ROMANCING CULTURAL DIFFERENCE: A STUDY ON THE REPRESENTATION OF VISAYAN WOMEN ON PHILIPPINE TELEVISION

ROMANCING CULTURAL DIFFERENCE: A STUDY ON THE REPRESENTATION OF VISAYAN WOMEN ON PHILIPPINE TELEVISION JOSEPHINE OSHIN VALERIO KITANE Submitted to the COLLEGE OF MASS COMMUNICATION University of the Philippines Diliman In partial fulfillment for the requirements for the degree of BACHELOR OF ARTS IN BROADCAST COMMUNICATION April 2012 ROMANCING CULTURAL DIFFERENCE: A STUDY ON THE REPRESENTATION OF VISAYAN WOMEN ON PHILIPPINE TELEVISION by JOSEPHINE OSHIN VALERIO KITANE has been accepted for the degree of BACHELOR OF ARTS IN BROADCAST COMMUNICATION by Professor Fernando A. Austria, M.A. and approved for the University of the Philippines College of Mass Communication by Dr. Rolando B. Tolentino, Ph. D. Dean, College of Mass Communication BIOGRAPHICAL DATA PERSONAL DATA Name Josephine Oshin V. Kitane Permanent Address #10 JM Basa Compound, Libis Quezon City Mobile Number +63917-518-4095 Date & Place of Birth 21 May 1991, Makati City EDUCATION Secondary Level Valedictorian, Colegio San Agustin, Biñan, Laguna Primary Level Valedictorian, Shalom Learning Center, Inc., Silang, Cavite ORGANIZATIONS/ CO-CURRICULAR ACTIVITIES College Registration Assistant, UP College of Mass Communication MasscomMotion (Official College Dance Group), Member LifeBox UP Diliman, Member Victory QC Communications and Creative Support Ministry, Member WORK EXPERIENCE Producer, “Roland” radio documentary Intern, DZUP 1602, April – May, 2011 Intern, Every Nation Productions, April – May, 2011 Voice Talent, Ignite 2011 Official Podcast Poetry Reader, Tigre Sa Zoo (Poetry Album by Virgilio S. Almario, National Artist for Literature) Overall Committee Head, One Frequency: The Voices of Philippine Radio, August 2009 HONORS AND ACHIEVEMENTS Pi Gamma Mu International Honor Society for Social Sciences, Lifetime Member Course Topnotcher, Political Science 14, Awarded by Prof. Crisline Toress-Pilapil, A.Y. 2010-2011 Consistent University Scholar, 2008 – 2012 Gawad Chanselor Awardee, 2008 – 2012 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS “ If I have seen further, it is by standing on the shoulders of giants.” –Isaac Newton I offer my sincerest thanks to these giants on whose shoulders I stood through my entire journey in U.P. : To my God, the Lord of All—only You can take the little that we have and turn it into something great. You are the Rock! To family, especially Mumi, for being so supportive and for proofreading my final draft. Tito Gener, Tita Melo, Tita Ocel and Tita Lolit, who gave so graciously through their finances, prayers and love. To Sir Mario for all the support, incredible patience and generosity. To my thesis adviser, Sir Jun Austria, for being such a patient and gracious mentor, and for not holding back criticism and praise where they are due. To my proposal adviser, Professor Data Canlas, for guiding me during the early stages of my study and for inspiring us to write theses which we are really interested in. To Nisso Roh Shih Fraternity—Tots and Sony. How boring my life would have been without you three, I dare not imagine. And to Ranel Cheng, the Tot Partner, for giving me this freaking awesome thesis topic! To LifeBox, for being with me in my walk with God. We’re a war already won. We’re a revolution. To my friends, old and new, who never ceased to give inspiration despite distance or time constraints. To Charlie for the friendship and support, and for writing my yearbook thingy and flattering me to tears—Rob, Mappy, Marc, Goo and Mac. To my laptop, Tony Furfur, for not crashing on me, and my dog Hero for patiently waiting for me every single day. To Daddy in heaven, a General who was proof that stereotypes are total rubbish. Thank you. vi! ! ABSTRACT Kitane, J.O.V. (2012). Romancing Cultural Difference: A Study on the Representation of Visayan Women on Philippine Television. Unpublished Undergraduate Thesis, College of Mass Communication, University of the Philippines-Diliman. “Representation is found at the heart of mediation.” (Siapera, 2010) Yet, in the context of mediating cultural difference which is inherently complex and diverse, misrepresentations may occur. Hence, one must always ask—are there stereotypes in this representation? Does this portrayal contain racist or prejudiced views? This study questioned the representation of Visayan women in Philippine telenovelas from 2007 to 2011, namely MariMar (Philippines), My Girl (Philippines), and Agua Bendita. The texts were examined using Critical Discourse Analysis, alongside the theories of Representation, Identity, Stereotyping and Hegemony. Findings showed that majority of representations portrayed Visayan women as members of the lower economic strata, and were either unemployed or working in service-oriented positions. They were also portrayed, character-wise, as either irrational or servile, justifying the oppression and discrimination exercised by the representations. Also, in order to contain difference, the folkloric characteristics, i.e. external symbols of culture were highlighted, thus depicting the other as quaint, distant, and picturesque, and therefore not threateningly different. All these, according to Siapera, belong to certain “regimes of representation,” loosely based on Foucault’s (1997) “regimes of truth.” In a nutshell, these regimes denote the convergence of certain ideas and discourses with certain power structures and mechanisms that sustain such representations. Keywords: Visayan, Cultural Diversity, Representation, Stereotyping, Hegemony ! vii! ! TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Title Page i Approval Sheet ii Biographical Data iii Acknowledgements v Abstract vi Table of Contents vii List of Figures ix I. INTRODUCTION A. Background of the Study 1 B. Visayan Women in Filipino Films 9 C. The sosyal Inday: Reinforcing or Breaking Stereotypes? 14 D. Research Problem 20 E. Research Purpose 20 F. Study Framework 21 G. Significance of the Study 24 II. REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE A. Media as a Hegemonic Tool 26 B. Stereotyping 27 C. Identity 30 D. Representations of Cultural Diversity 31 III. METHODS AND PROCEDURES ! A. The Researcher 33 B. Research Design 34 C. Units of Analysis and Sampling 36 D. Research Instruments and Data Gathering Procedure 37 viii! ! E. Data Analysis Procedure 41 IV. PRESENTATION OF FINDINGS A. Background Information and Plot Summaries 42 B. Female Visayan Characters 49 V. ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION ! A. Introduction 105 B. Analysis and Interpretation 106 C. Implications 117 VI. SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS A. Summary of Findings 119 B. Conclusion 119 C. Recommendations 120 REFERENCES APPENDICES ! ! ix! ! LIST OF FIGURES Number 1 Poster of MariMar Page 42 2 Poster of My Girl 45 3 Poster of Agua Bendita 47 4 Corazon, the binary opposite of Perfecta 55 5 Jasmine’s worn-out shoes 60 6 Jasmine assures her father that one day, they will have a house of their own 62 7 Jasmine exclaims at her father who is gambling again 63 8 Agitated, Jasmine calls Christine 67 9 “Oh No!” 68 10 Jasmine pretends to be a lovelorn woman to stall the flight 71 11 Jasmine hugs a man at random 72 12 “Ay!” Jasmine falls on Julian’s lap 73 13 14 15 ! Title Tonyang as a doting maid to the pregnant Mercedes Tonyangs stays by Agua’s side even in the face of death Criselda suffers physical abuse from her husband 78 82 92 16 Amalia disowns Mercedes because of the man she marries 104 17 Tonyang protecting Agua from the flames 109 18 “Baluga noon, BISAYA ngayon!” 110 19 Opening scene of Agua Bendita 112 ! “ ‘The ideas of the ruling class are in every epoch the ruling ideas, i.e. the class which is the ruling material force of society is at the same time its ruling intellectual force.’ –Marx and Engels, The German Ideology, 1846 … ‘So language can be analysed in order to identify the limited set of representations of the world which surround members of a society, and thereby show the limits placed on consciousness by the unequal society they live in.’ ” – Donald Matheson, Media Discourses, 2005 ! x! CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION A. Background of the Study Have you watched television lately? Chances are, you have. Most modern societies are heavy consumers of the media, particularly of television (Gauntlett, 2002). We get a lot of information from television shows—news, soap operas, comedy shows, and the like. Although some of them are entertaining (some, you’ll agree, are rubbish), television serves as an environment for shaping ideologies1 and culture, therefore it is crucial to question the content of the shows we watch. Thompson (1990) says that when people watch television, ideologies through the images and forms present in the programs are transmitted, circulated, and disseminated to the public. One form of broadcast text that serves as an avenue for such ideologies is the television drama or soap opera, which in the Philippines is more commonly known as the “telenovela.” These telenovelas are fraught with various representations of people from different races, genders and walks of life. A particular area of interest is the portrayal of Visayans, specifically of women, in such television shows. Being a Visayan myself, I have often wondered why Visayan women are portrayed as maids in these television dramas. The term “Visayan” (also spelled “Bisayan”) generally refers to people who trace their roots to the Visayan-speaking region in central Philippines. This region includes the islands of Panay, Romblon, Guimaras, Negros, Cebu, Bohol, Siquijor, Leyte, Biliran and !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 1 Marx (1846) defined ideology as a set of beliefs, values, and ways of thinking through which human beings perceive and then explain what they assume to be reality. 2! ! Samar (Colmenares, 2003). There are various kinds of Visayan languages—Ilonggo, Cebuano, Waray, and Sugbuanon, among many others. Colmenares (2003) highlights this diversity, defining the Visayan language as such: Bisaya is a group of related languages belonging to the MalayoPolynesian family, and it is spoken in the central and southern Philippines. It is comprised of roughly 25 languages, some near extinction with fewer than 1,000 native speakers and others spoken by millions. Bisaya includes Cebuano, Ilonggo or Hiligaynon, Aklanon, Capiznon, Kinaray-a, Bantoanon, Romblomanon, Cuyonon, Waray, Surigaonon, Butuanon, Tausog, etc. Spoken by approximately 28 million people, the Bisaya language family has the largest number of native speakers in the Philippines. The next two are the Tagalogs and Ilokanos (Colmenares, 2003). Language, however, is not the only defining point of being a Visayan since Visayan culture is rich and diverse, and so are its people. In fact, there are notable differences even within the Visayan languages themselves. For example, Cebuano is spoken not only in Cebu city but in various places in Visayas and Mindanao as well. As such, these different “versions” of Cebuano contain variations in usage and figures of speech, albeit only minimal. Hence, the term “Visayan” carries with it, as it must, the diversity of culture of these people—and so it is problematic that they are stereotyped in the media. ! 3! ! Visayans are often be portrayed as those speaking in heavily accented Tagalog such that they pronounce the Tagalog “i” as “e,” and “o” as “u,” and vice-versa. For example, the Tagalog sentence “Pupunta ako sa banyo, naiihi ako. (I have to go to the restroom.)” is pronounced as “Poponta aku sa banyu, na-eehi aku.” It is also noticeable that Visayan women are most of the time portrayed only as Cebuano speakers, despite the fact that there are at least 25 different Visayan languages (Colmenares, 2003). Visayans are often parodied with speech difficulties which cause misunderstandings in conversations with Tagalog speakers. The Visayans’ heavily accented Tagalog is often ridiculed because of the impression that Visayans speak Tagalog language in a funny way. Cebuano blogger “Zytrexx” spoke of this phenomenon in an article entitled “About Stereotypes and Prejudices on Being Cebuano:” That is why there is this typical ‘yaya’/ ‘katulong’ type of Tagalog, and of course Manny Pacquiao's ever popular Tagalog in GenSan (General Santos) Bisayan variant of an accent. We inherently promote such stereotypes because we don't give [a] damn if actors/actresses in popular telenovelas bastardize our language (Cebuano) in their shows. Though it’s a common belief that most household helpers in Metro Manila are Visayan, it’s just a bad idea to brand them as mere lowlifes. As Sun-Star columnist Atty. Pachico Seares would say, “A Visayan maid is inevitably branded and made the butt of jokes by the way she speaks” (Zytrexx, 2009). ! ! 4! ! The same blogger likewise claims that Cebuanos are stereotyped negatively because of the way they speak the national language. Bisaya sounds “angry” when spoken, and when a Cebuano attempts to speak the softer, mellower Tagalog, the results, he jests, are “quite disconcerting.” Moreover, Cebuanos are judged as lacking in respect and good character because of the absence of “po” and “opo,” words that have no equivalent in the Cebuano language. It is also worth noting how we have made Aling Dionesia2 a celebrity, albeit one who is often referred to in a comical way, because of her ethnic peculiarity (Zytrexx, 2009). To illustrate this point, here is a forwarded text message referring to Aling Dionesia and the way she speaks as a joke: Aling Dionesia: Maestro3 ka ba? (Are you a teacher?) Tindero: Hindi po Mam, ‘di ako nakapagtapos eh. (No Ma’am, I wasn’t able to finish college.) Aling Dionesia: Uki lang yan, pero maestro ka nga? (That’s alright, but are you a teacher?) Tindero: Mam, hindi nga po! (Ma’am, I told you I am not!) !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 2 3 ! Dionesia Pacquiao is the mother of world-famous boxer Manny Pacquiao. In both Cebuano and Tagalog, “maestro” means “teacher.” 5! ! Aling Dionesia: Humaygad! Anu ka ba? Hende mo aku sinasagut! Ang tanung ku, kung maestro ka! Panu ku maiinom tung Cok, kung wala naman akong estro! Bolshit! (Oh my god, what are you? You are not answering me. I was asking if you had a straw! How can I drink my Coke if I don’t have a straw! Bullshit!) The text joke shown above is a good example of how the way some Visayans speak Tagalog is presented as something silly or laughable. In the text joke, Aling Dionisia is depicted as someone who cannot pronounce “maestro” apart from what she really means to say, which is “may straw.” Essentially, she means, “Do you have a straw? (May straw ka ba?)” but because she is Visayan, this comes across as “Are you a teacher? (Maestro ka ba?)” In addition, with the advent of movies such as “My Monster Mom” and “Sakal, Sakali, Saklolo” which camouflage ethnic slurs with humor, I realized how the negative portrayal of Visayans has become increasingly normal. Here is an excerpt from the film “Sakal Sakali Saklolo,” written and directed by Jose Javier Reyes, which opened on the 25th of December 2007 in movie houses all over the Philippines: Yaya: Ayaw ug dagan, basin madam-ag ka. (Don’t run, you might trip.) ! 6! ! Child: Kadyut lang, nagduwa pa ko. (Wait, I’m still playing.) Grandfather, with bulging eyes, grimaces incredulously at the Visayan words of his grandson. Yaya: Anhi dinhi. (Come here) Grandmother, with a pained expression, looks at her husband. Grandmother: Carlo, did you hear that? Mother: Ay naku Ma. Nakuha ho niya ‘yon sa yaya niya. Sinabihan na namin si Susan na huwag niyang Binibisaya si Rafa. Dapat Tagalog. (Oh, Ma. He got that from his nanny. We already told Susan not to speak to Rafa in Bisaya. It should be Tagalog.) Grandmother: But the boy should be talking in English. Mother: Hayaan niyo na sa eskwelahan matutunan ‘yon Ma. Dapat Tagalog kasi Pinoy ang anak namin eh. ! 