved June 16, 2014 from http//:www.placing.org/lawsofnigeria/node/500. . Nwanegbo, C. J., & Odigbo, J. (2013). Security and national development in Nigeria: The threat of Boko Haram. International Journal of Humanities and Social Science, 3(4), 285-291. Obasanjo, O. (2006). Grand strategy for national security. A paper presented at national Institute for Policy and Strategic Studies, Kuru, Jos. Ogbonnaya, U. M., & Ehigiamusoe, U. K. (2013). Niger delta militancy and Boko Haram insurgency: National security in Nigeria. Global Security Studies, 4(3), 1-14. Ojukwu, C. (2011), Governance, ‘Boko Haram’ and Nigeria’s national security. Nigerian Journal of International Affairs, 37(3), 61-77. Olayode, K. (2006). Globalization, sustainable development and state capacity in Africa. Nigerian Journal of International Affairs, 32(1), 9-27. ϭϬϱ Omede, A. J. (2012). The Nigerian Military: Analysing fifty years of defence and internal military and fifty years of internal security operations in Nigeria (1960-2010). Journal of Social Sciences 33(3), 293-303. Omoyibo, K. U. and Akpomera, E. (2013), Insecurity mantra: The paradox of Nigerian growth and development. European Scientific Journal, 8(15), 132-142. Padelford, N. J. and Lincoln, G. A. (1967). The dynamics of international politics. New York: The Macmillan Company. Tell Magazine, February 19, 2007. Todoro, M., & Smith, S. (2003). Economic development. New York: Pearson Education. Tsai, Y. (2009). The emergence of human security: A constructivist view. International Journal of Peace Studies, 14(2), 19-33. Udoms, B. E. (2008). Liberia’s conflict and Nigeria’s security, 1989-1996. An unpublished M.Sc Thesis Submitted to Postgraduate School, University of Port Harcourt. Udoms, B. E., & Ibiamu, G. (2012). Globalisation, the economy and social conditions of Nigerians. Nnamdi Azikiwe Journal of Political Science, 3(2), 290-299. Udoms, B. E. (2013), Culture, good governance and sustainable development in Nigeria. A conference paper presented at the International conference on culture and sustainable development organised by Centre for Cultural Studies, University of Uyo, Uyo May 20-21 2014. UNDP (1994). Human Development Report. New York: Oxford University Press. World Commission on Environment and Development (WCED) (1987), Our Common Future. Retrieved August 2014 from: http://conspect nl/pdf/common-future-brountland-export1987pdf. Yong, L. H. (2001). Impact of national security on socio-economic development of Singapore. Department of Statistics, Singapore Armed Forces. Retrieved June 16, 2014 from: http://www.singstatigov.sg/state/ themes/economy/list/gdp2.html. ϭϬϲ CHAPTER FIVE Police Trust and Victimization: Implication for Crime Prevention in Nigeria Etu O. Ndubuisi & Lawrence O. Udensi Abstract The Nigeria Police Force as a security agency is established majorly to protect lives and property, and these they do by upholding law and order, detecting, apprehending and prosecuting criminals. To carry out these functions, they have much to do with the civil populace, yet, it has been severally reported that the relationship existing between the Nigeria Police and the citizens is by no means going to help in prevention of crime as there is the absence of trust on the police by the civil populace. Adopting the survey design through questionnaire administration on 270 respondents (comprising of 200 civilians and 70 police officers) purposively selected simple percentage (comprising of frequency count and percentages) was used for data analysis. This chapter established that there is lack of trust on the Nigeria Police Force by the civil populace which is due largely to victimization among others. Strategic and innovative policy options that could harmonize police operations and enhance crime prevention were made at the end of the chapter. Introduction From the primitive and lawless to the civilized modern societies, one of the things that man keeps seeking is security of lives and properties. The societies strive for orderliness and justice. Much as society tries, fundamental challenges have thwarted human’s effort toward the realization of an egalitarian and just society. Countries have enacted laws, made policies and established agencies to help achieve peace, orderliness and security of lives and property, yet insecurity thrives, especially in developing nations (Alemika, 1999; IANS, 2014). Nigeria, like other nations of the world have had her own share of insecurity and till today is still battling with security challenges such as the one posed by the Boko ϭϬϳ Haram—an Islamic activist group that is presently debated in many quarters of its qualification as a terrorist group. However, Nigeria and her governments in different regimes have never folded hands over these menaces. Agencies have been established to combat crime, one of which is the Nigerian Police Force. The Nigerian Police Force is the closest security agency to the civilian populace, probably because of the definition of their roles. Therefore, much expectation is placed on the force by the citizens. But how much of these expectations are satisfied is still in doubt, but one thing certain is that there is still much insecurity in the nation (Alemika, 1993, 1999; Yecho, 2004; IANS, 2014). The Nigeria Police Force as a security agency is established majorly to protect lives and property, and these they do by upholding law and order, detecting, apprehending and prosecuting criminals. To carry out these functions, they have much to do with the civil populace, yet, it has been severally reported that the relationship existing between the Nigeria Police and the citizens is by no means going to help in prevention of crime (Alemika, 1988; Nigeria Police Force, 2007; Akin, 1994; Okafor, 2007). Despite various government efforts to combat crime through policy/programmes enactment and implementation, crime control still remain a mirage. Couple, with the absence of a synergy between the police force and the public in crime prevention was the motivating factors to which the present study is carried out. This discourse evaluates the police trust and victimisation and its implication for crime prevention in Nigeria and provide answers to the following questions: • How was the Nigerian Police Force formed? • What are the roles and structures of the force? • How does information flow between the force and the citizens? • How have the Police fared in winning the public trust? The Nigerian Police: A Historical Overview A look at the formation history of the agency called Nigerian Police Force will give us a clue, if not expose completely how it came to its present relationship with the public. Before the annexation of Lagos as a British colony in 1861and the subsequent establishment of a consular guard to protect British officials in ϭϬϴ the territory that later became Nigeria, traditional rulers like the Chiefs in the South East, Obas in the West and Emirs in the North enforced laws and customs with the help of voluntary forces in their communities. These were forces acting as police in the traditional capacity, with the main functions of enforcing customary laws, arrest offenders, collect taxes imposed by and deliver messages from these traditional rulers. This form of law enforcement was uncomplicated because rules of behavior reflected generally held values and beliefs (Ehindero, 2005). And I would say it was uncompromised as much as it is uncomplicated, because of the homogeneous and communal life they lived. Everybody knows every other person and morality was based on the fear of what the gods can do to who commits sacrilege. Justice was instant and based on traditionally prescribed laws known to the heart by everybody. The law enforcement agents, though responsible to the rulers were not dependent on the authority of the rulers in executing their duties, as every traditional position and power was predetermined by the traditional laws and sanctioned by the gods (Nonso, 2006; Bamgbose, 2002). Samuel (2012) argued that, “the history of the establishment of the police institution in Nigeria is inseparable with the factors that account for the establishment of colonization in Nigeria by the British”, as “the circumstances that led to the European colonization of Nigeria and other society on the globe have become a topic of much bitter controversy among scholars” (Timbee, 2011). On that backdrop, one will begin to ask is the Nigeria police functioning to satisfy the power that establish it, or to protect the citizens. That dilemma would be best appreciated as the history of its establishment unfolds. The consular guard established in 1861 to protect the British officers and their property grew in size and was later known as the Hausa constabulary. This was because it was dominated by Northerners. In 1896 the Lagos police was established. A similar force was already formed in Calabar in 1894 known as the Niger Cost Constabulary. And in the North too, the Royal Niger Company set up Royal Niger Company Constabulary in 1888. In the early 1900’s when the protectorates of Northern and Southern Nigeria were proclaimed, part of the Royal Niger Company constabulary became the Northern Nigeria Police and part of Nigeria Coast Constabulary became the Southern Nigeria Police. Although the South and North were amalgamated in 1914, their police forces were not merged until in 1930, with headquarters in Lagos. ϭϬϵ It is important to also note that during colonial period, most police were associated with local government (Native authorities). But by 1960’s under the first Republic, these forces were regionalised and then nationalised. By this Nationalisation of the Nigeria Police Force, the Inspector General of Police was in control of the general operation and administrative duties. He was supported at the headquarters by a deputy Inspector General and in each state by Police Commissioners (Tinubu, 1993; Timbee, 2011; Yecho, 2004). From the above, one would want to argue that the colonial masters established the police in Nigeria to serve their interest, “to protect the British officers and their properties”, and the force at inception was just organized at the northern part of the country and therefore dominated by the northerners. The issue here is: if the colonial masters were just interested in the north, then it would have been justified to have police force only in the north, but if they had interest in other parts of the country as their presence and action later portrayed, then one would easily conclude that they established the police in the north just to protect themselves and their properties. This is confirmed by later establishment of the force in Lagos and the south only when they captured those areas and therefore had reasons to settle. This is further confirmed by Alemika and Chukwuma, (2006) who observed that there is need to recognize and comprehend three important historical factors that have shaped the development and character of the police forces and police – public relations in Nigeria. First, over the long period of conquering the Nigerian nations, the British government established the police force to subdue any area they conquered. Secondly, violence and fraud were employed in the conquest of the nationalities and police forces under various names were established and employed as instrument of violence and oppression against the indigenous population. Third, the colonial masters used the police force to sustain their system that was alien to the nationalities of Nigeria. Nevertheless, would that be enough reason for the police to fail even at the present? Nigeria gained independence in 1960, and the attainment of independence established the Nigeria police as a Federal Force under the 1960 constitution. The constitution also set up two bodies, the police council and the police service commission. In 1963 when Nigeria became a republic, the constitution also retained the status of the police as a Federal Force. The 1979 constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria also provided for a national police under the command of the Inspector General of Police. The 1999 ϭϭϬ constitution provides for a single police force to the effect that there shall be a police force for Nigeria, which shall be known as the Nigeria police and subject to the provisions of this section no other police force shall be established for the federation or any part thereof (Alemika & Chukwuma, 2000; Adebayo, 2006; Samuel, 2012). All these goes to empower and enable the police perform their duties without fear or favour, yet it seems the effort is not enough as security challenges abound. Roles and Structures of the Nigerian Police In the traditional societies, policing was the responsibility of all adults. The medieval society had all male adults obliged to contribute towards the prevention and control of crime and disorder in the society. But the emergence of the state, with its vast bureaucracies anchored on centralisation, hierarchical authority/power structure, and professionalism changed the traditional policing method of policing being every one’s concern (Weber, 1968). The emergence of an entity with its claim to the monopoly over the means of legitimate violence in society resulted into the creation of specialized agencies such as police and the Armed Forces charged with the responsibility of controlling the use of violence by other groups. By this therefore, police generally was scheduled to perform the following responsibilities or duties: Prevention of crime, Protection of lives and properties, Enforcing law, Maintenance of peace and public order, and Providing a wide range of services to the citizens. By doing this it has the potential for violence and right to use coercive means in order to establish social control. According to Yecho (2004), the Nigeria Police in particular is statutorily required to fight crime through detection, investigation, apprehension and prosecution of offenders in law court and the protection of lives and property through proactive policing. To Tinubu (1993) the place of police in Nigeria cannot be compromised. Their constitutional and statutory functions according to him are well defined so that the force can manage crisis situation, maintain peace and security. To do this they are so structured in such a way that departments are specialized in particular tasks. The Nigeria 1999 constitution makes provision for a single police force structured along the federal system in such a way that the unit of command at ϭϭϭ the federal, state and local level is placed under a police officer in the order of seniority. The inspector general heads the federal level, commissioner of police at the state, and Divisional police officer at the local government level. The police act which provides for the Inspector general to head the force, also provided they should be, Deputy Inspector General, Assistant Inspector General. The Nigeria police Regulation which was enacted on 1st April, 1968 provides for the force headquarters to be organized as follows: ‘A’ Department, which is finance and administration; ‘B’ Department for operations; ‘C’ Department for logistics and supply, ‘D’ Department is the Federal Bureau of Investigation and Intelligence; ‘E’ is the force training department; while ‘G’ Department is for the public Relations and of much interest to this discourse, because the relationship existing between the police and the public is much dependent on the effectiveness of this department. Information and Relationship between Nigeria Police and the Public Information they say is power, and is a very important ingredient in maintaining a relationship no matter what type. How much is the public informed of police activities and how much is the police informed by the public of criminal activities in their areas? This is the million dollar question in the relationship between police and the public. Yet it seems like scholars have concentrated much on the relationship, ignoring or doing less on the foundation for this relationship which is information. Alemika and Chukwuma, (2006) confirmed the assertions of Alemika, (1997); Osoba, (1994); and Balogun, (2003), that, Resource and management inadequacies have impacted on police efficiency and conduct. Among many critical points in these inadequacies as pointed out by Alemika and Chukwuma, (2006) are: Poor crime and operational information management, including inaccurate recording and collation, poor storage and retrieval, inadequate analysis and infrequent publication of criminal statistics; Inadequate initial and on-the job training and deficient syllabi which places too much emphasis on law enforcement and order maintenance without adequate liberal and broad training that can illuminate the nature and sources of law and criminality; Inadequate logistic, arms and ammunition, uniform and accoutrement, telecommunication and transportation facilities - both in terms of quality and quantity; Inhuman ϭϭϮ conditions under which suspects are held in police cells; Perversion of the course of justice (i.e. procuring and supplying false evidence, tampering with exhibit, and false accusations); Poor knowledge of law and disregard for human rights. From the above it becomes very obvious the implication on the relationship between police and the public and consequently on crime prevention. The government, police authorities, researchers and all stakeholders in crime prevention and control needs the crime statistics in the policy making process. But a situation where it is unavailable or inaccessible, policy process is affected or altered. When the police is not well trained or informed of law and criminality like Alemika and Chukwuma observed, the implication is human rights abuse because they will want to be obeyed by the citizens who in turn will want to protect their right. Recently, the Boko Haram insurgents learnt the use of military camouflage in their activities. Example is the kidnap of the Chibok girls, where they came as military officials on duty to help protect the girls. This was possible either because there is no security features on the real military camouflage or the public is not properly enlightened of it; howbeit, there is lack of information. The consequence of the foregoing is continuous increase of distrust on the police by the public who continuously feel betrayed. Police Efforts So Far Following the above discussion, it will be logical to ask, who then is to be held responsible for what is happening? The colonial masters are gone, Nigeria won independence, the police are operating as empowered by the Nigerian constitution in line with the federal system, yet we have insecurity amounting to distrust from the populace who are not getting what they expect from the security agents. The police in order to regain confidence have launched many programmes as follows: Operation Fire for Fire Crime Control: Operation Fire for Fire came into existence as a response to the use of sophisticated weapons by armed robbers and political assassins at the early 20th century (Balogun, 2004). The Role of Serve and To Protect with Integrity Programme: The removal of Tafa Balogun as Inspector General of Police marked the death of “Operation Fire for Fire” and in its place a new concept of fighting crime control known as “serve and to protect with integrity” was introduced. This programme was not ϭϭϯ only meant to fight crime but also to redeem the battered image of the Police Force. It was formally launched as the Nigeria Police Force Action Programme that should form a guiding principle of the Police Force in discharging their duties. Some states have also launched their own security operations like Operation Dzenda in Benue state, in order to forestall security, peace and orderliness but it seem no effort has been good enough as crime persist in growing magnitude. Going by the crime control programmes above, it could be said that political rivalry, inconsistency of office, corruption and poverty contributes to the failures of police efforts to combat crime which ultimately takes away the public confidence on them. Then one would be left to wonder, what is the way forward? Victimization and Police Trust Many researchers have argued that the police habit of taking laws into their hands and killing people arbitrarily have contributed to the loss of trust from the public which is affecting crime prevention to a large extent. Alemika (1988) argued that the history of police in Nigeria is a legacy of arbitrariness, ruthlessness, brutality, vandalism, incivility, low accountability to the public, and corruption. This in no doubt led a onetime Inspector General of Police, Sir Mike Okiro to state that “our focus shall be to reverse the disdain and contempt with which policemen are held within the Nigerian society. He furthered there is no gain saying that police image is now in low ebb” (NPF, 2007). The daily Sun of August 6th, (2006) reported the case of the Benue state University students who were protesting against accident that claimed the lives of two students and the police were deployed to arrest the situation, but they never arrested the situation rather, they went arresting students arbitrarily, thereby aggravating the situation. Many other condemnations of the police activities by individuals and corporate bodies abound (The Punch, 2005; Akinkuotu, 2013; Oseghele, 2014). Methods This paper adopted the survey design. 270 respondents were purposively selected in various locations in South Eastern Nigeria comprising of 200 civilians and 70 police officers this was due largely to the objective of the study and nature of the research questionnaire. The questionnaire was subjected to ϭϭϰ face validity and split-half reliability test. Thereafter, simple percentage (comprising of frequency count and percentages) was used for data analysis. Results and Discussion Table 1: Citizens’ involvement in police activities (N=200)* Item of Response No of respondents Yes % Have you ever been to the police station? 85 42.5 Have you ever been involved in a police case? 83 41.5 Have you ever invited police in time of distress? 82 41 Do you know the nearest police station to you? 148 74 Do you have any official police contact phone 54 27 No.? No 115 117 118 52 146 % 57.5 58.5 59 26 73 *Civilian Respondents. From the above table, it is significantly evident that many Nigerians who would have wanted to call the police in times of distress could not do so because they do not have access to police contact numbers. 73% of the respondents answered that they do not have any police official contact phone number. Even when many (74%) of the respondents agreed to know the location of the nearest police station in their area, few of them have been involved in police activities; 42.5% have been to the police station, 41.5% have been involved in a police case, and 41% agreed to having invited police in time of distress. Why Citizens do not Relate with Police The study selected some perceived reasons (as presented in Table 2 below) why citizens don’t relate with police on which the respondents were asked to choose the reasons that apply to them, and they answered as follows: Table 2: Reasons given for not relating with the police (N=200)* Reasons The Police is corrupt They collaborate with criminals The police is ill-equipped They are always late in response Criminals have infiltrated the Police No of respondents** 183 78 Percentage 91.5 39 145 102 85 72.5 51 42.5 * Civilian Respondents **Multiple responses ϭϭϱ Majority (91.5%) of the non-police respondents believes that the Nigerian Police is corrupt and therefore cannot relate with them. 72.5% are of the view that the Nigerian Police Force is ill–equipped and probably they believe that calling them in time of distress will be a waste of time. The data revealed that 51% of the respondents believe that Nigerian Police are always late in their response, while 42.5% and 39% respectively are of the opinion criminals have infiltrated the Nigerian Police Force and that Police collaborate with criminal. Effectiveness of Police Public Relations Table 3: Assessing Nigerian Police efforts toward public relation (N=70)* Response Public Relations Items How often do citizens in distress contact the police? How often do police go out to re – orient the public? How often do the police organize workshop for vigilante groups? Always N % 5 7.1 Often N % 18 25.7 Seldom N % 47 67.1 2 2.9 5 63 7 10 12 17.1 7.1 90 51 72.9 *Police Officers The data analysis revealed that majority 90% of the 70 police officers who took part in the study agreed that the police seldom go out for public orientation. 72.9% agree that they seldom organize workshop for vigilante group who are supposed to help in the place of community policing. While 67.1% said that the public seldom contact the police when in distress. It could be deduced that the Nigerian citizens have lost trust on the police as a security institution and therefore reacts by ignoring the institution as though it doesn’t exist. And there is no gain saying that these have serious implication to crime prevention, for how can the police perform effectively in an environment where they are seen as the criminal they are supposed to fight? Or how can the police fight crime that they are not informed of? Yet, how can the public communicate with the police when they don’t have their contact? Or how can they call the police to fight same crime they believe that the police sponsor? This leaves the nation and its crime prevention efforts in a vicious cycle of ‘victimization – distrust – victimization’ and until the problem is rooted in the bud the country may go deeper into higher levels of insecurity. ϭϭϲ Conclusion Security issues have been in the priority list of societies, from the primitive lawless society through the Hobbesian period of the birth of order, down to this modern society. Yet man is yet to attain total peace, order and security. Nigerian therefore, is not fighting a lone fight, except the fact that security challenges differs from country to country. Nigeria like other nations of the world has made efforts to tackle security challenges, which have yielded results in many areas while some areas are still begging for attention. It is such areas that need attention that inform studies like this. In line with other studies before this, it could be concluded that crime prevention have been so unrealistic because the state of police public relation as the Nigerian public have found reasons why they can’t trust the police. Recommendations Based on the foregoing observations, the study found that communication between the police and the public is bridged to a great extent, resulting to lack of information by the public concerning the police and their activities. Therefore, it is highly recommended that the police public relations department revisit the essence of that department and go to the field which is their place. The public should be kept on the-know on daily basis of new developments on crime fighting strategies especially as it affects them. Public awareness campaign can be organized by the police to enlighten the public, through which process the public could be enlightened on how to contact the police at times of distress. They can partner with NGOs and other security stakeholders on public enlightenment. Secondly, it was discovered that the Nigeria Police Force as an institution have failed in many efforts to fight crime, not because of bad policies, but because of inconsistency in policy executions. A situation where a particular Inspector general makes a policy for fighting crime, and when he goes, the policy goes with him should be stopped. They should be a central blue print of crime prevention and control that must be followed by all police authorities from the national headquarters down to police posts. Thirdly, to arrest the challenge of citizens not having the contact information of not just police but other government agencies and paratatals that ϭϭϳ are necessary, it is recommended that the government through the ministry of information should establish a directory or yellow page of the Ministries, Departments and Agencies (MDA). Such directory should be made available to all Nigerian not only on request but as a necessity. It should be made available to students in schools as a free hand-out. If there was such information to the disposal of the Chibok girls who was abducted by the Boko Haram insurgents the criminals would have found easy without one of the girls succeeding to contact security personnel. Nevertheless, while the police are working to change their image before the public, they should be aware of the fact that people have different motives for doing what they do. Therefore, they should restructure their recruitment process to take care of infiltration by the criminals. And they should also develop a working plan on eliminating already existing criminals in their rank and files, as well as among officers, being careful to ensure that politicians don’t use them to achieve their selfish political ambition. References Adebayo, W. A. (2006). Nigeria Police: Structure, Powers and Function. In: Abegunde et al (Eds.), Essays on Administrative Law in Nigeria. Ekiti: Petoa Educational Publishers. Akin, O. (1994). Police Brutality: Dimensions and Control in Nigeria. Civil Liberties Organisation, Law Enforcement and Human Rights in Nigeria, 17(11). Akinkuotu, E. (2013). Policemen Kill Teenager, Others During Christmas Party. The Punch, 23rd December 23. Alemika, E. E. O. (1993). Colonialism, State and Policing in Nigeria. Crime, Law and Social Change, 20, 189-219. Alemika, E. E. O. (1997). Police, Policing and Crime Control in Nigeria. Nigerian Journal of Policy and Strategy, 12(1&2), 71-98. Alemika, E. E. O. (1999). Police Community Relations in Nigeria: What Went Wrong? Paper Presented at the Seminar on Role and Function of the Police in a Post-Military Era, Organized by the Centre for Law Enforcement Education in Nigeria (CLEEN), and the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) at the Savannah Suite, Abuja, F. C. T., from 8th to 10th March. ϭϭϴ Alemika, E. E. O., & Chukwuma, I. C. (2000). Police-Community Violence in Nigeria. Abuja: Centre for Law Enforcement Education, Lagos and the National Human Rights Commission. Alemika, E. E. O., & Chukwuma, I. C. (2006). The Role of Policing as a Barrier to Change or Driver of Change in Nigeria. In CLEEN FOUNDATION: Justice Sector Reform Analysis of Police and Policing in Nigeria, Lagos: Department on International Development (DFID). Alemika, E. E. O. (1988). Policing and Perceptions of Police in Nigeria. Police Studies, 11(4), 161-176. Balogun, A.T. (2003). Crime Control Strategy: 8-Point Strategies of the Nigerian Police Force Programme Action, to serve and to protect with Integrity. Minna: Yalian Press. Bangbose, O. (2002). Teenage Prostitution and the Future of the Female Adolescent in Nigeria. International Journal of offender therapy and comparative criminology, 46, 569-585. Ehindero, S. (2005). IG Scraps Operation-Fire-for-Fire. The Punch newspaper, January 26. IANS (2014). Over 200 killed in Boko Haram Led Attack in Nigerian Town. Retrieved May 7th, 2014 from www.news.biharprabha.com. Johnson, J. (2012). Understanding Mass Communication Research. Lagos: Covenant Shol. Nigeria Police Force (2007). 9-way Test of The Nigeria Police Force. Retrieved June 4, 2014 from: www.Nigeriapolice.org/public/moudle/mastop_publish/?tul+9_way_test,. Nonso, O. (2006). Relevance of African Traditional Jurisprudence on Control, Justice and Law: A critique of the Igbo experience. African Journal of Criminology and Justice Studies, 2(1). Okafor, N. (2007). Law Enforcement in Post-colonial Africa: Interfacing Indigenous and English Policing in Nigeria. In International Police Executive Symposium working paper no.7. Oseghele, J. (2014). An Antidote to Crime Control in Contemporary Nigeria. Retrieved, June 20, 2014 from www.cenresinpub.org/pub/June2014/. Osoba, B. O. (1994). Relevance of Logistics in the Enforcement of Law and Order. Paper Presented at the Joint Workshop of the National Orientation Agency and the Nigeria Police Force, at the Police Staff College, Jos, November 30 - December 1 ϭϭϵ Samuel, I. Z. (2012). Community Policing in Contemporary Nigeria: A Synthesis of Models. Journal of Educational and Social Research, 29(9), The Daily Sun (2006). Students of Benue State University, Makurdi, Protested against Accident that Claimed the Lives of Two Students. The Sun, August 6th, 2006. The Punch (2005). Police Shot and Kills Suleyol Henkyaa in Makurdi. Retrieved, June 20, 2014 from www.punchng.com/news.. Timbee, A. (2011). The Role of the Nigerian Police Force in Maintaining Peace and Security in Nigeria. Journal of Social Science and Public Policy, 3. Retrieved, May 28, 2014 from www.cenresin.org. Tinubu, K. (1993). Future Police Statutory Function and Power in Policing Nigeria, Past, Present and future. Lagos: Malthouse Press Weber, M. (1968). Economy and Society. California: University of California Press. Yecho, J. I. (2004). Policing Crime or Status: A Review of Police Law Enforcement Practice in Nigeria. Journal of Sociology and Anthropology Students, ϭϮϬ CHAPTER SIX Engaging Citizen’s Participation in National Budget: Implication for Realizing the Millennium Development Goals in Nigeria Joe L Augustine; Sira K. Zugbee; Lenu Wege & Barikui K. Torde Abstract The 2015 target year for achieving the Millennium Development Goals is reached and there seem to be much yet undone. Nigeria extended the Goals with the Vision 20:2020 project which seems to be the next hope for the nations. But if the attitude used in pursuing the MDGs is not changed for better, the target year for vision 20:2020 may also come and go with nothing achieved. Therefore, this chapter has taken a look at attempts to achieving the Millennium Development goals with special attention on budgeting processes. Using the ‘Capacity Building Principles’ to analyse how the citizens can be involved in the budgeting processes, the chapter argue that citizens participation in budgeting process is a strong indicator for national development with its attendant significant implication for realizing millennium development goals in Nigeria. The chapter made recommendations on guiding principles for the government in involving citizens in budgeting for national development and the realization of millennium development goals. Introduction The Nigerian vision 20:2020 Economic Transformation Blue Print (2009) states that by the year 2020 Nigeria will have a large, strong, diversified, sustainable and competitive economy that effectively harness the talents and agencies of its people and responsibly exploit its natural endowments to guarantee a high standard of living and quality of life for its citizens. These imply social, economic, institutional and environmental objectives, which reflect the objectives of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) (FGN, 2009). The MDGs aim to : 1. Eradicate extreme poverty; 2. Achieve universal primary education; 3. Promote gender equality and empower women; 4. Reduce child mortality rate; 5. Improve mental health; 6. Combat HIV/AIDS, malaria and ϭϮϭ other diseases; 7. Ensure environmental sustainability; and 8. Develop a global partnership for development Wikipedia (n.d) explains the MDGs as eight international development goals that 192 United Nation member states and at least 23 international organizations have agreed to achieve by the year 2015. Nigeria is part of this agreement and has stretched part of this development objective with the vision 20:2020 which indicates that by the year 2020, Nigeria will be one of the 20 largest economies in the world. This could be achieved if the budget process is contained to meet best practices in its initiation, formulation, implementation and evaluations. Nigeria is evidently working towards achieving these goals, but success is and has always been determined by the quality of planning. Development plan and the reality of its achievement are enshrined in the quality and comprehensiveness of a nation’s budget (Susan, 2007b; Seal, 2003). Given the significant role that participatory, well-articulated and formulated budget can play in national development, though; engaging citizen’s participation in national development remains a phantom in the Nigeria’s case. It is on the above premise that this discourse takes a look at the relevance of citizen’s participation in national budget as a means for realizing the Millennium Development Goals and national development in Nigeria. Budgetary Models There are many budgetary model among which are Incremental Budgeting, Zero Based Budgeting, Performance Based Budgeting, Participatory Budgeting, Resource Restricted Budgeting to mention a few. But for the sake of this discourse, the Performance Based Budgeting together with the Participatory Budgeting shall be briefly explored. Performance Based Budgeting: There is no single definition for performance based budgeting (PBB), however, most literature (e.g., Harrison, 2003; Young, 2003; Robinson, 2007) on this subject agrees that the aim of PBB is to connect performance information with the allocation and management of resources. Young (2003) and Robinson (2007) argued that the PBB process is a continuum that involves the availability and use of performance based ϭϮϮ information at each of the various stages of the budget process; budget preparation, approval, execution, audit and evaluation. Performance budgets need to contain information on the following elements: • • • • Inputs (as measured in monetary terms in budgets); Outputs - units of output; Efficiency/productivity data (cost per activity); and Effectiveness (level of goal achievement). Aims of PBB According to Andrews, (2004), D’Souza (2004), McGill (2001) and Seal (2003), PBB aims to improve accountability because budget reports are based upon projected outputs as well as inputs. PBB should in theory lead to improved decision making, since spending decisions will be aligned to organisational objectives. It could also lead to enhanced service delivery since the budget establishes performance targets which managers will strive to meet. Participatory Budgeting Participatory Budgeting (PB) is a tool used by local government (and its partners) which brings local communities closer to the decision making process around the budget. It aims to give local communities a say in prioritising services or projects through such activity as community-led debate, neighbourhood votes and public meetings. The key is for local groups to own the decision making process (Tanaka, 2007). The purpose for combining these two models is because the discourse found them complimentary. In PBB, there is need for information on the following elements: inputs (as measured in monetary terms in budgets); outputs - units of output; efficiency/productivity data (cost per activity); effectiveness information (level of goal achievement), which may be undermined by politicians who seek self-aggrandizements. Therefore, as much comprehensive and functional the PBB is for Nigeria, it is advisable that it be combined with the participatory model which gives the citizens the access to information needed to measure the performances that determines where to invest more, and not arbitrarily determined by some politicians who may not really know or care ϭϮϯ about the outcome of previous investment, as long as they achieved their personal interest. Citizens Participation in National Budgeting Why should citizens participate in the national budgeting processes is the first question that comes to mind at the mention of citizens’ engagement in a nation’s budgeting processes. Researchers have done some work on Democratic policymaking in general and participatory budgeting in particular as shall be briefly looked at. Susan (2007a) in an OECD publication identifies several important reasons for public engagement in budgeting as follows: • • • • • • Budget decisions have a significant impact on the lives of the public, and therefore should be informed by the views and values of citizens. Engaging citizens in the budget process increases the information available to decision makers concerning the likely effects of their decisions in communities, and can help to guard against unintended consequences. The scrutiny of citizens can help to ensure that decision makers are diligent in the decisions they make, improving the efficiency, responsiveness and accountability of government, and guarding against corruption. Through engaging citizens in the budget process, they can address the same trade-offs that decision makers are forced to make, and generate a more fruitful discussion between citizens and government. Engaging citizens in fundamental decisions, such as budget decisions, can help to overcome public distrust and cynicism, and increase the legitimacy of government. Citizen engagement can help to ensure that government is responsive to the needs, views and values of citizens. Synoptically, the French cases of citizens’ participation in national budgeting show three general objectives as highlighted by Allergri and Carsten (2004): First, the enhancement of public management and ‘local governance’ through the integration of daily experiences in local politics and the promotion of horizontal links between social actors. Secondly, the transformation of social relations; Participatory Budgets often find especially fertile ground in cities that ϭϮϰ have a high incidence of the most disadvantaged social strata (particularly in the metropolitan area of Paris). The objective of social dialogue here is to create consensus and at the same time to strengthen conviviality, solidarity and to defuse social tensions through constructive use of ‘conflict’. The third objective directly refers to the issue of participatory democracy, trying to underline the difference with the simple ‘proximity politics’ characteristic of the traditional republican approach. What is lacking, however, is a true recognition of the role of participating residents as joint decision-makers. Participatory budgeting (PB) is a process of democratic deliberation and decision-making, and a type of participatory democracy, in which ordinary people decide how to allocate part of a municipal or public budget. Participatory budgeting allows citizens to identify, discuss, and prioritize public spending projects, and gives them the power to make real decisions about how money is spent. When PB is taken seriously and is based on mutual trust local governments and citizen can benefit equally. In some cases PB even raised people's willingness to pay taxes (Scholes & Darwin, 1994). According to Susan (2007b) “Policies required to achieve short - term fiscal consolidation and long – term financial sustainability (i.e., program cuts and tax increases) are unpopular and difficult to enact; The main obstacle to building public support for difficult choices on our nation’s finances and future is not public opposition to tax increases or program cuts, nor is it lack of interest; the main obstacle is deeply felt and pervasive mistrust of government. “ It’s not about Taxes, it’s about Trust - a wide and serious disconnect between citizens and leaders. Susan further stated that what citizens see is “Black box” of budgeting and decision – making; powerful special interests and partisanship; little of value being done to address challenges; experts are running the show. While leaders see people “wanting it all” but unwilling to pay for it; an uninformed public that has little of value to offer policy making; apathetic citizens who do not want to be engaged; activists hijack all attempts at public dialogue. She therefore argued that citizens’ participation in nations budgeting helps: Create a constituency for fiscal responsibility—better informed and more realistic citizens, build supports for responsible fiscal policies that require establishment of priorities, trade-offs and compromise to find common ground, encourage good government by improving efficiency, transparency and accountability—better functioning democracy, improved citizen oversight, ϭϮϱ greater trust in government. Because citizens are eager to become engaged, but lack opportunities, willing to set aside initial biases and opinions to learn, discuss, debate and compromise, will accept unpopular tax increases and spending cuts but must meet two conditions—solve the problem; everyone contributes to the solution. Much work has been done on how to involve the citizens in budgeting, few of which shall be discussed here to draw lessons for achieving the millennium development goals in Nigeria (Gomez, et al, 2005; Kadlec & Will, 2006; Lerner & Estair, 2006; OECD, 2001b; & OECD, 2001c). According to Eva-Maria (2012) Participatory budgeting in Porto Alegre, Brazil, generally involves several basic steps: 1) Community members identify spending priorities and select budget delegates 2) Budget delegates develop specific spending proposals, with help from experts 3) Community members vote on which proposals to fund 4) The city or institution implements the top proposals. A comprehensive case study of eight municipalities in Brazil analyzing the successes and failures of participatory budgeting has suggested that it often results in more equitable public spending, greater government transparency and accountability, increased levels of public participation (especially by marginalized or poorer residents), and democratic and citizenship learning. The first full participatory budgeting process was developed in the city of Porto Alegre, Brazil, starting in 1989. Participatory budgeting was part of a number of innovative reform programs started in 1989 to overcome severe inequality in living standards amongst city residents. One third of the city’s residents lived in isolated slums at the city outskirts, lacking access to public amenities (water, sanitation, health care facilities, and schools). Participatory budgeting in Porto Alegre occurs annually, starting with a series of neighborhood, regional, and citywide assemblies, where residents and elected budget delegates identify spending priorities and vote on which priorities to implement. Porto Alegre spends about 200 million dollars per year on construction and services; this money is subject to participatory budgeting. Annual spending on fixed expenses, such as debt service and pensions, is nevertheless not subject to public participation. Around fifty thousand residents of Porto Alegre now take part in the participatory budgeting process (compared to 1.5 million city inhabitants), with the number of participants growing year on ϭϮϲ year since 1989. Participants are from diverse economic and political backgrounds. Work by the OECD and the World Bank focuses on interaction between the government and citizens, where the government engages citizens either directly or indirectly through civil society organisations and/or interest groups. Engagement generally implies that citizens participate in the policy-making process, whether as part of the formal governmental process or in a parallel civic process. The OECD endorses engaging the citizens in budgeting as a strategy to promote good government practices, close the gap between the government and citizens, improve citizens’ trust, and reduce their cynicism towards government. For the World Bank, public engagement can also promote economic development, encourage a more equitable allocation of public resources, and provide greater relief from poverty. The OECD identifies three types of government-citizen interaction used by governments to strengthen relationships during the policy-making process (OECD, 2001a): • Information: The government uses passive or active means to disseminate information to the public. Here, communication is one way, from the government to citizens. Information is only available to interested parties on request. Examples include official records and archives and publications. Or the government can work actively to distribute other information through, for example, websites, press conferences and press releases, and official speeches. • Consultation: Consultation involves a two-way exchange of information between the government and citizens. The government defines the issues and solicits feedback from the public. Examples of consultative processes include hearings, town hall meetings, and polls and surveys. • Active participation: This category includes the types of activities the OECD considers as public engagement. The government provides structured opportunities for citizens to become involved in defining the policy-making process and its content. The government acknowledges citizens’ standing in the discussion but generally retains the responsibility for policy formulation and final decisions. Examples, which occur primarily at sub national levels of government, include participatory budgeting, popular referenda, citizen representation on government commissions and panels, and citizen juries. ϭϮϳ According the World Bank, citizen’s engagement in budgeting could be seen as the participation of private actors in the public sphere, conducted through direct and indirect interactions of civil society organisations and citizens-at-large with government, multilateral institutions and business establishments to influence decision making or pursue common goals (World Bank, 2003a). Implications on the Millennium Development Goals in Nigeria To really appreciate the implications of citizen’s involvement in the nations budgeting process, it is necessary to look at how the MDGs have fared. When the presidents and prime ministers of 189 countries adopted the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) at the United Nations in September 2000, the international community agreed to find ways to improve the well-being of the world’s poorest people by 2015. The UN target year is close and the question is how much of this goals have been achieved? The UN generally may be recording some levels of achievements, but truly is that reflected in the individual nations that signed the agreement? Nigeria is one of the nations that signed the agreement, yet we can’t say categorically that these goals have been achieved or will be achieved in 2015. To better understand it lets take a brief look at the goals as agreed on by member nations to be achieved by 2015 which is highlighted in the introduction of this discourse, using the MDGs June, 2014 report. Goal 1: Eradicate extreme poverty and hunger. The report shows the following conditions: • About one in five persons in developing regions lives on less than $1.25 per day. • Vulnerable employment accounted for 56 per cent of all employment in developing regions, compared to 10 per cent in developed regions. • About 173 million fewer people worldwide suffered from chronic hunger in 2011–2013 than in 1990–1992. Nigeria is not an exception to the above report, but rather one of the worst hit as the report puts her third in the ranks of the Top five countries with the largest share of the global extreme poor, 2010 (Percentage), after India and China respectively. ϭϮϴ Goal 2: Achieve Universal primary education - Ensure that, by 2015, children everywhere, boys and girls alike, will be able to complete a full course of primary schooling. The following conditions apply: • More than one in four children in developing regions entering primary school is likely to drop out. • 781 million adults and 126 million youth worldwide lack basic literacy skills, and more than 60 per cent of them are women. Goal 3: Promote gender equality and empower women - Eliminate gender disparity in primary and secondary education, preferably by 2005, and in all levels of education no later than 2015. But the following is the reality: • In sub-Saharan Africa, Oceania and Western Asia, girls still face barriers to entering both primary and secondary school. • In 46 countries, women now hold more than 30 per cent of seats in national parliament in at least one chamber. Goal 4: Reduce child mortality - Reduce by two thirds, between 1990 and 2015, the under-five mortality rate. But the case is follows: • The child mortality rate has almost halved since 1990; six million fewer children died in 2012 than in 1990. • During the period from 2005 to 2012, the annual rate of reduction in under-five mortality was more than three times faster than between 1990 and 1995. • Globally, four out of every five deaths of children under age five continue to occur in sub-Saharan Africa and Southern Asia. • Immunization against measles helped prevent nearly 14 million deaths between 2000 and 2012. Goal 5: Improve maternal health - Reduce by three quarters, between 1990 and 2015, the maternal mortality ratio. The report says much more still needs to be done to reduce maternal mortality, especially in India and Nigeria who ranks first and second with 17 and 14% of maternal deaths respectively. ϭϮϵ Goal 6: Combat HIV/AID, Malaria and other diseases - Have halted by 2015 and begun to reverse the spread of HIV/AIDS, yet the report says there are still too many new cases of HIV infection. Goal 7: Ensure environmental sustainability - Integrate the principles of sustainable development into country policies and programmes and reverse the loss of environmental resources. But Millions of hectares of forest are lost every year, threatening this valuable asset. Goal 8: Develop a global partnership for development - Official development assistance is now at its highest level, reversing the decline of the previous two years (UN, 2014). From the above, one can easily conclude that the nation still have a lot to do to achieve the MDGs, yet it cannot be said that the government of Nigeria is not working, but why is all the efforts not yielding a result? Round peg in a square hole will always be unfit. Therefore, the need to involve the citizens in the budgeting processes, because he who wears the shoes knows where it pinches. Involving the citizens in the nations’ budgeting process is nothing strange but just a call to true democracy that reflects the true government of the people, by the people and for the people, and not government of the people, by an elected few, for the people. On this note, the study, from the above literatures reviewed, presents the following method for citizens’ engagement in budgeting for Nigeria. This method is a reaction to the shortcomings of some other methods as seen in some countries they were experimented. The study analyses this method in line with the capacity building variables as identified by Guthrie (2003) in the next section. ϭϯϬ Citizens in Budgeting for Millennium Development Goals Policy setting (Identifying budgeting issues) Policy Evaluation (evaluating budget outcomes) Capacity Building Policy implementation (Budget allocation and implementation) Policy analysis (analyzing impacts and options) Policy decision (Choosing the budgeting instrument(s) Figure 1: Capacity Building Process and Variables Source: Guthrie (2003). To analysis figure 1, Guthrie highlighted the capacity building variables as starting from policy setting, which is same point we identify budgeting issues. Here, the nation should be able to identify the issues that really need the attention of the budget. It is one thing to make a budget, and another thing for the budget to reflect the need of the people. Therefore, if the citizens are involved right from this point, then there will be no case of misplaced priorities as our politicians have been severally accused of engaging in projects that are not really what the people need. To identify the issues that really need attention, the second variable comes to play. This is where the citizens together with the government should be able to transparently analyze the impacts that any issue identified have made in the past on the development of the nation. This is the point at which the government should give account of what they did with the previous year’s budget and justify why allocations must still be made for any particular issue. If the citizens are involved, they can say that a particular project in their community that received allocation previously have not been done, therefore, why, and what should be done to avoid repeating same in the present budget. When that is settled, it becomes easy and transparent enough to make decisions, which is the third variable. Here is when it is concluded which project ϭϯϭ receives what and on what conditions. Then follows the fourth variable, which is policy implementation and it corresponds with budget allocation and implementation. The budget is put to work on the various projects it has been assigned for. Finally, the evaluation of budget outcomes is done as the last variable. The budget has gone to work and at the end of the fiscal year before new budgeting process is started, the government together with the citizens analyze the outcome of the budget. Here is when it is discovered how much of the set target was achieved and how much need to be done so that it will be included in the next budget. Conclusion Democracy, having been simply defined as government of the people, by the people and for the people; it becomes normative that the citizens be involved in the planning of their development, especially when the elected leaders alone have not been able to achieve what they promised. The MDGs target year is 2015 which is next year by the time of this discourse, yet many of the goals are still begging for more attention. The Vision 20:2020 which is an extension of the MDGs in Nigeria is yet another opportunity to right the wrongs. Therefore, if the citizens are involved in the nation’s budgeting processes, transparency and accountability will play and improvements will be significant. Recommendations Through the finance ministry, the government should develop an audit request system that should involve the citizens. Here, the citizens should have access to budget information and should be empowered through a system that can allow them audit the budget system at the end of the fiscal year. Involving the citizens from start to finish of the budget process may not mean the whole nation coming to national assembly to question the president on the budget, yet the president can answer the questions if some social audit mechanisms are put in place. Here is where the social media can be used as could be administered by the finance ministry who mediates between the executive and the citizens in the budgeting process. To achieve the above ϭϯϮ mentioned, below are some principles that can guide the government in the process of developing mechanisms for citizens’ engagement in budgeting: • Take responsibility for developing and implementing a strategy of citizen engagement in the budget process. • Identify examples of international, national and local good practice. • Define a clear purpose or set of purposes for engaging citizens in the budget process, and define clearly the scope of their involvement. • Identify institutional and cultural barriers to engaging citizens in the budget process, and consider ways in which they could be overcome • Carefully consider who gets involved in the budget process and how they can be best involved and at which stage of the process. • Develop a range of opportunities for citizens, civil society, and other interested parties to engage in the budget process. • Ensure that all engagement with the budget process is open and transparent to allow for effective scrutiny. • Report back to participants on the results and impacts of consultation and publish the results for wider scrutiny. References Allegretti, G., & Carsten, H. (2004). Participatory Budgets in Europe: Between Efficiency and Growing Local Democracy. Amsterdam: Transnational Institute. Andrews, M. (2004). Authority, Acceptance, ability and performance based budgeting reforms The International Journal of Public Sector Management, 17(4), 332-344. D’Souza, J. (2004) A Case study of budgetary reform in the United Kingdom. Public Administration and Management: An Interactive Journal, 9(4), 2044. Eva-Maria, V. (2012). About Participatory Budgeting; Where Has it worked? Retrieved September 3, 2014 from: http://www.participatorybudgeting.org/about-participatorybudgeting/where-has-it-worked/. Federal Republic of Nigeria (2009). Economic Transformation Blue Print. Abuja: Government Press. ϭϯϯ Gomez, P., Friedman, J., & Shapiro, I. (2005). Opening Budgets to Public Understanding and Debate: Results from 36 Countries. OECD Journal on Budgeting, 5(1), 7-35. Guthrie, D. M. (2003). Engaged Governance: An institutional Approach to Government – Community Engagement, A background Paper. Prepared for and presented at the United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs Interregional Workshop on “Engaged Governance”. Colombo, Sri Lanka. December 9-11, 2003. Harrison, G. (2003). Performance-Based Budgeting in California State Government: a blue print for effective reform, October 2003. Kadlec, A., & Will, F. (2006). Understanding Public Attitudes about the Federal Budget: A Report on Focus Groups”, December, Public Agenda. Retrieved September 3, 2014 from: www.publicagenda.org/research/pdfs/understanding_public_attitudes_abo ut_the_ federal_budget.pdf. Lerner, J., & Estair, V. W. (2006). Participatory Budgeting in Canada: Democratic Innovations in Strategic Spaces. Amsterdam: Transnational Institute. McGill, R. (2001). Performance Budgeting. The International Journal of Public Sector Management, 14(5), 376 –390. OECD (2001a). Citizens as Partners: Information, Consultation and Public Participation in Policy Making. Paris: OECD. OECD (2001b). OECD Best Practices for Budget Transparency. Paris: OECD. OECD (2001c). Citizens as Partners; OECD Handbook on Information, Consultation and Public Participation in Policy Making. Paris: OECD. Robinson, M. (Ed.). Performance Budgeting: Linking Funding and Results. Retrieved October 19, 2014 from: www.iopa.sc.edu/ejournal/assets/performance%20based%20budgets.pdf. Scholes, K. and Darwin, J. (1994). Exploring Public Sector Strategy: A casebook. Sheffield: Sheffield Hallam University. Seal, W. (2003). Modernity, modernisation and the deinstiutionalisation of incremental budgeting in Local Government. Financial Accountability and Management, 19(2), 93-116. Susan, T. (2007a). Engaging the Public in National Budgeting: A NonGovernmental Perspective. OECD Journal on Budgeting, 7(2). Retrieved April 21, 2014 from www.oecd.org/gov/budgeting/43412013.pdf. ϭϯϰ Susan, T. (2007b). Engaging the Public in National Budgeting: A NonGovernmental Perspective. A Paper presented at the 28th Annual Meeting of Senior Budget Officials Organisation for Economic Development and cooperation, 31st May, 2007 Istanbul, Turkey. United Nations (2014). Millennium Development Goals Report. New York: United Nations. Wikipedia (n.d). The Eight Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). Retrieved July 7, 2011 from: http://enwikipedia.org/wiki/http/www.nigerianmus.com/100709375420zg /spotlight/govern. World Bank (2003a). Enabling Environments for Civic Engagement in PRSP Countries. Social Development Notes. Washington, DC: World Bank. Young, R. D. (2003). Performance-Based Budget Systems: Public Policy & Practice. Retrieved October 19, 2014 from: www.iopa.sc.edu/ejournal/assets/performance%20based%20budgets.pdf.   ϭϯϱ ϭϯϲ CHAPTER SEVEN Women Traders, Gender Relations and Development Dr. Emmanuel U. Awak Abstract The market structure, competitiveness in the market-place, participation and decision-making processes of women traders are strongly influenced by unavailability of capital, poor storage facilities, inefficient and substandard market information, sexual discrimination, socio-cultural factors, and inaccessibility to education these are submerged in poverty, low self-image and estrangement of women from development. Against this background, the chapter examines activities and gender relations of women traders in their quest for development. With feminism theories providing the theoretical anchorage, it was found that women traders contribute to development, but the index of such contribution is punctured by discrimination, beleaguered status, male chauvinism and lack of business trainings. Therefore, provision of credit facilities and infrastructure to women traders, creation of equal opportunities, and the transformation of traditional industries, among others are proffered. Introduction Trading is a very important business as it favours both the traders and the country. Through trading business, Mongo Park discovered the bank of River Niger, Vasco Da Gama discovered the sea route to India. Therefore, early trading brought development to Nigeria as a country. For instance, Ms Flora Shaw was a woman who came to the bank of the River Niger to trade, but got an opportunity to give the name “Nigeria” to our country. Trading opens new frontiers through exchange of goods and services, establishment of companies, usage of raw materials, equipping people with jobs and creation of wealth (Rodrik, 2001). Indeed, the development of a nation cannot be complete without women playing vital role mostly, through trading. The above milieu is substantiated by Seligmann (2001) that the economic activities of market women include some “thick descriptions” of the difficulties ϭϯϳ and subtleties of entering market to work; unit and bulk buying and selling; pricing and bargaining; credit and debt negotiations; risk taking and risk avoidance. The author furthered a comparative discourse by incorporating the observation of Lessinger (1996, p. 73) on the “Poor Indian women in Chennai (formerly Madras) who are forced to leave the domestic sphere to earn whatever they can to support their families, but, in doing so, they enter the public sphere and interact with non-kin males, ‘which contravene cultural norms of gender behaviour. To preserve moral legitimacy, women traders invoke ideals of sacrificial motherhood and rely on a technique of public chaperonage’”. In addition to this assertions, Kapchan (1996) discusses how women have been able to utilise a culturally and gender-specific speech genre and pure verbal artistry to achieve prominence in a Moroccan marketplace that is dominated by men. Therefore, in the face of these unsavoury situations that women traders have wallowed, it is apt for this chapter to assess how they weather in order to contribute to the development of the country. The Problem The willingness, enthusiasm and ability of women to actively participate in development are often inured by many factors which are mostly social, relational and educational. Some of these might have been exogenously imposed sequel to unequal access to opportunities (Agbola, 1996), they have also, become mutually reinforcing overtime, and constrained the extent and effectiveness of women in development The height attained by rural and urban poverty is attributed to the inability of all players in the development circle to take active part and contribute maximally to the growth and development of the urban and rural centres of the society. The cultural alienation of women from the mainstream of the economy is telling on the perception of women and the willingness to get free hands in the management of their business ventures. This is worsened by the fact that most women take to labour that is unquantified and unpaid for. Yet, they remain a veritable tool in the development stride of the society (Seguino, 2000). The market structure and the competitiveness in the market-place is strongly influenced by the unavailability of capital, poor storage facilities, transportation and inefficient and substandard market information as well as ϭϯϴ sexual discrimination against women, socio-cultural factors, and inaccessibility to education, among others. Traders cultivate and nurture economic alliances; make use of the social relationship in various trading activities for increased turnover, but in the case of women traders, this social process of interaction/network of relationship is truncated as they are ruled by their male counterpart. The objective of the chapter is to examine the role of women traders, gender relations and implications of such relationships in the society and development. Women traders are prevented from independence of thoughts as they must subscribe to the approval of their husbands or brothers, just as they are exposed to various forms of domestic and business violence perpetuated by men. Indeed, gender role in the 1980s and 1990s were affected by the emergence of the antifeminist, prolife and pro-family movements (Connell, 1995). Equally, Molloy (2003) is of the view that marital satisfaction can be affected if husband perceives the wife as expressing roles or role expectations that are incongruent with his own simply because she has accumulated wealth through trading. Hence, how could market women contribute to the economic development in the face of a mirage of problems? To provide answers to this question, this chapter examines the role of women traders, gender relations and inhibitors in their quest to contribute to development of the society. Who are Women Traders? Majority of women traders are drop-out from primary schools, secondary schools and tertiary institutions, although a negligible number among them are unemployed graduates. Many are aged and elderly women who are semiliterate, defined by inability to attain formal education. Majority hardly had basic education as such; they are not perfect in both reading and written English. But because of daily practice, they can accurately count their money and goods, and also communicate with visitors using “pigin” English. When women traders are mentioned, it reflects fighting and talkative collusion. This is because in the market, there are some sort of hustle and bustle, everybody knows everyone. They occupy open stalls, while wealthy ones rent lock-up shops for their businesses. The activities of one person is closely watched and monitored by others. Consequently, there is in existence gossips, jealousy, quarrelling, fighting, and calling of names and exchange of foul words when tempers rise. However, ϭϯϵ women traders are also characterised by their informal ties and the spirit of sportsmanship even in the face of bitterness with one another. They exhibit social cohesion through formation of different associations such as Periwinkle Sellers Association, Garri Sellers Association, Afang Sellers Association, Dry Fish, Crayfish, Fresh fish Sellers Association for those trading on foodstuffs, while those whose stock in trade include articles, domestic wares, clothing, and other goods equally have their umbrella organisations. These associations institute norms and sanctions for violators. This has helped to control and regulate behaviour of members. The associations also serve as ‘bankers of last resort’ to their members through daily/ weekly contributions “osusu”. Perhaps, to examine the quest to satisfy their socio-economic needs and remain relevant, while contributing to the development of the society would be apt through some theoretical dispositions. Theoretical Framework Placing gender relations at the centre of theorisation, feminist development theorists (e.g., Boserup, 1970; Chodorow, 1978; Hartsock, 1985; Smith, 1987; Butler, 1999) argue and reorient developmental discourse toward different topics and interests. Traditional areas of developmental concern are seen from a different vantage point. Aspects of development previously relegated to the margins become, instead, the main foci of interest; for example, Third World industrialisation employed not labour (assumed to be male) but women workers, while gender relations, previously subordinated to class considerations, became essential to understanding productive activity. As a consequence, new aspects of development can be brought into focus, for example, the informal and rural sectors of the economy, the reproductive sphere as a vital component of development, relations between production and reproduction, gender relations in export-oriented production, inequalities stemming from development, the products of development with the thinker going all the way from conceptualisation to experience. In this part of the work, consideration is given to various strands of theories under feminism, standpoint, women in development, women and development as well as gender and development ϭϰϬ Feminism: Peet and Hartwick (2009) conceive of Feminism as comprising several diverse social theories, political movements, and philosophies. Feminist theorists (e.g., Hartsock, 1985; Collins, 2000; Connell, 2005) consider the origins, characteristics, and forms of gender inequality in order to focus on gender politics, power relations, and sexuality. Feminism could be considered as consciously political and activism because its politics revolve around immediate issues like reproductive rights, domestic violence, maternity leave, equal pay, sexual harassment, discrimination, and sexual violence as well as such longterm issues as patriarchy, stereotyping, objectification, and oppression. Also, various strands that lean to development such as inequality between genders, the disproportionate amount of work performed by women, and the absence of women in development policy or group decision making; all of this being attributed to the subordination of women. In view of the above situation, Peet and Hartwick (2009, p. 242) have asserted that “Globalisation of economic activity during the last third of the 20th century incorporated millions of women into the labour force”. Indeed, rapid global development processes have pushed most poor Third World women into jobs that have changed their social and economic status. This is accompanied by an increase in the number of poor households headed by women (widowed or abandoned), forcing women to undertake paid work along with their domestic responsibilities, that is, to double their total work effort. Women are entering the global labour force in record numbers, and more women work outside the household than ever before: some 1.1 billion of the world’s 2.8 billion workers (40%) are women, representing a worldwide increase of nearly 200 million women in each recent decade. The authors noted that women face higher unemployment rates and lower wages than men and therefore represent 60% of the world’s 550 million working poor (International Labour Organisation, 2004). As observed by Peet and Hartwick (2009), of the 27 million people working worldwide in export processing zones (EPZs), about 90% are women who are usually involved in making garments, shoes, toys, or electronic parts. Working for wages may increase women’s position in the household and community, just as increased communication among workers may open up the possibility for women to negotiate over their working conditions. But the feminisation of employment primarily results from employers’ needs for ϭϰϭ cheaper and more flexible sources of labour. This employment does not necessarily improve the well-being of the worker. It simply creates a double burden of paid and unpaid work, with employment usually occurring under poor-quality conditions. Indeed, Feminist theorists find modern reason to be masculinity in logical disguise, with development practices subjugating women while feigning humanitarianism. For most feminists, the idea is to rethink the meaning and practices of development from critical gendered perspectives that value the experiences and wishes of women as well as men. The Feminist Standpoint Theory: Hartsock (1985), in Money, Sex and Power stated that Standpoint theory posits a series of levels of reality and that it amplifies the liberatory possibilities embodied in women’s experience. The feminist standpoint is related to the working-class standpoint, but is more thoroughgoing, because women do most of the work involved in reproducing labour power. For Hartsock, the male worker’s contact with nature outside the factory is mediated by women; hence, the female experience is deeper. Women’s experience in reproduction represents a unity with nature that goes beyond the proletarian experience of material metabolic interchange. A feminist standpoint, as conceived by Hartsock might be based in the commonalities within women’s experiences, but this is not obvious, nor is it self-evident. It needs reading out, developing and propagating. Therefore, women’s life activity forms the basis of a specifically feminist materialism. According to Peet and Hartwick (2009), generalising the human possibilities present in the life activity of women to the whole social system might raise for the first time in history “the possibility of a fully human community, a community structured by a variety of connections rather than separation and opposition” (Hartsock, 1985, p. 247). By extending this insight, socialist feminists want to reformulate development in a way that combines, rather than separates, everyday life and the wider societal dimension, with productive activities of all kinds considered as a totality rather than, split into hierarchical types (that is, work–home), and with relations, while nature is placed at the heart of decisions on what and how much to produce. ϭϰϮ Women in Development Esther Boserup, a Danish agricultural economist made the first important statement about the position of women in development. Boserup wrote two most important books that dwelt on women issues and helped chart the path for various discourses. For instance, in the first seminal text called The Conditions of Agricultural Growth (1965), the author made the case that demographic pressure (population density) promotes innovation and higher productivity in the use of land (irrigation, weeding, crop intensification, better seeds) and labour (tools, better techniques). In the second book Women’s Role in Economic Development (1970), the author presented a critique of the idea that modernisation, expressed as economic efficiency and modern planning, would emancipate women in the Third World. Boserup argued, to the contrary, that the modernisation process, supervised by colonial authorities imbued with Western notions of the sexual division of labour, had placed new technologies under the control of men. This arrangement marginalised women (the main food producers in agricultural societies), reducing their status and undercutting their power and income. However, while modernisation was not automatically progressive, Boserup thought that more enlightened policies by national governments and international agencies might correct these earlier mistakes. As Jaquette (1990, p. 55) observes, “Boserup’s path-breaking work defined a new arena of policymaking and marked out a new area of professional expertise. The United States and other countries that are major donors of development assistance took steps to promote the integration of women into the development process”. Boserup’s revelations helped produce a new phenomenon, which was first termed “women in development,” by the Women’s Committee of the Washington, DC, chapter of the Society for International Development as part of a strategy calling attention to Third World women’s situation (Rathgeber, 1990, p. 490). In the United States, the Percy Amendment to the 1973 Foreign Assistance Act called for paying particular attention to projects that integrated women into the national economies of foreign countries, thereby improving their status and assisting in the development effort. An office for Women in Development was established within USAID in 1974. This office served as the nucleus for a network of researchers and practitioners in universities, research institutions (for example, the International Centre for Research on Women, founded in Washington, DC, in 1976), and major foundations (such as the Ford ϭϰϯ Foundation) interested in economic development. As part of this movement, the UN declared the years 1975–1985 to be the “United Nations Decade for Women” (Peet & Hartwick, 2009). Again, as a result of pressure from feminist movements, most development organisations established programmes to improve the economic and social position of women; the assumption was that women’s problems stemmed from insufficient participation in what was otherwise assumed to be a benevolent process of economic growth. After the 1975 International Women’s Year Conference in Mexico, the UN established the United Nations Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM) as a way of “reaching out to the poorest women in the world.” When asked what they needed most, the predominant answer from women was income sufficient to provide for themselves and their children (Snyder, 1995). The progressive, liberal idea was to increase women’s participation and improve their share in resources, employment, and income in an attempt to effect dramatic improvements in living conditions. Essentially the key idea was to bring women full force into the development process (Mueller, 1987). The women in development (WID) approach was to integrate women into existing development projects by addressing “women’s issues” like maternal mortality and setting up women-only projects and organisations that addressed practical gender needs and interests (Moser, 1993). However, women in development did not operate as a single component, and to elucidate further, Moser (1993) has distinguished five variants within the WID School that reflect changes in the policies of the Western development agencies: • The “welfare approach” prior to 1970 focused on women’s reproductive roles and related T issues, with programmes initiated in such areas as birth control; Chowdry (1995) has argued that this approach illustrated WID’s representation of Third World women as zenana (private, domestic world); • The “equity approach” reflected calls for equality coming from the UN Decade for Women—this met with considerable resistance from men; • The “antipoverty approach” focused on women entering the workforce, having access to income-generating activities, and joining the existing economic mainstream; Chowdry (1995) points out that, even so, women were still seen as occupying only the domestic private sphere, well removed from the political and economic affairs of society; ϭϰϰ • The “efficiency approach,” which was aligned with international monetary fund (IMF) structural adjustment programmes, stressed women’s participation in restructured economies; and • The “empowerment approach” reflected Third World feminist writings, grassroots organising, and women’s need to transform laws and structures through a bottom- up approach. In all these approaches women were represented as victims. Gender and Development The origins of the gender and development (GAD) perspective lie with women working in the mid-1970s at the Institute of Development Studies, University of Sussex (U.K.). This feminist group was interested in analysing women’s subordination within the development process from the vantage point of gender relations between men and women; initially it drew on Marxist analyses of social change and feminist analyses of patriarchy (Young, 1993, p. 134). GAD differed from WID in its conceptualisation of the sexual division of labour. Whereas WID tended to accept the sexual division of labour as allocating tasks between men and women, hence arguing that more value needed to be placed on the tasks done by women, GAD argued that the sexual division of labour in a society was one of connection in which men and women became dependent on each other and therefore, the allocation of tasks should be changed. In the GAD approach, gender relations rather than “women” became the main analytical category, while also a number of assumptions ignored by WID and women and development (WAD) were explored in greater depth. For example, GAD argued that women were not a homogenous group but rather, were divided by class, race, and creed. Women’s roles in society could not be seen as autonomous from gender relations, and this perspective became a way of looking at the structures and processes giving rise to women’s disadvantaged position, which was a function too of the globally pervasive ideology of male superiority, that is, men had power and control over women. Young (1993, pp. 134–135) notes that GAD was an holistic approach in which culturally specific forms of inequality and divisions occurred, and gender became interrelated with this overall socially created hierarchy. Consequently, gender had to be acknowledged as part of a wider international system. For example, capitalism used gender relations to ϭϰϱ produce a reserve of labour, while women’s unpaid labour in the household was a way of creating wealth for global corporations. In terms of developmental practice, GAD charted the path for women as social actors within wider structures of constraints. This is why Young (1993) asserted that: It is therefore necessary to analyse how these other forces (political, religious, racial and economic) intersect with and dynamize gender relations, provoking in some instances structural rather than individual responses to produce rational configurations which may be reinforcements of old forms or may be quite new ones. Alternately, individual responses may take on a momentum and massification, which leads to structural change (p. 139). Contrary to some strands of WID and WAD, GAD saw the state as an important actor promoting women’s emancipation. Rathgeber (1990) has argued that GAD went further than WID or WAD in questioning underlying social, economic, and political structures, which made its recommendations difficult to implement since structural change was found to be imperative. Nevertheless, Kabeer (1994) argued that GAD also opened new strategies for feminist intervention. GAD’s multifarious approach distinguished between capitalism, patriarchy, and racism and also enabled feminists to identify key weak links in official policies for strategic interventions. Indeed, the status and wellbeing of women is submerged in the imperious attribute of men that characterise gender relations in the society. This is where socialist feminists locate and assert that class- and gender-dominated societies characterised by exploitation, dominance, and unequal life conditions vegetate in biased and dangerous forms. It is the very foundation of inequality capable of producing calamitous relations. African Market Women and Economic Power House-Midamba and Ekechi in United Nations (1999) noted that women in some parts of Africa have been involved in trade since the seventeenth century. For more than 25 years, African market women have become the subject of ϭϰϲ considerable academic interest. Much of the ethnographic and sociological research conducted in the marketplaces and streets throughout sub-Saharan Africa has been guided by one of two major goals, namely (a) that feminist scholars have sought insights into fundamental questions about the relationship between capitalism (or economic development) and patriarchy and (b) employment and food security in rapidly growing cities. An interdisciplinary study of market women from parts of Africa (e.g., Igbo women of Nigeria, Ga women of Accra and the Kikuya of Kenya) indicates that African women have used the economic power they have derived from market activities and commercial enterprises to improve their social and political status in a man’s world. They used their wealth in pre-colonial times to obtain titles and even chieftainship. As a result of their involvement in trade, many women acquired considerable property, especially real estate. Irrespective of the positive aspect of women’s economic activities, there is also the prevalence of sexual division of labour in Africa as a discriminating and limiting factor. There is a concomitant struggle between men and women over certain market items traditionally associated with one or the other sex. Hence, the cultural, social, and economic barriers that restrict female involvement could be assessed in some economic activities. Nevertheless, women play a major role in the economic sector of all the regions of the continent. Gender and Trade Staveren (2000) observes that although concerns have been raised about the negative impacts of trade liberalisation, there is little attention to, and research on, the differentiated impact of trade agreements on women and men; and even less on the two-way relationship between gender and trade. Nevertheless, the pattern of gender relations is importantly related to trade, while at the same time, gender relations do influence trade outcomes (Armah, 1994). Since the United Nations Women’s conference held in Beijing in 1995, a gender perspective is being integrated in a wide variety of policy areas. Gender equality and women’s empowerment are no longer regarded as a separate policy area (Anker, 1998). The mainstreaming of gender into a variety of policy areas reflects the acknowledgement that gender equality cannot be achieved without changes in a wide variety of policies, including labour market, fiscal and financial policies. The Beijing Platform for Action explicitly refers to trade ϭϰϳ policies as an area of concern for gender mainstreaming. One paragraph urges governments to ensure that trade agreements will not have negative impacts on women, while another paragraph advises governments to closely monitor trade and other policies, in order to prevent negative impacts that might arise (United Nations, 1999). In these two paragraphs, governments are advised to: Para 165 k: “Seek to ensure that national policies related to international and regional trade agreements do not have an adverse impact on women’s new and traditional economic activities”. Para 165 p: “Use gender-impact analyses in the development of macro and micro-economic and social policies in order to monitor such impact and restructure policies in cases where harmful impact occurs”. The Concept of Development Development has always been conceived in terms of a set of desirable results such as higher incomes, longer life expectancy, lower infant mortality and functional education (Sen, 2000). In recent times, emphasis has shifted from the results to the enabling conditions, strategies and public policies for achieving those results that include: peace, democracy, social freedoms, equal access, laws, institutions, markets, infrastructure, education and technology. But still, little attention has been focused on the underlying social process of development that determines how society formulates, adopts, initiates, and organises development process (Awak, 2009). Society develops in response to the contact and interaction between human beings and their material, social and intellectual environment whereas, the incursion of external threats, the pressure of physical and social conditions, the mysteries of physical nature and complexities of human behaviour prompt humanity to experiment, create and innovate (Essenberg, 1996). Development is a founding belief of modernity because modernity is that time in Western history when rationality supposed it could change the world for the better. In development, all the modern advances in science and technology, in democracy and social organisation, in rationalised ethics and values, fuse into the single humanitarian project of deliberately and cooperatively producing a far better world for all. Development is interested not so much in the growth of an economy but rather the conditions under which production occurs and the results that flow from it. In terms of conditions, development pays attention to ϭϰϴ the environments affected by economic activity and the labour relations and conditions of the actual producers of wealth such as the peasants and workers who produce growth. If growth smashes the environment, and if growth dampens working life, it is not development. As asserted by Peet and Hartwick (2009), development looks too at what is produced. If growth merely produces more fantasies rather than tangible infrastructure like schools or clinics, it is not development. Development attends to the social consequences of production. If growth merely concentrates wealth in the hands of a few, it is not development. Most contentiously, it is development analyses that controls production and consumption. If the growth process is controlled by a few powerful people rather than the many people who make it possible, it is not development. If growth means subjecting the world’s people to an incessant barrage of consumption inducements that invade every corner of life, it is not development. If growth is the outcome of market processes that no one controls (although a few people benefit), it is not development. Development is optimistic and utopian. Development means changing the world for the better. Development means starting change at the bottom rather than the top. Development entails human emancipation that involves liberation from the vicissitudes of nature, through greater understanding of earth processes followed by carefully applied technology; and self-emancipation, control over social relations, conscious control over the conditions under which human nature is formed, rational and democratic control over the cultural production of the human personality. In all this, external and internal, development entails economic, social, and cultural progress, including, in the latter sense, finer ethical ideals and higher moral values. It means improvement in a complex of linked natural, economic, social, cultural, and political conditions. Development is a complex, contradictory, contentious phenomenon, that is reflective of the best of human aspirations, and yet, it is subject to the most intense manipulation, liable to be used for purposes that reverse its original intent by people who feign good intentions just to gain power. In view of the above, it is impossible to instigate development within a given human society without the availability of the underlying prerequisite driving forces: the scientific knowledge and understanding of the total environment, ability to transform available natural resources into useable forms, a controlled functionally skilful population, fairness in the distribution of the ϭϰϵ society’s wealth, positive attitudes, display of acceptable value, expression of functional social aspiration and a productive world outreach (Dearden & Mitchell in Awak, 2009). Indeed, development involves complete turn around of the people both in social, political and economic life, which give them the power that they can influence or be influenced by development (Bryant & White, 1982). Women Traders and Development In every business concern, the ultimate aim is to maximise profit. Therefore, the concept of profit means the favourable financial returns on the capital employed. Many women today engage in trading as an important occupation for livelihood. Women account for half per cent of labour force in trade (Kucera & Milberg, 2000). Trade plays important role in the promotion of national and state economy. Market activities in any society are predominantly the affair of women. In terms of attendance at market, the majority are women. Some women are to buy, some to sell and some to gather information or deliver messages. Women contribute immensely to the development of the country because women whose breadwinners lost their jobs or life have automatically become bread winners for their families. As a result of this, many women engage in trading as an occupation. Women traders also engaged in the development of cane products such as shopping baskets, trays, chairs, room dividers, newspaper stands and others. There are other women who are involved in ceramic making and merchandising, while others are into fashion designing and preparing food and delicacies of high standard. Still, another set of market women travel to other towns and countries like Old Bendel, Aba, Kano, Jos, Lagos, Cameroun, Benin Republic, Ghana, Dubai, France, Italy and London to buy some of their goods. The bottom-line of these activities is that a good number are acting as middle men who buy and sell to other buyers at a profit. For the mere fact that these middlemen traders go to the interior villages where goods are produced and bring them to the urban centre or travel long distances to foreign countries to buy and sell their goods despite various challenges, is a practice that cannot be ignored. Therefore, women traders are the bridge–builders between the