7! ! (Let him learn it in school, Ma. It should be Tagalog, because our son is a Filipino.) I found it interesting how a conversation reeking with discrimination such as this can come from a Filipino film, considering the fact that Filipinos are quite touchy when it comes to the aspect of national pride manifested in famous patriotic slogans such as “Pinoy Ako,” “Proud To Be Pinoy,” “Pinoy Pride,” and the like. In actuality, it is highly likely that any insult on the Filipino race would be met with opposition. Not too long ago, the Filipino community was enraged by an allegedly “racially discriminatory” comment made in the American television show “Desperate Housewives.” In an episode of the show which aired on September 30, 2007, Teri Hatcher’s character (Susan) delivered a line discrediting doctors schooled in the Philippines. In a scene where Susan was told by her gynecologist that she might be hitting menopause, she replied, “Can I just check those diplomas? Because I just want to make sure that they are not from some med school in the Philippines.” This discriminatory reference offended a lot of Filipinos and even hit the nightly news, encouraging a lot of Filipinos in the online community to file petitions4 demanding public apologies from the television station ABC and even Teri Hatcher. This is only one of the instances where Filipinos reacted negatively on attacks against the Philippines in foreign television shows. The patriotism implied by these acts is admirable but perhaps it is worth asking whether or not we apply the same standards against discrimination within the Philippines. Growing up as a Visayan, I daresay that most of us do not. It is interesting how we are so quick to point out discrimination !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 4 Filipino Americans demand for apology from ABC and Desperate Housewives: http://www.petitiononline.com/FilABC/petition.html ! 8! ! coming from foreigners but turn a blind eye when it is happening in our country. We are quick to call foul when foreigners insult our culture but are most of the time careless in discriminating against our countrymen who come from cultures different from our own. In his blog article entitled “Bloody Bisaya,” Filipino blogger Jason Paul Laxamana wrote against how we “stereotype people coming from the provinces and treat them with less respect,” and how someone with a thick Visayan accent is often deemed synonymous to being illiterate or ignorant (Laxamana, 2007). There also seems to be a polarity present in the existing representations of Visayan women, and it involves class. I observed in films and in television that Visayan women are either portrayed as poor/oppressed (albeit willingly) or rich/oppressors. The katulong/madam dichotomy seems to be the new trend in representing Visayan women. Visayan women portrayed as members of the lower class can often be seen occupying jobs of servile status (maids, sidekicks, assistants, cooks, yayas, and other serviceoriented positions), and most of the time, they are also portrayed as uneducated. However, Visayan women who have become better off economically are portrayed as the evil madam who uses her improved economic status as a license to oppress others. Despite her fine clothes, however, either her ways remain fiendish (the mean-spirited amo who barks at her subordinates), or she retains her palengkera (market vendor) attitude, connoting that she is still uneducated and is simply a social climber. To be perfectly honest, how I feel about all these as a Visayan woman is exactly the same way that most Filipinos feel when foreigners ridicule Filipino culture or look down on the Philippines. I think that these existing representations of Visayan women—in all their limited, stereotypical, boxed condition—trivializes the richness of Visayan culture ! 9! ! and the narrative of its women. No, we are not merely pretty faces with speech difficulties, nor can we be simply categorized as either the oppressed or the oppressor. B. Visayan Women in Filipino Films As part of my repertoire of texts to draw initial assumptions from, I watched Filipino films that contain representations of Visayan women. I did this during the datagathering phase of my study. Earlier, I used a scene from the film “Sakal, Sakali, Saklolo” (2007) which contained not only a stereotypical representation of the Visayan woman as a maid, but also an ethnic slur directed at the Visayan culture. In this section, I shall present two more films containing representations of the Visayan woman, together with their possible theoretical implications. These films are “Waray-Waray” (1954) and “My Monster Mom” (2008). Perhaps one of the first films which exhibited stereotypical characteristics of the Visayan woman was the Filipino film Waray-Waray (1954), starring Nida Blanca as “Upeng,” a Waray woman who ran away from home to start a new life in Manila because her mother remarried a man whom she did not approve of. Upeng is very beautiful but also very aggressive—she is the opposite of the demure woman, she moves brusquely and is very cunning. In the movie, she is seen dressed as a man and behaves like one as well. She gambles and bets with the tambays (bums) and drinks a lot of tuba (coconut wine). She also does not back down from any fight. When asked why she behaves this way, she proudly exclaims: “Waray-Waray ako! (I am a Waray-Waray!)” Quite predictably though, Upeng finds herself a job in the city, and what else should she find but the job of a house helper. Coming from a quite well-off family in Samar, she does not ! 10! ! know anything about housework and is thus considered a good-for-nothing maid. In this set-up, we can see the notion of “putting the Visayan woman in her place” the moment she enters the center (Manila). It is as though the film’s discourse is saying that no matter how headstrong the Visayan woman is, or no matter how witty she is, she remains katulong (maid) material when she reaches the kingdom of the Tagalogs. While watching this, I found it interesting how Upeng banked on androcentrism (dressing up and acting like a man) to cope with the harshness of city life. According to Dr. Cesar Orsal (2007) in his dissertation about myth-making and the cultural power of women in society, this inclination to androcentrism is a device for the woman to place herself on an equal ground with men. Through dressing in masculine outfits and toughening herself up, the woman seeks to level herself with the “stronger” sex to compensate for her weakness. Orsal adds that it is also important to look at the social construction of the Philippines during the time the movie was released (1950’s), wherein a lot of Filipinos from the provinces migrated to Manila in search for better jobs (Orsal, 2007:73). This implies that the probinsyana (barrio lass) must assume the aggressiveness of a man so that she can rise up from her low stature in society. This image of a “strong woman” seems positive at first, as though it is an alternative to the notion of the weak, helpless woman but this also shows that such androcentrism is only a mechanism for the Visayan woman to level herself with the women in the center. The Visayan woman is seen as “different” or “othered,” hence the need to transform (or metamorphose) into the more civilized, refined form of the Manileña (Manila girl). Later on in the film, Upeng starts dressing like a woman and behaving more like such, slowly shedding her macho image. This change is brought about by a man (from Manila, of course) whose love ! 