producers and the buyers. They struggle to provide the basic needs for their ϭϱϬ households and the society. They make sure that goods are available throughout the period thereby, adding to the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) of the country. But despite the earnest contributions by women traders, their role in the development agenda is often underestimated by the society just as they are stultified by a mirage of constraints that only aggravate their vulnerability to male chauvinism prevalent in the society. Constraints of Women to Development Engels in Peet and Hartwick (2009) argues that the position of women relative to men deteriorated with the advent of class society. In a significant elaboration of these insights, Etienne and Leacock (1980) developed a historical framework for considering relations between socioeconomic, sexual inequalities and hierarchies through four broad historical types of production relations: • Egalitarian relations: When egalitarian relations existed among most hunter-gatherer and many horticultural people, women had autonomy, a multiplicity of economic roles, and decision-making power. • Inequalities: Inequality in tribal ranking societies was attributable to the growth of trade, specialisation and the reorganisation of production relations. In particular, a “public” sector of the economy concerned with production for wealth accumulation and trade was differentiated from a “private” household, or lineage, concerned with production for subsistence and sharing. Men’s responsibilities in hunting and warfare often led directly to their dominating trade and external political relations. The growth of the public sphere undermined women’s previously egalitarian position. • Stratified relations in preindustrial societies: The patriarchal household became an economically independent unit, while women’s work was further privatised. • Exploitation: Exploitation in industrial capitalist society where the subjugation of people generally was paralleled by the special subjugation of women. The above is the transition from earlier egalitarian relations to later male domination in history. This depicts a nexus between modes of production and ϭϱϭ social forms of gender relations that have come to define the status of women. Fleshing out the challenges of women further, Hartmann surfaces with the conception of additional component called “patriarchy”. Hartmann (1981, p. 14) defines patriarchy as a “set of social relations between men, which have a material base, and which, though hierarchical, establish or create interdependence and solidarity among men that enable them to dominate women”. To Peet and Hartwick (2009), patriarchy’s material base lay in men’s control over women’s labour power. Control was maintained by excluding women from access to essential productive resources. Here, the analytical potential lay in connecting the social institutions that coerced and legitimised unequal power relations with the personal processes of psychology and consciousness through which people, especially women, accepted and rationalised their unequal positions in society. This unhealthy relationship has crept into trading business by women such that there is not enough money for the women to expand their businesses. Where loan is to be granted by finance houses, collaterals are normally demanded. Women do not have inherited land of their own to pledge and only a few could afford to own houses. Their businesses are therefore, slow, for they mostly depend on informal funding arrangement. Also, Modo and Umoh (1994) conclude that the interference by husbands and relatives, especially, in the area of financial demand makes such forward looking women to be unable to plough back gains to the business. The inability to package their goods in the most sellable form, lack of sophisticated business ideas as a result of non-exposure to formal training continue to affect women traders negatively. Low access to education by women traders automatically denies them the opportunity and power of influencing significantly public policies and programmes unlike their male counterparts. This entails that women will continue to play second fiddle in the socio-political and economic scheme of things, and it is obvious that they would remain marginalised and exploited even as they continue to grapple with daunting task of contributing to the development agenda of the country. Indeed, the quantity and quality of education available to Nigerian women will invariably determine the developmental pace of Nigerian children, families and the nation in the nearest future. ϭϱϮ Rethinking Development Rethinking development encapsulates making explicit the existence of a multiplicity of models of economies within the space of local constructions that has to do with the notion of “communities of modellers”; and studying the processes by which local cultural knowledge were appropriated by global forces so that radical political economy could be supplemented by ethnographies of development and theories of hybrid cultures. Escobar corroborated by Peet and Hartwick (2009) believe that the global economy must be understood as a decentred system that employs manifold (symbolic, economic, political) apparatuses of capture in a process that still leaves room for localities to avoid the most exploitative mechanisms of the capitalist megamachines. In that sense, modifying political economics involves not only the material, but also semiotic, strengthening of local systems. The current scenario breeds disillusionment among development thinkers and has particularly attracted the barrage of Escobar (1992, p. 20): For some time now, it has been difficult—at times even impossible—to talk about development, protest or revolution with the same confidence and encompassing scope with which intellectuals and activists spoke about these vital matters in our most recent past. It is as if the elegant discourses of the 1960s—the high decade of both development and revolution—had been suspended, caught in mid-air as they strove toward their zenith, and, like fragile bubbles, exploded, leaving a scrambled trace of their glorious path behind. . . Hesitantly perhaps, but with a persistence that has to be taken seriously, a new discourse has set in. Therefore, issues about development must incorporate women traders since they play vital role in the informal sector of the economy, laced with abundant unutilised resources that are capable of instigating formal sector participation. By gearing towards mainstreaming women traders to formal development agenda, an obvious demonstration cannot ignore the following viewpoints: ϭϱϯ • Creation of Opportunities for More Women in Industry: Joekes (1995) states that industrialisation which grows as a response to export demand relies on female labour. This is because developing nations start their export industries with the manufacture of products which use female labour. These industries produce textiles, footwear and processed foods. Therefore, there is greater need for more women to be involved in industrial development if the country is to witness rapid economic growth. If Nigeria is to launch herself into development through industrialisation, the pool of unused female labour can provide immense contribution. Women’s role is especially significant in the informal sector. The women are therefore, more likely to contribute more to the GDP in the small and medium scale industry. • Globalisation and Women Traders: Globalisation is a near disappearance of economic borders and instant response through ease of transferring ideas and information. The speed in sharing information is fast turning the global economy into something approximating a perfectly competitive economy, where resources are moving to areas where they earn their highest marginal value (Oostendorp, 2004). Globalisation is the extension of the market of the industrial nations and in theory, would enable developing nations to grow their economies, and compete with other economies. In practice, it has resulted in widening the gap between the rich and the poor nations (ADB, 2003). Even programmes set up to help the small producers, such as New Partnership for African Development (NEPAD), have benefited the western investors more than the African producers. Globalisation is based on the theory of large scale production and absolute advantage of production (Wade, 2004). This follows that for Nigeria to launch herself into world map, government must encourage large scale production by mobilising women and other traders by granting large amount of capital to invest in their businesses. Where there is large scale production, women traders would reap from economies of scale. • Education: This is the principal means through which ideas, values and mannerism are communicated. It therefore, means that women traders must be given opportunity to receive basic educational training that would aid them to advance their trading business beyond the shores of Nigeria. A good number of women traders are intelligent, but the display of this ϭϱϰ business intelligence is hampered by lack of formal education. Therefore, there is an urgent need for educational programme to be arranged for the women. Whatever educational arrangement made, should not exclude workshops, seminars, symposia, among others. It must be stated that a large part of being a successful entrepreneur is having the training and know-how to accomplish the venture. • Provision of Infrastructure: The extent to which a country provides infrastructure for its citizens to obtain financial support, land, facilities, employee’s supplies, government assistance, utility costs, good transportation, tax concessions, subsidised loans and other items or component required in producing goods and services determines the level of economic growth and development. Therefore, government must see to it that there are enough infrastructures that encourage entrepreneurial activities; availability of equity financing, and suitable professional services and development transfer within a country, as well as the flexibility of domestic labour markets. It must be emphasised that, a modest improvement in these areas would produce a modest improvement in women traders’ contribution to development. • Culture: Culture is exemplified by the people through their beliefs, music, food, clothing, greetings just as the whole concept is learnt throughout lifetime. This is what gives the people a patternised way of life because it is generational and learned through socialisation process. It is culture that brings distinction of one tribe from another and it bequeaths members of such culture with a particular occupation. For instance, the riverine people are into fishing, trading in fishes, crayfish and other aquatic produce. The culture of a society is a major force defining the thoughts and activities of its people. This means that the people must be reoriented to imbibe the philosophy of development and shy away from being satisfied with the little they have. The consumption habit must be replaced by innovative and inventive appetite where businesses would spring up everywhere. Women must be motivated into getting involved in macro business enterprise. There must be a changing worldview of women with regards to their economic prowess, male domination and unhealthy gender relations. • Transformation of Traditional Industry: Chuta in Onuoha (1998) states that investment in small businesses in rural area helps to transform ϭϱϱ traditional sector. It modernises the perception of the people of what life is all about and how to approach it, and also modernises the traditional handicraft prevalent in the rural economy. It introduces the use of machines instead of manual labour in most economic activities as well as bringing to bear the benefit of specialisation through division of labour (Schumpeter, 1994). Therefore, government must as a matter of urgency, encourage the overall transformation of the rural economy by establishing functional export processing zones, trade depots, among other facilities that would guarantee economic development of the communities, which effect is bound to trickle down to the urban centres. By so doing, government would have succeeded in expanding and turning around the scope of business carried out by women far beyond the bounds of petty marketing of perishable wares. Conclusion Women play vital roles in the development of any economy. If not trade, many women would be idle and solely depending on their husbands for their daily needs, while those without husbands would have been forced into heinous activities. Through their involvement in many self-helped projects including trading, women have actually relieved the government some of the burdens of unemployment and its attendant consequences. There are also physical challenges such as reproduction and high birth rate, and introduction of childbirth at an early age. Educational constraint also limits the contribution of women traders to the economy. There is abundant evidence to suggest that education increases the productivity of both men and women but this is not accessible to most women, especially the rural dwellers. Despite the disparaging terrain that women walk through, there is strong evidence that Nigerian women traders have contributed significantly to the development of the society. Women, especially those in the low-income strata, traditionally have contributed to productive activities such as small-scale agriculture, agroprocessing crafts and home industries, trade and commerce, but there has been a tendency to underestimate their economic roles and to undercount their participation due to inadequate data and prevailing definitions of economic activity. ϭϱϲ References ADB (2003). 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Imagining a Post-Development Era? Critical Thought, Development and Social Movements. Social Text 31–32, pp: 20–56. Essenberg, B. (1996). Options for Stimulating Global Employment Growth. In J. U. Umo (Ed.), Towards Full Employment Strategy in Nigeria: Lagos: National Manpower Board. Etienne, M., & Leacock, E., (Eds) (1980). Women and Colonization. New York: Praeger. Foster-Carter, A. (1986). The Sociology of Development. Lancs: Causeway Press. Hartmann, H. (1981). The Unhappy Marriage of Marxism and Feminism: Towards a More Progressive Union. In: Sargent, L. (Ed.) Women and Revolution (pp. 1–4). Boston: South End Press. Hartsock, N. (1985). Money, Sex and Power. Boston: North eastern University Press. House-Midamba, B. & Ekechi, F. K. (1995). African Market Women and Economic Power: The Role of Women in African Economic Development. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press. International Labour Organisation (ILO) (2004). Global Employment Trends for Women. Geneva: Author. 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In: Abasiekong, E. and Modo, I.V.O. (Eds.). High Points in Development. Uyo: Dorand Publishers. Molloy, J. (2003). Why Men Marry Some Women and Not Others. London: Element. Moser, C. (1993). Gender Planning and Development. New York: Routledge. Mueller, A. (1987). Peasants and Professionals: The Social Organization of Women in Development Knowledge. Ph.D. thesis, Department of Education, University of Toronto. Onuoha, B. C. (1998). Small Business Management/Entrepreneurship. Aba: Afritower. Oostendorp, R. (2004). Globalization and the Gender Wage Gap. Policy Research Working Paper Series No. 3256. Washington D.C.: World Bank. Peet, R. & Hartwick, E. (2009). Theories of Development: Contentions, Arguments, Alternatives, Second Edition. New York: The Guilford Press. Rathgeber, E. M. (1990). WID, WAD, GAD: Trends in Research and Practice. The Journal of Developing Areas 24, pp: 489–502. Rodrik, D. (2001). The Global Governance of Trade as if Development Really Mattered. 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New York: United Nations. Wade, R. H. (2004). Is Globalization Reducing Poverty and Inequality? World Development 32(4), 567-589. Young, K. (1993). Planning Development with Women. New York: St. Martin’s Press. ϭϲϬ CHAPTER EIGHT Unionization and Organizational Performance in Nigeria Dr. Aniefiok S. Ukommi & Emmanuel O. Agha Abstract In recent times, there is a decline in union recognition all over the world, owing to organizational restructuring and pessimistic stances. Also, union membership is falling in many advanced countries, but collective bargaining is set in law as the way wages are determined in Europe. In some countries unions do not exist at all or are relatively weak, while other countries require firms that have union or worker representation on their boards of directors. Increasingly, several organizations are adopting pessimistic approaches towards unionism, resulting in the recent apparent decline in unionization. Yellow-dog contracts and moratoriums are examples of such approaches. Scholars differ in their studies and perceptions about the impact of unionization on organizational performance, and this has resulted in mixed reports. While some have concluded that the presence of trade unions in organizations impede production and efficient service delivery which negatively affect organizational performance; others have concluded that unions are useful in making organizations achieve their set goals and thus enhance their overall performance. Aligning ourselves with the latter camp, we have succinctly explored in this chapter the possibilities of enhancing organizational performance in Nigeria via unionization. These possibilities depend extensively on understanding and partnership between the management and union(s) in any industrial setting. Introduction Labour relations is the study and practice of managing unionized employment situations. Courses in labor relations typically cover labor history, labor law, union organizing, bargaining, contract administration, and important contemporary topics (Budd, 2010). As a major sub-area within industrial relations and human resource management, labour relations is of significant interest to industrial sociologists. This is because industrial sociology focuses on ϭϲϭ the interaction of people in an industrial setting, including managementemployee relationships. It is within the purview of this relationship that unionization is located. Organized labor has affected the development of society and is responsible for securing workplace protections and privileges (Beardwell & Claydon, 2007). The first unions were formed in 1700s and their goal was to control price of skilled labor, demanding uniform rates and controlling output. Later in 1850s and1860s, the industrial revolution saw the rise of new unions in industries (Anyangol, Obange, Abeka, Ondiek, Odera & Ayugi, 2013). Unionization has taken some significant dimensions since the Industrial Revolution. Industrial Sociology emerged during the Industrial Revolution that cut across Europe in the late 18th and 19th centuries. From the Marxian articulation, man is primarily an economic man whose survival and existence depends on work. Human must work before they eats. It is in trying to work that he enters into social relations with others. The Industrial Revolution sparked off capitalism, which is based on capital accumulation and private ownership of property. Capitalism, as Marx observed, created two major classes: the bourgeoisie (owners of means of production/managers) and the proletariat (the working class). In the opening chapter of the Manifesto of the Communist Party (1848), Marx (with Engels) wrote: “The history of all existing society is the history of class struggles. Freeman and slave, patrician and plebeian, lord and serf, guild master and journeyman, in a word, oppressor and oppressed, stood in constant opposition to one another, carried on an uninterrupted, now hidden, now open fight, a fight that each time ended in a revolutionary reconstitution of society at large, or in the common ruin of the contending class” (Marx & Engels, 1969). According to Marx, two significant classes are seen in the capitalist society: the bourgeois (owners of the means of production; MOP) and proletariat (those who do not own any MOP but had to exchange their labor power). Here, class is conceived in terms of individual relation to the means of production; the position one occupies in the production process defines one’s class. These classes are fundamentally opposed to one another because of their different positions within the mode of production. The bourgeoisie exploit the proletariat by retaining part of the surplus value of the production creates inherently antagonist class interest. Class conflict occurs specifically then over ϭϲϮ the labor process and the authority relationship associated with it. The exploitative and antagonist relationship existing between the managers and the employees is the root of industrial conflict and class struggle. However, this class struggle provides the force of social and economic development (Yusuf, 2008). Based on exploitation, the ability of one class to exploit the other is to a large extent defined by the capacity of the exploited class to prevent it. Hence, class struggle determines the development of the mode of production. Marx proposed two-fold distinctions of classes: a class in itself – a class consisting of those who occupy the same relation to the means of production irrespective of their acknowledgement or awareness of this; and a class for itself – a fullfledged consciousness, a class pursuing its own interest against those of the exploiting class and members are aware of their common identity. The low level of class consciousness among the organized working class is an indication of a class existing in itself rather than for itself. The central problem in any class struggle is class consciousness (Yusuf, 2008). One thing that is so dominant in the capitalist relations of the bourgeois (owners of MOP/management) and the proletariat (employees) is that while the former’s interest centers on exploitation of the latter’s labor for surplus value (more profits), the latter’s interest revolves around improving his working conditions, since he has no other thing to offer than his labor. It is in this differing interests that industrial conflict ensues. For Karl Marx, the exploitative tendencies of the management and the dilemma of the working class can be effectively controlled through radical approaches. Members of the working class are to develop a class consciousness of their exploitation and form unions for their emancipation. Thus, Marx called on all workers all over the world to unionize. It is in this unionization that the working will develop consciousness of its real antagonistic relationship with the management or capitalist and also strategize to overcome the woes faced by its members in the industrial settings. Since Marx made this clarion call to workers to unionize, unionism has been on the increase. Several scholars have written about unionism and industrial relations practice. In this chapter, attempts have been made to examine unionization and organizational performance in Nigeria. We will give attention to the concepts of trade union and unionism, objectives and purposes of trade unions, factors responsible for development of trade unionism in Nigeria, importance of unionizations in Nigeria’s organizational system, concept ϭϲϯ of organizational performance, and exploring possibilities of enhancing organizational performance in Nigeria through unionizations, and finally to conclusion and recommendations. This chapter examines the possibilities of enhancing organizational performance in Nigeria through unionization. This is interesting as current trend in some work organizations tends to show a decline in trade unionism and its acceptability by managers. Conceptualizing Unionization Unionization is simply the ability of people (mainly workers) to come together and advance their common interests in the workplace. An understanding of what a trade union is, the roles it performs, and what is meant by trade unionism will inevitably help us to better understand the concept of unionization. Trade union has been variously defined. According to Yusuf (2008), these varying definitions depend on the perception of workers and the definition imposed by legal framework of a particular country. For, Akpala (1982), the exact definitions of trade union may vary from one situation to another depending on the economic and political situation encompassing the worker-management relations. Let us explore some of the definitions offered so far by some scholars. As far back as 1920, Sidney Webb and Beatrice Webb offered a striking definition of trade union thus: “a continuous association of wage earners for the purpose of maintaining or improving the condition of their working lives”. Although this definition is striking and reflects the dynamic nature of trade union being a continuous association of wage earners, it may be seen as too narrow since trade unions are not merely concerned with the improvement of working condition. In Nigeria, Section 40 of the country’s 1999 Constitution (as amended) recognizes the institution of trade unions and to that extent, Section 1 of the Trade Union Decree No. 31 of 1973 defines the concept as any combination of workers or employers, whether temporary or permanent, the principal objectives of which under its constitution are the regulation of the relations between workmen and workmen or between masters and masters or the imposing of restrictive condition on the conduct of any trade or business and the provision of benefit to members (LFN, 2004). The Nigerian Constitution of 1999 (as amended) further gives life to the institution of trade union as an integral provision for the fundamental rights of freedom of association. Thus, it provides in Section 40 that “every person shall be entitled to assemble freely ϭϲϰ and associate with other persons and in particular, he may form or belong to any political party, trade union or any other association for the protection of his interests”. A trade union is a voluntary democratic and independent organization. It is made up of worker. It is run by workers; it exists to serve workers (Taylor, 1988). According to Cole (2004), a trade union is essentially an organization of workers, which aims to protect and promote their interests in the workplace, mainly by means of collective bargaining and consultation with employers. Collective bargaining, as Webb and Webb (1920) has noted, refers to negotiations on conditions of service and terms of employment between employers and workers or between employers’ associations and trade unions. It covers all arrangements in which individual workers do not negotiate with employers by themselves but do so collectively through their representatives (unions). The issues covered by such collective bargaining are always very extensive and they include wages hours of work, increments, promotions, job grading and classification, annual leave etc. In fact, in the present dispensation, any matter which is capable of causing a trade dispute is negotiable. Interestingly, a radical definition of trade union has been offered by Hyman (1971) thus: “the conveyor belt of the workers desires to put an end to wage slavery and radically transform the society”. This definition conceives trade union as representing the means of actualizing the impeding working class revolution which will, in the expectation of Marxists, inevitably overthrow the capitalist grip of the capitalists/management over the working class. The various definitions provided here reflect on the role of trade union in the society which include among others: checking the excesses of employers; forum for actualizing the revolutionary potential of labor; defend members’ interest against management action or misdeeds; resistance against capitalist domination; providing an opportunity for workers to be equal partners to management; providing workers with a measure of collective strength; and vehicle of revolutionary social change (Yusuf, 2008). Trade unionism as a movement concerned with advocacy, defense and protection of workers’ rights and the improvement of their material condition through pay and condition of service, did not grow as an institutional tree from the outset of its history on a fertile soil (Otobo, 1987). The growth of trade unionism till modern time still remains stunted, unattractive and with low patronage only by the working classes itself which skeptically embraces it. It ϭϲϱ has been observed that while freedom of association may well be a recognized principle today, it certainly was not at the beginning of the 19th century when the first unions were being formed and when the movement was treated as subversion and its activities viewed as seditious (Gwyneth, 2002). Trade unionism is a reaction and a reactive movement of the working class citizens in every society. It is a reaction against all forms of inequality, oppression, marginalization, injustice and unfair labor practices in the workplace and in the society (Abiala, 2011). Apparently, the Nigerian state appears to be given to institutionalization of oppression, marginalization, injustice and abandonment. Therefore, trade unionism emerged as a sanitizing factor and a mirror exposing the ills of the country and the evil doers therein. It is rooted in Wole Soyinka’s philosophy of The Man Dies who keeps quiet in the face of oppression (Abiala, 2012). So, in the spirit of Marxian clarion call for unionism, Nigerian workers should not die silently in the face of repression, intimidation and exploitation, but should put up survivalist approach through unionization. Abiala (2012) further notes that trade unionism, in essence, is an existentialist and survivalist approach to living. In their radical confrontation of evils of oppression, marginalization and injustice, unionism and unionists are always regarded by members of the ruling class, the capitalists and nobles as ideological fanatics, mal-content individuals and agent provocateur. Therefore, trade unionists are not accepted by the powerful and oppressors of the society, but are merely tolerated. Trade unionism has been viewed from the perspective of advocacy: as working class advocacy towards the defense and protection of the benefits of the proceeds of the industry whether product or service among actors (Oyerinde, 2000). It is about employing the power of collectivity of the working class to redress the imbalance in the power relations in the work arena and the reinforcement of industrial democracy as a step towards democracy in the larger society. Trade unionism is the workers’ movement and its struggles towards justice, equity, good conscience and good governance within the industry. It is a struggle towards the promotion of respect for the integrity of labor as social partners together with management in the government of industry (Abiala, 2012). ϭϲϲ Objectives and Purposes of Trade Unions The main aim for the formation of trade union was the furtherance of workers interest and the regulation of the terms and conditions of employment. The four overall objectives of trade unions according to Yesufu (1984) are to: equalize the strength between workers and employers in matters of collective bargaining; secure better terms and conditions of employment from employers or the state; make demands and promote the demands by agitation, strikes or otherwise in order to ensure that the agreed terms of employment are not eroded; and attempt to create the permanent or continuous existence of the trade unions. According to Yesufu (1984), the purposes of trade unions are served by the economic, political, social and education of trade union objectives and functions. Yesufu sees trade union as essentially an economic organization and its primary economic functions include improving terms and conditions of work: oversee the rate of pay of its members in terms of its adequacy and ensuring prompt payment and comparability; with “the rates and scales of pay of employees” of similar employment. Trade unions must ensure job security of its members and must be capable of safe-guarding problems of labor redundancy and retrenchment. According to Abiala (1991), trade unions ethically perform political, social and educational functions. The political function is performed through influencing labor legislations and policies in favor of workers and lobbying government or management to intervene in crucial industrial relations’ problems. The union also encourages members to participate in decision-making process in the industry. Socially, trade unions must promote free and fair atmosphere among the ranks and file as well as promote members’ friendly work environment. Educationally, unions organize conferences, seminars and workshops to equip members with useful and innovative ideas or information needed in current work processes. Unions must also perform the educational functions through publication of newsletters and bulletins designed to keep members abreast of economic and industrial situations in the state (Abiala, 2012). Anugwom (2007) has outlined and described seven functions of trade union thus: economic, political, educational, social, advisory and consultancy, information, and general functions. We will only explain the last three functions, since attention has been given to the first four functions. With respect to the fifth ϭϲϳ and sixth functions, Anugwom submits that trade unions advise their members concerning their rights, privileges and claims against the employer; and collect and disseminate vital information on labor market and processes to workers. Finally, he said that trade unions play general function by representing the interest of the unions and members at the industrial, national and international levels; participating in resolution of intra-union or member disputes; and providing an enabling environment for positive industrial relations practice in Nigeria. Many questions have been asked as to the role of trade unions. A number of such roles can be identified. First, is to improve the bargaining strength of the workers vis-a-vis the employer. This is achievable through regular consultation with the employer and management on issues relating to the terms of employment and general working condition of the workers. Secondly, is to protect workers from humiliating job especially with regards to the treatment of workers by the management. Trade unions achieve this goal through rising to the defense of the workers whenever management policy tends to degrade their condition. Thirdly, the unions provide collective identity to workers while at the same time representing a forum of collective bargaining for workers. Fourthly, trade union act to influence government on programs concerning workers. As workers representatives, trade union becomes a virile pressure group in advancing the interests of members both within the workplace and in the larger society. Lastly, trade union perform social objective in cooperating with other elements the society in promoting social and economic development and advancement of the community. Factors Responsible for Development of Trade Unionism in Nigeria Let us first look at the historical realities surrounding the emergence and development of trade unions in the country. We assume that such consideration will inevitably dovetail into the factorial issues in the development of trade unionism in the country. According to Otobo (1987), the origin of trade union movement in Nigeria could be traced to the pre-colonial period. At this time, there existed guilds, mutual aid groups and professional or occupational craft unions all of which function to play the role of trade union. However, these associations are not in the modern sense of it full-fledged trade union. Rather, ϭϲϴ most of them are merely workers association. However, the inception of modern trade union in Nigeria could be said to coincide with colonialism. Consequently, the first set of trade unions were modeled after British unions. Unlike the situation in most developed countries, trade union preceded industrialization in Nigeria. However, at the earliest period of colonialism, Nigerians were discouraged from belonging to unions as union membership was regarded as anti- colonial attitude. The first legalized union in Nigeria was the Civil Service Union (CSU) formed in 1912, but was limited to public servants. The unions took after similar ones in the West African sub-region. At this period, trade union could not take the pattern of radical organization because of the paternalistic nature of colonial government which is the largest employer of public labor. Other unions which emerged at this period were the Nigerian Union of Teachers (NUT) and Railway Workers Union (RWU). The RWU broke away from the Civil Service Union (CSU) due to the non-militant nature of CSU. While trade union emerged in 1912, it was not until 1930s that significant development emerged for the movement. First among these was the enactment of Trade Unions Ordinance in 1939 which provided legal backing of trade unions. The law gave recognition to the formation of trade union by at least five persons (Yusuf, 2008). The conglomeration of these unions helped in maintaining stability in the nation’s economy. The militancy of the union workers as regards government unfavorable policies created a catastrophic phase of labor unrest and this led to a successful general strike in 1945. To ensure a sustained harmonization of the various unions, a central union called Trade Union Congress of Nigeria (TUCN) was formed. The congress demanded increased employment through intensified industrialization, nationalization of all public utilities and the establishment of labor party (Fashoyin, 1980). From facts gathered, it showed that many central labor organizations were formed between 1942-1975. These unions proffered strategies for sustained trade unionism, promotion of workers welfare and the generalized magnitude of national development. However, due to the proliferation of trade unions, there was need to have a centralized organization of these various trade unions. This led to the formation of the Nigerian Labor Congress (NLC) in 1975. The NLC became the centre force between the government and the various trade unions affiliated to it. The NLC waxed very strong despite the incessant harassments, detention and intimidation on the leaders by the various governments especially during the ϭϲϵ military regime of Abacha and the Obasanjo-led democratic government. Comrade Adams Oshomole is remembered for his activism as the NLC leader during the Obasanjo-led democratic government. It has been observed that trade unionism arrived late in Nigeria (Otobo, 1987; Yusuf, 2008). The reasons for this apparent late arrival of trade unionism in Nigeria include the limited wage employment (few wage earners were colonial employers, while a significant proportions of the citizens were engaged in the informal work sector); low level of economic activities limited recruitment into the formal economy and hence membership of trade union; repressive colonial labor policy (as the colonial administration regarded trade unionism as destabilizing activity, anti-colonial movement, and illegal organizations, and thus took measures to discourage its employees from membership of these groups); low consciousness of the workers; and absence of legal backing (as the colonial government was reluctant to accord full legal status to trade union which it has already considered as anti-colonial movement and illegal organizations) (Yusuf, 2008). However, with time these obstacles were overcome and this paved the way for the emergence of trade unionism in the country. For instance, the emergence of small indigenous and large multinational companies broke the monopoly of public sector employment in the country, and thus boosted the tempo for trade union movement: Trade Unionism in Neighboring African Countries: The influence of trade unionism in neighboring countries like Sierra-Leone and Ghana also helped to boost the tempo of trade unionism in Nigeria. This factor for instance led to the enactment of Trade Union Ordinance in 1938 which gave legal backing to trade unions in the country. However, the law seems to give way to indiscriminate formation of trade unions which led to proliferation of unions until the 1970s when the National Labor Congress was formed (in 1975 to be specific). The enactment of Trade Union Ordinance in 1938: The enactment of the trade union ordinance in 1938 heralded a formal recognition of trade unionism, and gave legal backing to trade unions in the country. The law laid down the mode of registration of trade unions and prescribed the rights and obligations of unions in the employer-employee relationships. The law was prepared to recognize the existence of a worker’s organization that fulfilled the minimum ϭϳϬ standards stipulated in the law. This gave impetus to trade union development in the country (Ubeku, 1983). The Second World War (1939-1945): The Second World War (1939-1945) also played important role in the growth of trade union in Nigeria. The war brought untold hardship to the workers and the general public in form of acute shortage of essential commodities, rise in prices, stagnant wage structure (Otobo 1987). These problems pushed many workers into joining trade unions which was seen as the only forum for improving their bad economic condition. Union agitation during the period led to the introduction of Cost of Living Allowance (COLA) as well as the first general strike in the country in 1945 with the participation of about 42,000 workers (Fajana, 1995). The war heightened the socio-political consciousness of the workers. Ex-servicemen also joined in the nationalist struggle and also became local as union members and leaders. Nationalist Struggle: The contribution of the nationalist movement towards the emergence and growth of trade unions in Nigeria is significant. We recall that formal political associations were declared illegal by the colonial administration. As a result, nationalists who were using political associations as a nationalist struggle then joined and radicalized existing trade unions as members and leaders. In this radical nature, nationalists and labor leaders successfully collaborated in staging the Michael Imoudu-led general strike of 1945. Military Intervention: We will recall that six years after Nigeria’s political independence which occurred in 1960, Nigerian military took over power from the civilians. In its autocratic and tyrannical nature, the military repressed trade unionism in the country even more than the colonial administration. Although democratic government in the First Republic inherited the colonial fear and suspicion of trade unionism, the highest forms of persecution against unionism were unleashed by the military. According to Yusuf (2008), trade unionism in Nigeria heightened during the era of military rule than in the democratic era. The dictatorial climate provided by military regimes has the effect of pushing trade unions towards increasing militancy. Such undemocratic government could not tolerate active unionism and hence had to resort to intimidation, repression through arrest of union leaders and outright ban of radical unions. In return, these actions further ϭϳϭ fuelled radicalism on the part of the unions. This radicalism has continued in the current political dispensation (Fourth Republic), as trade unions have had cause to mobilize members to embark on concerted actions aimed at resisting unpopular government programs. For instance, the National Labour Congress (NLC) had severally mobilized its members since 1999 against several increased pump price on petroleum products by the Federal Government. However, this did not go well with the government which responded by enacting what is now popularly known as anti-Labor Legislation (the labor bill of 2005). The law among other things seeks to decentralize the labor union in the country. Critics of the Bill have argued that the measure is meant to weaken the power of the NLC which has successfully mobilized the Nigerian workers for strike against the Federal government. Concept of Organizational Performance Though an exceeding difficult concept to define and measure, organizational performance comprises the actual output or result of an organization as measured against its intended output (or goal and objective). According to Upadhaya, Munir and Blount (2014), organizational performance encompasses three specific areas of firm outcomes: (a) financial performance (profits, return on assets, return on investment, etc.); (b) product market performance (sales, market share, etc.); and (c) shareholder return (total shareholder return, economic value added, etc.). The term organizational effectiveness is broader. Upadhaya et al. (2014) further observe that specialists in many fields are concerned with organizational performance including strategic planners, operations, finance, legal, and organizational development. In recent years, many organizations have attempted to manage organizational performance using the balanced scorecard methodology where performance is tracked and measured in multiple dimensions such as: financial performance (e.g. shareholder return), customer service, social responsibility (e.g. corporate citizenship, community outreach), and employee stewardship. Campbell, McCloy, Oppler and Sager (1993) refer to employee performance in general, as behaviors that are relevant to organizational goals and that are under the control of individual employees, regardless of whether they are cognitive or interpersonal. Campbell et al. (1993) have identified a number of performance components in all jobs, that is, the categories of things ϭϳϮ people are expected to do in a job. They include job-specific task proficiency, non-job specific task proficiency, written and oral communication task proficiency, demonstrating effort, maintaining personal discipline, facilitating peer and team performance, supervision/leadership, and management/ administration. One of the manager’s primary tasks is to motivate people in the organization to perform at high levels. This means getting them to work hard, to be at work regularly and to make positive contribution to the organization’s mission. But job performance depends on ability, environment and motivation. This relationship can be stated thus: P = f (M+A+E), where P is performance, M is motivation, A is ability and E is environment (Onah, 2008). According to Moorhead and Griffin (1995), to reach high levels of performance, an employee must want to do the job (motivation), be able to do the job (ability), and have the right materials to do the job (environment). Vroom (1964) opined that a deficiency in any of these three areas will hurt performance, and as a result, the manager must strive to ensure that all these three conditions are met. Impact of Unionization on Organizational Performance: A Critical Review There is evidence that, due in part to their substantial membership, unions have been relatively successful in securing increased wages, benefits, and employment levels, or some combination of these for public workers (Kroncke 1998; Hunter & Rankin 1988; Spizeman 1980; Branchflower & Bryson 2004). For decades, scholars and practitioners have been interested in the impact that these successes, and indeed public employee unions in general, have on the outcomes produced by public organizations. Indeed, the most recent work in this area suggests that we cannot fully understand organizational performance in the public sector or make useful prescriptions for improving ineffective agencies if we fail to recognize and explore the collective power of the government’s own employees (Moe 2009). Unfortunately, the empirical evidence on the subject is decidedly mixed. Many studies conclude that unions have a negligible or even positive impact on performance, but there are also a significant number suggesting that unions, and ϭϳϯ the gains they secure for employees, are ultimately bad for organizational performance and client outcomes (Freeman 1986). Few studies find a