11! ! causes her to change her ways. Such “surrender,” in my opinion, is both a representation of the assimilation of the Visayan woman into the dominant culture as well as the surrender of the female to the supposedly stronger male. Ruth Elynia Mabanglo (2002) looks at this phenomenon from a different perspective. According to her, the depiction of the woman as a strong character is essentially an antithesis of the “ideal woman.” The ideal woman, she says, is patterned after Rizal’s Maria Clara, a woman who is mild-mannered, demure, long-suffering, and submissive. Mabanglo dubs this the “cult of Maria Clara,” such that women who veer away from this desirable picture are deemed as rebels who are uncouth and uncivilized. Perhaps, this becomes even more negative if that aggressive woman speaks a language that is different from the language of the center. As Lucero (2002) states, there are reigning “binary oppositions” in society, which although not consciously promoted, are already naturalized in the culture’s consciousness. Such oppositions explain the male/female, strong/weak, center/periphery, or Bisaya/Tagalog dichotomies. Benilda Santos (2002), in her study about the origin of the “ideal woman,” says that the Spanish colonization of the Philippines changed the once-equal stature of men and women in Filipino society. According to her, during the pre-colonial period, the legend of “Malakas at Maganda” reflected the views of Philppine society about the status of men and women. Both from a tree split open by a bird, Malakas and Maganda were equals. This changed when the Spaniards came with their ideas on Christianity and morality, and Maganda evolved from being Malakas’ equal to the saint-like, demure and pious Maria Clara. Since then, Maria Clara became the icon of the civilized, Christian Filipina, and ! 12! ! any digressions from such ideal qualities are regarded as lack of breeding, education, or femininity. Likewise, Rosario Cruz-Lucero (2002) problematizes this universal definition of womanhood as being subordinate to man, such that her intelligence is measured by how well she follows the teachings of patriarchy. Hence, a woman who is more macho than a man is seen as an insult to the masculinity and superiority of men. The same is true in society—women who are assertive and aggressive are often called “palengkera” (market vendor), connoting a lack of education and good breeding because of their refusal to bow to the patriarchal notions of women’s inferiority and opinions about femininity. The second film is entitled “My Monster Mom” (2008), directed by Jose-Javier Reyes. Starring Annabelle Rama, the film is about Esme Fajardo, a beautiful Cebuana woman who is sent by her parents to Manila to study. However, due to her promiscuity, Esme does not even finish her first year in college because she gets pregnant—hence the repetition of the discourse of the uneducated Visayan woman. Pregnant at sixteen, Esme leaves school to live with her boyfriend Waldo, whom she discovers later on to be unfaithful. When she catches him red-handed, Esme whacks Waldo’s head repeatedly with a guitar, leaving him badly injured. She leaves Waldo, and then the katulong narrative starts. Esme takes a job as a helper in a carinderia (eatery) and gives up her child for adoption. She cannot raise the baby since she is broke and uneducated. Esme falls into a cycle of love and heartbreak, and is ultimately left with two more sons from different fathers. She grows old and becomes the stereotypical social-climbing Visayan woman who barks at almost anyone and anything. She is a horrible amo (boss) to her ! 13! ! maids, and is portrayed as a warfreak. Here are a few lines from the movie which I found to be insulting to the image of the Visayan woman and her culture: “Ikaw ba naman magkaroon ng nanay na katulad noong sa’min, magtataka ka pa ba kung bakit ganoon yung angkan namin?” (If you had a mother like ours, would you still wonder why our family is like that?) –Boboy Fajardo (Esme’s son) “Ah basta, ayokong malahian tayo ng pamilya ng Bisayang ‘yan!” (Whatever! I just don’t want us to intermarry with the family of that Visayan!) –neighboring mother talking to her daughter “My mother treats them like retards. She doesn’t talk to them. She screams at them!” –Abigail Fajardo (Esme’s daughter) “Kahit sinong sira ulo dyan, kaya kong harapin. Pero ‘yang nanay mo, masahol pa sa asong ulol ‘yan eh.” (I can face all sorts of madmen. But your mother is worse than a rabid dog.) –Vivian (stripper) Arguably, the films are comedies, but this does not mean that they should be taken lightly. The jokes are funny, but they are so at the expense of the Visayans who are often the butt of jokes and exoticism on the big screen. ! 14! ! C. The sosyal Inday: Reinforcing or Breaking Stereotypes? Another fertile venue for the stereotypical Visayan to be made fun of is through jokes—through text, over the internet, on television. One example of its succes is the advent of jokes about “Inday.” You have probably heard of her: the English-speaking, verbose and sophisticated yet fictitious housemaid about whom countless jokes have appeared. If you have not come across any “Inday” jokes yet, here are some of the jokes starring Inday, the sosyal (classy) maid: JOKE NO. 1: Waiter: Ano po order nila ma’am? (What’s your order, ma’am?) Amo5: Yung fried chicken meal na lang. Ikaw Inday,ano sayo? (I’ll have the fried chicken. How about you, Inday, what’s your order?) Inday: I would like to partake of a dish of sautéed pork and chicken, boiled in thick essence of soy and cane extracts, with copious amount of garlic, onion and laurel, sprinkled generously with fine spices and served with generous helping of root crop and a helping of rice. Amo: Iho, pa-order daw ng adobo with rice. !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 5!Amo ! indicates a position of superiority (i.e. master of the house, boss) 15! ! (Lad, she says she’s ordering adobo with rice.) JOKE NO. 2: Amo: Inday, bumili ka nga ng mga isda. Oo nga pala Inglesera ka: “Would you please purchase many fishes for this week’s meals?” (Inday, go and buy fish. Oh, I forgot you’re Englishspeaking. Here: “Would you please purchase many fishes for this week’s meals?”) Inday: Judging from your statement, I believe you meant “a variety of fish.” The term “fishes,” although rarely and even erroneously used, connotes a plethora or an array of different kinds of the aforementioned, gilled creatures. But the more pressing question before I traverse the road to the wet market would be: “What certain type of fish? Fillet or not?” Frozen? Or just right smack the day's catch? (Pauses) Aaah…by manner of careful extrapolation, given the meager budget in this household's quasi-peasant middle class taste, I assume then I will source the staple “galewng-gowng.” Am I correct? ! 16! ! Amo: Leche! (Swear word) Inday: You meant the freshwater milkfish? Then the “bangooz” it is! JOKE NO. 3: Amo: Inday, bakit mo binenta ang silya? (Inday, why did you sell the chair?) Inday: I have computed the chair's fair value less cost to sell, and the value in use using projections for 5 years and a pre-tax discount rate. Accordingly, the value in use is lower, so I decided to sell the chair. This is in accordance with PAS18 on Revenue, PAS16 on PPE, and PAS36 on Impairment of Assets. JOKE NO. 4: Sir : Inday, wala ma’am mo dun tayo sa kwarto. (Inday, your mistress is not around. Let’s go to the room.) Inday : What? Are you nuts? For your information sir, I intend to reserve my virginity for the person I truly love! If you think I’m an easy-to-get, cheap slut, ! 17! ! we’ll you’re barking at the wrong tree! And will you please act like a professional because you’re so “Eeeeww.” If I hear any more filthy words coming from your mouth, I will not hesitate to take legal action! Sir: Leche…Maarte ka! (Swears...You’re so picky!) Inday: Joke lang. Sir naman. Tara na sa taas. (Just kidding, Sir. Let’s go upstairs.) JOKE NO. 5: (Phone is ringing, Manny Pacquiao is calling.) Inday: Gunaydin! (“Good morning” in Turkish) Pacquiao: Hilow! Is Mr. Montinigru ober dir? I want to jas know ip can he be here to catch me in di ring por di fight? I can be winning. I’m not to be in di lose. (Hello! Is Mr. Montenegro over there? I want to just know if can he be here to catch me in the ring for the fight? I can be winning. I’m not to be in the lose.) ! 