positive impact of unions on organizational performance. Even the expectation of productivity gains due to increased unionization is fairly novel and grows primarily out of work by Freeman and Medoff (1984) who argue that, in addition to the more well-known rent-seeking behavior of unions, they may have a positive effect on performance by giving voice to worker concerns, improving management/labor communication, increasing morale, and decreasing turnover. Subsequent work has suggested that this effect might be even larger in the public sector due to the increased loyalty and decreased exit propensity of public employees (Gunderson 2005). Previous work by Eberts (1983) has suggested that unions may influence performance by changing the governance of public organizations, forcing the diversion of scarce resources and/or securing structures and procedures that impede performance-oriented management. However, a larger number of studies have failed to find any relationship between public employee unions and organizational performance (Coulter, 1979; 1986; Eberts & Stone 1987; Register & Grimes, 1991; Nelson & Rosen, 1996; Ash & Seago, 2004; Moe, 2009). The foregoing suggests that the empirical evidence on the impact of unions on public organizational performance is far too mixed to draw precise conclusions. Therefore, our ultimate concern in this work is to explore possibilities of enhancing organizational performance in Nigeria via unionization. Exploring Possibilities of Enhancing Organizational Performance in Nigeria through Unionization Having passed through tough times and repressive oppositions, modern trade unionism has become scientific, proactive and development-conscious. In fact, it has become the lubricating oil for organizational performance in most industries. Modern trade unionism has several benefits to offer emerging industries, employers and management. These, according to Abiala (2012), include helping them to collectively bargain with few instead of many individuals, which could be tedious and time-wasting; helping them to foster attitude of discipline and hard work in workers as shop stewards strive to enforce corporate work ethics to justify demand for improved condition of ϭϳϰ service and pay; enabling the employers to involve the workers in the management process and therefore helps to douse tension and discontent; assisting in quality control and general delivery; fostering democratization and humanization of the system such that workers and employers jointly run the organization as joint owners or stakeholders bound by common destiny; engendering engenders in-built supervisory system that encourages productivity; and bridging communication gaps that may exist between the employers and the individual employees, owing to the fact that communication is central to the success of any organization. The importance of trade unionism in a society’s overall development cannot be over-emphasized. According to Abdullahi (2007), trade union organizations are fundamental to the development of secure, prosperous and democratic society; and are the bedrock of civil society. As a result, he pointblankly submitted that democracies need unions and unions need democracies. This is very important as democratic ethos forms the fulcrum of trade unionism in developed societies. Damachi (1983) averred that labor unions are like electricity with developmental potentials when properly handled. Although as an economic organization that seeks after the welfare of members, trade unions are also social and educational organizations which instill discipline and ethics of hard work, honesty, faithfulness and loyalty to the employers in the employees. Trade unions organize seminars, workshops and trainings which help in the development workers’ capacity, thereby increasing production, productivity and profitability (Abiala, 2012). According to Nkomo and Cox (1996), the presence of labor union in an organization results in less management autonomy and flexibility in design and implementation of human resource management policies. Trade unions have been used to settle disputes between members and management, the implementation of changes and securing adequate representation of members in government, public and private sector. Legal assistance to members has been part and parcel of their duty. Unions are assumed to potentially influence productivity through the creation of rules and procedures that force organizations alter their personnel practices and limit discretion in the management of human resources (Freeman, 1986). The importance of trade unions in the struggle towards workers emancipation is that it provides a potent forum for workers to effectively ϭϳϱ mobilize themselves against the repressive and exploitative actions of the capitalist class. In addition, trade unions provide a check against management prerogative which would have rendered the position of labor rather irrelevant. Trade unions are thus believed to afford certain protective function for their members in terms of its hopes for the future of the working class. Akinyanju (1997) has argued that trade union organizations possess certain characteristics that normally make them suitable for engaging in democratic struggle. First, trade unions are mass organizations with capacity to mobilize mass actions. Second, trade unions are cohesive and highly organized based on shared interest and class solidarity. Finally, the urban locations of trade unions enable them to play an effective role in championing the cause of members. For Yusuf (2008), members of trade unions are also capable of influencing the political opinion of a large number of people outside the union structure. Trade unions also have social position and have established international structures which are not under the control of local despots and which can be used to facilitate the struggle for workers emancipation. Trade unions therefore have inherent characteristic that confer and indeed dictate participation in workers emancipation. According to Mathis and Jackson (2008), there exists an adversarial relationship between unions and management that sometimes leads to strikes and lockouts. However, such conflicts are relatively rare. What is important between the management and unions is recognition by both parties. Major concern for employees is recognition, in terms of respect, esteem and approval of others. Indeed lack of recognition often creates loss of esteem and motivation. According to Armstrong (2006), five factors that determine recognition or derecognition include: perceived value or lack of value of having collective bargaining, the extent to which the management has freedom to manage the unions, the history of management-union relationship, the number of union members and the proportion of employees who are members, and the preference to a particular union. Mathis and Jackson (2008) assert that the primary determinant of whether employees unionize is management. If management offers competitive compensation, good working environment, effective management and supervision, fair and responsible treatment of workers, they can act as antidote to unionization efforts. Unionization results when employees feel disrespected, unsafe, underpaid and unappreciated. Therefore, employees see unions as a ϭϳϲ viable option to achieve improved working conditions. Trade unionism is seen by some to be in terminal decline and no longer relevant to an advanced society. Others believe that unionism has moved to a marginal position in employee relations and some sense of resurrection is required based on support. Trade Unions worldwide are facing a lot of challenges. Researches done in Eastern and Western Europe have shown that Union members are not satisfied with their Unions (Georgelles & Lange in Anyangol et al., 2013). Among the issues that have been reported in several states including UK, Japan, Canada and others are the declining membership, de-recognition, and political manipulation of union, among others. The proportion of younger people who choose to join unions has declined dramatically, suggesting that they do not see membership of collective employee body as necessary or desirable (Waddington, 2003). This is the new trend even in developing societies as many organizations do not want their member to unionize. For instance, banks do not allow their employees to unionize as this is envisaged to have the capacity to cripple banking activities. Nigerian banks are highly interested in employing vibrant young graduates between ages 18 and 25. It is not only the vibrancy of this category of youths that attracts the interest of the management of Nigerian banks, but also their inadequate knowledge of supposed employment packages and dynamics of labor processes. As a result of this lack of freedom to unionize, bankers can be sacked arbitrarily and without any cogent reasons, increasing the rate of job insecurity among bankers in Nigeria. In fact, one of the bankers explained this arbitrary sack thus: “Any day you come to work and finds it difficult to access your system (computer) with the code that was given to you by the management, know that your job is on the line. You don’t need a prophet to tell you that you have either been fired or that your relationship with the management has been soured. That is the dilemma of bankers”. Mathis and Jackson (2008) observe that the percentage of union membership varies significantly from country to country. According to historical data, a survey of 30 countries found that since 1970, union membership percentages have increased in only 4 countries (Belgium, Denmark, Finland and Sweden). Union membership is falling in many advanced countries, but collective bargaining is set in law as the way wages are determined in Europe. In many European countries, artificially high wages and generous benefits have kept unemployment rate high, however the pressures for change ϭϳϳ are increasing. The range of labor concerns varies from country to country. In some countries unions do not exist at all or are relatively weak while other countries require firms that have union or worker representation on their boards of directors (Bolton and Haulian, 2007; Clegg et al, 2005; Ellis and Dick, 2000; Greenberg, 2002; Mckenna and Beech, 2002). Decline in union recognition is a world-wide trend; survey done in UK by WIRS survey data pointed a substantial decline in union recognition. The figure for all places fell from 66 % in 1984 to 53 % in 1990 (Gall & McKay, 2004). A report by Torrington, Hall and Taylor (2005) shows that the main cause of trade union decline in UK is industrial restructuring, and that established industries where union is the norm have declined because the jobs have been lost and replaced with service sector in which union membership is great deal rarer e.g. call centers, retailing and tourism. The size of the average workplace has declined too, and this has adversely impacted on the propensity of employees to join a union. In fact, there are few factories employing thousands of workers on assembly lines as before. In recent times, the yellow-dog contract forbids union membership. Originating from the United States of America, yellow-dog contract is an illegal employment contract in which the employee agrees not to join a labor union. This is similar to a moratorium, which specifies a formally agreed period during which unionism is halted or postponed. A good example is that the nine newlyestablished federal universities in Nigeria are under a moratorium of about five years. Within this period, there will be no unionism by the students and staff (academic and non-academic). This is important as it gives the universities the concentration to graduate the first set of students and set their development targets without threats of strikes and distortions by a union. These nine universities, including the Federal University Ndufu-Alike Ikwo (Ebonyi State) and Federal University Otuoke (Bayelsa), have had their academic activities running without distortion since inception in 2012. However, some other universities have had their academic activities distorted through union activities, thereby impeding their performance. The foregoing does not indicate that workers in those universities or organizations practicing the yellow-dog contracts and moratorium are more comfortable or satisfied than their counterparts in other organizations devoid of these anti-union stances. In fact, they are highly incapacitated and can die in ϭϳϴ silence because they don’t even have the right to demand for their supposed benefits. Concluding Remarks It is obvious that several organizations are adopting pessimistic approaches towards unionism, resulting in the recent apparent decline in unionization. Yellow-dog contracts and moratoriums are examples of such approaches. Scholars differ in their studies and perceptions about the impact of unionization on organizational performance, and this has resulted in mixed reports. While some have concluded that the presence of trade unions in organizations impede production and efficient service delivery which negatively affect organizational performance; others have concluded that unions are useful in making organizations achieve their set goals and thus enhance their overall performance. Aligning ourselves with the latter camp, we have succinctly explored in this chapter the possibilities of enhancing organizational performance in Nigeria via unionization. These possibilities depend extensively on understanding and partnership between the management and union(s) in any industrial setting. References Abdullahi, M. (2007). Iraq: Democracies Need Unions, Unions Need Democracies. Marxist Thought Online: politicalaffairs.net. Abiala, E. O. (2011). Trade Union Laws and Practice in Nigeria. Ibadan: St. Paul’s Publishing House. Abiala, E. O. (2012). Trade Union Movement and National Development in Nigeria: Memoirs of Labour Struggle. Ibadan: St. Paul’s Publishing House. Akinyanju, P. (1997). Trade unions and Democratic Struggle. In: CDHR (Ed.) Nigeria, Non-governmental Organization and Democracy (pp.65-88). Lagos CDHR. Akpala, A. (1982). Industrial Relations Model for Developing Countries: The Nigerian System. Enugu: Fourth Dimension publishers. Amstrong, M. (2006). Human resource management practice, 10th Edition. UK: Cambridge University Press. Anugwom, G. A. (2007). Industrial Relations System in Nigeria. Enugu: Rhyce Kerex Publishers. ϭϳϵ Anyangol, C., Obange, N., Abeka, E., Ondiek, G. O., Odera, O., & Ayugi, M. E. (2013). Factors Affecting Performance of Trade Unions in Kenya. American Journal of Business and Management, 2(2), 181-185. Ash, M., & Seago, J. A. (2004). The Effect of Registered Nurses on HeartAttack Mortality. Industrial and Labor Relations Review, 57, 422-44. Beardwell, J., & Claydon, T. (2007). Human Resource Management: A Contemporary Approach. London: Pearson Education. Blanchflower, D., & Bryson, A. (2004). What Effect Do Unions Have on Wages Now and Would Freeman and Medoff Be Surprised? Journal of Labor Research, 25, 383-414. Bolton, S. C., & Haulihan, M. (2007). Management, Work and Organisations: Searching for the human in HRM. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Budd, J. W. (2010). Labor Relations: Striking a Balance, 3rd Ed. Boston: McGraw-Hill/Irwin. Campbell, J. P., McCloy, R. A., Oppler, S. H., & Sager, C. E. (1993). A Theory of Performance. In: N. Schmitt and W. C. Borman (Eds.) Personnel Selection in Organizations (pp. 35-70). San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Clegg, S., Berger, M. K., & Pitsis, T. (2005) Managing and organisations; An Introduction to Theory and Practice. Sage Publications . Cole, G. (2004). Management Theory and Practice. 6th Edition. UK: BookPower. Coulter, P. (1979). Organizational Effectiveness in the Public Sector: The Example of Municipal Fire Protection. Administrative Science Quarterly, 24, 65-81. Damachi, U. A. (1983). Trade Unions: A Matter of Necessity or Expediency. IPMN Industrial Relations Forum, Series No. 1. Eberts, R. (1983). How Unions Affect Management Decisions: Evidence from Public Schools. Journal of Labor Research, 4, 239-247. Eberts, R. & Stone, J. (1987). The Effect of Teachers Unions and Student Achievement. Industrial and Labor Relations Review, 40, 354-63. Elli, S., & Dick, P. (2000). Introduction to organization behavior. Boston: McGraw-Hill Publishing. Fashoyin, T. (1980). Industrial Relations in Nigeria: Development and Practice. Ikeja: Longman. Freeman, R. (1986). Unionism Comes to the Public Sector. Journal of Economic Literature 24, 41-69. ϭϴϬ Freeman, R. B., & Medoff, J. L. (1984). What do Unions Do? New York: Basic Books. Gall, G., & McKay, S. (2004) Trade Union Recognition in Britain 1995-02: Turning a corner. Industrial Relations Journal, 35(3), 249-270. Greenberg, J. (2002). Managing behaviour in organisations, London: Prentice Hall. Gunderson, M. (2005). The Two Faces of Union Power in the Public Sector. Journal of Labor Research 26, 393-412. Gwyneth, P. (2002). Employment Law. London: Sweet & Maxwell. Hunter, W., & Rankin, C. (1988). The Composition of Public Sector Compensation: The Effects of Unionization and Bureaucratic Size. Journal of Labor Research, 9, 29-42. Hyman, R. (1975). Industrial Relations: A Marxist Introduction. London: Macmillan. Kroncke, C., & James, J. L. (1998). Pay Comparability in State Governments. Journal of Labor Research 19, 371-386. Law of the Federation of Nigeria (LFN) 2004. Cap. T.5. Marx, K. & Engels, F. (1969). The Communist Manifesto. Harmondsworth: Penguin Books Inc. Mathis, R. L., & Jackson, J. (2008). Human Resource Management, 12th Edition. Thomson South Western. McKenna, E., & Beech, N. (2002). Human Resource Management. London: Prentice Hall. Moe, T. (2009). Collective Bargaining and the Performance of the Public Schools. American Journal of Political Science, 53, 156-174. Moorhead, G., & Griffin, R. W. (1989). Organizational Behaviour. New York: Houghton Mifflin. Nelson, F. H., & Rosen, M. (1996). Are Teachers’ Unions Hurting American Education? A State-by-State Analysis of the Impact of Collective Bargaining among Teachers on Student Performance. Milwaukee: Institute for Wisconsin’s Future. Nkomo, S., & Cox, T. (1996). Diverse identities in organizations. In: S. R. Clegg, C. Hardy and W. R. Nord (Eds.) Handbook of Organization Studies. (pp. 338-356). London: Sage. Onah, F. O. (2008). Human Resource Management. 2nd Edition. Enugu: John Jacob’s Classic Publishers. ϭϴϭ Otobo, D. (1987). The Role of Trade unions in Nigerian Industrial Relations. London: Malthouse. Oyerinde, O. (Ed.) (2000). Readings on Social Advocacy for Trade Unions and NGOs. Centre for Workers’ Rights (CWR). Perry, J., Angle, H., & Pittell, M. (1979). The Impact of Labor Management Relations on Productivity and Efficiency in Urban Mass Transit. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Transportation, Research and Special Programs Administration, Office of University Research. Register , C., & Grimes, P. (1991). Collective Bargaining, Teachers, and Student Achievement. Journal of Labor Research, 12, 99-109. Spizman, L. (1980). Public Employee Unions: A Study In The Economics Of Power. Journal of Labor Research, 1, 265-273. Taylor, D. H. (1988). Trade Union Administration and Structures. Geneva: International Labour Office. Torrington, D., Hall, L., & Taylor, S. (2005). Human Resource Management. 6th Edition. England: Prentice Hall. Ubeku, A. K. (1983). Industrial Relations in Developing Countries: The Case of Nigeria. London: Macmillan Press. Upadhaya, B., Munir, R., & Blount, Y. (2014). Association between Performance Measurement Systems and Organisational Effectiveness. International Journal of Operations & Production Management, 34(7), 22. Vroom, V. H. (1964). Work and Motivation. New York: Wiley. Webb, S., & Webb, B. (1920). Industrial Democracy. London: Longmans. Yesufu, T. M (1984) .The Dynamics of Industrial Relations: The Nigerian Experience. Ibadan: University Press Ltd. Yusuf, N. (2008). Trade Unionism and the Nigerian Worker in the Context Of Contrasting Environment. In A. N. Nosike (Ed.) The State of Economic and Business Environment in the Global Age. Granada-Spain: Afro-Euro Centre for Development Studies. ϭϴϮ CHAPTER NINE The Green Politics, Conflict and Sustainable Environment in Nigeria Gilbert C. Aro Abstract The emergence of green politics came on the heels of environmental degradations and exhaustions of the ecosystem in the international system. The World Bank Earth Summit argued that sustainability is at the heart of successful developmental efforts in order to preserve human and material resources of states. In Nigeria, the problems of environmental degradations and exhaustions have constituted factors of stress and conflicts among the citizenry particularly in the littoral states, where the activities of the Multinational Corporations have impacted negatively on the ecosystem. Aquatic resources and farm lands are destroyed in the affected states. The chapter adopted the theories of psychocultural and frustration-aggression frameworks of analysis to explain and interpret the study. Its methodology is based on ex post facto research design. It sourced data through secondary sources. The chapter argued that continuous environmental degradation and neglect by the successive governments in Nigeria bred the conflict refrain and resistance in the Niger Delta. The chapter averred further that armistice brought about by the amnesty deal is meretricious and lull in as much as sustainable development is elusive in Nigeria. The chapter recommended interalia that it is consistence practice of good governance that can guarantee environment protection and sustainability thereby eliminating the factor of stress and conflicts in the littoral states. Introduction The evolving world politics has tried to focus on man and his environmental development and how best to protect the environment from total degradation as a result of exploration and harnessing of the world natural resources. Man in a bid to improve on his environment and increase development always comes in conflict with his immediate ecosystem. In its fall 1998 issue of environment, the ϭϴϯ World Bank states that sustainability is at the heart of all successful development efforts and that sustainability first and foremost means that resources including human resources are enhanced and protected rather damaged or depleted as part of the development process (Offiong, 2000). The political geography of man as it constitutes the embodiment of whole life and survival remains a major factor, which every other activity rests upon. The most suitable factor upon which the power of a nation depends is obviously geography. For instance, the fact that the continental territory of the United States is separated from other continents by bodies of water three thousand miles wide to the east and more than six thousand miles wide to the west is a permanent that determines the position of the United States in the world (Morgenthau, 2012). The proper harnessing of nation’s geography and other power fungibilities constitute and determine the capacity and capability of nations in the world politics. The advantage of United States’ geography and her ability to explore and protect the environment from depletion constituted her strength in the world politics. For Greens, the central object of analyses and scope of inquiry is the way in which human societies destroy other species and ecosystem (Matthew, 2001). The way man interacts with his environment determines his future and survival. Nigeria as a country has been struggling to survive different forms of national burdens and challenges from the time of its colonial creation. Recently, the rise of the Boko Harem sect has geometrically enhanced the burden, weighing down the sovereign state (Ani, 2014). Apart from the threats of insurgency occasioned by Boko Harem, environmental challenges and degradation arising from the exploration and exploitation of mineral resources poses sword of Damocles to human existence in the Niger Delta. The Niger Delta people feel too unsafe and unhappy due to several forms of environmental threats. Oil led development has seriously damaged the Niger Delta Wetland, the environment and livelihood of many of those living in the oil producing communities. And the long term impact on the environment; oil spills can be devastating in the short run, especially in the dry land or fresh water swamp areas (Nnoli, 2006). Oil exploitation which invariably breeds environmental degradations may affect the rights and lives of the people on whose land this activity takes place. Right here refers to the people to livelihood, selfdetermination and safe healthy environment. The effect of oil exploitation on the people is more glaring in a case where the people in question depend on the ϭϴϰ environment and natural endowments therein (Anugwom, 2004). So the preservation of environment for future use calls for diligence and concerted effort of government and people of Nigeria in order to ensure sustainability. In Nigeria, the activities of government, which has manifested in institutional victimisation and structural violence and the roles of the Multinational Corporations have necessitated and engendered severe social conflict particularly in the Niger Delta. The conflict in the Niger Delta stemmed from the failure of government over the years has abandoned the area leaving the people underdeveloped. It is therefore, the continued negligence, lack of commitment to the plight of the Niger Delta that aggravated frustration of the people, which led to the violent confrontation. This is coupled with the fact that the abundant human and natural resources in the area have never translated to a corresponding quality of life for its citizens, who still belong to the group of the most impoverished and deprived people of the world (Okeke,2011). Indeed, from the Nigerian context, the persistence crisis in the Niger Delta region is not just about resource control, or the place of adequate remedies but to save the environment for man’s greater peace and security (Akpuru-Aja, 2007) It is gleaned from the prior studies that environmental neglect and degradation contribute to the plethora and avalanche of contemporary social conflict and violence. This chapter attempts to examine how government through her agents has created a dimension that has undermined the environment and the place of man in the society. It also looks at conflict resistance as a product of abuse of the environment. In peroration, the paper makes copious suggestions and recommendations towards political improvement of the ecosystem. Theoretical Prediction The emergence of green politics came as a result of the total neglect of environment by various regimes within and outside Nigeria. This genre of work will be examined on the basis of two grounded theoretical purviews. One is Psycho-cultural conflict theory. This theory emphasises the role of culturally induced conflict; it shows how enemy images are created from deep-seated attitudes about human action that are learned from early stages of growth in the explanation of conflict (Rose, 1993). It contends, therefore, that even though there are different forms of identities, the one that is based on people’s ethnic origin and the culture that is learned on the basis of that ethnic origin is one the ϭϴϱ most important ways of explaining violent conflict (Ademola, 2012). From the explanatory tools, it is obvious that when a group of people feel uncomfortable and dissatisfied, it normally originates from being conscious of particular ethnic group. The Niger Delta people feel that their environment is being destroyed by the operations of the Multinational Corporations operating in the area. Psycho-cultural conflicts theorists argue that social conflict that take long to resolve become a possibility when some groups are discriminated against or deprived of satisfaction of their basic (material) and psychological (non material) needs on the basis of their identity (Ademola, 2012). The identification of group interest remains paramount in the political environment that is why the green political theory came to advance a view that focus on saving the citizens from environmental degradation and depletion of its natural resources. In order to add to the explanatory theory above, this discourse provides another explanatory tool of analysis, which will add fillip and verve to the paper. The theory of frustration-aggression becomes evident in order to situate more the analysis of this chapter. The pristinity of this theory was credited to scholars like John Dollard, Aubrey Yates and Berkowitz in their respective seminal works. The central premise of the frustration-aggression theory, simply put is that aggression is always the result of frustration. Given, the requisite an individual, whose basic desires are thwarted and who consequently experiences profound sense of dissatisfaction and anger is likely to react to his conditions by directing aggressive behaviour at what is perceived as being responsible for thwarting those desires, or at a substitute ( Anifowose,2011). So this captures the various moods of groups of people contending for their environmental welfare and sustainability of their ecosystem. The green politics perspective is to provide the tenable conditions on the political system to continue to provide good governance that will ensure policy framework to guarantee sustainable environment. We turn our polemic to conceptual discourse. Conceptual Clarifications Categories, variables and constructs assume diverse semantics and intellectual interpretations in the universe of the social sciences. The research of this genre attempts at providing basic and scientific approach in dealing and measuring the variables. Providing concrete explanations makes the reader not be weird in ϭϴϲ perusing and comprehension. We turn to appreciate the variables in the title of this discourse persuasively. Green Politics: Green politics is at core of international relations and the domestic politics calling for proper decentralisations of power, so as to give power and institutional structures the avenues to protect the human environment. Green politics seeks to reject the state system, arguing primarily for decentralisation of political communities below the nation state, rather than for new forms of global political authority. This involves decentralisation not only of political organisation but economic and social organisation as well. The green theorists argue also for abandoning traditional sovereign state systems and practices in favour of more mixed locations. Global ecology complements this by suggesting in rich details how contemporary political-economic practices undermine the sustainability of human societies, and how those power structures need to be challenged to create sustainable societies (Matthew, 2001). In essence the green politics seeks to advance the new epistemology on the full scale management of human environment to ensure protection and sustainability. Environmental pollution, degradation, depletion and stress are generating serious concern at the United Nations. So countries are nodded to protect their environment from exhaustions of its resources. Conflict As far as the human society will continue to exist and embody interdependence within the ecosystem, conflict appears inevitable and inexorable (Okolie, 2009). The universality and immanence of social conflict as a phenomenon, attracted scholars from different intellectual paradigmatic orientations and persuasions to come with multifarious conceptualisations of conflict in the extant literatures; it behoves on this paper to provide concrete and empirical definitions. Conflict connotes a serious disagreement, an argument, a struggle, a serious difference of opinions, a clash, an opposition (Oddih, 2009). Conflict revolves around the pursuit of interest by various contending groups within the political environment. This informs the conceptualisation by David F. J. in his seminal work on conflict studies. ϭϴϳ Conflict ensues over land, resources, wants, and environment. As it stems from various pursuits in the political environment, it is an intrinsic and inevitable part of human existence. It refers as the pursuit of incompatible interest and goals by different groups. Armed conflict is the resort to the use of force and violence in the pursuit of incompatible and particular interests and goals (David, 2012). In the same vein of analysis, conflict is seen as a universal and permanent attribute of nature, life and society, necessary and unavoidable when, in terms of dialectics they serve to advance the positive solution of phenomena, and unnecessary and avoidable when irresoluble and their consequences are negative for society and man (Obasi, 2002). Myriad of definitions are awash in the literature, but the point remains that conflict refines and defines the character and nature of society. The ability to detect, contain and prevent conflict in any environment lies in the quality, character, and nature of statecraft and leadership. Leadership remains a core element and determinant of national power. It will be recalled that a state with high level of national power; possesses the viability to resolve and manage conflict. The indexes of conflict lie in the perceived denial of goal and application of violence as actuality in order to reclaim objective. This defines the socioeconomic rivalry and agitation from various social groups in Nigeria. The political system has been agog and restive owing to armed conflict arising from environmental factors particularly in the Niger Delta, where aquatic environment is destroyed through oil exploitations by the Nigerian government and her agents. State Policy and Sustainable Environment in Nigeria: Conflict or Peace Dimension Nigeria is a multi-ethnic nation, and so the state is always at the cross road on how to manage her affairs. This is because numerous challenges confront the state as a result of the pattern and nature of its ethic configurations. The point of departure of this paper is to concentrate on state policy on the oil exploitation and other mining activities in the oil producing region of the country. The Niger Delta appears prominent in this regard, because the bulk of the nation’s resources come from the region. The environmental challenges in the Niger delta area have thrown up a lot of conflicts questioning the capacity and capability of the Nigerian state to tackle. It was the politics of exclusions ϭϴϴ together with the decline in the derivation formula that drove Adaka Boro to organise a revolt in 1967. Boro fired the first shot in 1967 against the perceived injustice meted out to the region (Emordi, E.C etal, 2012). It will be recalled that the inability of the Nigerian state to address the perceived injustice and environmental neglect continue to reproduce conflict in the area. The manifestation of the scenario has been intensified by the role of the oil companies. In 1956, Shell discovered oil in small village in Oloibiri. Two years later 1958, the company discovered oil in large commercial quantities in Ogoni. Shell and other oil companies that followed, progressively intensified exploration, while closing their eye to the plight of the masses and the inherent environmental crisis and violence, which their operations created. Nothing of tangible nature was put back in place to indicate the impact of petrodollars, which were carted away by the Federal Government of Nigeria and the oil companies (Ani & Ohagwu, 2013). Sequel to the inability of the Federal Government and the oil Transnational Corporations to come up with drastic policy measures to address the environmental challenges. This total neglect led and ensued environmental struggle starting with the Ogoni people. The Ogoni struggles against the Nigeria state and Shell began with the formation of the Movement for the Survival of Ogoni People (MOSOP) in the early 1990s by Ogoni Professionals, intellectuals, and youths. The emergence of MOSOP focused the Ogoni struggle and made it easier for the mass of ordinary Ogoni people to mobilise against their conditions (Ibeano, 2005). Other militant groups in the struggles include: the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND), Niger Delta Vigilante Group (NDVG), Niger Delta Volunteer Force (NDVF) interalia. The avalanche and plethora of environmental degradations, pollution and hazards informed the actions of these groups to engage in the struggles against the amorphous Nigerian state. As the intensity for the struggle grew high in the 1990s, the military government became militarist in reaction to the response and agitations from the minority discordant voices from the Niger Delta. In doing this, Nigeria’s military rulers embarked on a policy of pacifying the Niger Delta, the oil-rich region populated by many ethnic minorities. Pacifications was the military’s response to demands by those ethnic minorities for social, economic, and cultural rights in a country where years of practising an unbalanced federal system grossly skewed resources and political power in favour of majority ϭϴϵ ethnic groups, notwithstanding that the bulk of the country’s wealth came from petroleum extracted from the Niger Delta (Ibeano, 2005). Pacification was the military’s response, which never yielded good result, rather environmental problems have been worsened attesting to the fact sustainable environment is eluding the country. Subsequently, the emergence of democracy in 1999 came with varying hopes and aspirations that numerous conflicts in Nigeria particularly the robust crisis in the Niger Delta would diminish into dinosaur. This hope was reportedly dashed when crises erupted in Odi community in Bayelsa state. The democratic rule under President Olusegun Obasanjo adopted the style of the military by sublimely applying force to tackle the crises in the Niger Delta. The militants represented by the various continued the struggle and the conflict became intensified and internationalised led to fall in the oil production and sale. Budget plummeted and economy was in a bad state. In a bid to tackle environmental crises, various regimes and government have embarked on several policy formulations. These include, the Niger Delta Development Board (NDDB), formed in1960,the Niger Delta Basin Development Authority (NDBDA), formed by Shehu Shagari government in the 1980s, the enactment of the Revenue Act for the Niger Delta by the National assembly of the Third Republic in 1991, the Oil Mineral Producing Areas Development Commission (OMPADEC) in 1992 (Okeke,2011). Also in the pursuit to solve the crisis in the area, President Obasanjo Olusegun in January 2001, through the Act of the National Assembly established the Niger Delta Development Commission in response to lingering accusations of neglect of the Niger Delta. The Commission took off with a very healthy revenue profile, projected to be ଂ20 and ଂ40 billion annually (Nnamani, 2008). It is on record that the above mentioned commissions have not in its entirety addressed the fundamental environmental challenges leaving the area underdeveloped, and without adequate provision to protect and sustain the environment for future use. Hence, there is high propensity of conflict resistance orchestrated by environmental challenges in Nigeria. Furthermore, peace building measures came under the leadership President Umaru Yar’adua in October, 2009. It was the abysmal failure of the previous commissions that the president improvised the amnesty deal and offer to the militants in the Niger Delta. The federal government also established the ministry of Niger Delta to supervise the agencies and commissions under it in ϭϵϬ order to ensure full development of the area. Peaces building in the Niger Delta and wider Nigeria have been on top down and below approach. Peace building from below approach refers to the respect and promotion and use of local human and socio-cultural resources in building peace (David, 2012). Nigeria’s adoption of this approach has failed to provide adequate structures for environmental protections and sustainability. The hindrances to this approach emanate from the evident manifestation of threats of good governance across the length and breadth of Nigeria. The threats of good governance which undermine the peace building approach from below include, ethnic nationalism, insecurity and poverty, bad leadership, political corruption (Aro, 2013). It is discernable that the revulsion and recrudescence of these threats render conflict inevitable in the social formation of Nigeria. Peace and conflict are antithetical, it is the effective application of good governance that can guarantee peace and minimize conflict. More so, solution to environmental crisis can be assured in the polity characterised by good governance. Conclusions The climes of Nigeria embody diverse ethnic groups in a democratic government struggling to attend and solve her social problems prevalent in the system. One of these issues bothers on the question of good governance, and how good governance attends to these problems. Apart from the critical challenges of democratisation of the existing political institutions, the challenge of protecting and sustaining her environment appears herculean and umpteen tasks. The crisis of the civil war and currently the attendant Boko Harem have actually threatened the very corporate existence of Nigeria all stemmed from ethnic bias and chauvinism. But the crisis of the Niger Delta is environmentally driven. The fight by the minority ethnic groups in the Niger Delta was a struggle to protect their environment from total depletion. The chapter attempted at dissecting whether governance through green politics has addressed the environmental challenges particularly in the Niger Delta. It adopted the theoretical frameworks of psycho-cultural and frustration aggression theories to analyse and explain the persistent conflict in the Niger Delta. It proved that consistent denial of environmental rights of the people informed the militancy in the region. Attempt at conceptual clarifications was made on the variables in the title. The chapter looked at the amnesty deal as a ϭϵϭ peace building measures from below has not fully addressed the problem because of the avalanche of threats to good governance. The lull of militancy in the region is temporary measure sitting on the Pandora box keeping time to explode. The chapter in conclusion makes the following suggestions: • That it is only the consistent practice of good governance that guarantees environmental protection and sustenance. • That government should develop a strategic policy on environmental protection and sustenance. • That the ministry of the Niger Delta should relocate to the region to enable it maintain effective supervision of the environmental problems in the area. • That sending the militants to abroad for training is not enough but massive development and industrialisation of the area remains fundamental. • That the ministry of the Niger Delta should provide fund for effective research on the region’s affairs. References Ademola, F. S. (2012). Theories of Social Conflicts. In G. B. Shedrack (Ed.) Introduction to Peace and Conflict Studies in West Africa p 47-50. Ibadan: Spectrum Books. Akpuru–Aja, A. (2007). Basic Concepts, Issues and Strategies of Peace and Conflict Resolution: Nigeria- Africa Conflict case Studies. Enugu: Kenny and Bros. Ani, K.J. (2014). Boko Haram Terrorism: Threats to Human Rights in Nigeria. In: G.M.T Emezue, Inge K and Kangel M Justice and Human Dignity in Africa: Collection of Essays in Honour of Professor Austin Chukwu p434. Lagos: Blaze Print. Ani, K. J., & Ohagwu, G. I. (2013). Niger Delta People: Environmental Crisis and Peace Building Strategies. In P .U Omeje & U. U Okonkwo (Eds.) New Perspective on West African History: Festchrift in Honour of Professor S. C. Ukpabi p157. Enugu: Maddona University Press. Anifowose, R. (2011). Violence and Politics in Nigeria: The Tiv, Yoruba, and Niger Delta Experience. Lagos: Sam Iroanusi Publications. ϭϵϮ Anugwom, E. E. (2004). Oil Exploitation, Environmental Degradation and the Rights of Ethnic Minorities in Nigeria. In J. Onuoha and P. U. Okpoko (Eds.), Ethnic Nationalism & Democratic Consolidation: Perspective from Nigeria and the United States of America p287. Nsukka: Great Ap Express Publishers. Aro, G. C. (2013). Challenges of Good Governance and Democratisation: A Preliminary In: P. U. Omeje & U. U. Okonkwo (Eds.), New Perspective on West African History: Festchrift in Honour of Professor S. C Ukpabi (pp. 425-431). Enugu: Maddona University Press. Aubrey, Y. (1962). Frustration and Conflict. London: Metheun. Berkowitz, L. (1962). Aggression: A Sociological Analysis. New York: McGraw Hill. David, J. F. (2012). Peace and Conflict Studies: An African Overview of Basic Concepts. In G. B. Shedrack (Ed.), Introduction to Peace and Conflict Studies in West Africa p20. Ibadan: Spectrum Books. Emordi, E.C,Oseghale B.E and Nwaokocha O.M(2012). Goveenment Response to the Niger Delta Crisis. In: Albert I.O (Ed) A History of Social Conflict and Conflict Management in Nigeria pp373-375. Ibadan: John Archer Publishers. Ibeano, O. (2005). Our Mother’s Courage Silenced all Guns: Women and Conflict in the Niger Delta. University of Nigeria Journal of Political Economy, 1(1), 53-60. John, D. et al. (1939). Frustration and Aggression. New Haven: Yale University Press. Matthew, P. (2001). Green Politics. In: B. Scott and L. Andrew (Eds.), Theories of International Relations. New York: Palgrave. Morgenthau, H. J. (2012). Politics among Nations: the Struggle for Power and Peace. New Delhi, India: Kalyani Pubishers. Nnamani, R. G. (2008). Good Governance, Peace Building and Conflict Resolution in Nigeria,Journal of International Politics and Development Studies, 4(1&2) pp 274-276 . Nnoli, O. (2006). National Security in Africa. In: Akpuru–Aja, A Basic Concepts, Issues and Strategies of Peace and Conflict Resolution: Nigeria- Africa Conflict case Studies. Enugu: Kenny and Bros. Obasi, I. (2002). Politics and Globe Dictionary.Enugu: Jamoe Enterprises. ϭϵϯ Oddih, M, (2009). Globalisation and Socio-political Conflicts in Nigeria. In: M. Ikejiani-Clark (Ed.), Peace Studies and Conflicts Resolutions in Nigeria p203. Ibadan: Spectrum Books. Offiong, D. A. (2000). Globalisation: Post–Neodependency and Poverty in Africa. Enugu: Fourth Dimensions Publishers. Okeke G.S.M (2011). Violence and Politics in Nigeria’s Niger Delta: Causes. Dimensions and Remedies. R Anifowose Violence and Politics in Nigeria: The Tiv, Yoruba, and Niger Delta Experience pp286-287. Lagos: Sam Iroanusi Publications Okolie, A-M (2009). Conflict Analysis. In: Ikejiani- Clark, M Peace Studies and Conflict Resolution in Nigeria: A Reader pp52. Ibadan: Spectrum Books Ltd. Rose, M. (1993). The Management of Conflict: Interpretations and Interests in Comparative Perspective. In G. B. Shedrack (2012) (Ed.), Introduction to Peace and Conflict Studies in West Africa. Ibadan: Spectrum Books. Survey of Nigerian Experience between 2000-2012. ϭϵϰ CHAPTER TEN Utilizing the Youths for Community Development in Nigeria: The Role of Change Agents and Social Workers Dr. Otu A. Ekpenyong & Helen Nwachi Abstract Several strategies have been employed in Nigeria to enhance community development (CD). However, some of these strategies failed because the youths who are supposed to be utilized as the engine of community development were either neglected or not properly carried along. In recent times, there seems to be an awakening understanding of the fact that the youths must be involved if effective community development must be achieved in our society. This chapter examines the role of change agents and social workers in utilizing the youths for community development in Nigeria. Essentially, the chapter has covered conceptual definitions of the youth, change agents, social work and community practice, community development, factors of youth involvement in community development, obstacles to successful youth involvement, and strategies which change agents and social workers should employ in their