18! ! Inday: HA? (nosebleed) Na knockout sa Inglis ni Manny! Sa wakas natalo rin si Inday. (Knocked out by Manny’s English! At last, Inday is defeated.) For people who have been accustomed to jokes about negative stereotypes of Visayan household helpers, “Inday” (as the fictional, sosyal maid is called) appeals as a novel character (Reynaldo, 2008). She inspires laughter and approving nods, but she also inspires cries of indignation and criticism. Jokes do not only entertain but also articulate the feelings of their creators and audience. In fact, even the use of the word “Inday” to connote servitude is quite questionable. Originally, “inday” is a Cebuano word which means “little girl” and is used as a term of endearment in the Visayan culture, usually among friends and family members. However, the term “inday” is now strongly associated with being a maid, hence the name of the popular character in the text joke series, “Inday.” In an analysis done on the popular “Inday” jokes by Kristine Reynaldo (2008), she inquires whether the emergence of Inday as a character is a sign of finally breaking the stereotypes. She says that at the center of such varied reactions to Inday jokes is the issue of maids’ stereotypes: “Does Inday break free from the said stereotypes, or does she merely reinforce them?” Rolando Pacis (quoted in Aning, 2007) of the Visayan Forum Foundation said of this phenomenon: “We must realize that it can also be an insidious medium for normalizing certain negative stereotypes. Is it really unusual and amusing when domestic workers are [portrayed as] smart in the jokes? Is there a presupposition that they ! 19! ! are ignorant? Are maids that inconsequential and incapable of any intelligent discussion?” Reynaldo (2008) notes that although so many people find Inday jokes funny, “those being stereotyped—not only maids, but also other people of all professions who come from the Visayas—are generally not amused.” As one Visayan blogger put it, “It has become cumbersome when we snicker at the portrayal of a ‘bisaya’ housekeeper as having a highly developed IQ” (Vincent, 2007). Interestingly, in her study, Reynaldo sought to get the opinions of people about sosyal Inday regarding this issue. By means of a survey, she asked several people whether they employ any maids at home, whether their maids come from the Visayas, and whether their maids know about the sosyal Inday, and if so, what their opinions about her are. Her survey showed that those who know about Inday feel rather insulted by the jokes. Apparently, many of them thought that a maid speaking in English should not be such a big deal. And even those who are amused by the jokes felt “a certain amount of embarrassment” (Pancho, 2008) or disdain. Another interesting addendum to her findings is that those who felt insulted were mostly from the Visayas, except for one respondent who came from the Bicol region. She admits that the survey is a limited one, and calls it “far from being comprehensive,” but it is undeniable that it does give some idea of about how Visayans (and even maids of other ethnicities, perhaps) feel about such falsely-empowered popular icons like Inday. More so, it gives one an insight about how others view maids, and/or Visayans. One of her respondents, when she asked whether their maids knew about the jokes, simply answered, ! 20! ! “Nah, and even if I explained it to them I doubt maiintindihan nila yung jokes (that they will understand the jokes), let alone appreciate them.” Clearly, then, Inday jokes, instead of celebrating and empowering people of similar stature, serve, instead, to subtly mock them. They reinforce, rather than subvert, negative stereotypes about maids and Visayans (Reynaldo, 2008). Surely, she says, “the jokes portray a Visayan maid with several degrees under her belt (or apron), displaying a depth of knowledge and expressing it in (often erudite) English, but it remains that the jokes presuppose the ignorance of the Bisaya, and higher education is in reality a privilege still very much beyond the reach of most of our people” (Reynaldo, 2008). D. Research Problem This thesis is about the portrayal of Visayan women on television, specifically in Philippine telenovelas. Being exposed to the notion of the Visayan woman as “katulong,” plus a lot of negative representations of Visayans (as helpers, drivers, uneducated people) on television, I wanted to see for myself how Visayan women are represented, and if it is true that the dominant representation of Visayan women is a negative one. E. Research Purpose The purpose of this study is to examine how Philippine telenovelas depict Visayan women, as well as to understand the implications of hegemony and stereotyping on the identity and representation of Visayan women. The aim is also to highlight the prejudiced views in such portrayals and in effect question the dominance of these views in the context of the mediation of cultural diversity in Philippine television. ! 21! ! F. Study Framework I embarked on this study with the goal of examining the representations of Visayan women in order to point out racist or prejudiced views, as well as stereotypes of Visayan women. Using Michel Foucault’s Critical Discourse Analysis as a lens, I sought to examine such portrayals of Visayan women. Critical Discourse Analysis aims to investigate how discourses and socio-cultural practices are “ideologically shaped by relations of power and struggles over power; and to explore how the opacity of these relationships between discourse and society is itself a factor securing power.” (Fairclough, 1995:132-3, cited in Siapera, 2010:119) In his book Media Discourses, Matheson (2005) describes discourse analysis of the media as the tool with which we can analyze which representations of the social world predominate. It analyses what kind of interactions media texts set up between people and the world and between the powerful and the rest (p.1). Matheson (2005) stresses that in studying texts through discourse analysis, it is important to remember that the individual text gets its meaning not from something else that structures it but from its intertextual references to all the other texts which precede or surround it (Becker, 1938: 8 cited in Matheson). Matheson also advocates the importance of viewing texts not as “some sort of secret language to be decoded” but as part of the of the ongoing power struggle. He says that: Texts aren’t to be interpreted, to be puzzled over like crosswords or Bible passages, within which some deep meaning is hidden, but should be studied as part of the ongoing oppression, prejudice, ! 22! ! struggle to gain power by knowledge and so on in society, all the things that people engage in through these texts (Matheson, 2005:9). With this in mind, it is rather dull to still ask whether there is discrimination among Visayans in our country—I ventured on this study not to find out whether there are prejudiced views against Visayan women but simply to point them out and to challenge them. To render this argument about the existence of prejudice among Visayans based largely on my personal experience and observations invalid is, in my opinion, to subscribe to the ideology of the dominant group, knowing fully well that “the more powerful and dominant a social group is, the less likely it is for its views to be questioned” (Siapera, 2010:116). My task, then, as an analyst, is “to expose to the light these ideologically charged discourses, and through this to challenge existing power arrangements” (p.119). Furthermore, I wanted to know how the mediation of cultural difference was played out, in other words, how the Visayan culture was presented as a “different” culture. Media representations of cultural difference in these terms are directly contributing to the maintenance of the current power hierarchy among different groups in society, and Critical Discourse Analysis seeks to expose these unfair power arrangements. I also wanted to highlight the hegemonic characteristic of the media in representing such cultural difference. In order to address these objectives, I used Eugenia Siapera’s theory of “regimes of representation,” which classifies representations into different “regimes,” connoting the ! 23! ! hegemonic characteristic of media in representing cultural difference. There are different kinds of representing such cultural differences, and Siapera calls these “regimes of representation,” loosely based on Foucault’s (1997) “regimes of truth,” which “denotes the convergence of certain ideas and discourses with certain power structures and mechanisms which sustain these as ‘truth’ ” (Foucault, 1997, cited in Siapera, 2010:131). In the context of representations of ethnic and cultural difference in media, the struggle over representation—over who speaks and how and over the right not to be misrepresented is brought to the fore (p. 131). This applies to representation also. In fact, if we only replace the word “truth” in the definition above with “representation,” it would still make sense, such that: “ ‘Regimes of representation’ denotes the convergence of certain ideas and discourses with certain power structures and mechanisms which sustain these as ‘representation.’” Siapera (2010) asserts that such regimes exclude, modify, constrain, marginalize, and otherwise control other ideas and discourses. She does not discount the fact that there is a multiplicity of representations, but that the notion of a “regime” refers to the nature of representation which exists with what she calls “a certain regularity and systematicity as well as a degree of control and power” (p. 131). Essentially, what this means is that in representation, such regimes can be identified if they are sustained by certain power structures thus allowing it to occur with regularity. It is important to note that we are not talking here only about a certain pattern or mold with which representations are created, but also the element of power, of dominance. The concept of having a “regime of representation” connotes a certain element of control over the portrayal/s of cultural diversity. ! 24! ! G. Significance of the Study This study is a step taken in the hope of challenging the dominant representations which exist in the Philippine media. The media are in a powerful position in terms of shaping the nation’s discourses. Far be it from us, scholars of the media, to let misrepresentations go unchallenged, especially if they are offensive to a race, class, or gender. The bisaya/katulong notion has been around for quite a long time, and disturbingly, it feels as though this connection has already become naturalized in the consciousness of Filipino society. The abundance of media material which highlight this representation of the Visayan woman is a testament of its long-standing existence, and how it has become entrenched into the shared meanings of our culture. This study is for those who are in the media industry, who wield the immense power of shaping discourses and promoting ideologies that reach the public sphere. This is, most especially, for the student of media studies—for it is my firm belief that education plays a crucial role in forming, and reforming the principles and ideologies of a person. It is my hope that should the contents of my study, in any way, reach someone who does not think much of the stale nature of these negative representations— that somehow, the insights I have rendered herein would lead the same to rethink a few things, and to challenge his or her frame of mind imposed by the dominant forces. This is for my fellow Visayans—to incite those who have received the status quo as the norm to challenge it, to stand up for their rights, to rebel against the dominant and the oppressive. ! 25! ! This is for those who believe in change, in resistance, and in struggle as a means to break free from the strong bonds of repressive ideologies. This thesis is written in the hope that the oppressed of today do not continue to be the oppressed of tomorrow. ! CHAPTER II REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE The main purpose of this literature review section is to contextualize the topic of research as well as provide background information and previous studies that have been made which are relevant to the matter. Thus, this section will focus on background concepts and theories that are vital in fully understanding the topic of inquiry. A. Media as a Hegemonic Tool It is undeniable that the mass media have become a main source of popular culture in modern capitalist societies. Media, however, do not only entertain and offer news to people, but also transfer the stereotypes, beliefs and values of the society to reproduce the existing order of social life (Gataullina, 2008). Louis Althusser in his theory of “ideological state apparatuses” (ISA) says that schools, families, and religions play the role of these ideological state apparatuses. These institutions invisibly transfer and indoctrinate the dominant hegemonic ideology of the society into the minds of people in order to be able to control people. Hegemony, according to Antonio Gramsci, is the ability of various groups to convince the rest of us in society that the ways of thinking that are in their interests are right and proper (cited in Matheson, 2005: 6). In the modern capitalist world of our age, it is apparent how the media turned to be yet another Althusserian ideological apparatus that control the mind of masses. The “masterpieces” of the media are the communication forms that are familiar to us today—movies, documentaries, magazines, music, TV shows and others (Gataullina, 2008). 27! ! These communication forms play an important role in mediating society to itself, and that our “shared world of a culture” is partly constructed by each member and partly by institutions such as newspapers or radio stations, and prevailing ideas (Matheson, 2005). This only underscores the immense power of the media to control the discourses that reach the public. According to Pierre Bordieu (1991), such is the “oracular power” of dominant institutions in society, that if one is placed in “statutory conditions” which would make that person appear as though speaking in the name of the masses, he possesses the power of influencing others (cited in Matheson, 2005: 2). Clearly then, while the meanings experienced by a culture are shared, the power to create these meanings is not. Hegemony is about meaning—about struggles against those who dominate a certain area of social life—and in our society and age, the media have that power to create meaning. B. Stereotyping Matheson (2005) purports that the real power lies in the power to decide what “makes sense here, what is normal, what is right” (p.6). In effect, the power of the media to reproduce stereotypes and represent people as such, so that it becomes the norm, is indeed a manifestation of power. What is a stereotype? A stereotype is a generalization about a person or group of persons (Grobman, 1990). According to Grobman, we develop stereotypes when we are unable or unwilling to obtain all of the information we would need to make fair judgments about people or situations. In the absence of the total picture, stereotypes in many cases allow us to “fill in the blanks.” Gordon Allport (1954, cited in Siapera, chapter 8) further defines stereotypes as “exaggerated beliefs, and hence always ! 28! ! inaccurate.” Our society often innocently creates and perpetuates stereotypes, but these stereotypes often lead to unfair discrimination and persecution when the stereotype is unfavorable (Grobman, 1990). It gets even worse when these stereotypes are reproduced and perpetuated in the media. The term “stereotype” was coined by Walter Lippmann in 1922 to refer to the “pictures in our heads,” the mental images upon which we base the way we act (or think, perhaps). These pictures in our minds are simplified versions of reality that are passed on to us, typically through culture. Because of their pervasiveness in the media, and their repetition through time, they acquire a “rigid structure, resistant to change.” (Siapera, 2002:113) Lippmann also links these images in our heads with the images that are widely available, ergo, the images found in the media. He argues how these readily available images do the work of picturing things for us—the media provide pictures for our imagination. He says that as opposed to the reading process where we imagine things as a response to the text we are reading, on the screen, the entire process of observing, describing, reporting, and then imagining, has been accomplished for us. Hence, he adds, mass-mediated stereotypes are “far more influential in propagating stereotypes because they already provide images that we can then store in our memories, and conjure up whenever necessary” (Lippmann, 1922/2004, cited in Siapera, chapter 8). In most cases, stereotyping often results from prejudice about a certain type or group of people, and can often lead to further prejudice and bigotry against specific groups. If gone unchecked, such negative stereotypes can result in discrimination, violence, and even something as extreme as genocide. The Holocaust, for example, was the destruction of European Jewry by the Nazis through an officially sanctioned, ! 