resolve to utilize the youths for CD in Nigeria. Introduction Nigeria is richly blessed with abundant human and natural resources. With approximately 174 million inhabitants, Nigeria is the most populous country in Africa and the seventh most populous country in the world. Youth in Nigeria has the largest population of youth in the world (CIA World Fact Book, 2014). Available statistics, according to Umoh (2006), indicate that Nigeria is demographically youth-dominated with 71.5 percent of her total population being below the age of 30 years. According to the UNDP report (1998), 45.7 percent of the Nigerian population is below 15 years of age, while 25.8 percent is between 15 and 29 years. This, indeed, shows that the youth constitute a significant segment of the Nigerian population. However, in spite of the obvious ϭϵϱ riches of the Nigerian society, its youths continue to wallow in poverty and unemployment, and their attendant consequences. In his “Life Cycle Hypothesis of Consumption”, Modigliani (1970) posited that the youths represent an important segment of productive age of the population, constitute the dynamic and innovative segment of any community as well as the basis for future development, are social actors of change and can serve as a pressure group to enforce government policies and activities, and also define their priorities. Thus, it can be said that youths are not only leaders of tomorrow but also partners of today’s development. However, it is a historical fact that previously held negative beliefs by both youth and adults (Jarrett, Sullivan & Watkins, 2005; Zeldin, 2004) have created a disconnection between youth involvement and youth-adult partnerships in the community. Often, youths have not been viewed as essential contributors to society, mainly due to stereotypical images and misconceptions of their age and developmental capacity. The period of intense emotional changes during adolescence helps contribute to the lower expectations of youth from adults and subsequent decreased opportunity for youth to participate in community activities (Camino & Zeldin, 2002). Such conditions have led to a lack of recognition and receptivity by adults, and often, the wider community. It is high time such stereotypical images and misconceptions are done away with. The merging of community building and youth development has been at the core of recent youth engagement literature (Nitzberg, 2005; Kubisch, 2005; Cahn & Gray, 2005; Lynn, 2005; Brennan, Barnett, & Lesmeister, 2006). Nitzberg (2005) has identified that youth must be fully engaged and involved in change efforts at the community level if they are to learn to function as effective members of society. Community building, for individuals, focuses on building the capacity and empowerment to identify opportunities for change within or outside of the community. This chapter discusses the role of change agents and social workers in utilizing the youths for development of communities in Nigeria. Let us recall that the condition of the Nigerian youths is characterized by mounting poverty, illiteracy, hunger/malnutrition, unemployment, involvement in criminal activities, feelings of alienation and insurgency, and other social evils. It is disheartening to know that Nigeria is a blessed country, yet its citizens (especially the youths) suffer untold hardship. This is ridiculous! ϭϵϲ In particular, the Niger Delta region is known for age-long marginalization, economic deprivation, environmental degradation, and underdevelopment. This has occurred in spite of the fact that the region generates over 80 percent of the country’s income (Dokubo, 2004) through its abundant oil deposits. We have dwelled so long on crying for justice and equity to counter these manifestations of underdevelopment in the region. The topic under discussion is very interesting and timely because it points to the fact that we have come to recognize that we can develop the human resources around/with us for our societal development instead of fully relying on the government to develop our communities, and that we need the services of change agents and social workers for the youths to be properly utilized towards community development. Attempts have been made in this chapter to understand who a youth is; who a change agent is; who a social worker is; what we mean by community development; factors influencing youth involvement in community development; obstacles to successful youth involvement; participatory approach to community development; and the role of change agents and social workers in utilizing Nigerian youths for community development. Conceptualizing the Youth The concept of youth has been variously defined by scholars and agencies. These various definitions of youth occur because of attempts at considering vital issues such as age, economic strength, marital status, level of mental strength, among other things (Brown, 2006), while defining the youths. In fact, a lot of socio-economic, demographic or chronological, political, and psychological variables shape the definition of the youths. The United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA, 1997) defined the term “youth” as that segment of the population comprising young people who fall between ages 18 and 35 years. However, other scholars note that the youth denotes a young person supposedly between the ages of 18 and 40 years (Chukwuma, 2000; Archibong, 2006; Udoka, 2006). In this chapter, we define the youths as those who are aged between 18 and 40 years of age. Sociologically, the term “youth” is seen as an ascribed status, or socially constructed label, rather than simply the biological condition of being young (Ress, Markson, & Stain, 1992; Schaefer & Lamm, 1995). Also, the term ϭϵϳ “youth” sociologically denotes an interface between childhood and adulthood (Chigunta, 2002). Youths in any society have the potentials to stimulate economic growth, social progress and overall national development (Echebiri, 2005). They form the active population of any society that is vibrant in sports, education, research and all forms of labour. It is a fact of life that welleducated and developed youths make well-educated and developed society. This is why neither the government nor concerned individuals can be at peace when the youths are crying and yearning for attention. If the youths are well taken care of, it means that future of the nation is well taken care of (Udoka, 2006). Indeed, every country is as developed as its youths. Ukpong (2003) has observed that “youth” connotes not only age but economic empowerment or disempowerment as well as political disenfranchisement and social exclusion. The youths constitute a significant size of the labour force of any country. Known by agility and vigour, most youths are willing to work but they don’t get job anywhere. This has resulted in youth unemployment, which has a high profile in the Nigerian society currently. In traditional Nigerian societies, the youths play critical roles in community defence or security, development and sustenance. They perform productive, reproductive and community development functions. The youth agegrade, for instance, was the backbone of development in traditional societies of the Igbo and Ibibio of Nigeria, the Zulu of South Africa, and the Poro or Saude of Sierra Leone (Umoh, 2006). Unfortunately, due to their dependency insecurity, lack of empowerment, and access to resources and power, and physical disabilities, the youths in Nigeria are vulnerable. They depend on their parents/guardians, their families, government and society. Moreover, due to labour market uncertainties, their dependency is exacerbated and their frustration deepens due to unemployment. These youths, therefore, are not only extremely vulnerable, they are also hurt, damaged and discounted by the very society that should protect them and promote their interests and welfare (UNDP, 1998). As a result, youths are prone to extreme behaviour (Etuk, 2003) and see conflict and crime as income generating activities (Collier, 2000). Of course, we know that no real development can be achieved in a crisis-ridden environment. The quality of the youths determines the quality of society expected in the future. Thus, the development of youths should be prioritized. The youths must be adequately equipped to play their expected roles as future leaders and development partners/agents, for a poorly formed and neglected youth is not ϭϵϴ only a sign of gross responsibility on the part of adults but also a threat of social dysfunction. If the society has no plan for its youths, it obviously has no plan for the future. Youth development therefore includes the sum total of all social and economic strategies aimed at the formation of the younger class of citizens to ensure their social and economic self-reliance (Akpan, 2006). Who is a Change Agent? According to Coskun & Krdzalic (2008), a change agent is a person who initiates change and monitors it through the implementation. A change agent is defined as a person who leads change within the organization, by championing the change, and managing and planning its implementation. The role can be official or voluntary; and a change agent must be representative of the user population, understand the reasoning behind the change, and help to communicate the excitement, possibilities, and details of the change to others within the organization. A change agent is “an individual who influences clients’ innovationdecisions in a direction deemed desirable by a change agency” (Rogers 1995: 27). Change agents generally encourage adoption of a new idea. However, they also may be ones who, in some cases, slow down or even hold up the adoption of an innovation that is, in their own opinion, undesirable. Change agents usually work with opinion leaders to enhance the impact of their diffusion activities in a social system. They are typically more innovative than others and their communication may pose challenges to the diffusion process. In a community, those who usually provide advice and information to other people and maintain a high level of credibility are usually referred to as opinion leaders. According to Rogers (1995), opinion leadership is “the degree to which an individual is able to influence other individuals’ attitudes or overt behavior informally in a desired way with relative frequency” (Rogers 1995: 27). In a modern social system, opinion leaders are innovative. However, in traditional social systems, opinion leaders may be indicative of traditional behavior and norms—adhering to local values and practices— and are, in some cases, even strongly against changes or external influences. Opinion leaders, however, are sometimes influenced by change agents. When opinion leaders exhibit a level of change that is no longer a tradition in that social system, they may be at risk of losing credibility and influence on their former followers. ϭϵϵ A change agent can be defined as a person responsible for organizing and coordinating the overall change effort. A change agent can either be an internal change agent, who is most frequently a sub-set of organizational leaders, or an external change agent, who is most likely to be a consultant or manager brought in to invoke change. There exist two types of consultants: the first type is a change agent that provides predetermined solutions for organizational development, and the second type is a change agent that thinks learning and a mutual understanding with the stakeholders in development decisions and other important issues is important. An ideal view of a change agent include: a person of great analytical skills, a person who is a good listener, a person with great mediator skills, an excellent architect, a person with good teacher skills, a person who is a wise coach, a person who has a good understanding of the goals to strive for, a person who has a good understanding of the activities to perform, and a person who has a good understanding of the methods and the communications styles to use in a given phase of organizational development (Coskun & Krdzalic, 2008). In his pioneering book “Diffusion of Innovations”, Rogers (1995) identified a seven-point process of change agent activity from an initial contact to the end of the agent-client relationship thus: • Developing the need for change on the part of their client. • Establishing an information exchange relationship. • Diagnosing their problems. • Creating intent to change in their client. • Translating this intention into action. • Stabilizing the adoption of an innovation and preventing discontinuities. • Achieving a terminal relationship. Furthermore, Rogers presents a summary of behaviours and factors which researchers have found to be positively related to the adoption of change: • The extent of change agent effort in contacting clients, • A client orientation rather than a change agency orientation, • The degree to which the diffusion programme relates to clients’ needs, • The change agent’s empathy with clients, • Homophily (similarity) with clients, • Credibility in clients’ eyes, • The extent to which change agents work with opinion leaders, and ϮϬϬ • Increasing clients’ ability to evaluate innovations. The change agent necessarily meets with some challenges, hazards and obstacles. Some of the things which will help him, according to Richard Johnson (1976), are: • A real need in the client system to change; • Genuine support from management; • Setting a personal example: listening, supporting behavior; • A sound background in the behavioral sciences; • A working knowledge of systems theory; • A belief in man as a rational, self-educating being fully capable of learning better ways to do things. Conceptualizing Social Work and Community Practice According to Payne (2011), social work is a professional and academic discipline that seeks to improve the quality of life and wellbeing of an individual, group, or community by intervening through research, policy, crisis intervention, community organizing, direct practice, and teaching on behalf of those afflicted with poverty or any real or perceived social injustices and violations of their civil liberties and human rights. Research is often focused on areas such as human development, social policy, public administration, psychotherapy, counseling, programme evaluation, and international and community development. Social workers are organized into local, national, continental and international professional bodies. Social work, an interdisciplinary field, includes theories from economics, education, sociology, anthropology, law, medicine, philosophy, politics, and psychology. Social work has been defined as being concerned with the interactions between people and their social environment which affect the ability of people to: accomplish life tasks, alleviate distress, and realize their aspirations and values. The purpose of social work therefore is to enhance the problem-solving and coping capacities of people; link people with systems that provide them with resources, services, and opportunities; promote the effective and humane operation of these systems; and contribute to the development and improvement of social policy (Pincus & Minahan, 1973). ϮϬϭ “Social work is defined as professional intervention to address situations of personal distress and crisis by shaping and changing the social environment in which people live” (Mendes, 2009:250). The National Association of Social Workers (NASW, 1973:4-5) described social work as: “the professional activity of helping individuals, groups, or communities to enhance or restore their capacity for social functioning and to create societal conditions favorable to this goal. Social work practice consists of the professional application of social work values, principles, and techniques to one or more of the following ends: helping people obtain tangible services; providing counseling and psychotherapy with individuals, families, and groups; helping communities or groups provide or improve social and health services; and participating in relevant legislative processes. The practice of social work requires knowledge of human development and behavior; of social, economic, and cultural dimensions; and of the interaction of these factors”. According to Ekpenyong & Raimi (2008), the focus of social work should be centred on the needs, interests and well-being of the child, adult and family; and the social worker should aim to work with people to define together the outcomes they are seeking and their preferred means of achieving them. Also, the social worker should recognize the physical, intellectual, psychological and spiritual dimensions of clients’ well-being and the importance of their family, neighbourhood and community relationships. Basically, social work applies social theory and research methods to study and improve the lives of people, groups and societies (Ekpenyong and Raimi, 2008). Thus, in line with the principles of social models, social workers will work with people to identify the barriers and obstacles against achieving their outcomes and to find ways of avoiding or overcoming the obstacles (Ekpenyong & Raimi, 2009). Social work is based on scientific knowledge and skill in human relations to help individuals, groups or communities obtain social and personal independence. It is both a science and an art. It draws scientific knowledge and insight (theories) from sociology, anthropology, biology, education, economics, history, law, philosophy and psychology synthesized into social work theory/treatment. Therefore, social work depends on a body of knowledge of these mentioned disciplines as well as on the specific structure and functions of social services and the skill and responsibility of professional social workers (Morales & Sheafor, 1983). ϮϬϮ According to the International Federation of Social Workers (2005), “social work bases its methodology on a systematic body of evidence-based knowledge derived from research and practice evaluation, including local and indigenous knowledge specific to its context. It recognizes the complexity of interactions between human beings and their environment, and the capacity of people both to be affected by and to alter the multiple influences upon them including bio-psychosocial factors. The social work profession draws on theories of human development, social theory and social systems to analyze complex situations and to facilitate individual, organizational, social and cultural changes”. Its seven core functions are described by Popple and Leighninger (2011) as: • Engagement: the social worker must first engage the client in early meetings to promote a collaborative relationship. • Assessment: data must be gathered that will guide and direct a plan of action to help the client. • Planning: negotiate and formulate an action plan. • Implementation: promote resource acquisition and enhance role performance. • Monitoring/Evaluation: on-going documentation through short-term goal attainment of extent to which client is following through. • Supportive Counseling: affirming, challenging, encouraging, informing, and exploring options. • Graduated Disengagement: Seeking to replace the social worker with a naturally occurring resource. Six other core values are: service – help people in need and address social problems; social justice – challenge social injustices; respect the dignity and worth of the person; give importance to human relationships; integrity – behave in a trustworthy manner; competence – practice within the areas of one's areas of expertise and develop and enhance professional skills. A key difference between social work and sociology lies in the emphasis placed on intervention in social work. A social worker expects to be actively involved in the amelioration of social problems, while a sociologist typically focuses on understanding the nature and extent of social issues. Social workers establish a helping relationship with a client system (individual, family, small group, community), using their assessment skills and knowledge of helping ϮϬϯ resources to identify alternatives that may improve a situation. However, a social worker should have a good background in sociology. According to Barker (2003) & Zastrow (2008), social workers are multiskilled professionals. Social workers act as advocates for their clients, educate clients and teach them new skills, link clients to essential resources within the community, protect vulnerable clients and ensure that their best interests are observed, counsel clients who need support and assistance, and research social problems to look for remedies. They can work health care and social assistance sectors such as hospitals, mental health clinics, and private practices. They can be employed by government agencies at the state and local levels. Professionals who work in government positions might conduct child welfare assessments, help individuals in need of public assistance, and work with people who have come into contact with the criminal justice system. In fact, Social workers are employed in a variety of settings, including hospitals, mental health clinics, schools, nonprofit agencies, and government offices. As emphasized by Barker (2003), a Bachelor of Social Work (BSW) degree is the minimum requirement for one to become a social worker. However, some individuals with psychology, sociology, and education degrees are able to find entry-level jobs in social work. If you are interested in providing therapy services, then a Master of Social Work (MSW) degree is required. Are you interested in teaching at the university level or conducting research? Then you will need to earn a doctorate degree in social work (DSW). Requirements vary by state, but most states require social workers to be licensed, registered, or certified in their field. For example, becoming a licensed clinical social worker generally requires taking an exam and completing at least two years of supervised clinical experience. Social work provides an important service to society. Individuals and families in need of help are the focus of it, and are referred to as clients. The goal of social workers is to help clients live a productive life in their own community. In order to reach this goal, the assistance of family members, relatives, local religious leaders, tribal leaders and elders, and other influential members of the community, are needed. Youths should also constitute a significant group in the social work practice. Social work uses a team approach and is multi-disciplined. Its goal is to provide a service to those who need help, especially the old, young, poor, abused, mistreated, handicapped, jobless, the sick and the homeless. Its approach is to use available resources to solve ϮϬϰ problems in order to empower clients to help themselves in the long term. Therefore, social workers in Nigeria should rise to the responsibility of using available resources to solve the problems of their clients and the society. According to a 2000 UNESCO document on “Social Work”, the social worker should be guided by following ethics (Social Worker’s Creed) while performing his/her duties: • Respect the dignity of the individual as the basis for all social relationships; • Have faith in the capacity of the client to advance towards his/her goals, • Base your relations with others on their qualities as individuals, without distinction as to race, creed, colour, or economic or social status; • Recognize that your greatest gift to another person may be to give an opportunity for him/her to develop and exercise his/her own capacities; • Do not invade the personal affairs of another individual without his/her consent, except in an emergency, where you must act to prevent injury to him/her or to others; • Believe and accept the differences and individuality of others, and endeavour to build a useful relationship on them; • Base your opinion of another person on a genuine attempt to understand the whole person, his/her situation, and what it means; and • Constantly try to seek understanding and control yourself, your attitudes, and the prejudices which may affect your relationships. The social worker helps people increase their capacities for problem solving and coping, helps them obtain needed resources, facilitates interactions between individuals and between people and their environments, helps make organizations responsible to people, and influences social policies. There are several types of professional social work activities: casework, case management, group work, group therapy, family therapy, community organization, administration, research, consulting, planning, supervision, and teaching. The eight goals of social work practice are to: enhance the problem-solving, coping and developmental capacities of people; link people with systems that provide them with resources, services, and opportunities; promote the effectiveness and humane operation of systems that provide people with resources and services; ϮϬϱ develop and improve social policy; enhance human well-being and alleviate poverty, oppression, and other forms of social injustice; pursue policies, services, and resources through advocacy and social or political actions that promote social and economic justice; develop and use research, knowledge, and skills that advance social work practice; and develop and apply practice in the context of diverse cultures. Based on these goals, social work emphasizes empowerment and a strengths perspective (rather than a focus on pathology) in working with individuals, groups, families, organizations, and communities (Zastrow, 2008). The social worker should also be concerned with community practice. In the United States of America, Community Practice is a branch of social work that focuses on larger social systems and social change, and is tied to the historical roots of United States social work. The field of community practice social work encompasses community organizing, social planning, human service management, community development, policy analysis, policy advocacy, evaluation, mediation, electronic advocacy and other larger systems interventions. In the field of social work, community practice is often contrasted with direct practice social work, in which social workers work directly with individuals solving micro-level problems. Community Practice has been referred to in the past as Macro Practice, though Community Practice is now the standard term in the United States (Hardcastle, Powers, & Wenecour, 2004). Community Practice has considerable overlap with many other applied social sciences, such as urban planning, economic development, public affairs, rural sociology and nonprofit management. Community Practice social workers typically have a Masters in Social Work (MSW). There are several MSW programs in the United States that offer Community Practice Concentrations, while many other MSW programs offer specializations in one or several types of community practice, such as social services administration or policy analysis. The professional group of community practitioners is the Association for Community Organization and Social Administration (ACOSA), which publishes the leading journal in the field, The Journal of Community Practice (Weil, 2005). We are hopeful that social work practice in Nigeria will grow to the expected level; it is just a matter of time. Effective community social work practice is integrative, comprehensive, collaborative, participatory, strengths and asset focused, founded on building capacity, sustainable, empowerment focused, focused on the pre sent with an ϮϬϲ eye on the future, and inclusive (Mizrahi, 2009). Effective community development practice requires a multitude of skills sets (Shulman, 2009). Increasingly, these skills sets are seen as essential in the toolkit of all social workers. As an aspect of macro practice, the social work profession is seen as well positioned to play a major role in community development (Rothman, 2008). The role of social work in community development varies. Some of the key roles that social work assumes are those of facilitator, enabler, mediator, broker, coordinator, and mobilizer (Kirst-Ashman & Hull, 2009). Each role can be seen as playing a part in supporting the linkages in the community and in supporting the process of building the capacity of the community to achieve its goals. The methods used by social workers to achieve the community’s goals include, but are not limited to, facilitating and participating in the community’s work to identify its core values, belief systems, rights, assets, resources, strengths, needs, and goals. Social workers engage with the community to create community-building strategies to meet the community’s goals by collecting and analyzing data, studying alternatives, facilitating the community’s selection of a course of action, facilitating and helping to implement this action, training and developing staff and community leadership, identifying and developing funding sources, and establishing ongoing evaluations and feedback mechanisms (Kirst-Ashman & Hull, 2009; Shulman, 2009). Community development social work is in the scope of practice that has direct connection to the profession’s ethical responsibility to the broader society (NASW, 2008). Section 6 of the NASW Code of Ethics outlines responsibilities related to improving social welfare and promoting public participation and engagement in social and political action. In turn, community practice is supported by the Council on Social Work Education (2008) as a core competency of both undergraduate and graduate social work education. Concept of Community Development The development of community invokes a variety of images. Many definitions tend to emphasize locality, structural components, and other characteristics that reflect a shared territory. Community is much more than a geographic location however. It is a social and psychological entity that represents a place, its people, and their relationships (Wilkinson, 1991; Luloff & Bridger, 2003; ϮϬϳ Theodori, 2005). Community, from an interactional viewpoint, emerges from the conscious experiences of its members. It is a dynamic field of interaction rather than a rigid system or a simple piece of geography. The development of community is a dynamic process involving all segments of the locality, including the often forgotten younger members. The key component to this process is found in the creation and maintenance of channels of interaction and communication among diverse local groups that otherwise are directed toward their more limited interests. Through these relationships, individuals interact with one another, and begin to mutually understand common needs and create awareness of opportunities for involvement. Where these relationships can be established and maintained, increases in local adaptive capacities materialize and community can emerge. All localities are composed of numerous distinct local groups (business, education, civic, cultural, etc.) whose members act to achieve individual interests and goals. Community connects these diverse groups and serves to coordinate individual groups into purposive community-wide efforts. It cuts across class lines, organized groups, and other entities within a local population by focusing on the general and common needs of all residents. From this interactional perspective, community is a constantly changing environment motivated by voluntary community action and social interaction (Wilkinson, 1991; Swanson, 2001; Luloff & Bridger, 2003). As residents and groups interact over issues important to all of them, what has come to be known as community agency emerges (Luloff & Bridger, 2003; Theodori, 2005). Agency reflects the building of local relationships that increase the adaptive capacity of local people within a common territory. Agency is therefore reflected in the capacity of people to manage, utilize, and enhance those resources available to them in addressing local issues (Wilkinson, 1991; Luloff & Bridger, 2003; Brennan, 2005). While much of the attention given to building local capacities is often focused toward adults and civic organizations, youth are an increasingly visible and active component in community development efforts. The community is the first entity that all of us encounter beyond our families. It is important, therefore, for youth to have clearly defined roles and opportunities, which allow them to actively participate in their communities rather than having passive roles. Relationships between youth and community building are a key long-term involvement in community development efforts (Brennan, Barnett & Lesmeister, 2006). ϮϬϴ Community development (CD) seeks to empower individuals and groups of people by providing them with the skills they need to effect change in their own communities. These skills are often created through the formation of large social groups working for a common agenda. Community developers must understand both how to work with individuals and how to affect communities' positions within the context of larger social institutions. Community development refers to a set of values and practices which plays a special role in overcoming poverty and disadvantage, knitting society together at the grass roots and deepening democracy. Community development involves changing the relationships between ordinary people and people in positions of power, so that everyone can take part in the issues that affect his or her live. It starts from the principle that within any community there is a wealth of knowledge and experience which, if used in creative ways, can be channeled into collective action to achieve the communities’ desired goals. Community development practitioners work alongside people in communities to help build relationships with key people and organizations and to identify common concerns. They create opportunities for the community to learn new skills and, by enabling people to act together, community development practitioners help to foster social inclusion and equality. Factors Influencing Youth Involvement in Community Development It is important for change agents to know the factors that influence youth involvement in community development. Studies support the premise that participation in community activities is associated with behavioral well-being among adolescents. Influences on youth becoming involved, such as increasing academic performance during high school, increasing the likelihood of college attendance (Eccles & Barber, 1999), greater school engagement (Lamborn, Brown, Mounts & Steinberg, 1992), and reinforcing positive social values or setting an example (Youniss & Yates, 1997), have been found to affect involvement or participation in community development. Other factors have been reported by youths as influencing their need for and willingness to be a part of a greater good through involvement. These include: feelings of efficacy (Sherrod, Flanagan & Youniss, 2002), the need to ϮϬϵ be valued and taken seriously by others in the community (Flanagan and van Horn, 2001), increasing their own self-esteem, and having a responsibility toward society by performing a public duty (Independent Sector, 2001). Recognition by the community at large is part of feeling valued (Scales & Leffert, 1999). Other factors, such as parental involvement, can facilitate influences on youth involvement. Youths whose parents are actively involved in the community are more likely to become active themselves (Chan & Elder, 1999). Youth whose parents do not participate in civic activities may still become active in their communities; however, a supportive and reinforcing parental relationship may have a greater contribution to civic engagement than parental modeling (Fletcher & Van Horn, 2000). Perhaps as a result of an increased awareness of the advantages for adolescents, parents play an important role in linking their children to the world around them (Parke & Ladd, 1992). Youths also have reported becoming active for self-actualization (recognition, raising self-esteem) and social responsibility (setting an example, public duty) (Clary, Snyder & Ridge, 1992; Independent Sector, 2001). Feelings of efficacy (Clary, Snyder & Ridge, 1992; Sherrod, Flanagan & Youniss, 2002), having responsibility/leadership (Kubisch, 2005), and the need to be taken seriously (Flanagan & van Horn, 2001) have all emerged as important reasons why youth pursue community involvement. Activeness in the community is facilitated by youth participation in community-based groups. Interaction between social groups promotes awareness of needs and helps identify volunteer opportunities (Wilkinson, 1991; Luloff & Swanson, 1995). The views and opinions of others, namely authority figures, can greatly influence youth community involvement. Youths report a greater likelihood of becoming involved if their participation is valued by parents, teachers, community leaders, etc. (Camino, 2000; Fogel, 2004; Jarrett, Sullivan & Watkins, 2005). The receptivity of authority figures can play a central role in youth efficacy, their engagement, and their continued involvement in the community. The central issues in utilizing the youths for community development are tied to empowerment and motivations. The youths should be empowered and motivated physically, economically, socially, culturally, politically, emotionally or psychologically, spiritually and educationally. Importantly, they should be trained and allowed to participate in community governance and development. It ϮϭϬ is obvious that there are some traditional prescriptions that forbid the youths from participation in community governance or leadership, especially in gerontocratic societies. Such traditions should be repealed or revisited to enhance youths’ participation and commitment to community development. Obstacles to Successful Youth Involvement Despite the influences and motivations, significant obstacles exist that inhibit, and often discourage, community activeness among youths. Among the leading obstacles prevalent in the research, not being taken seriously, not being asked, and not being assigned or having an identifiable role are consistently noted in the research literature (Independent Sector, 2001). Felix (2003) identified other challenges to youth involvement in communities, including a lack of communication and awareness of opportunities, turf issues among organizations competing for youth participants, youth fears of speaking out, lack of diversity, and adultism or the systematic mistreatment of young people simply because of their age. Other factors such as lack of transportation (Scales & Leffert, 1999), lack of time (Sherrod, Flanagan & Youniss, 2002), and not being sure of the benefits of their contributions (Israel, Coleman & Ilvento, 1993) can limit the active involvement of youth. Scales and Leffert (1999) identified four key barriers that keep youths from participating in activities: lack of interesting programs, transportation problems, lack of knowledge about programs, and cost. Similarly, community organizations may be uncertain of the role or impact that the youths may have in their efforts (Israel, Coleman & Ilvento, 1993). Viewing young people as transient, participating in too many other activities, and having less predictable schedules has the capacity to discourage them from participation in community development. Youths are vibrant people, and endowed with strong enthusiasm to cause change (both negative and positive). The youths are also experimental, with powerful desire to create new things or change the status quo. Interaction with people who can guide them properly can be of help to the development of the youths. Change agents should capitalize on the vibrancy of the youths and their willingness to cause positive change. The youths should be adequately trained, informed and mentored by change agents to overcome the fear that their input will certainly be rejected by the elderly ones and rise to the responsibility of Ϯϭϭ community development. The youths are not only leaders of tomorrow but partners in today’s development. This consciousness should be brought to the doorsteps of the youths by the change agents. The advantage is that the youths can be trained by change agents to become change agents of sustainable development. Theoretical Approach The issue of youth and community development can be better appreciated when located within a suitable theoretical consideration such as the theory of participatory development. Community development through participation is the preferable approach for this paper (that is, participatory development). It emphasises the involvement of the rural peoples in the whole process of rural development activities from the early stage of rural problem identification to the stage of design and implementation. By the middle of the 20th century, it was recognised in both agricultural extension and in community development that those affected by any development activity must participate in it, if it was to satisfy their felt needs and endure over time (Axin & Axin, 1997). Rural development through community participation has not only received international attention but has also been extolled as a prerequisite for rural development and indeed national growth and development of particularly, the less developed countries of the world (Nyerere, 1979). Community development means the participation of the people themselves in efforts to improve their standard of living with as much reliance as possible on their own initiatives and the provision of technical and other services in ways in which not only encourage initiative, self-help and mutual assistance but which also make them more effective. According to Onokerhoraye and Okafor (1994), the emphasis of CD is on the need to encourage communities to identify their own wants and needs and to work cooperatively at satisfying them. This will enable the local inhabitants to develop themselves, the type of political and developmental institutions best suited to their environment and traditions. From this theoretical construction, it is obvious that we cannot achieve sustainable community development without the participation of the youths. Importantly, the participation of change agents and social workers is of utmost ϮϭϮ priority if Nigerian youths should wake up from slumber and take their destinies in their hands. The Role of Change Agents and Social Workers in Utilizing Nigerian Youths for Community Development Since the youths are the engine room of community development, it is essential for change agents and social workers to enhance and increase the level of youth involvement in community development efforts through the following roles suggested by Barnett & Brennan (2006) and discussed below. It is our beliefs that change agents and social workers in Nigeria should live up to these expectations if given a chance. 1. Provide youths with opportunities to become long-term contributors to community organizations: Consider new ways to involve youth and allow them to provide input in decision-making, problem solving and action-taking activities within local organizations, non-profits, volunteer groups, youth programs and nongovernmental organization. This may include putting youth on advisory boards, giving them voting privileges, and serving on committees. This step reflects the significance of local networks and may require more active collaboration with youth than before in order to engage them in ways that will open doors for them to contribute. As youth engage in more sustained positive relationships with adults, other youth, and community organizations, they will learn that they are valued citizens of their communities. 2. Present opportunities for personal self-growth, skill enhancement, and leadership development for youths: This step reflects the significance of personal/professional growth. This may occur through increasing involvement of youth with adults in active collaboration toward local community development. Integrating youth into committees with adults as mentors and guides in this process will enable them to build the leadership skills and personal characteristics necessary for future adult involvement. Training in areas such as conflict management, stress management and communication skills will lead to changes in attitudes and respect as youth become more confident in their skill level. Ϯϭϯ 3. Encourage youths to develop the capacity to serve in organizations and become community leaders: Adults must first recognize and develop their own existing capacities, motivations and barriers to partnering with youth within organizations and local governmental agencies. Once existing levels are determined, adult outreach to youth through schools, youth organizations, and youth groups can connect adults to youth in order to increase youth leadership capacities. Adults can and should inform youth of their value and the need for their service. This step reflects the significance of youth leadership capacity and youth investment. It may be done by letting youth know that their involvement is valued, letting the community and public at large know that youth are doing a good job, and recognizing them formally through recognitions that officially thank them for their service. 4. Engage youths actively so they may provide new ideas and voices that will stimulate enthusiasm and investment in community structures: This step relates to the significance of youth investment through an enjoyment of local politics for greater youth involvement. Adults must understand the invaluable impact of youth involvement in order to engage youth. This involves respecting their own youth culture, getting youth involved at all levels, and actively soliciting their input, rather than keeping their involvement on a surface-level relationship that is strictly limited to task oriented volunteerism. If youth are empowered to become full partners in the community development process, they become more invested in long-term participation and contribution to their community. 5. Form connections to local schools and teachers, particularly with those who actively interact with youths in community issues: This step directly relates to the significance of local networks. This may include the obvious civic education oriented approach, such as with student government groups, as well as the more subtle community building oriented approach like school entrepreneurship and business education organizations that promote life skills, fiscal responsibility, and leadership. By introducing community needs and opportunities to meet these, youth participation can be encouraged and reinforce the importance of involvement in community action and policy making. Tiebacks to citizenship, entrepreneurship, and civic education in the community will provide classroom opportunities connected to real world scenarios. Such Ϯϭϰ connections provide teachers and students with learning opportunities, allowing the youths to practice these abstract constructs in community development application. 6. Link youths to comprehensive planning and policy efforts in their communities: This step reinforces youth linkages to program and policy planning and can be accomplished by involving youth in the examination of existing policies as well as in the evaluation potential policy alternatives. By fostering youth input into policy review and development, youth will move from their role of often inactive citizens to fully engaged stakeholders. This powerful connection to real community issues will involve youth not only in present decisions, but in future outcomes. By empowering youth to become full partners in the community development and policy making process, they will become more invested in long-term participation and contribution to community programs/policy. 7. Allow youths to identify their own interests within the greater social framework of community development and policy making: As youth are brought into organizations and civic roles that they have traditionally been excluded from, they can participate in active and equal decision-making at multiple levels. This step relates to the significance of youth linkages to policy and program development. An increased exposure to shared norms/values through discussion of community issues and concerns will encourage youth to consider where their interests lie. Such deliberation will encourage them to seek activities where they can create positive change for greater good. These collaborations will also lead to skill enhancement and confidence building, allowing them to overcome feeling any intimidation with being involved, which will help them as they navigate toward adulthood. 8. Involve youths in confronting more serious social problems and conditions that will allow them to see themselves as community development agents capable of transforming their environments: By transforming youth from passive citizens waiting for adulthood, to active citizens engaging in social change, this step reinforces that youth will have a voice in decisions that transform policies, make institutions more accountable, and affect their lives. This can be reinforced by adult partnerships that value Ϯϭϱ youth and recognize the importance of their contributions while providing opportunities that build community. Concluding Remarks The central point in this chapter is that youth involvement is critical for the development of community, especially in developing societies. Community development is facilitated by the ability of local people to mobilize resources to address local needs. The Nigerian youths are in a position to be the stable and long-term contributors that help guide this process. They represent a vast and often untapped resource, for immediate and long-term community development efforts. They also provide an invaluable resource for programme planning and effective evaluation. Through their collaborations with adults and organizations, the youths achieve skill enhancement, confidence building, and leadership development. In all ramifications, the Nigeria youths should be mobilized and utilized for community development. In this, change agents have a vital role. The change agents have the capacity to make young people in Nigeria to become problem-solvers, decision-makers, and committed leaders who will lead community development efforts in the future. 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Sherrod, L.R., Flanagan, C., & Youniss, J. (2002). Dimensions of Citizenship and Opportunities for Youth Development: The What, Why, When, Where and Who of Citizenship Development. Applied Developmental Science 6(4): 264-272. Shulman, L. (2009). The Skills of Helping Individuals, Families, Groups, and Communities. (6th ed.). Belmont, CA: Brooks/Cole. Swanson, L. (2001). Rural policy and direct local participation: Democracy, inclusiveness, collective agency and locality-based policy. Rural Sociology, 66(1), 1-21. Theodori, G. (2000). Levels of analysis and conceptual clarification in community attachment and satisfaction research: connections to community development. Journal of the Community Development Society, 31(1), 35-58. Theodori, G. (2005). Community and community development in resourcebased areas: Operational definitions rooted in an interactional perspective. Society and Natural Resources, 18, 661-669. Ukpong, I. E. (2003). Youths and the Protection of Development Projects in the Niger Delta. A Paper Presented at a Youth Forum organized by NDDC, Edem Hotel, Eket, Akwa Ibom State. United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) (1997). African Forum on Adolescent Reproduction Health. Addis Ababa. Weil, M. (2005) The Handbook of Community Practice. Sage Publications. Wilkinson, K. (1991). The Community in Rural America. New York, NY: Greenwood Press. Youniss, J., & Yates, M. (1997). What We Know about Engendering Civic Identity. American Behavioral Scientist, 40, 620-631. ϮϮϭ Zastrow, C. (2008). Introduction to Social Work and Social Welfare: Empowering People. Ninth Edition. Canada: Thomson Brooks/Cole. Zeldin, S. (2004). Youth as agents of adult and community development: Mapping the processes and outcomes of youth engaged in organizational governance. Applied Developmental Science, 8, 75-90. ϮϮϮ CHAPTER ELEVEN The Ujamaa Approach: Suggestion for a New Paradigm to Rural Development in Nigeria Lawrence O. Udensi; Igbara F. Nwimue & Brian O. Eyang Abstract The problem or challenges that has hindered the initiation, implementation and success of rural development programmes in Nigeria is the abysmal initiation of rural development programmes/projects, usually fashioned with the flavours that does not considers the programme beneficiaries and also respond to the aspirations of the beneficiaries. This chapter therefore suggests a paradigm shift in the articulation and implementation of rural development programmes and project in Nigeria. Exploring extant literature and outlining a conceptual/theoretical model for participatory rural development in Nigeria, the chapter concluded that, carrying out an intensive participatory rural appraisal (PRA) as well as invoking its dictates will add to bring out a locality specification and wants dimension in the initiation, formulation and implementation of rural development programmes in Nigeria. Hence, the Ujamaa approach: A new paradigm for rural development in Nigeria. Introduction The problem or challenges that has hindered the success in the initiation and implementation of rural development programmes in Nigeria is the abysmal initiation of rural development programmes/projects, usually fashioned with the flavours that does not considers the programme beneficiaries and also respond to the aspirations of the beneficiaries. On the other hand, various literatures (Udensi, Essien, Alobari, & Naenwi, 2014a; Ekong, 2010; Nelson & Nelson, 2010) have implicated rural development drive in Nigeria to be propelled from the agricultural dimension and concerned only with the rural people. Hence, making rural development a special developmental programme characterized as agricultural and programme for rural people. ϮϮϯ The agricultural characterization of rural development has thus brought about the emergence of a dichotomy in Nigeria’s developmental drive. Thereby, suggesting an imbalance and two-way development – rural (agricultural development) and urban (infrastructural development). This dichotomous development which has seriously captured rural development programmes in Nigeria poses a hard challenge to the developmental objectives and the success of rural development in Nigeria. Apart from the dichotomy in development in Nigeria’s developmental drive, is the realization of a successful rural development programmes in Nigeria which has been put at a dilemma due to other issues that boarders around imposition of programmes and projects, top-bottom programmes implementation strategy, corruption, non-citizen participation (which is the core of programmes failure), lack of finance, etc. And this posses an issue for concern, especially as there have been in existence series of previous rural development programmes [Directorate of Food, Roads and Rural Infrastructure (DFRI), The Better Life for Rural Women (BLRW), Directorate for Mass Mobilization for Social Justice and Self-Reliance (MAMSER), Operation Feed the Nation (OFN), Family Support Programme (FSP) etc]. Despite previous and current rural development programme/projects staged at various phase of Nigeria’s development, yet developmental goals and objectives have been defeated, rural-urban migration is in its increase, there have been wide spread poverty in the rural areas (Udensi, Igbara, Paago, & Chieke, 2014b; Ndifon, 2012; Ekong, 2010; Ekong, 2007; Aremu, 2007), food security is threatened (Nwagboso, 2012; World Food Summit, 2004, 2010; FAO, 2001; 2010), and a host of other challenges which if not addressed, will continue to suppress rural development programmes in Nigeria. It is against this background that this chapter seeks to ask: will a paradigm shift in rural development in Nigeria leads to a significant developmental transformation of its rural areas? Implication of Ujamaa Approach to Rural Development in Nigeria The word Ujamaa is derived from the Swahili language. The Ujamaa was championed by Julius Kambarage Nyerere in 1962 in an address he titled “Ujamaa: Basis of African Socialism” during a conference organized on PanϮϮϰ African Socialism. The Ujamma as enunciated by Nyerere literally denotes the concept of familyhood which brings the idea of mutual involvement in all activities to the people (Ering, 2001). According to Omoregbe (2007), the course of Ujamma arose as a result of the need to champion a well articulated and directional leadership at the end of colonialism and the handover of the reins of power from colonialist to Africans. In his words: …There arose the dire need for finding political philosophies to direct the new leaders who did not want to imbibe a totality of the ousted colonialist philosophies. The concept of Ujamma emphasizes self-government of developmental strides in various communities. And this contradicts what is applicable to recent times rural development programmes in Nigeria which is grossly marked with imposition of projects and programmes without putting into consideration the people’s felt needs and what can ginger and propels their participation as well. Therefore, what prompted Nyerere’s passion for Ujamaa can be complemented to address the challenges of rural development programmes in Nigeria. The Ujamaa society according to Nyerere is characterized by three basic things which can be an essential element in the realization of rural development programmes in Nigeria. This characterization according to Ering (2001) includes: • A close affection among the people which he prefers to respect and love; • All basic goods were held in common and shared among all members; hence the property of society was every body’s. Thus, though inequality existed, it was bound by mutual standard of living; • Everyone had an obligation to work. This work could be different but everyone has that obligation. It is sacrosanct to note that Nyerere Ujamaa ideology was built with the intention to create a country in which the people take full and active part in the fight against poverty, ignorance and disease (smith, 1971). The Nyerere’s policy outlines for the Ujamaa preached a strong sermon of participation (especially ϮϮϱ that of the programme beneficiaries), which is the core of any successful rural development initiative. This is further clarify in the observation by Oduora (2012), With the motto of “Uhuru na kazi” (freedom and work), he (Nyerere) at once mounted a major attack on what he considered the three major enemies of the people. Nyerere believed that it was unwise for a poor country to depend on the uncertain aid of other nations for progress. The foregoing, in our contest is not an opposition to recent times aids and grants in developmental programmes and projects to most Nigerian States and communities, rather it is an affirmation to solidarity when engaging “counterpart funding to rural development programmes and projects. The Ujamaa Concept further implicated a “family hood” [as described by Nyerere (1974) in his African Socialism: Ujamaa in practice] drive towards rural development in Nigeria, which Nyerere when describing the African Socialism put thus: …The true African Socialist does not look on one class of men as his brethren and another as his natural enemies… he rather regards all men as his brethren… Hence, realizing the policy thrust and objectives of any rural development programme, becomes inevitable, realizable and achievable if the dictates of Nyerere’s Ujamaa is applied to the Nigeria’s case. Rural Development in Nigeria: A Theoretical Overview The Concept of Rural Development is holistic and integrated in its context and scope. Rural development according to Aziz (1979), entail a holistic concept which recognizes the complexity and inter-relatedness of the many variables which influence the quality of life in rural areas. Enyi (2014), therefore, portray rural development to be a complex process, which involves the interaction of economic, social, political, cultural, technological and other situational factors. ϮϮϲ In Enyi’s opinion of rural development, the real essence of integrated rural development is portrayed. Integratedness of rural development implies that it is a composite or comprehensive programme for rural development in which all relevant sectors such as agriculture, education, housing, health and employment are conceived as inter-linking elements in a system having horizontal as well as vertical linkage in operational and spatial terms (United Nations, 1976). Rural development should project the mandate for improved standard of living and income generation, rather than what Nwagboso (2012) and Ollawa (1971) (In separate context) maintained as collective efforts, commitment and participation of the rural people in agricultural enterprise. Though rural development initiative also emphasizes collectivity, commitment and participation, but it should not be geared towards agricultural programmes alone. There is need for such commitment and participation to encompass health, education, housing, security, etc. (Diejomaoh, 1973). The collective, commitment and participation indicators as maintained in the definitions of rural development above suggest that: Rural development should be concerned with the self-sustaining improvement of rural areas and implies a broad based re-organization and mobilization of the rural masses so as to enhance their capacity to cope effectively with the daily task of their lives and with the changes consequent upon this (Mabogunje, 1981). Adegboye (n.d) defined rural development as the development of the rural people in such a continuous manner as to enable them to most effectively and efficiently utilize their intellect, technology and other resources for further development for both themselves and their resources. To Ollawa (1971), rural development is attributed to the restructuring of the economy so as to satisfy the material needs and aspirations of the rural masses, and to promote individual and collective incentives to participate in the process of development. This involves a host of multi-sectorial activities including the improvement of agriculture, the promotion of rural industries, the creation of the requisite infrastructure and social overheads, as well as the establishment of appropriate decentralized structures in order to allow mass participation. ϮϮϳ Looking at the problems of achieving a successful rural development in Nigeria, Enyi (2014) in his assessment of rural and community development in Nigeria contends that: “There exist enormous gap between policy formulation and implementation and the reality of the level of the level of the development of the rural populace”. The above contention blames the failures in rural development programmes and projects in Nigeria on a paradoxical context of ‘closeness and nearness’ of formulation and implementation of rural development programmes. Hence, rural development is never achieved or implemented and worst still, come with any impact on its beneficiaries. Suggesting a new approach to rural development in Nigeria, Chigbu (2013), defines rural development as all activities done for improving the socioeconomic conditions of all rural people, and the environmental conditions of their locality. By socio-economic condition (on the one hand), Chigbu’s definition covers improvements in the cultural, economic, political, social and technological needs of all rural people. On the other dimension, environmental conditions mentioned caters for all other conditions that improve place (the people and their living place inclusive). Ihejiamaizu (2002) is of the opinion that rural development is a strategy designed to improve the economic and social life of the people in rural areas. The main issue in rural development is the modernization of rural society through a transition from traditional isolation to integrate with the national economy for equitable and balanced development of the nation. It constitutes a process of planned change for which one approach or the other is adopted for the improvement or transformation of the lots of the rural people. Instead of neglecting the rural people as has been the case in Nigeria, Ihejiamaizu (2002) in this regard, maintained that the rural sector of the population should have some share in fruits of the economic activity especially as it concerns their development. A synopsis of the high point in Uma’s (1975) definition of rural development brings to bear the basic elements of the Ujamaa approach upon which this paper seeks to portray. The high point stresses 3 factors namely: • Improving the living standards of the rural productive improvement; • Citizen’s or mass participation; and • Making the process self-sustaining (in terms of developing appropriate skills and implementing capacity for sustainability). These factors are ϮϮϴ evidenced in the goals and objectives of Ujamaa. Hence, rural development is repositioned to be effectively propelled by the Ujamaa approach. Theoretical Orientation for Participatory Rural Development in Nigeria In this paper, the Participatory Rural Appraisal (PRA), has been applied to explain the paradigm shift towards rural development in Nigeria which is based on the adoption of Ujamaa approach and its centrality on indigenous knowledge and citizens’ participation. Participatory Rural Appraisal (PRA) according to Chambers (1994) is an approach or method which enable people to express, enhance, share and analyze their knowledge of life and condition to plan and act. This connotes the people’s initiation and project implementation with active part in decision-making and action. Thus, participation has a far-reaching implication for successful rural and community development project in Nigeria and elsewhere (Bassey, Udensi, Daasi, & Igbara, 2013; Udensi, Daasi, Emah, & Zukbee, 2013; Udensi, Udoh, Daasi, Igbara, 2012; Ekong, 2010; Udoh, 2012). The participatory Rural Appraisal have most often been associated with rapid Rural Appraisal (RRA). However, Chambers (1994) advances a demarcation by observing thus: PRA has much in common with RRA, but differs basically in the ownership of information, and the nature of the process: In RRA, information is more elicited and extracted by outsiders as part of a process of data gathering; in PRA it is more generated, analyzed, owned and shared by local people as part of a process of their empowerment. Chamber’s practicality demarcation of PRA shares some debts and commonalities with the concept of Ujamaa approach especially as the later engages citizens’ participation which is a best practice for successful developmental initiative in our contemporary era. The developmental challenges of the 21st century which is marked by failure and abandonment of projects and programmes has herald the ϮϮϵ significance of citizen’s or community participation in any initiative and efforts aimed at the betterment of entire community. Hence, projecting participation is a sin-qua-none for any successful development projects or programmes. According to Udoh (2012), citizens participation can only be achieved under certain conditions: when development programmes are not imposed on the people, when the people are allowed to work at their pace, when indigenous plans are encouraged, when the community awareness is developed, when there is good knowledge of the community whose participation is sought, that is its population, resources, social structure and so on. The foregoing has been able to paint a portrait of practical Ujamaa ideas in the real sense of rural development. Framework for Achieving Sustainable Rural Development in Nigeria In suggesting the precondition for territorial (rural) development, Chigbu (2013) observed that participation has to be an important part of the planning. According to him, participation of local citizens and other stakeholders provide social legitimacy and progress to development projects. This is because citizens are the best suited for identifying their own challenges and harbouring the fairest desire to tackling these challenges. Their nonparticipation would usually mislead the direction of development projects. Also territorial development goals will be difficult to attain without participation. Therefore, a clear-cut analysis which identify vital functional participants and also specify their functions will adequately provide a model which has the capacity to build a model for the realization of rural development programmes in Nigeria. In the build-up for initiating and implementing rural development programmes, the youths, elders, village council as well as the women groups domicile in that particular locality do not only constitute vital ingredient for participation and success of the programmes, the roles they play makes them functional participants in the realization of the programmes goals and objectives. Table 1 presents a clearer analysis of the above scenario. ϮϯϬ Table 1: Role of Vital Functional Participants for Promoting Rural Development in Nigeria Functional Participants Youths Elders Village Council Women groups Function(s) Organize and implement development usually through the provision of labour and manpower. Provide advisory support for rural development programmes, put regulatory frameworks. Provide linkage between external support and the community usually by mediating. Promote social and extension services, provide non-technical and less labour intensive assistance. Source: Authors Compilation, 2014. Table 1 suggest a participatory framework for promoting rural development in Nigeria showing an inter-play of relevant stakeholders (functional participants) and a distribution of key functions among them which constitute a very crucial actors to the realization of rural development goals and objectives in Nigeria. The new paradigm shift in rural development according to Barca (2009) has more increasing interest in placed based approach to rural policy. Although Chigbu (2013) observed a gradual adaptation of the shift towards developing economy which according to him emphasizes investments rather than subsides. The shift according to OECD (2006) entails: • A shift from an approach based on subsidizing declining sectors to one based on strategic investments to develop the area’s most productive activities; • A focus on local specificities as a means of generating new competitive advantages such as amenities (environmental or cultural) or local products; • More attention to quasi public or “framework conditions” which support enterprise indirectly; Ϯϯϭ • A shift from a sectoral to a territorial policy approach, including attempts to integrate the various sectoral policies at regional and local levels and to improve coordination of sectoral polices at the central government level; • Decentralization of policy administration and within limits, policy design to those levels; and • Increased use of partnerships between public, private and voluntary sectors in the development and implementation of local and regional policies. The new paradigm shift outlined by OECD (2006) above was further tabulated in table 2 below to show the variations in the previous and extant approach to rural development. Table 2: Variations in the Old and New Rural Development Paradigm Objectives Old Equalization, farm income, farm in competitiveness Key Target Sector Agriculture Key Actors National governments, farmers New Competitiveness of rural areas, valorization of local assets, exploitation of unused resources. Various sectors of rural economies (e.g. rural tourism, manufacturing, ICT industry, etc). All levels of government (supra national, national, regional and local and local stakeholders (public, private, NGOs, etc). Source: OECD (2006) in Chigbu (2013, p. 16). The variation in rural development encapsulates three core areas: The programme objectives, key target sector and key actors. The major focus in the new paradigm captures the integratedness of developmental objectives, the key target sector and key actors. Rather than focusing on a one-way driven rural development which the former emphasize, a multi-sectorial approach was the focus of the latter and it constitutes the shift in paradigm to rural development in Nigeria, which is the best practice if development driven ϮϯϮ programme must be achieved. The above variations in the old and new rural development paradigm as postulated by Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development in 2006 prompted the formulation of a conceptual model which application can bring about sustainable rural development in Nigeria as shown in figure 1 below. Objective Implementation Strategy Outcome Achieving successful Rural Development for the realization of vision 2020 Ujamaa Approach Community Participation Bottom-Top Approach • • • Impact: Introducing the Ujamaa Approach as a new paradigm for Rural Development in Nigeria. Improvement in Human, infrastructural, environmental and participatory activities.  Figure 1: The Conceptual Model for Sustainable Rural Development in Nigeria (Source: Author’s compilation, 2014). The above diagram suggests a Nigerian model for rural development programmes that are achievable and sustainable. That is, a clear-cut rural development objective, with an implementable strategy that will bring about an outcome which impacts are indigenous, community driven, desirable, achievable, participatory, successful and sustainable. Conclusion Indigenizing rural development programmes and projects in Nigeria will ensure citizens participation which extant literature (Bassey et al., 2013, Akpomuvie, 2010; Andrew, 2010; Arora, 1997; Ogolo, 1995) have consistently emphasized to have a far reaching implication for the success of rural development initiatives. This conforms with Nyerere’s development blue prints which he titled “The Arusha Declaration”. This chapter suggests the introduction of the Ujamaa approach as a paradigm shift for Nigerian model of development. Therefore, carrying out an intensive participatory rural appraisal (PRA) as well as invoking its dictates will add to bring out a locality Ϯϯϯ specification and wants dimension in the initiation, formulation and implementation of rural development programmes in Nigeria. Hence, the Ujamaa approach: A new paradigm for rural development in Nigeria. References Akpomuvie, O. B. (2010). Self-Help as a strategy for rural development in Nigeria: A Bottom-up Approach. Journal of Alternative Perspective in the Social Sciences, 2(1), 88 – 111. Andrew, O. (2010). Understanding the Dynamics of Communities is a key to sustainable Development. Onitsha: Nigerian Educational Publishers. Aremu, M. A. (2004). Small scale enterprises: Panacea to poverty problem in Nigeria. Journal of enterprises development 1(1), 1–8. Arora, R. K. (1997). People’s Participation in community Development: A case study in a planned village settlement in Malaysia. World Rural Observations, 1(2), 45–54. Aziz, S. (1979). Rural Development: Learning from China. London: Macmillan press. Barca, F. (2009). An agenda for a reformed cohesion policy, a place-based approach to meeting European Union challenges and expectations. Brussels: European Commission. Bassey, A. B., Udensi, L. O., Daasi, G. L. K., & Igbara, F. N. (2013). Engaging MOU and people’s participation in project Implementation: Imperative for sustainable Community Development in Nigeria. Research on Humanities and Social Science, 3(2), 27-31. Chambers, R. (1994). Participatory Rural Appraisal (PRA): Challenges, Potentials and Paradigm. World Development, 22(10), 1437-1454. Chigbu, U. E. (2013). Territorial Development: Suggestion for a New Approach to Rural Development in Nigeria. Unpublished Doctoral Dissertation submitted to Institute of Geodesy, GIS and land management, Centre for Land, Water and Environmental Risk Management, Technical University of Munich-Germany. Diejomaoh, V. P. (1973). Rural Development in Nigeria: The role of fiscal policy. Proceeding of the 1972 Annual Conference of the Nigeria’s Economic Society. Ϯϯϰ Ekong, C. (2007). Sustainable saving and credit scheme in rural communities: An Operational guide. Port Harcourt: Pioturu Books. Ekong, E. E. (2010). An Introduction to Rural Sociology (3rd Ed.). Uyo: Dove Educational Publishers. Enyi, J. E. (2014). Rural and Community development in Nigeria: An Assessment. Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 19(3), 104-112. Ering, S. O. (2001). Introduction to History of Social Thought and Social Order. Calabar: Clear lines Publications. FAO (2001). World Food summit: The state of food insecurity. Washington D.C.: Food and Agricultural Organization. FAO (2010). Food security for all by 2020: Getting the priorities and responsibilities right. Washington D.C.: IFPRI. Ihejiamaizu, E. C. (2002). Sociology of Nigerian Rural Society. Owerri: African Scholars’ Publishing Company. Mabogunje, A. L. (1981). The Development process: A spatial perspective. London: Hutchinson Publishers. Ndifon, H. M., Agube, E. I., & Odock, G. N. (2012). Sustainability of Agricultural cooperative societies in Nigeria: The case of South–South Zone, Nigeria. Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences, 3(2), 19 – 25. Nelson, E. E., & Nelson, I. E. (2010). Micro-credit programmes and poverty alleviation in rural Nigeria: A case of Akwa Ibom State. International Journal of Economic Development Research and Investment, 1(2 & 3), 168–180. Nwagboso, I.C. (2012). Rural development as strategy for food security and Global Peace in the 21st century. Mediterranean Journal of Social Science, 3(2):377-390. Nyerere, J. K. (1974). African Socialism: Ujamaa in practice. In R. Chrisman and N. Hare (Eds.), Pan-Africanism. New York: Bobbs-merill. Oduora, O. A. (2012). Nyerere’s Ujamaa. In Ozumba, G. O. and John, E. O. (ed.). Times and Thoughts of African Political thinkers. Calabar: El-Johns Publishers. OECD (2006). The new rural paradigm: Policies and governance. Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development Rural Policy Reviews. Parish: OECD. Ϯϯϱ Ogolo, M. B. (1995). Grassroots Participation in Rural Development: A study of selected infrastructures in some communities of Rivers State, Nigeria. Unpublished Doctoral Dissertation, University of Ibadan, Ibadan Nigeria. Ollawa, P.E. (1971). On a dynamic modal for Rural Development in Africa. Journal of Modern African Studies, 15(3), 457-480. Omoregbe, J. (2007). Knowing Philosophy: A general introduction. Lagos: Joja Educational Research and Publishers. Smith, W. (1971). We must Run while they Walk: A portrait of Africa’s Julius Nyerere. London: Random House. Udensi, L. O., Essien, J., Alobari, C. M., & Naenwi, M. O. (2014a). Access and utilization of micro-lending scheme among rural farmers in Cross River State: Potentials for sustainable Agricultural Development in Nigeria. Humanities and Social Sciences Letters, 2(2), 72 – 80. Udensi, L. O., Igbara, F. N., Paago, J. K., & Chieke, E. O. (2014b). The role of craft and artisan cooperative societies in the socio-economic advancement of its members in Abia State, Nigeria. Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences, 5(2), 483 – 489. Udensi, L. O., Udoh, O. S., Daasi, G. L. K., & Igbara, F. N. (2012). Community Leadership and the challenges of Community Development in Nigeria: The case of Boki Local Government Area, Cross River State. International Journal of Development and sustainability, 1(3), 1-12. Udensi, L.O., Daasi, G.L.K., Emah, A. S., and Zukbee, S.A. (2013). Youth Participation in Community Development (CD) Programmes in Cross River State: Implication for sustainable Youth Development in Nigeria. Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences, 13(4), 55-61. Udoh, E. A. (2012). Participatory and sustainable Community Development: The case of Eastern Obolo Community Development Foundation. Unpublished M.Sc. thesis submitted to the Department of Sociology and Anthropology, University of Uyo, Uyo-Nigeria. Uma, L. (1975). The Design of rural development: Lessons from Africa. Baltimore: The John Hopkins University Press. United Nations (1976). The significance of rural housing in Integrated Rural Development. New York: United Nations. World Food Summit (2004). Measuring food security and hunger. Washington D. C.: Food and Agricultural Organization. World Food Summit (2010). Food security measurement. Washington D.C.: Food and Agricultural Organization. Ϯϯϲ CHAPTER TWELVE The Impacts of Non-governmental Organisations (NGOs) on the Socio-Economic Transformation of Rural Communities in Nigeria: A Study of Pro-natura International in Eastern Obolo Local Government Area of Akwa Ibom State Dr. Kingdom S. Mboho & Dr. Aniefiok Ibok Abstract Rural development is the major focus of contemporary development discourse. It has assumed an important place in the rhetonic of the development giants and the government of the developing countries. This study assessed the roles of Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) in the socio-economic transformation of rural communities in Nigeria a study of Pro-Natura International in Eastern Obolo. It attempted to determine the appropriate development strides Pro-Natura International Nigeria has undertaken in the study area of Eastern Obolo Local Government Area. This chapter employed a descriptive research design. The population of the study consisted of adult in the study area. A multi-stage sampling method was adopted to select the respondents for the study. The major findings revealed that out of the 19 infrastructural projects, 15 are completed and 4 are ongoing at various levels of completion; and that over seventy percent of the people in the study area have benefited from the programmes of the institution. The transformation of rural communities is yielding positive results due to the availability and accessibility of funds to the rural poor among others. Therefore, it was recommended that, the activities of PNI should be encourage in Eastern Obolo, while participating communities within the three Axis of Iko, Emereoke and Amazaba should be more concerned towards meeting their projects commitment which is more or less a counterpart funding to ensure that envisaged projects are started and completed on schedule. Donor agencies of international status, particularly the Shell, Mobil and Total Fina, Elf prospecting for oil in the area should increase their funding to PNI to enable more to be done to the people. Ϯϯϳ Introduction A concept has been developed in solving problems confronting rural areas especially in the developing countries. This concept was adopted and the reality on ground. This concept is called participatory Rural Development facilitated in most Niger Delta Community by Non-Governmental organisations called the Pro-Nature International-Nigeria (PNI). Participatory development seeks to transform the socio-economic lives of the people through the process of impacting skills, knowledge and appropriate technologies etc; to the people of the community with funds from donor agencies sources by the people themselves. This is carrying out through self-reliance development programmes had been set to better their lots from the poorest poor situation through their collective efforts. As in the case of Akwa Ibom State, participatory development is facilitated by Pro-Nature International - Nigeria in Eastern Obolo and Oron Local Government Areas respectively. PNI is under the auspices of Eastern Obolo Community Development Foundation (EDCDF) and Oro Community Development Trust (OCODET). With the aim of socio-economic transformation of the lives of the inhabitants, thus strengthening village civil society (government) through capacity building activities. The PNI experience of sustainable community development by Development Foundaiton – Akasa in Bayelsa State, encourage the PNI – Nigeria to believe that similar transformation recorded in Akasa can be tenable in other coastal communities like Eastern Obolo and Oron. It is aimed at developing the people, encouraging spirit of cooperation and participatory development ethics. The PNI – Nigeria teams participatory community development strategies in Akwa Ibom State is funded by voluntary agencies and oil – prospecting firms operating within the areas, with unique expertise in community development. The rural communities (people) are mostly people with inadequate infrastructure who have little or no access to some credit facilities to promote programmes that can facilitate socio-economic transformation of their lives. These groups of people are equally entitled to good living conditions with institutions and social infrastructures by government’s efforts which are either misdirected or insufficient in such areas. Thus, Non-Governmental Organizations are gradually taking the center stage in the socio-economic transformation of the impoverished communities inspite of the overwhelming Ϯϯϴ acceptance of NGOs as a partner in the socio-economic transformation of rural areas and its people. It is not yet clear whether pro-Natura International can easily fit into the frame. This scenario therefore call for some questions which this research will find answers to viz: • What role does Pro-Natura International Nigeria play in Akwa Ibom State? • Are they impacting positively or negatively in the lives of the rural areas of operation? • What development projects have they actually undertaken? Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) have played a major role in pushing for sustainable development at the international level, not only focusing their energies on governments and inter-governmental processes, facilitated by the retreat of the state from a number of public functions and regulatory activities, NGOs began to fix their sights on powerful corporations – many of which can rival entire nations in term of their resources and influence (Muogbullia, 2013). Purpose of the Study The general objective of this study is to determine the impacts of Nongovernmental Organizations (NGOs) in the socio-economic transformation of rural communities in Nigeria. Specifically, the study seeks to: • Determine the effect of Non-Governmental Organizations as they affect the Socio-Economic life of rural people; and • Ascertain the appropriate development strides Pro-Natural International Nigeria has under taken in the study Area – Eastern Obolo Local Government Area. Hypotheses Two null hypotheses (HO) were formulated to guide the study, which stated that: Ϯϯϵ • There is no significant relationship between Non-Governmental Organization, PNI – Nigeria and Rural Socio-Economic Transformation. And that, • There is no significant relationship between the NGOs, PNI – Nigeria and people attitude towards Rural Development. Conceptualizing Community/Rural Development as Focus of NGOS Okoye, (1999) opined that through continuing facilitation and participation in the community development planning process, more people may be selfreliant, Less government dependant approach that emulates the example of the first types of community, which is achieving progress through its own efforts and views government as a partner, not the sole provider. According to Olisa, (2011), the rural poor are heterogeneous group, including small scale farmers, the landless, the nomads, pastoralists, fishermen. They share common disabilities, limited assets, environmental vulnerability and the lack of access to public services and amenities especially educational, credit facilities, rural infrastructures etc. In the same vein, Idike, (2012) suggests that the Pro-Natura International should make contact with NGO’s experienced in working with Niger Delta communities tackling the destructive growth of Nypa palm, identify successful strategies developed elsewhere, and inform the communities about these Nypa palm arresting strategies for their better informed decision - making. Muogballiu, (2013) in his unpublished material on NGO’s seminar stated that the National Maritime Authority (NMA) be invited to work with community groups to stop the massive destruction of indigenous fisheries and livelihoods by implementing existing maritime laws against unlicensed travels, oceans bed scraping nets that destroyed all, living organisms, seen as the main economic stay of the rural dwellers. According to Echezoma,(2008) he said, the issue of rural development is another means of addressing the question of participation of the rural masses in politics and economics of a country. And of course, there is no theory that addresses this issue much more than the Marxist–Leninist revolutionary theory. He further explained that in a capitalist socio-economic order, the bourgeoisie, the owners of capital monopolize the means of ϮϰϬ production and the political process while the working class or the proletariat, produces the wealth of a capitalist society. Ndubusi, (2007) observed that in order to improve the condition of life in the rural areas, successive governments in Nigeria has developed various programme for rural transformation. To ensure successful implementation of the policy, various organs were set up. These include Directorate of Food, Roads and Rural Infrastructure (DFRRI), Directorate of Social Mobilization (DSM), Mass Mobilization for self-Reliance, Social Justice and Economic Recovery (MAMSER). These organs were to have short-run success at best, but lasting success of the development of rural area will be achieved through education, which will play a vital role of changing the attitudes, orientation and ethics of rural dwellers thus creating a disposition for self-reliance and contentment. Rural development can also be viewed as the development of moral, social, political and economic potentialities of rural communities to enhance their economic self-reliance through the provision of appropriate infrastructure such as pipe-borne water, electricity, good roads, health institution and small scale industries, increase political consciousness, participation and promotion of moral and social well-being which will result in tolerance, good discipline, justice, fairness, kindness, love, peace and progress of people. It therefore portrays that community development designed utilization under one sight programme or approaches and techniques which rely upon local communities as units of action and which attempts to combine outside assistance with organized local self-determination and effort; and which corresponding seek to stimulate local initiative and leadership as the primary instrument of change (Ekong, 2013). According to World Banks, (2006) rural development in Nigeria has assumed several patterns and approaches among these are: • The sector approach: This addressed either to a whole sector such as agriculture or to a per projects within it; • Coordinated approach: This addressed to the economic development of all sectors within a given area; and • Participatory approach by the residents in selecting local economic or social goals and then in pursuing them with some government aid in collaboration with Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs). Ϯϰϭ The forgoing approaches have been tried or are presently being applied by the Nigerian government in its quest to achieve its rural development goals. Similarly, Prof. Jerry Gana (2005) looked at the fundamental issues likely to cause or that are constituents of rural socio-economic transformation in its trust unfolding and realization of his creative potentials, enabling him to improve his material conditions of living through the use of resources available to him, resulting in the enhanced personality of man which is the moving force. He further conclude that what determines the pace of socioeconomic development is man (human resources) not the capital or its material resources. Historical Antecedent of Pro-Natura International (PNI) Nigeria Pro-Natura International started in Brazil and developed into several developing countries with coordinating office in Paris and France. It is a non-profit driven organization which had its headquarters in Port Harcourt, Rivers State in Nigeria. It is a Nigeria Delta coastal community Development Initiative, which started in Akasa in 1997. Pro-Natura International Nigeria since inception in Nigeria had been facilitating with Community Based Organization (CBOs) such as the AKASA Model known as Akasa Development Foundation (ADF) now a living universities serving as a “show case” where several community owned and managed institutions and have the will and the capacity to generate and implement their own development plans and projects. PNI – Nigeria is an advocates of participatory process which is a viable vehicle for sustainable development, conflict resolution and economic improvement for poor and marginalized communities in Niger Delta and elsewhere. PNI – Nigeria visited Akwa Ibom State in 2002 to interact with the coastal communities of the state to assess their needs for social intervention programmes. This visit was informed by the United Nation Development Programme (UNDP) human resources development in Akwa Ibom State. The 2000 UNDP report reveal that Eastern Obolo is the poorest of all the Local Government in the State. The PNI team visited the area [ Eastern Obolo] the only on-shore and off-shore oil producing community in Akwa Ibom State to collaborate the ϮϰϮ UNDP report on the people. The team being overwhelm by the sight of poverty situation in the studies area call for urgent need for social intervention programmes to address the poverty pandemic. Sequel to the interest, a team of eight (8) persons were drawn and lead by a United Kingdom volunteer- George Ferguson of Voluntary Services Overseas AKASA living University for sightseeing and study of the Pro-Natura International Facilitated CBO for socio-economic transformation. The team on return review the visit feedback at Emereoke showing the experience which call for institutionalization of PNI in Eastern Obolo, Akwa Ibom State. In July 2002 and MOU was sign by the community with PNI to act as the bases for PNI to facilitate the AKASA Model – participatory Bottom-up community Development programme. PNI aims and Objectives The aims and objectives of PNI could best be illustrated and presented by the various PNI administrative initiative such as the Niger Delta Coastal Development Initiative, the Niger – Delta Institute for Sustainable Development and other CBO’s - like Eastern Obolo Community Development Foundation and Oron Community Development Trust. The laters formed the study area of PNI – in Akwa Ibom State. VISION: Pro-Natura International (Nigeria) has a vision for Nigeria. It entails: • People centered development • Social peace building • Sustainable and responsible governance and system • Facilitating local people’s dream of self actualization. • Empowering the poorest of the poor. • Inclusiveness and consensus building • Achieving the millennium development goals for Nigeria. To do this, Pro-Natura International (Nigeria) strives to be brightest Non-government organization in Nigeria. the best and Major Programmes: The major programmes of PNI (Nigeria) includes: Community Development: • AKasa Development Foundation (Bayelsa) Ϯϰϯ • Eastern Obolo Community Development Foundation (Akwa Ibom State) • Opobo/Nkoro Development Foundation (River State) • Oron Community Development Trust (Akwa Ibom State) • Bonny – Implementing the Roll Back Malaria Programme (River State) • Ogun State (Exploratory study) Peace Building/Conflict Resolution: Developing institution capable of managing the peace • • Involving youth in community development initiatives; given a voice to be heard. • Providing skill training. The Institute for Sustainable Development: PNI – (Nigeria) response to capacity building • • The core component of “living universities” Research: • Nigeria Coastline study-key composed of the initiative • Andoni: Elephant population study. coastal development Sponsors: Multi- stakeholder support for the facilitation of the various PNI programme have been supported by both private companies, local, state and international governments. Specific of such bodies includes; Statoil (Nig) Ltd. Total, Chevron, Texaco Nigeria, the French Government, British High Commission in Nigeria, shell international Ltd, the Mac Author Foundation and the