29! ! government-ordered, systematic plan of mass annihilation. As many as six million Jews died (Grobman, 1990). Although the Holocaust took place during World War II, the war was not the cause of the Holocaust. In his study about the Holocaust, Gary Grobman asserts that violence of such magnitude can evolve out of prejudice based on ignorance, fear, and misunderstanding about minority groups and other groups who are different from ourselves. According to him, such extreme acts can be a result of the attitudes and behaviors which we see around us every day such as prejudice and stereotyping others. In a study about racism in the media done by Stephen Balkaran (1999), Balkaran examined the role of media in perpetuating stereotypes of African-Americans, and how such stereotypes effectively reproduce the historical oppression of African-Americans in the United States. American media, according to him, have divided the working class and stereotyped young African-American males as either gangsters or drug dealers. As a result of such treatment, the media have “crushed youth’s prospects for future employment and advancement” (Balkaran, 1999). He adds that: There are no universally accepted and recorded codes or rules, which apply to journalists in news selection and production. The media have devoted too much time and space to “enumerating the wounded” and too little time to describing the background problems of African-Americans. What is not a crisis is not usually reported and what is not or cannot be made visual is often not televised. The news media respond quickly and with keen interest to the conflicts and controversies of racial stories. For the most part, they disregard the problems that seep beneath the surface ! 30! ! until they erupt in the hot steam that is the “live” news story (Balkaran, 1999). Balkaran (1999) concludes his study with a sobering statement. According to him, the media have and will continue to portray a self-serving negative stereotypes and that media, racism, and stereotypes will continue to be employed so that the elite can be sure of their continuing economic stability. Now, more than a decade after this statement was released, nothing much has changed—the media still abound with stereotypes, and the elite still control the media. C. Identity Essentially, what stereotypes represent are the identities of the groups of people that they supposedly portray. But what consists one’s identity? Gauntlett (2002), emphasizes the complexity and fluidity of identities. There are, according to him, many axes of identity such as class, age, disability, and sexuality, among others. Ethnicity (which is a central concept in this study) is “obviously an important aspect of identity,” and like gender, may be felt more or less central to one’s perception of herself/himself. However, its significance might also be imposed by external social circumstances, such as a racist regime or community. This “imposition” leads us to Matheson’s (2005) suggestion that identity construction is a political phenomenon. It is something that emerges in relations with others and with social structures rather than being inborn—it is a social and cultural construct as well (cited in Gauntlett, 2002:58). He further discusses Marx’s notion of the sense of self as being determined by the economic and political context of society, and not otherwise. This means then, that a “false consciousness” could also be subsumed, such that “people learn to see themselves the way the dominant in society wants them to, ! 31! ! by consuming products which are structured in dominance.” Such “products structured in dominance” can obviously take the form of broadcast texts manufactured by the media. Queer theory, on the other hand, emphasizes the fluid nature of identity. It states that nothing within one’s identity is fixed. And quite comparable to Giddens’ structuration, it suggests that there isn’t really an “inner self,” but that we only come to believe that we have one through repetition of discourses about it. Queer theory also claims that identity is a performance, and this is also enforced through repetition. D. Representations of Cultural Diversity Representation is found at the heart of mediation (Siapera, 2010). Without representation, neither production nor consumption would have any meaning. Basically, representation is the outcome of the production process. Thus, it is important to understand it within the contexts of production. But while it is an essential part of manufacturing broadcast texts, it does not necessarily mean that the representations are correct or that they represent the truth. Siapera emphasizes the importance of knowing the implications of mediated representations for cultural diversity. Representations are constructed in and through discourse. Discourse, which is defined as “language not only as an abstract system, but as language use, as communication, both interpersonal and mediated,” (p. 112) also reflects ideological processes at work. Representations are inherently susceptible to distortions (deliberate or otherwise) or as Siapera prefers to call them, “errors of perception.” These distortions may take form in racist or otherwise prejudiced views of the ones being represented. ! 32! ! Siapera suggests looking at society at large in order to identify the systematic distortions that give rise to racist and prejudiced representations of difference. My impression is that these systematic distortions, probably called “systematic” because of repetition despite their erroneous nature, become accepted as the correct representation (if there is indeed a “correct” way) and give rise to an overall prejudiced or biased portrayal of a certain culture. This is not to confuse us though and lead us to demonize the process of representation altogether. Quoting Derrida (1988 in Butler, 1997), saying that “the performativity and iterability of representation are the two main elements by which representation operates in a dynamic and ever-shifting manner,” Siapera claims that the representation does not function solely to reproduce problematic, unfair, and outright racist images and discourses. Rather, it is also a condensed form of the symbolic value of cultural difference (p.112). Therefore we go back to our earlier statement that yes, representation is essential to symbolize cultural diversity, however, misrepresentations may occur. ! CHAPTER III METHODS AND PROCEDURES A. The Researcher I am Josephine Oshin V. Kitane, a fourth year BA Broadcast Communication major at the College of Mass Communication, UP Diliman. Raised in Cagayan de Oro City, I spent half of my life immersed in the culture of the Kagay-anons (Cagayanons). I grew up in the Visayan culture and my personal experiences had a large influence on the conceptualization and writing of this study. I also studied for a year in Silliman University in Dumaguete City, where I experienced firsthand that Visayan culture is very diverse—although the language spoken is essentially the same (Cebuano) in Cagayan de Oro and Dumaguete, there are certain differences in figures of speech and usage, as well as in culture. As I grew up, we transferred to Luzon and eventually settled in Cavite for four years until we migrated to Quezon City for my college education. When I mingled with my Tagalog-speaking peers, I was often afraid that my Tagalog would “slip,” or that I would mispronounce a word. I had this fear even at a young age because I was aware of the stigma against Visayan speakers. Even if I learned how to speak Tagalog at an early age, I still had difficulty pronouncing certain Tagalog words, such as “magiliw” (in the National Anthem, Lupang Hinirang), which I