European Union (MMP3 and MPP6 programme for Nigeria). Methodology The study was based on survey method since it enabled the researcher to collect data from respondents without imposing any condition on them. The respondents were asked information through questionnaire as the research instrument. The design for this study outlined stages and the procedures needed in order to accomplish the goal of the investigation. Such procedures included the identification of the population, selection of sample size, selection of respondents, data collection and analysis. Therefore, the study was delimited to the Akwa Ibom State where the Ikot Abasi Federal Constituency is found and Eastern Obolo Local Government Area Ϯϰϰ were selected as the specific study site and the population comprises titled chiefs and other indigenes and residents of the community. They were single, married, widowed, divorce and other categories of people who were present at the time of administration of research instrument. The sample size of 100 respondents was randomly determined. Since it was deemed to collect information from knowledgeable member of the study areas, it was necessary to assign member or quota respondents to be co-opted into the study. This made it possible to use and quota sampling method. The method facilitated the selection of respondents who in some manners have peculiar characteristics. Again, as the study focused on rural area, it was mandatory for elderly respondents to dominate the sample class. Therefore, to provide the researcher the opportunity of filling up the estimated of 80% to 20% elderly and knowledgeable to other categories of people/ratio, only quota method could guarantee that the researcher is free to choose any person in the study area and that specific number of respondents from the population were included in the sample. Data collected from both the primary and secondary sources through the use of the help of simple percentages, and chi-square. Results and Discussion Data were collected mostly through the use of questionnaire. Copies of the questionnaire were circulated to the people found in the study sites selected for the study. The section analyses the data collected and tests the formulated hypotheses for significance. Data were collated and used in the presentation, testing and analysis of data. Testing of the formulated hypotheses showed that there is a significant relationship between Non-Governmental Organization, PNI – Nigeria and Rural Socio-Economic transformation. Given that X2 table values of 4.97 at 0.05 level of significant. The degree of freedom (R – 1) (c – 1) = (4 – 1) (2 – 1) = 3. Calculating values ൑ X2 table value, therefore HO is accepted while HI is rejected, and that there is a significant relationship between the NGOs. PNI – Nigeria and people attitude toward rural development (™X2 cal. = 3.11 ൑ X2 table = 7.82). The hypotheses were all significant at 5% or 0.05. Ϯϰϱ The table 1 (see appendices) shows that the people of Eastern Obolo will benefit from 19 PNI projects when fully completed. Meanwhile, seventeen projects in Iko, Emereoke and Amazaba communities that have been fully completed and commissioned could be said to have impacted on the lives of the people. These are conventional water projects; electricity projects; classroom block; road projects; bridge, and health centres; which have helped to reduce high level of water borne diseases and reduce to some extent the number of pupils who receive tutorials from under the trees. All completed electricity projects is said to be fully functional in the area. These functional projects have assisted in the area of poverty alleviation. And all the projects, when fully completed and commissioned will lesson incidence of poverty to its bearest minimum in the area. All completed and commissioned electricity projects in the area will quicken the pace of industrialization. They will also increase the tempo of urbanization. Completed electricity projects will not only provoke but, strengthen the use of entrepreneurship amongst the area’s population. It could be said that the institutions successes have created positive effects which include: reduction of ethnic conflict; employment opportunities; nutrition; reducing kidnapping and militancy; poverty reduction; and improving situations of underdevelopment. The main finding reveals that over 70% of the people have experience increase in their standard of living meaning that strategy adopted by this institution in tackling poverty in the area are yielding positive results. This is due to the availability and accessibility of the fund to rural poor, host community involvement in programmes design and implementation and better handling of poverty projects by PNI officials or change agents. Research Findings Therefore out of the 19 infrastructural projects, 15 are completed and 4 are ongoing at various levels of completion. (a) Impacts/Benefits to the Community: • Improve learning experience to increase capacity building in the area • Provides temporary employment to youths. • Youth restiveness is assiduously reduced. • Improved/increase communication commerce Ϯϰϲ • Promote culture of saving for the raining day and building capital for business enterprises development. • Youth empowerment e.g computer training etc. (b) Success Factors: The factors responsible for the success of these scheme were: • Staff commitment to work (working at weekends and publics holidays with pay). • Community support and the active/efficient managements of community projects by Plc numbers e.g Okorombokho, Amadaka pier latrine projects, Elile community filling of culvert head (abutment) without being pushed to do so etc. • Constant change of tactics in work approach e.g a change from monthly paid to daily rate. • Learning and experience acquired which enhanced capacity building e.g the early completion of Amauka and Okoromyong bridge as compared to Iko. • The increase in trust and confidence by the community arising from project implementation. • Availability/provision of fund by Total FINA through PNI. (c) • The Problems/Constraints Request for stipends by Plc members instead of seeing their jobs as part of community contribution • Community reluctance to meet their project commitment, (poor community contribution). Promise contributions are sometime used as bait to entrap the projects implementation. • The unfriendly terrain for moving materials to different project sites across the riverian communities. • Community resistance to PRA/PLA (change in policies). • The total environment influences of activities within the creeks since water are dried up at some places in some communities which hampered mobility and transportation. • The changing prices of material in the market including fuel (inflationary trend). Ϯϰϳ Conclusion From available data, Pro-Natura International Nigeria is a facilitating partner in progress for the socio-economic transformation of its areas of operation. It partners through community based organization, as in the case of Akwa Ibom State with Eastern Obolo Community Development Foundation [EOCDF]. Prior to the formation of Eastern Obolo-Community Development Foundation [EOCDF] in Eastern Obolo Local Government Area, PNI. Nigeria conducted and sponsored – several participatory Rural appraisal [PRA] in Eastern Obolo which focus on the pillars of community self appraisal use in building the community profile. Recommendations Based on the overwhelming data generated and analyzed from the questionnaire, interviews and personal observations of on-going projects and programmes undertaken by PNI in conjunction with EOCDF, the following recommendations are hereby made: • The activities of PNI should be encourage in Eastern Obolo, while participating communities within the three Axis of Iko, Emereoke and Amazaba should be more or less a counterpart funding to ensure that envisaged projects are started and completed on schedule. • There is need to strengthen the organizational structure of Micro-Credit scheme of PNI/EDCDR. This will ensure that apart from disbursing the loans, the machinery for its discovery is strengthened so that others could benefit from its operations. • A public enlightenment programme should be carried out by the leadership of PNI and EOCDF to sensitize the entire communities of Eastern Obolo on the continued existence of the body operations and its programme packages as a panacea to poverty eradication in their communities. • The PNI and EOCDF should always liaise with the Local Government Council for projects appraisal to avoid duplication and meeting the test of time. Also, there should be regular interactive sessions of PNI and ECOCDE with major stakeholders of the area. Ϯϰϴ • Donor agencies of international status, particularly the Shell, Mobil and Total – Fina and EIF prospecting for oil in the area should increase their funding to PNI to enable them do more to the people. • The prospects of Eastern Obolo in relation to development is very high considering its geographical position and oil mineral decomposition, hence a standardize model of development strands should be employed and not to draw or copy the Akasa model particularly on foot bridges. • The organizational structure of PNI/EOCDF should be responsible and accountable to the Board of Trustees. 8. Finally, annual stakeholder meetings should be carried out to evaluate proceedings of the organization. References Abasiekong, E. M. (2008). Integrated Rural Development in Third World. Lagos: New Exposition Press. Agbodike, C. C. (2004). Concept and strategies of Integrated Rural Development Lessons for Nigeria, Department of Agric. Economic University of Ibadan. University Ibadan Press. Bamidele, S. A. (2008). Universal Concepts of Rural Development Problems: An Analysis. Lagos: Development Press. Breti, E. A. (2005). Colonialism – Underdevelopment in Africa: The Politics of Economic Change (1919-1930). New York: Ballantine Books. Dike, M. (2002). Heading Issues in Niger Delta Development Commission Rural Economic Development. Journal of Rural Development, 2 (6): 2024. Enenuiojem, A. H. (1997). Perspectives for the Development of the Niger Delta Region: A case study of Eastern Obolo and Ibeno Areas – Ibom. Journal of History. Unpublished Thesis. Awa, O. I. (2010). The Economic Underdevelopment. Oxford: University Press. Jerry, Gana (2005). Social Mobilization Strategies for Rural Development. Lagos Development Press. Mchale, J. and Mchale, M. C. (2009). Basic Human Needs: New Jersey: Transaction Books. Ϯϰϵ Muogbullia, L. N. (2013). Local Government as Agency of Rural Development in Nigeria. Economy and Society, 24, 45-61. Ndubusi, A. F. (2008). Rural Development in Nigeria: How Far Have we Gone. Journal of Consortium of Geography Student, 1(4): 81-85. Okoye, J. C. (1999). Local Government and Community Development. Unpublished Article. Olayide, S. O. (2001). Integrated Rural Development. Ibadan: University of Ibadan press. Olisa, W. (2011). Community Development: The Nigerian Perspective. Ibadan; Gabesther Education Publisher. Robert Chamber (2006). Rural Development putting the last first. United Kingdom: Longman Scientific and Technical Group. Uma, L. (2010). The Design of Rural Development. London: John Hopkins University press. Van, der kooy (2009). Understanding Community Development. In: Georojine, P. (ed.). NRF project. Netherlands: Wits University. Williams, S. K. (2011). Rural Development in Nigeria. Ife: University of Ife press. ϮϱϬ APPENDIX 1 TABLE 1: PNI PROJECTS IN EASTERN OBOLO LOCAL GOVERNMENT AREA NATURE OF PROJECTS i) ii) iii) iv) v) vi) vii) Iko Shore line protection Classroom blocks Road project Conventional water project Hospital project Electricity project Bridge i) ii) iii) iv) v) vi) Road project Conventional water project Internal road network Electricity project Civic centre Health centre i) ii) iii) iv) v) vi) Classroom block Water project Road project Electricity Internal road network Health centre LOCATIONS IKO-COMMUNITY Iko-town Iko-town Iko-town Iko-town Iko-town Iko-town Iko-okorongong EMEREOKECOMMUNITY Emereoke -town Emereoke-town Emereoke -town Emereoke-town Emereoke-town Emereoke-town AMAZABACOMMUNITY Amazaba –town Amazaba –town Amazaba –town Amazaba –town Amazaba –town Amazaba –town Source: PNI – Eastern Obolo, 2014. Ϯϱϭ PERFORMANCE Completed On-going Completed Completed Completed Completed On-going Completed Completed Completed On-going Completed Completed Completed Completed Completed Completed Completed On-going APPENDIX 2 TABLE 2: BACKGROUND CHARACTERISTICS OF RESPONDENTS (n 100) Characteristics Age (yrs) 25 – 29 30 – 35 36 – 39 40 and above Sex Male Female Marital Status Single Married Widowed Others Educational Level None Primary Secondary Tertiary Income Bracket (N) No idea 0 – 100,000 100,001 – 200,000 200,001 – 300,000 300,001 – and above Religion Christianity Islam African traditional Other State of Origin Akwa Ibom State Others Occupation Unemployed Student Self-employed Civil and public service Retiree Frequency Percentage (%) 15 20 30 35 15 20 30 35 64 36 64 36 26 69 5 0 26 69 5 0 10 42 34 14 10 42 34 14 25 48 22 4 1 25 48 22 4 1 75 12 10 3 75 12 10 3 90 10 90 10 20 10 30 25 15 20 10 30 25 15 Source: Fieldwork, 2014. ϮϱϮ APPENDIX 3 TABLE 3: RESPONSE PATTERN FOR TESTING HYPOTHESIS ONE Hypothesis one Responses Strongly Agree Disagree Undecided Total category agree Male 15 25 10 5 55 Female 10 20 12 3 45 Total 25 45 22 8 100 X2 cal. 4.99 X2 table Remarks 7.82 Sign Source: Fieldwork, 2014. APPENDIX 4 TABLE 4: RESPONSE PATTERN FOR TESTING HYPOTHESIS TWO Hypothesis Two Responses Strongly Disagree Undecided Total category agree Agree Male 35 10 15 2 62 Female 25 8 5 0 38 Total 60 18 20 2 100 Source: Fieldwork, 2014. Ϯϱϯ X2 cal. X2 table Remarks 3.11 7.82 Sign Ϯϱϰ CHAPTER THIRTEEN Promoting the Quality of Rural Life in Nigeria through Co-operatives Dr. Donatus E. Okon Abstract The Co-operative Movement is extremely a powerful social organisation not only in the already developed (advanced) nations, but also in emerging/developing nations of the world. Co-operatives have a universal appeal as an instrument of poverty alleviation. The imperatives for forming cooperatives in the rural areas has been premised on the grounds that traditionally, co-operatives can serve a lot of socio-political and economic objectives ranging from self-help and grassroots participation to welfare and distribution, including exploitation of economies of scale and social control over resources allocation and mobilization. The boast that cooperatives give to rural economy has a tonic to empower the ruralite economically with the expectation of bettering their standard and level of living which is tantamount to promoting their condition. However, the absence of the foregoing, couple with the many challenges that cooperatives faces in rural areas in Nigeria makes the objective of giving a socio-economic face-lift to rural life almost unrealistic. This chapter focuses on harnessing the potentials of co-operatives in promoting the conditions of rural people in Nigeria. Introduction The Co-operative Movement is extremely a powerful social organisation not only in the already developed (advanced) nations, but also in emerging/developing nations of the world. Co-operatives have a universal appeal as an instrument of poverty alleviation, which according to Lele (1972), is a healthy movement which reaches the poor. The co-operative model has taken a wide range of manifestations worldwide. The role that co-operative can play in overcoming rural poverty and backwardness cannot be underplayed to the background. Ϯϱϱ Modern co-operatives which began over a hundred years ago has now spread to virtually every part of the World including Nigeria. Okummadewa (1997) observed that traditional co-operatives such as “Esusu” in Yoruba land, “Adashe” in Northern Nigeria, “Etoto” in Middle Belt, “Osusu” and “Nka Etibe” in Eastern and South-South Nigeria had lasted over many generations in Nigeria. Some are old, complex and powerful; while some are still young, rudimentary, inexperienced and struggling, sometimes uncertain of their aims and very often uncertain of the best means of attaining them. Adeyeye and Okunola (2001) pointed out that the “Esusu” group in Southern/Western Nigeria dated back to centuries before the advent of European colonizers and “Esusu” today is still one of the most important informal sources of credit in rural areas. The imperatives for forming co-operatives in the rural areas has been premised on the grounds that traditionally, co-operatives can serve a lot of socio-political and economic objectives ranging from self-help and grassroots participation to welfare and distribution, including exploitation of economies of scale and social control over resources allocation and mobilization (Adeyeye & Okunola, 2001). Today, the importance of co-operatives in improving the socio-economic conditions of rural inhabitants cannot be overemphasized (Udensi, Igbara, Paago & Chieke, 2014a; Nelson & Nelson, 2010), as this has been highly reckoned with by both the international communities and National governments, which has culminated in the recognition and celebration of the international year and day of co-operatives. The rural sector according to Ekong (2010) contributes significantly to total national output, only a small proportion of total expenditure is expended on rural areas; and this neglect has created a developmental dichotomy between rural and urban areas. Hence, affecting the quality of life the rural dwellers should live. The rural areas are characterized as centres of low development, neglect and its concomitant features are high poverty levels, unemployment, diseases, income inequality, inadequate social amenities, reduced production of resources, and very low economic growth rates (Udensi, Essien, Alobari & Naenwi, 2014b; Udensi, Igbara, Paago & Chieke, 2014a; Nwagboso, 2012 and Ekong, 2010). With the increasing spite of food insecurity rocking the globe, the role of co-operatives in improving food security, contributing to the eradication of hunger and harnessing rural livelihood as highlighted by World Food Day (WFD) (2012) becomes imperative. According Rodringes (2012) in an article Ϯϱϲ titled: “Co-operatives- a Crisis Proof Concept”, there are almost one billion cooperative members worldwide regardless of political systems or economic and social regimes. If three additional persons (relatives or employees) are estimated to be associated with each co-operative member, the number of people linked to the movement comes to four (4) billion, that is, half of the population of the planet. This immense contingent of humanity subscribes to the co-operative movement’s doctrine, based on universally recognized principles and values in defence of peace and democracy. The declaration of 2012 by the United Nations as the International Year of Co-operatives under the theme: “Co-operatives Build a Better World”, is a strong indicator and an opportunity to take a closer look at this special form of social, economic and business enterprise. This underscores the fact that cooperatives have provided sufficient proof historically of their suitability and significance in halving extreme poverty aimed for in the socio-economic Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) and in combating poverty. The year was aimed at expanding public awareness on the roles of co-operatives and encouraging their co-operative focus on the long term benefits for the people. The boast that cooperatives give to rural economy has a tonic to empower the ruralite economically with the expectation of bettering their standard and level of living which is tantamount to promoting their condition. However, the absence of the foregoing, couple with the many challenges that cooperatives faces in rural areas in Nigeria makes the objective of giving a socio-economic face-lift to rural life almost unrealistic. This chapter focuses on harnessing the potentials of co-operatives in promoting the conditions of rural people in Nigeria, and is divided into the following sub-sections: • The introductory Background; • Conceptual Issues on Co-operatives; • An Anatomy of the living conditions of rural areas in Nigeria; • Co-operatives as instrument for sustainable rural development vis-à-vis improving rural quality of life in Nigeria; • Problems of Co-operatives in Nigeria; and • Conclusion and Recommendations Ϯϱϳ Conceptual Issues on Co-Operatives Meaning: Co-operatives have been narrowly and broadly defined based on the discipline and theoretical background of scholar(s). These various definitions portray some diverging and converging notions on the nature, types and functions of cooperatives. Udo (1992) defines co-operatives as groups of two or more people who communicate more or less regularly for purposes of exchanging information for business, pleasure or for the development of a consensus with respect to future action. Other definitions proffered by International Co-operation Alliance (ICA) (1995) Ebonyi and Jimo (2002) and Dogarawa (2005) portray co-operatives as: “an autonomous association of persons united voluntary to meet their common economic, social and cultural needs democratically controlled enterprise.”(ICA, 1995). “associations of persons who have voluntarily come together to achieve common objectives through the formation of democratically controlled organization; making equitable contributions to the capital required and accepting a fair share of the risk and benefits of the undertakings” (Ebonyi &Jimo, 2002). “an effective way for people to exert control over their livelihoods; provide a unique tool for achieving one or more economic goals in an increasingly competitive global economy; own what might be difficult for individuals to own or pursue by their efforts; strengthen the communities in which they operate through job provision, generally, cooperative provide an economic boost to the community” (Dogarawa, 2005). Ϯϱϴ The above definitions portray one cardinal point that co-operatives are voluntary, self-help organizations, with the primary aim of sustaining the economic life of local members. It has fixed relative boundaries by excluding non-members from participating in its affairs or benefit from its services. Features and Types: Various authors have identified various features and types of co-operative societies in Nigeria. Jibowo (1992); Ekong (2003); Rosner (2012); Armbuster (2012) and Wilcke (2012), provided broad-based characteristics of co-operative societies: • Voluntary and Open Membership – to all who share similar interests and care to join; • Democratic control and decision making which ensures that all members irrespective of amount of shares, equity, capital or patronage, are entitled to one-man one-vote precept during periodic meetings. This implies equal and democratically exercised rights; • Services to members–the fundamental purpose is the provision of efficient services to members than the realisation of profit; • Services at Cost – where the members share in the profits, savings and losses of the organisation in direct proportion to their patronage; • Economic involvement of members; • Autonomy and independency; • Precaution for the community; • Limited Interests on Capital – where the interests of patrons supersede returns on capital; • All ledgers and other records of finances and proceedings of the association are open to all members to examine wherever they wish; • Promotion of Members Education – through the training and retraining of its members and hired managers, and the passing of vital information and extension of educational activities; • Democratic self-management and solidarity; • Self-help principles administration which implies Ϯϱϵ self-responsibility and self- These features have underlying implications on the effectiveness of co-operative societies as economic and social enterprises. The following major types of cooperative organizations are available in Nigeria vis-à-vis: • Agricultural Marketing Co-operatives Societies; • Credit and thrift Co-operative Societies; • Consumer Co-operative Societies; • Co-operatives Building Societies; • Crafts and Artisans Societies; • Multi-Purpose co-operatives Societies (Jibowo, 1992; Ekong 2003). Each of these co-operatives is made up of members in specific areas of business or trade. The Agricultural Marketing Co-operative is formed by either small scale or large scale farmers. The credit and thrift society is usually formed by low income earners, to mobilize and give short term loans to members at considerable rate of interests for economic (investment) purposes. The consumer co-operative is made up of wholesalers and retailers cooperatives. Their functions are to provide their members with goods and services at reasonable prices, and also supply both domestic goods and farm inputs to members. The Multi-purpose co-operatives have members drawn from all spheres of economic activities. Within the sphere of the paper, it is the author’s view that co-operatives be categorized as: • Rural Co-operative Societies; and • Urban Co-operative Societies. Rural co-operatives are those formed by the local, low –income farmers residing in the rural areas for the purposes of facilitating the exchange of labour services, accessing farm inputs and credits, as well as obtain other mutual benefits. On the other hand, urban co-operatives are formed by low income earners in the urban and peri-urban areas to enhance their economic activities or benefit from allied services. Urban co-operatives may be larger in membership and scope of economic activities than the rural co-operatives whose scope of activities may be limited ϮϲϬ to primary economic activities such as farming, fishing and other related activities. Another category of rural co-operatives could be: • Work co-operatives; • Savings co-operatives Work co-operatives are based on traditional principles where labour services of members are pooled at regular or irregular period/intervals in rotational sequence for the benefit of a particular member. The same thing applies to the savings and thrift co-operative society, where financial contributions are pooled together by members, and given to a particular member on rotational basis and at regular period. In the views of Rodrigues (2012), credit co-operatives are maintaining their financial solidity; agricultural co-operatives in many parts of the World are yielding positive results; consumer co-operatives are increasing their turnover and worker’s co-operatives continue to grow. On why co-operatives are capable of surviving and thriving in situations of crises, Rodrigues pointed out the following factors: • The co-operative business model focuses not on profit but on people, increasing their power in the market place; • Co-operatives are making a significant contribution to maintaining and generating new jobs and securing family income. They ensure that retail prices of consumer goods are maintained at reasonable levels and that food and services remain safe, reliable and of good quality; • Co-operative financial institutions have seen their capital grow because customers appreciate their safety and reliability. They continue to grant loans to individuals and small businesses, demonstrating that enterprises based ethical values can be successful and contribute to economic recovery; • Experts are critical of the current economic model in which a significant number of people have lost confidence. They are aiming for the regulation of markets and especially of financial institutions, in order to secure more ethical and transparent operations. In pursuing this goal, they are realizing the potentials co-operatives offer in the creation of a new economic system, the “green economy”; Ϯϲϭ • Many governments are considering the co-operative system option in this new economic context, and also in the re-organisation of national social protection systems, as can be seen in the debate on the healthcare system in the United States and the proposed creation of healthcare co-operatives. The Origin of Co-operative Societies: The first consumer co-operatives was founded in Great Britain by English Industrial Workers in 1844, due to the rising wave of unemployment, corresponding falling wages, proletarian mass literacy due to exploitative working conditions, poor provision of low quality food, and miserable accommodation that characterized the processes of industrialization in Britain, all of which prompted the poor workers to sell jointly procured better foods at cheap prices. The Rochdale Society of Equitable Pioneers, based on the ideals and methodological principles of Welsch industrialist, Robert Owen (1971-1858), was founded by 28 weavers from Rochdale in December 1844, and which represented a co-operative model replicated throughout Britain and beyond. The credit and thrift co-operatives originated in Germany due to the shortage of capital and the lack of access to credits in Europe that both artisans and other trades people and peasants shared. It was for these problems that solutions were developed in the shape of so-called loan societies and credit Associations by German Co-operatives Pioneers, Herman Schulze-Delitzsch (1808-1883); from 1850 on, and starting in 1864 by Friedrich William Raiffeisen (1818-1888). These institutions were the fore-runners of the credit co-operatives, which today are known as “Volks-Und Raiffeisen banken” (cooperatives Banks) (Rosner, 2012). Rosner (2012) posited that the development of modern co-operatives could be inseparably linked to the advent of the “social question” during the Industrial Revolution in the first half of the 19th century, and hence the pauperization of wider sections of the population. The notion of co-operatives therefore emerged as a response to the individualisation that economic liberalism had unleashed on the poor peasants. In addition to idealistic social reforms and philanthropists, the pioneers of co-operatives included pure pragmatists who without any ideological reservations, simply regarded cooperatives as effective means of overcoming the devastating situation prevailing ϮϲϮ among all those who belonged to the losers of structural change triggered by the industrialization process. Models of Co-operative Associations Two different strands of arguments/schools of thought have emerged on discussions of co-operative models. These two divergent schools of thought are based on the postulations of the two (2) pioneers of the co-operative movement in Germany, both of whom held different opinions on some issues. According to Rosner (2012) (a Professor of Co-operative Economics at the University of Cologne, Germany), in a paper entitled “Co-operatives – the Magic Bullet of Poverty Reduction”, identified two different models of cooperative Associations: • The Schulze-Delitzsch Model; • The Raiffeisen Model. The “Schulze Delitzsch Model” – Provides guidelines for the setting up of cooperatives as commercial enterprise suitable for a market oriented economy. The potential members of this model comprise small-holders, artisans and small traders belonging to the near poor whose abilities to perform productive selfhelp could be sustainably strengthened by co-operative activities. Schulze-Delitzsch, a liberalist emphasized on maintaining independent enterprises among the trades people, and he correspondingly stressed the principles of self-help and self responsibility, while strictly rejecting any state intervention in the affairs of co-operatives. The “Rainffeisen Model” – emphasizes on setting up co-operatives for combating poverty. This model is seen as “co-operative for the poor”. In this model, a “co-operative for the poor” need not necessarily be economically successful if it contributes to poverty alleviation by initially guiding people who would otherwise have no prospects of gainful employment owing to their sex, ethnic affiliations and lack of education towards the capability of productive self-help. Raiffeisen’s model is shaped by his image of humanity which stresses ethical and religious concepts. He placed emphasis on addressing the needs of Ϯϲϯ local population with “charitable- Welfare Associations”, based on Christian compassion. He was willing to accept support by private donors and the state. While in the first model, the basically existent self-help potential would merely be brought to come into full effect via advice and (limited) support; in the second model, this potential would first of all have to be created, and this would obviously require a longer period of more intensive support. Nevertheless, co-operative principles can be helpful through combining and focusing scarce resources and sharing risks. But for poor people, the true value of co-operatives may already lie in their giving them an opportunity to experience their own potentials. These two areas of divergences have prevailed uptil date and also affect the possible role that co-operatives can play in combating poverty. Anatomy of Quality of Life (Living Conditions) of Rural Areas in Nigeria Quality of living is a relative term which varies from one society to the other. As already stated briefly in the earlier part of this paper, rural conditions of living are in a very deplorable state. In considering the levels of living in the rural areas, it is pertinent to look at the quantity of goods and services actually consumed by an individual and his family (Ekong 2003, pp. 360-361); which in turn depends on the following: • the range of available goods and services in the system; • the individual family income; • the prevailing standards; and • other cultural factors. This implies that the standard of living prevalent in any given area is not only a product of the resources available to the people, but also their cultural orientation and lifestyle. According to McNamara (1999), Ojo and Jibowo (2002), Izugbara (2004), Ehigiamusoe (2005), Nelson and Nelson (2010), Ekong (2010), the Nigerian rural setting is characterized by high rate of poverty, high inflation, lack of essential amenities such as health centres, good access roads, electricity, potable water, well equipped schools, modern markets, banks and recreational facilities. Most of the rural people are so limited by Ϯϲϰ malnutrition, illiteracy, disease, squalid surroundings, high infant mortality and morbidity, low income and low life expectancy. Scholars and development experts have strongly affirmed that the development and affluence of the urban areas, is a direct result of exploiting the resources of the rural areas, thereby leaving them poor and characterized by low standards of living (Ekong, 2010; Nelson & Nelson, 2010). With the fact that poverty and squalor abound in urban areas of Nigeria, rural poverty stands out in comparison with apparent urban affluence. Thus, poverty is more personalized at the grassroots level in our villages. The poor in the rural areas of Nigeria suffer from inadequate transport facilities, have little or no access to health services, electricity supply, clean potable drinking water, educational facilities and low farm output. All these exist in diverse forms and consequently affect individual economic activities and opportunities in the rural areas. Most rural economies in Nigeria are characterized by a high level of technical inefficiency, low yields, poor storage, processing and transportation facilities, thus resulting in low incomes and low standards of living. Using the Human Development Index (HDI), and available rural household and socio-economic-based studies in Akwa Ibom State, Nigeria in 2005, most rural areas in Nigeria are lagging behind in terms of the three dimensions of human development – longevity, knowledge and decent standard of living - income (Ministry of Economic Development, 2005). The glaring situation is that while most of the urban areas are growing and getting transformed, the rural areas in general are decaying, and the living conditions of the rural dwellers could be described as “harsh and bitter” (Ekpo & Uwatt, 2000:35; Okon, 2006). Putting the above descriptions in proper perspective, it is worthwhile to state that there is an established relationship between standard of living, economy and socio-cultural characteristics of rural areas in Nigeria. The overall impact of the low quality of living in Nigeria’s rural areas is that it does not only aggravate rural backwardness, but also affect the rural economy in terms of low capital formation and investment (low farm productivity) as well as processes, thereby exacerbating the “vicious circle of poverty” among them. Ϯϲϱ Co-operatives as Effective Instruments/Strategy for Improving the Quality of Life of Rural People in Nigeria Co-operative societies, to a reasonable extent, have been proven to have the enormous potentials for sustainable rural development vis-à-vis promoting the quality of rural life in Nigeria. Ban Ki-moon, the UN Secretary General affirmed the role of cooperatives in the economic and social spheres, as a reminder to the international community that it is possible to pursue both economic viability and social responsibility through co-operatives. According to Armbuster (2012), co-operative structures are important pillars of the economy in industrialized countries as well as in many emerging and developing countries, in the finance, commercial and agriculture sectors. As affirmed by Rodrigues (2012), co-operatives have weathered severe global financial crisis better than conventional business enterprises, a situation previously experienced in the Asian crisis of the 1980s, when co-operative banks coped far better than private banks. Co-operative banks run fewer risks because the money belongs to the members who are owners, customers and investors all in one. Jibowo (1992) identified areas where co-operative associations have played significant role in improving the rural economy vis-à-vis their quality of life: • Production of agricultural commodities; • Marketing of agricultural commodities; • Marketing of agricultural inputs; and • Securing credits for agricultural operations Ekong (2003) posited further that apart from agriculture, Co-operative Building Societies have enabled members to build their own low-cost houses through loans generated by pooling members’ resources. In addition, crafts and artisans societies have helped in the establishment of rural-based cottage industries. These have provided jobs for the school leavers, thereby steming the tide of rural urban migration. Small co-operative groups form can and have been used to channel technological and other forms of agricultural innovations to farmers in the Ϯϲϲ production of agricultural produce (such as palm wine, cocoa, cassava, maize), which can further go a long way to improve their incomes and levels of living. Through local co-operatives, the production capacities of members can be enhanced, which further translates to increased income, and improved standard of living for the rural dwellers. Co-operatives have significantly contributed to global food security by means of agricultural training for small farmers and facilitating access to agricultural inputs and credits. Training and access to savings and credits are the major requirements for an efficient modern agriculture, especially of small farmer level. The success story of Rotating Savings and Credit Associations in West Africa (ROSCA), among other achievements, had succeeded in creating alternative income opportunities for rural youths and in that way spurred them up to stay in the rural areas. Co-operatives ensure the development of local markets, increase members’ access to these markets and also ensure their existence for the integration of the domestic economy. Through these structures, local farmers and artisans can become active participants and at the same time, beneficiaries of development. According to the Rabobank Report (2012) titled “Framework for an Inclusive Food Strategy–co-operatives as key to integration of small holders in value chains, the establishment of farmer co-operatives could help small scale farmers to overcome the drawbacks of their small size and fragmented production structures (Rabobank, 2012). Small farmers often lack access to affordable financial services, knowledge and education, market information, land, water and fertilizers. They must therefore unite in strong producer organizations or in co-operatives. By working together, they are able to overcome the drawbacks of their small size and fragmented production structure. Small farmers in developing countries and emerging economies are the key to a successful approach to World food problem. As their productivity is still very low, a large underexploited food production potential is yet to be unlocked. The establishment of farmer co-operatives facilitates connection of small farmers to the markets and the international food chains and provides access to financial services. The productivity of small holder agriculture may increase substantially through the interaction between commercial players in the food chain and farming organisations, as well as through partnerships with governments. Ϯϲϳ According to Adeyeye and Okunola (2001), and Armbuster, (2012), cooperatives support their members by integrating them more strongly into the market structure and value-added chains, thereby boosting the entire rural economy by forward and backward linkages. By becoming dominant in local markets and holding a price umbrella over other competitors in the market, short supply conditions will lead to higher prices for farm produce and the increased savings by co-operatives can result in increased farm services, expansion in facilities and higher pay out of patronage refunds in the form of cash. This is important in determining incomes of the farmers and hence impacting on their welfare and sustainable rural development. Using co-operative farming, the local peasants could improve their welfare and thus bring about rural development by exerting three types of market power: bilateral competition, inter-firm competition and bargaining in the political economy through agricultural co-operative with both vertical and horizontal integration. In more specific terms, local co-operative movements have been used to provide accessible and affordable credit facilities to women (the most vulnerable groups in the society) to enhance their engagement in sustainable economic ventures, thereby alleviating their sufferings. Through viable co-operatives, women are able to access benefits in various ways and forms as farm inputsfertilizers, improved cassava stems, better seedlings and machineries are made available to them at cheaper rates. By co-operating to create access to market links and services and attain economies of scale, co-operative movements ginger entrepreneurial actions with the economic needs of members as well as raise their own share of value-added. In improving the lots of the local (poor) peasants, co-operative serve as a close link between the real sector and the financial sector of the rural economy. In most rural societies, co-operatives have come to serve as a good source or avenue through which important linkages and welfare packages are maintained by government agencies with people at the grassroots. In summary, co-operatives have played diverse roles and strategies in transforming peasant agriculture economy, through realization of economies of scale in production, marketing services, agriculture modernization through encouraging acceptance of new ideas and practices, and technological inputs. Co-operative farming has also played effective role in social, economic and political transformation of the co-operators and the rural economies at large. Ϯϲϴ Inequalities among rural inhabitants can disappear when there is co-operative farming (Adeyeye & Okunola, 2001; Wilcke (2012)). Problems/Weaknesses/Constraints of Co-operatives in Nigeria Co-operative societies in Nigeria are characterized by a number of hindrances and constraints that have bedeviled their effective and efficient operations in the upliftment of the socio-economic status of the rural sector. A highlight of some of these constraints are: • Poor or lack of administrative structures and know-how on the part of the members; • Internal Governance Problems – partial exploitation of powerful positions within the co-operatives by better trained, educated and most influential members; • Poor educational levels of members and staff of the society; • Mismanagement of funds; • Lack of economic potentials of most co-operatives; • Excessive development promotion measures; • Unnecessary state interference in the internal affairs of most cooperatives; • Poor members’ trust in their own business; • Non-recognition programmes; of most co-operatives for poverty alleviation • Insufficient contractual fidelity among members, (co-operators) and between co-operatives; • Crude structures of most co-operatives; • Poor flow of information and supervision from the government cooperative office to the societies; • Large size of co-operative members which in turn makes these cooperatives fragile and weak; • Lack of adequate financial resources (capital) which makes co-operative ineffective; Ϯϲϵ • The absence of a subjective class consciousness among the co-operators which has led to co-operatives not emerging as national movements effectively cutting across ethnic and other traditional ties; • Unresolved disputes among members; • Inactivity of most co-operative associations; • Growing anonymity of most co-operative associations; • Failure of the association to carry out strongly held views of some members; • Unfulfilled expectations of members socially and economically; • Loan default on the part of members; • Absence or irregular attendance at meetings by some members; • Tedious registration procedures; • Lack of external aid or support (Jibowo, 1992; Ekong, 2003; Armbuster, 2012; Rosner, 2012). Conclusion and Recommendations In all, the discussions raised in this chapter provides invaluable thoughtprovoking issues on the relevance of the co-operative model as a feasible strategy for ameliorating rural poverty as well as improve their quality of life. One most important issue raised in this topic is the fact that entrepreneurial actions of the individual members and their relatively weak positions on the market system can be appreciably enhanced through co-operation, access to services and the attainment of economies of scale. The organizational adaptability of the notion of co-operatives as reflected by the successful systems in Europe, North America, Brazil, India, South-Korea, Japan and also in many emerging developing countries, have severe implications on re-modelling of cooperatives in Nigeria in line with prevailing culture, economic context and problem situations. With the plethora of co-operatives in Nigeria, most of which have impacted significantly on the rural economy-by way of integrating the emerging economies, above all, of the agricultural sector into industry and ensuring that agricultural value added income in the rural areas is enhanced; what is required is the implementation of strategies for long term development of co-operatives in the country. This should include the following: ϮϳϬ • Providing adequate funding for state co-operatives for skills-acquisition, training and mobilization of members; • Developing semi-commercial procedures for the use of co-operatives in administering micro-credit scheme to members; • Undertaking intensive sensitization/education of rural people on the advantages of embracing co-operative spirit in investment and/or businesses; • Improving the economic and social infrastructure in the rural areas; • Co-operative leaders should lobby politicians to ensure that the specific nature of co-operatives is recognized, which is essentially anti-risk; • Strengthening rural areas by promoting structural change in agriculture and creating alternative source of income through co-operatives. In conclusion, it is worthy to state that for co-operatives to contribute to promote rural quality of life, it must function with a “bottom-up approach”, as cooperatives do not directly help the poor but the poor help themselves through co-operatives. References Adeyeye, V. A. (1996). Co-operatives in Rural Development: Issues of Policies and Strategies. In O. L. Oludimu and S. Awolalu (Ed.) Co-operatives: Pivot for Economic Development. Ijebu-Ode: Triumph Books Publishers Adeyeye, V. A., & Okunola, S. O. (2001). Co-operatives Farming and Rural Development: Some Issues of Policy, Practice and Theory. Paper presented at the 11th Annual National Congress of NESA, University of Uyo, Uyo, July 10-13. 2001. Armbuster, A. (2012). Co-operatives: A Significant Factor But Not A Panacea. International Journal for Rural Development, 46(2), Dogarawa, A. (2005). The role of cooperative societies in economic development. MPRA paper No. 23161. Available online at: http://mpra.ub.unimuenchen.de/23161. Retrieved on: August 27, 2012. Ebonyi, V. and Jimo, O.B. (2002). Cooperative movement: A way out of poverty. Longman publisher. Ϯϳϭ Ehigiamusoe, E.O. (2005). Microcredit: Tool for poverty alleviation. A Lead Paper Presented at the 12th Annual LAPO Development Forum in Benin City on Monday 17th October, 2005. Ekong, E. E. (2003). An Introduction to Rural Sociology (2nd ed.). Uyo: Dove Educational Publishers. Ekong, E. E. (2010). Rural sociology: An introduction (3rd ed.). Uyo: Dove. Ekpo, A. H., & Uwatt, B. (2005). Akwa Ibom State of Nigeria: Poverty Profile and Economic Transformation. Uyo: Foundation for Economic Research and Training. ICA (1995). Statement on the cooperative Identity. Geneva: International Cooperation Alliance. Available online at: http://www.coop.org/coop/principles.html. Retrieved on: April 4, 2009. Izugbara, C. (2004). Gendered micro-lending schemes and sustainable women’s empowerment in Nigeria. Community Development Journal, 39(1): 7284. Jibowo, A. A. (1992). Essentials of Rural Sociology. Abeokuta: Gbeni Sadipo Press. Lele, U. (1972). Co-operatives and the Poor: A Comparative Perspective. World Development, 9, 55-62. McNamara, R. (1999). Population, Resources and the Environment: The Critical Challenge. Geneva: UNFPA. Ministry of Economic Development (2005). Akwa Ibom State Baseline SocioEconomic Study (AK-BASES), Uyo, Nigeria: Akwa Ibom State Ministry of Economic Development. Nelson, E. E., & Nelson, I. E. (2010). Micro-credit programmes and poverty alleviation in rural Nigeria: A case of Akwa Ibom State. International Journal of Economic Development Research and Investment, 1(2&3): 168-180. Nwagboso, I.C. (2012). Rural development as strategy for food security and global peace in the 21st century. Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences, 3(2): 377-390. Ojo, M. O., & Jibowo, A. A. (2002). Co-operatives as an Instrument for Grassroots Mobilization for Rural Development. Nigerian Journal of Rural Sociology, 3(1&2), ϮϳϮ Okon, D. E. (2006). Mobilizing the Rural People of Akwa Ibom State for Sustainable Development. Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Uyo, Uyo, Akwa Ibom State. Okunmadewa, F. (1997). Nigeria: Poverty Reducing Growth Strategies and Options. CBN/World Bank Collaborative Study, April 1996. Rabobank Report (2012). Framework for an Inclusive Food Strategy - Cooperatives as Key to Integration of Small Holders in Value Chains. The International Journal for Rural Development, 46(4), Rodrigues, R. (2012). Co-operatives – A Crisis Proof Concept. In: Richter, S. (Ed.) The International Journal for Rural Development. Rosner, H. J. (2012). Co-operatives – the Magic Bullet of Poverty Reduction. The International Journal for Rural Development, 46(2), Udensi, L. O., Essien, J., Alobari, C.M., Naenwi, M.O. (2014b). Access and Utilization of Micro-lending Scheme among rural farmers in Cross River State: Potentials for sustainable agricultural development in Nigeria. Humanities and Social Sciences Letters, 2(2): 72-80. Udensi, L. O., Igbara, F. N., Paago, J. K., & Chieke, E. O., (2014a). The Role of Craft and Artisan Cooperative Societies in the Socio-economic Advancement of its Members in Abia State, Nigeria. Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences, 5 (1): 483-489. Wilcke, A., Richter, S., & Lechner, I. (2012). Co-operatives. The International Journal for Rural Development, 46(2). Ϯϳϯ Ϯϳϰ CHAPTER FOURTEEN Increasing Women Participation in National Development: Implication for Realizing Vision 20:2020 in Nigeria Esther O. Chieke & Lawrence O. Udensi Abstract Excluding women from full participation and active roles on issues of national concern and development may possibly hinder national development, waste potentials and human resources especially in the pursuit towards realizing the goals of Nigeria’s vision 20:2020. Carrying out an intensive theoretical analysis from literature, this chapter argued that excluding women from full and active roles and participation in issues of national concern and development could hinder progress and result to untapped abundant potentials and human resources. Therefore a shift in the trend and approach towards participating in national development and realizing Nigeria’s vision 20:2020 should be gender-inclusive, gender-participatory in context, as well as ensuring adequate planning and implementation for maximum result and success. Introduction It has been widely recognized in literature (Harmona, 2014; Ayodele, 2013; Attoe, 2012; Horner & Stokes, 2012; Eyinade, 2010), that national development process does not promote gender equality in the distribution of the benefits of economic growth, participation and active role in national development and concerted effort in realizing vision 20:2020. The existence of patriarchal society which Nigeria is structured on, couple with religious dogma (almost all categories of religious group inclusive), have relegated women to the backdrop of second fiddle, minority and spectators in societal affairs. This has further brainwashed various institutions and structures including women themselves to yield to the state of accepting that the world is the men’s world, and should be owned and controlled by them. Consequently, there is a shift in trend and approach towards gender bias in participating in national development; women are gradually waking up from Ϯϳϱ their slumber to meet with the demands of the new world. They have made remarkable impact in various sectors like: education, politics, health, agriculture and are especially talented in the application of new approaches to new problems in new circumstances; notably, Mrs. Alice Zomukunda and Dr. (Mrs.) Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, acidulously worked towards raising the economy of Liberia from the dust. These talents combined with their highly principled nature give them unique success in the post of responsibilities than men. Nigerian women (including late Mrs. Olufurimilayo Ransome-Kuti, Amina of Zaria, Queen Emotan of Benin, Mrs. Margaret Ekpo, Senator Franca Afegbua, Late professor Dora Akuyili, Professor Grace Alele Williams and Dr. Mrs. Ngozi Okonjo Iweala among others) are excelling in the following areas: education, agriculture, health, politics and manufacturing etc. This chapter seeks to crystalize the various trend of evolution into a free and egalitarian society, where women are given equal and free opportunity to participate and contribute towards national development in other to realize the goals and objectives of vision 20:2020 in Nigeria. It further made policy recommendations that will assist in drawing government attention to increasing women active participation in national development. Gender Discrimination: A Conceptual and Theoretical Discourse Gender is not mainly concerned with the psychological, social and cultural differences between a man and a woman, but equally entails, the gender differences created and sustained by the society through its traditions, customs, conventions, mores and regulations. This, simply put has it that women’s location and experience of most situation is different from that of men in the society. Otu (2008) defined gender as the social, psychological and cultural attributes to masculinity and feminity that are based on the biological distinction. Scott and Marshal (2003) added that the term gender has long been extended to refer not only to individual identity and personality but also, at the symbolic level, to cultural ideals and stereotypes of masculinity and femininity and at the structural level to the sexual division of labour in institutions and organizations. The approved gender role by the society has therefore resulted in gender stereotypes where women are seen as the producers of children; they are the mothers and the wives; the ones to do the cooking, cleaning, sewing and Ϯϳϲ washing, they take care of men and are with full subordination to their authority and they are largely excluded from high status occupations and positions of power. This has led sociologist to postulate that “there does not exist, and never has existed, a society in which women do not have an inferior status to that of men” (Haralambos & Holborn, 2008, p. 91). Though, the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria gives equal right to all citizens, yet women are practically made to play the second fiddle in almost every spheres of societal life. They have always been held to be less intelligent, less productive, less creative, less useful and by implication, less human than men (Igwesi, 2012). This therefore portrays that women’s role in the society are highly distinct as well as their biological differences, which is responsible for the differences in their behaviour and the roles they play in society. In other to isolate the existence of gender-imbalance in societal roles, Jekayinfa (2014) affirmed that biological and psychological differences in men and women are natural and result in different gender roles. According to him, men are naturally more competitive and aggressive because this increases their chances of attracting a partner and providing resources for offspring, while women are nurturing because this is needed to attract a partner and take care of offspring. This gender role differentiation is controversial, as there are cross cultural differences as well as similarities in gender role so it is more logical to assume that gender roles should be seen as an interaction of biological and socio cultural factors. Some scientists are of the opinion that variations in the behaviour and social roles of men and women can be explained in terms of hormones and brains, which is determined by chromosomes (xx for girls and xy for boys). During prenatal development, sex hormones are released which cause the external genitals of the fetus and the internal reproductive organs to become masculine or feminine. In this theory humans are born with innate predispositions to act and feel female or male due to the presence or absence of prenatal androgens (Haralambos & Holborn, 2008). There exist relevant feminist theories that explain gender-imbalance in national development, participation as well as plausible measures which could address the issue to enable women realize non-discriminatory participation and involvement in national development. According to Ritzer (2008), feminist theory is a generalized wide-ranging system of ideas about social life and human experience developed from a women centered perspective. Feminist theory is Ϯϳϳ woman-centered in three ways: first, the starting point of all its investigation, is the situation and experiences of women in society. Secondly, it treats women as the central subjects in the investigative process; that is, it seeks to see the world from the distinctive vantage points to women in the social world. Third, feminist theory is critical and activist on behalf of women, seeking to produce a better world for women and for all mankind. Charles (2010); Haralambos and Holborn (2008) identified the following feminist approaches: • Radical feminism • Marxist and socialist feminism • Black feminism • Liberal feminism • Post-modern feminism Radical Feminism: The proponents of this approach are of the opinion that women have always been exploited and give revolutionary change as the solution to male dominance. They see society as patriarchal, ruled and dominated by men. Radical feminist sees men as enemies to women liberation and further reject any form of assistance from them to succeed in achieving the right they seek. Marxist and Socialist Feminism: This approach is also linked the exploitation of women in the society to not just men but to capitalists in the society. Like the radical feminist they desire revolutionary change through a communist society (where means of production is communally owned). Black Feminism: this approach is also known as “African Feminism”. It originated as a result of the dissatisfaction from other feminist theories. It is concerned with the problems of the black women, distincting it from the experiences of the white woman. It depicts that an African woman needs to perform her roles as defined by customs and tradition, which is always detrimental, just for the purpose of having a stable society (Charles, 2010). Haralambos & Holborn (2008) advanced further in theorizing that many black women had been employed as domestic servants in white families and this is stemming from the discrimination in race, class and gender. He added that this Ϯϳϴ theory was criticized because of its inability to address the oppression experienced by the white women. Liberal Feminism: The proponents of this approach advocates for equal opportunity in the political, economic and social systems in the society and see it as a solution to male dominance. Many women who are skilled and highly talented are not given the opportunity in the various sectors to exercise their right. The liberal feminism are of the opinion that everyone have equal opportunities and benefit (both men and women) and nobody should be harmed or suppressed. Post-Modern Feminism: The emphasis of this approach was on the different groups of women who suffered all forms of oppression and violence and were equally disregarded in the society. E.g black, white and disabled women. Liberal feminism is also a modernist theory because of its emphasis on human progress (Igwesi, 2012). Inspite of the critics of the above discussed theories, the entire feminist theory advocates a balanced-gender approach in addressing societal issues, advancing national development and promoting a liberal progress and livelihood. And this has succeeded in creating a new branch of social theory. The summation of these theories explains the position of women in Nigeria and other developing countries. Hence, this will propel clear-cut policy action that will incorporate women into full participation in realizing sustainable national development and vision 20:2020. Contending Issues in Women Participation to National Development Women participation in national development has been widely reported in literature. Ekong (2006); Asaju (2013); Fatile, Adejuwon and Kelunde (2011), had reported on women’s contributions in agriculture, education, community development and physical development. They asserts that women can be the driving-force to the development and improving the economy of any country and are therefore crucial to realizing the goal of sustainable development and vision 20:2020. Some of the characteristics of women as stressed by Akosile Ϯϳϵ (2010) bring to bear the implication of women participation in national development. According to him, women plan, organize, direct and coordinate all resources at home for the benefit of all members of the family. Their diverse roles maintain peace and stability at family, local, state or national levels, thereby constituting them an indispensable group in the development process of any nation. Surprisingly, Oakley (2002), observe that our gender system does not encourage the full participation of women in national development. Hence, she suggest that unless the system is changed, humans will miss the opportunity to make the next few billion years on planet earth a better place for both men and women. Horner and Stokes (2012) oppose the above assertions, when they stressed that men rule the outside, while women rule the inside. To them, the female child learn from an early age what a proper woman is and the community frowns at her if she steps outside of this clearly defined role. Women are seen as weak and inferior in almost all areas of human endeavor. For instance, statements like: “Don’t you know that you don’t have to fight your brother because you are a girl”? and “I know it’s a woman that would drive this way”, are still common in many families and in many parts of our society, thereby making most women feel inferior and not capable of participating in national development (Igwesi, 2012). From the foregoing, Haralambos & Holborn (2008), perceived that the social and economic rewards of women are largely determined by their marital and family relationships, thereby paving way for them to gain equal access to land and other inheritance in the society. This chapter will further advance a discussion on the level of participation and involvement of women in national development in the following sector: • Women in agriculture • Women and education attainment • Women and politics in Nigeria • Women involvement in the economy Women in Agriculture Women have contributed greatly in the agricultural sector of Nigeria’s economy especially in production and procession of crops and other raw materials. The ϮϴϬ united nation’s report reveals that about 60 – 90 percent of the agricultural labour force was women and they produce two-third of the food crops (Asaju, 2013). Nigerian women has assumed the status of a crucial factor of production, since they are largely responsible for the bulk production of crops, agro-based food processing, presentation of crops and distribution of yields from farm centers to urban areas (Damisa & Yahonna 2007; Uwakwe 2004). Irrespective of women’s effort and roles, men still make the key farm management decisions and this continue to relegate women to the voiceless groups whose role in decision making process in agriculture has not been widely employed or at best, remain minimal. Women’s participation and decision in agriculture according to research report by Eyinade (2010), increases with age, as older women tend to be more involved than their younger age group counterparts. The financial status of women is another determinant in farm management decision making, as richer women are more involved than their poorer counterparts. In addition, various studies has shown that women contribute more than men in labour input in farming and are solely responsible for household management duties (Domisa and Yohanna, 2007; Agu, 2007; British Council Nigeria, 2012). There is a clear evidence of a high level of women significance in agriculture from the foregoing. Yet deprivations in various forms and male dominance are still prevalent. This has affected virtually all aspect where women should participate and bring out the best in the agricultural sector for national development and realizing vision 20:2020. For instance, Agu (2007) and Asaju (2013) reported that most women desire the benefits of agricultural inputs such as fertilizers, pesticides and tractors but none of them had direct access to it. They had to get from their husbands who would want to satisfy the needs of their own farm first. The study also reported that women do not benefit from government agricultural loans because their husbands do not approve of it, and even if they do, would take the money from them. Couple with lack of access to land ownership and use especially in our rural areas and the land use decree has further complicated the issue. This therefore calls for the removal of gender clause in land ownership, acquisition of agricultural loans and credit facilities which has the capacity to reposition the women folk to participate in the agricultural sector, with the aim of addressing the global food crisis and improve gender livelihood. Ϯϴϭ Women and Educational Attainment Education is the bedrock of the development of any nation. Thus, for any nation to achieve its developmental objectives, every citizen must have access to effective education, and women are not exempted. According to Enaibe (2012), education is one of the most important means of empowering human beings with the knowledge, skills and self-confidence necessary to participate fully in the development of a nation. It is an investment in human capital. Also, Uwakwe (2004) is of the opinion that every Nigerian citizen irrespective of sex should be given access to education to acquire requisite skill to increase his/her productive capacity, which is geared towards national and sustainable development. Therefore, formal education is a dynamic instrument of change and it is indeed important for everyone, including girls and women because an educated woman is an asset to her community and training a woman is training a nation. In time past, women were given no or inferior education. Their curricular emphasized home economics, which includes: needle work, cookery, embroidery etc. parents prefer sending their sons to schools than sending their daughters, with the perception that they won’t neglect their family to train another man’s own. Enaibe (2012), from a different perspective sees women’s role as tripartite in nature, as a woman, wife and mother, which complement one another and work towards national development. The United Nations (1993) affirmed that women constitute a majority of the world’s population but they receive a small proportion of its opportunities and benefits. The report further reveals that, one out of three households in the world has a woman as its breadwinner. This means that many households (which include men, children and the elderly solely depend on women, in addition to their duty or task for the household. Thus, the relevant of education to this endanger folks becomes inevitable. Women will therefore be equipped to manage and utilize resources for sustainable development and ready to address he ancient dogma of gender inequality in education and national development. Obstacles to Women Education in Nigeria Women marginalization in Nigeria arising from various factors including traditional, cultural, economic, social, religious etc. had deny them full access to ϮϴϮ educational attainment and political participation. Our cultural beliefs and practices have made it difficult for some women to stick out their necks in the midst of men. They are mere follower to their husbands, who understands the importance of education in human building. The man sees an educated woman as a competition, who will threaten his supremacy in the home. In some culture, it is considered a taboo or a waste of time and family financial resources to educate female children because they later discard the family name for their husbands; others tend to believe that the education of the girl-children will delay their marriage. Moreso, it is believed that girls that are trained in sex and sexuality matters in a formal educative setting, like the Girls power initiative (GPI) (a non-governmental organization) is expose to promiscuity which will rob them of their chastity. Traditionally, women are to be seen and not heard. Traditional prejudice against women is an inhibiting factor to women education and participation in politics. The society frowns at any woman who makes herself seen and heard at the same time, she is considered to be living a life of a man and her fellow women regard her as being too daring to them. The economic situation of our country has fixed many families in untold financial hardship. And the negative stress of their financial condition tells on their daughters who are forced into early marriage in order to raise money for the male children to attend schools or pursue any trade of their choice. They are equally forced to engage in menial jobs like street hawking, farming, house-help commercial activities and prostitution in extreme situations. The girl-child bears the brunt of educational discrimination in the face of parental poverty. According to Enaibe (2012), if such children are sent to school at all, they do not go beyond the primary education level. Ajasu (2013) added that, low rate of enrolment and high rate of girls drop out of school (especially at secondary level) include the following: costs, levies and charges, distance to school, harassment, bullying, discrimination or punishment and other dangers at or on the way to school, expectations of doing chores like water collection at school. Religious practices also pose as stumbling block to women education. Some parents who regard themselves as very holy Christians feels that if their female children are enrolled in school, they will be too exposed to knowledge that will make them disregard their doctrines and dressing pattern of the religion. In the Muslim religion, women are confided to purdah. Such women Ϯϴϯ are not exposed to formal education and participation in national politics. Worthy of mentioning here is the recent terrorist group of Islamic sect called “Boko Haram” that is strongly against western education, more especially on the part of women; and has gone to the extent of waging war in the country thereby causing insecurity especially in the North east state. The African Traditional Religion has equally pose a challenge to women education. It is the girl-child (especially the beautiful ones) that are mainly chosen by the gods to worship them, with these; they will not be able to attend formal education leaving behind their entrenched shrine and followers. Early marriage and unwanted pregnancy also serve as a barrier why many girls do not have formal education or in most cases, drop out of school prematurely. Statistical Evidence on Women’s Educational Attainment Despite the impressive policy initiatives and commitments, gender disparity in education is still high. Report shows that Nigeria has the largest out of school children in the world (Asaju, 2013). This report shows that out of the 10.5 million out-of-school children, 42 percent of them are primary school age population. The male still have the highest environment ratio at the primary, secondary and the tertiary levels of education in Nigeria which has significant implication for women empowerment and increased participation of women in national development (especially if we must realize vision 20:2020). Rose and Motivans (2012), also estimate that 61 million children of primary school age are being denied their right to education. It was therefore noted that failure to reduce this number will condemn these girls and boys to poverty, poor health and lack of opportunity, while weighing heavily on efforts to reach the millennium development goals and realize vision 20:2020. The global out-ofschool figure has declined over the past 15 years, falling from 105 million in 1990. Data show that progress began to slow down in 2005 and has stagnated between 2008 and 2010, with the number remaining at 61 million. Lending credence to the level of women’s educational attainment, Rakotondrazaka (2014) observed that increasing female education by one year will significantly increase women’s empowerment by about 10 percent high. According to his report, the number of out-of-school children of primary school age in sub-Saharan Africa climbed from 29 million in 2008 to 31 million in 2010. Although enrolment in the region has risen, it has not kept pace with rapid Ϯϴϰ population growth, Nigeria alone has an estimate of 10.5 million out-of-school children, 3.6 million more than in 2000, or 42% of the primary school age population by contrast, countries in South and West Asia have made major gains over the past two decades, reducing their number of out-of-school children by two-third, from 39 million in 1990 to 13 million in 2010. Harnessing the gender policy which seeks to eliminate gender disparity in all levels of education in line with the objectives of MGDs, Rose and Motivans (2012), suggested five reasons why low educational attainment (as enumerated in the foregoing paragraph) must be urgently addressed: • Education reduces poverty and promotes economic growth; • Maternal education improves children’s health; • Education helps fight HIV/AIDS and other diseases; • Education promotes gender equality; and • Education promotes democracy and participation in society. Women Education and National Development Education is one of the main mechanisms for promoting social change, and achieving sustainable development, therefore, every nation should make efforts to provide an equitable education to all her citizens which is devoid of gender discrimination of any sort. Hence, every Nigerian citizen therefore irrespective of sex should be given access to education to acquire requisite skill to increase his/her productive capacity (Uwakwe, 2004, p. 48) Education does not only give meaning to life, it is life itself. And the importance of education cannot be over emphasized, that is why the government at various level makes conscious effort to raise the level of literacy especially among female citizens. Among these efforts made by the Nigerian government to encourage women education was the establishment of schools, colleges and institutions in various states at free and substantial rate, so that all citizens can benefit. And this is done to bridge poverty gap. (British council Nigeria 2012; Molagun, Taiwo & Ajere, 2000). Furthermore, even the international community has also contributed immensely towards the campaign of women education and emancipation. A good example was the Beijing Declaration and Platform of Action held in 1995. Ϯϴϱ According to Benwari and Igwesi (2009), female education can contribute to national development in various ways: • Increased participation in the labour force and earning power; • Creating intergenerational education benefits; • Reducing women’s fertility rate; • Lowering maternal mortality rates; • Protecting against HIV/AIDS infection; and • Lowering infant and child mortality rates. With sound education which is the greatest weapon of development, women can go places. They will be knowledgeable enough to participate in addressing global issues. The federal government of Nigeria has made tremendous efforts in this regards, giving their concern to ensure that women are given opportunities to participate in decision making in the country. Some women have secured ministerial appointment at the federal level, some are in the House of Assembly, while some are in the National Assembly contributing their ideas to ensure smooth running of the nation’s affairs. To mention a few of Nigerian women who have contributed immensely to the development of Nigeria include the likes of professor Grace Alele Williams, first female professor of mathematics, first female vice chancellor in Nigeria (a former vice chancellor of University of Benin), Nigeria Finance Minister and former minister of foreign affairs Dr. (Mrs.) Ngozi Okonjo Iweala, and a former director of NAFDAC and minister of information and communication, Late Professor (Mrs.) Dora Akunyili. Also, in other African countries, educated women are making impact in the nation’s development. For instance, Mrs. Alice Zomukunda and Dr. (Mrs.) Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, these are great women who raised the economy of Liberia from the dust. Although women have improve in their participation to nation building in the past years, worthy of mentioning is the fact that education of women will lead to social, political, mental and moral emancipation of the society (Igwesi, 2012; Enaibe, 2012; Jekayinfa, 2004; Amanchukwu, 2003). Women and Politics in Nigeria There is this popular saying that “men rule the outside, women rule the inside”. This is the assumption of many societies in the world, that public and political Ϯϴϲ sphere is preserve for men. Asaju (2013), posit that female participation in decision-making is still far cry, forgetting that it is the backs of women that the economy rides to recovery. Enaibe (2012), viewed women participation in politics from a different perspective, that women hate or shun participation in politics, since its characterized by violence, bitterness, manipulation and falsification of figures, high class rigging etc. politics cannot be served from education or education from politics. However, with recent development, hope is rising in the conduct of elections. There is historical evidence today to prove the contributions of women to national development in the political scene. Attoe (2010) in his analysis traced the historical participation of women in politics and decision making from the pre-colonial period to the post-colonial era in Nigeria. He recorded that only few Nigeria women have participated and emerged in Nigeria’s political landscape, inspite of the pioneering efforts of these women, especially since the 1950s. Horner and stokes (2012) is of the opinion that women do not participate in public life because they lack the social networks needed to run for public office, to gain support from constituents. Married women tend to lose network that they built before marriage, because they will have to leave their homes to their husband’s where they barely know anyone. According to Asaju (2013), factors that influences women participation in politics include their low level of education (especially in the north), lack of capacity in political and interpersonal skills and knowledge, organizing and coordinating campaign, advocacy and negotiation, financial constraints and for the fact that they need to be home in the evenings and at night, when most of the political meetings are held to feed and care for their husband and children. Other impediment by Eyinade (2010) includes: social conventions, values and mores which combines to maintain the stereotype of women as kitchen dwellers, religious belief as a barrier in participating politically, violence and threats in political activities, funding and poverty and women’s perception of politics as a dirty game and time consuming. There are indeed women with exceptional qualities that refuse to adhere to the dictates of established tradition. Such women include the likes of late Mrs. Olufurimilayo Ransome-Kuti, Amina of Zaria, Queen Emotan of Benin, Mrs. Margaret Ekpo, Senator Franca Afegbua, Late professor Dora Akuyili, Professor Grace Alele Williams and Dr. Mrs. Ngozi Okonjo Iweala. Nigeria women have risen in the excellent performance to national development. They compete with men in all spheres of life as women now occupy post and handle Ϯϴϳ responsibilities exclusively reserved for men. These are achieved as a result of adequate education and enlightenment. Who knows if a woman will be the next president of Nigeria (Uhuo, 2009, Jekayinfa, 2014). Women Involvement in the Economy Women contributions to the nation’s economy cannot be over emphasized, as it cuts across all factors of national development. Women have the potentials of turning an ailing economy at the family, local, state or national levels to a healthy state; through their inbreed economic strength, organizational skills and a focus mind (Asaju, 2013). Since the women plan, organize, direct and coordinate resources at home, there is no benefit of doubt that they can effectively manage the nation’s economy if assigned such duty. Nigerian women have proven themselves to be more than bench-warmers in terms of professional participation and recently they have lead in professional groups like the Nigerian Bar Association, Institute of chartered Accountants of Nigeria and the Nigeria medical Association (Akosile, 2010). This has proven the fact that leadership trait is not genetically acquired and has nothing to do with gender. Women can effectively participate in policy making and governance, and can handle difficult and stressful situations as far as the economy is concerned more than men (Win, 2012). These women are mostly seen as constituting threats to their husbands, associate and the society at large, of which others admire and respect their wield to power. Considering the population of women in Nigeria, a conscious or an unconscious under representation of Nigerian Women in the following sector: agriculture, education, economic, social and political sphere could lead to serious set-back and hamper national progress, sustainable development and under-utilization of human resources and potentials. Challenges to Women Involvement in National Development Development means different things to different people. Most people perceive it in the area of economic, modernization, distributive justice as well as growth and transformation. Others access material prosperity as the ultimate objectives of development efforts. Otu (2008: Pp.7-8), state that development means social and personal change which moves toward consciously chosen goals, adding that the choosing is done by the people who are in the process of change. National Ϯϴϴ Development to Asaju (2013 p.58) entails the ability of a country or countries to improve the welfare of the people by providing social amenities, like quality education, portable water, transportation, infrastructure, medical care, creating conducive political atmosphere and participation of citizens etc. It could also be termed as “social change” which brings about social advancement in the world. Jekayinfa (2014) spelt out the eight cardinal areas where women need to be active as far as national development is concerned: education, health, culture, politics, economy, agriculture, enhanced environment, quality and peaceful coexistence. Uwakwe (2004) reported that African Women are yet to attain a stable threshold for personal wellbeing or fulfill their aspirations for gainful economic activity. The status given to women in our society seems to make them see themselves as not capable of venturing into a vocation/profession considered masculine. The girls are meant to believe that rough jobs are for the men, so they do not need to try. House and family responsibilities have often times made highly placed women, who are in full-time job resign their position in the service in order to attend to these responsibilities thereby making them unproductive. Uwakwe (2004, pp. 45-47) identified the following as factors that affect women’s active participation in National Development: • Family responsibilities; • Low socio-economic status; • Education and Literacy; • Pregnancy; and • Physical factors Family Responsibilities: Women enormous role in the society tend to disrupt their active participation to work, especially those raising a family. Low Socio-economic Status; This can expose women to physical and sexual abuse and mental digression, especially in our traditional society where women do not have a voice of their own. Women are mainly saddle with the responsibility of child bearing and child rearing, which has exposed them to challenges like: poor health, inadequate diet, early and frequent pregnancy and a continued cycle of poverty (Chieke, 2014). Ϯϴϵ Education and Literacy: High illiteracy and low enrolment rates, especially in secondary schools, affect women’s ability to acquire the skills needed for income generating activities. Apart from the high rate of gender disparity in female enrolment in the three tiers of educational institutions, the society has also recorded high rate of female dropouts, especially at primary and secondary school level. Pregnancy: The period of pregnancy and child nursing is time demanding, as the women will not attend to national issues especially when there is maternity leave. Physical Factors: This incorporate basic factors like: nutrition, water and health services. These factors poses as challenges to women’s productive capacity and also lower their health status, because women desire to settle for less and take care of other members of the family. The problem with our present day women revolutionaries in national development is that most of them prefer to be more fashionable than selling their ideas. They want to wear expensive jewelries and cloth, paint their lips and fingers and take front seats at every gathering where cameras will easily pick their faces. The current generation of women would like contracts at the expense of their integrity than engage in any activity. They prefer working on how to acquire the latest cars in town, take a trip to London and the United States, even to the extent of divorcing the poor man for the rich man, who can offer them all they need; than sit down and think of ways of bringing positive change to the society. (Sammut, 2005; Uhuo, 2009). In other to address the challenges to women involvement in national development and discourse, China agenda 21 (2012), suggested that the elimination of social prejudice against women and the building up of women’s capacity for participation will bear significant impact on the progress of sustainable development. One then needs to ask the question: how can women in such a confused society contribute positively to national development? ϮϵϬ Realizing Nigeria’s Vision 20:2020: The Role of Women Nigeria’s Economic potential has been recognize as the biggest in West Africa sub region. There is potential for strong growth, looking at the country’s consideration resource endowment and coastal Location. Yet Nigeria has realized very little of this potential, as previous effort at planning and visioning were not sustained. In spite of the exclusion of women in the political parties, women participation in national development has long existed. For instance, women took part in the formation of pressure groups. Mrs. Obasa formed the Lagos women League as a pressure group for better sanitary conditions and women education in 1901, while Mrs. Ransome Kuti found the Abeokuta women’s Union aimed at raising the standard of womanhood by wiping out illiteracy among women in 1946. Among the forty largest economies in the world, in terms of female labor force participation, Nigeria occupies the 27th position with 47.9 percent, while China took first position with 67 percent. Women contribute to economic growth by improving child survival and overall family health, reducing fertility, thereby helping to slow population growth rates (Harmona, 2014). However, there have been tremendous improvements in the number of women in the current Federal Executive Council (FEC). Out of the 42 Ministers appointed, 14 are women, representing 33.3 percent. In the same vein, there are 11 female permanent secretaries out of 43 constituting 26 percent, and 5 female advisers out of 13 representing 38 percent (Asaju, 2013). Ayodele, Obafemi and Ebong (2013), made it clearer in their report that the vision 20:2020 policy was articulated during the Olusegun Obasajo Administration (1999-2007) to make Nigeria one of the twenty largest economies in the world by the year 2020, with the mission of consolidating its leadership role in Africa and establish itself as a significant player in the global economic and political area. And there is presently no area of endeavor that women are not found whether at the local or international level. They are found in the field of medicine, engineering, military, entrepreneurship, administration, management, banking and finance, police, judiciary, journalism etc. As several Countries make effort towards meeting the United Nations Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), which embraces the following areas: Macro-Economy, polity, Agriculture, Education, Infrastructure, Manufacturing and Health, some developed Countries in Sub-Saharan Africa including Nigeria Ϯϵϭ are evolving policies and programmed to address issues of sustainable development (Ejiofor, Jegede & Olabode 2012; Olaseni & Alade 2012). The adaption of the framework of the MDGs, and its continents instrument (New partnership for Africa’s Development - NEPAD), has provided a platform for the articulation of the National Economic Empowerment and Development Strategy (NEEDS), which placed emphasis on reforming Government and institutions, growing the private sector, implementing a social character and value reorientation. It has poverty reduction, employment generation and wealth creation as cardinal areas of emphasis (Omoniyi, 2010). In other to achieve this, most state governors and federal government have appointed women to position of greater responsibilities ranging from committee chairman and member, permanent secretaries, special advisers, commissioners, directors, directorgenerals of important and sensitive parastatals. This is commended to change the trend and also address the problem of marginalization of women in the society. Ayodele, Obafemi and Ebong, (2013), expanciated more on the above fact when he posited that the Late president Yar’Adua in his effort in seeking redress in the above areas, unveiled a seven-point agenda, he hoped would put the economy back on its feet. His seven-point agenda include: power and energy, food security and agriculture, wealth creation and employment, mass transportation, land reform, security, qualitative and functional education and pursuance of the rule of law; of which he believe his administration will achieve. However, the current leadership of President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan through his transformation Agenda is bent on attaining this vision. This comprehensive frame-work has been rephrase to focus on sustainable growth in the real sector of the economy, with improvement in physical infrastructure, power and energy, transportation, Agriculture, capital development, Education Health, Security, Rule of Law, combating corruption and taking the Niger Delta problems and terrorism. Despite the security challenges across the country, Nigeria is meeting its target of being among the 20 largest economies in the world by the year 2020. The Minister of information, Mr. Labaran Maku after the weekly meeting of the Executive Council of the Federation (FEC) told journalist as reported on Wednesday 28, 2014 that the Council has noticed a geometric progress after the federal Government has reviewed the vision 20:2020 and was impressed with the overall macro-economic performance of the last 3yrs, 2010-2013. He further ϮϵϮ enjoined Nigerians to support the president in his effort to curb the nations development challenges (Usman, 2014). Concluding Remarks Women, just like any other citizen of a country are entitled to rights and privileges which if violated, impinge on their fundamental human right. Excluding women from full and/or active participation and roles in issues of national concern and development especially the quest to realizing the goals/objectives of vision 20:2020 could hinder national development and waste potentials and human resources. Women just as their male counterparts can also handle enormous roles and responsibilities including decision-making, strategizing for national development, planning for the realization of sustainable development as well as participating towards achieving goals. Therefore excluding them from opportunity where their untapped human resources and potentials can be utilized could stunt development and prevent the realization of vision 20:2020. References Agu, S. O. (2007). Gender Equality, Education and Women Empowerment: The Nigerian Challenge.Multi-Disciplinary Journal of Research Development, 8(2). Akisole, A. (2010). Nigeria: Women Empowerment pivot for National Growth. Retrieved August 26, 2014 fromhhp://www.Africafiles.Org/ArticleASP. Amanchukwu, R. N. (2003). Education without Boarder, formal and Nonformal Education. Port Harcourt: Harey Publishers. Asaju, K. and Adagba, S. O. (2013). Women Participation in National Development in Nigeria: The Imperative of Education. 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Environmentally sound due to Print-on-Demand technologies. Buy your books online at www.get-morebooks.com Kaufen Sie Ihre Bücher schnell und unkompliziert online – auf einer der am schnellsten wachsenden Buchhandelsplattformen weltweit! Dank Print-On-Demand umwelt- und ressourcenschonend produziert. Bücher schneller online kaufen www.morebooks.de OmniScriptum Marketing DEU GmbH Heinrich-Böcking-Str. 6-8 D - 66121 Saarbrücken Telefax: +49 681 93 81 567-9 info@omniscriptum.com www.omniscriptum.com