always pronounced as “magil-yow.” My mom, who hails from Bulacan, also held certain prejudices against Visayans when I was young. I also heard a lot of puns and discriminatory jokes both in society and media, and 34! ! as a consequence, I was actually ashamed of my culture when we transferred to Luzon, for fear of being bullied. In the University where diversity and liberal ideas are welcome, however, I learned to fully embrace my culture. I understood all of this in light of theory especially when I took Criticism of Broadcast Texts (BC 181) where I was acquainted with Edward Said and Orientalism, and I immediately recognized my experience as that of being ‘Othered’ because I did not belong to the center. The rest, as they say, is history. Or in my case, her story. B. Research Design This study is primarily basic research, defined as one which seeks to investigate a phenomenon to get at the nature of reality with regard to that phenomenon (Patton, 2002). It aimed to examine the representations of Visayan women in Philippine television in the context of stereotyping, theories of representation, and the hegemonic power of media. The heart of this research lies mainly in illuminating the societal concern of misrepresenting ethnic groups in television, specifically that of Visayan women—to point out that there is something wrong about these portrayals and pave the way for change. The method used in analyzing the data was textual analysis, and the primary tool used in analyzing the data was Critical Discourse Analysis. I found discourse analysis to be a very effective tool for my study. In the book Media Discourses, author Donald Matheson (2005) describes discourse analysis of the media as “the tool with which we can analyze which representations of the social world ! 35! ! predominate” (Matheson, 2005:1). It analyses what kind of interactions media texts set up between people and the world and between the powerful and the rest (p.1). Hence, I took on this study with the goal of examining the representations of Visayan women in order to point out racist or prejudiced views, as well as stereotypes of these women as a manifestation of the power of media to shape the discourses which are consumed by the public. According to Siapera, media representations of cultural difference in these terms are directly contributing to the maintenance of the current power hierarchy among different groups in society, and discourse analysis seeks to expose these unfair power arrangements. Using Michel Foucault’s Critical Discourse Analysis as a lens, I sought to examine such portrayals. Critical Discourse Analysis aims to investigate how discourses and socio-cultural practices are “ideologically shaped by relations of power and struggles over power; and to explore how the opacity of these relationships between discourse and society is itself a factor securing power” (Fairclough, 1995:132-3, cited in Siapera, 2010:119). Eugenia Siapera’s theory of “regimes of representation” was extensively used in this study, a theory of representation that classifies representations into different “regimes,” connoting the hegemonic characteristic of media in representing cultural difference. These differences in culture are represented through different regimes, which often exclude, modify, constrain, marginalize, and otherwise control other ideas and discourses. The characteristics of these regimes of representation were looked at, vis-àvis the media portrayals of Visayan women. ! 36! ! The data gathered were qualitative in nature, all of which were derived from the selected television shows. The analytical approach used in this study was primarily deductive, since the data collected were analyzed according to a defined theoretical framework. The study focused on depth rather than breadth due to the nature of the data and theoretical inquiry, as well as availability of material and the purpose of the study. C. Units of Analysis and Sampling The shows analyzed were selected from previously aired and currently airing telenovelas from GMA-7 and ABS-CBN from 2007 to present (2012). The main source of data was YouTube, an online video sharing site. This was due to the fact that YouTube proved to be the most efficient means of retrieving previously aired episodes. The sampling strategy used in this study was purposeful sampling. More specifically, I used theory-based sampling, which, according to Patton is “finding manifestations of a theoretical construct of interest so as to elaborate and examine the construct and its variations” (Patton, 2002). The units of analysis are the following: Table 1. Units of Analysis Title Year/s Aired TV Network MariMar Philippines 2007 GMA-7 My Girl Philippines 2008 ABS - CBN Agua Bendita 2010 ABS - CBN As with the selection of shows analyzed, purposeful sampling was also used in the selection of episodes used as units of analysis. I chose five (5) episodes from each ! 37! ! television show, usually in consecutive order, featuring one or more female Visayan characters, totaling to fifteen (15) episodes. I said “usually consecutive order” because in some cases, the selected character did not make an appearance until after a few episodes of the show’s pilot airing. In some cases, the character/s made no appearance during entire episodes, hence I had to choose the next episode where such characters are present. For example, in the show MariMar, the Visayan character “Corazon” was not introduced until episode three, so I started my selection process from that episode. I chose the first five episodes where the characters appeared because this is where the characters are usually introduced to the audience, and their places in the story established. D. Research Instruments and Data Gathering Procedure To facilitate my data gathering procedure and ascertain its consistency with my objectives, I created a textual analysis guide (See Appendix), which was created with my data-gathering objectives in mind, which are the following: Data-Gathering Objectives 1. To find out how Visayan women are represented in terms of: a. Physicality (skin color, built, height, hair type, clothing) b. Socio-economic status c. Occupation d. Personality traits (attitudes, character, interests, values, principles and intellectual capacity/educational attainment) e. Ethnicity/ being Visayan (language/s spoken, manner of speaking: accent, rate of speech) ! 38! ! The data-gathering objectives were formulated based on the axes of identity mentioned by Gauntlett (2002), as well as the components of personality as defined by Sanchez and Avelino (1996). According to Sanchez and Avelino, habits, attitudes, character, interests, values, principles and intellectual capacities as the various components of personality: Habits are actions often repeated at regular intervals until they become fixed characteristics, such as taking a nap every noontime, brushing the teeth after every meal, and bathing everyday (p. 42). Attitudes are predispositions to respond favorably or unfavorably toward particular people, object, events, or situations. Sanchez and Avelino say that attitude is a very important component of personality, and that it may “spell the difference between success and failure” (p.42). Character, on the other hand, is the behavioral trait of a person. It is a description of a behavior that is distinct and specific about the individual. Character may assume certain patterns of selflessness, of being humanistic, discipline, ambition, or materialism (p.42). Interest is the natural inclination to focus one’s concern on a specific area—this can be a factor of being predisposed to be interested in something, but it is also greatly influenced by one’s environment (p. 42). ! 39! ! Principles are guides to enable a person to make judgments and standards of acceptance. It is said that the individual is consistent in his/ her application of these principles which are in consonance with his norms of morality (p.42). Values are those that may be considered good, important and desirable in life. Values give purpose and direction to the lives of people, and are said to “give meaning and significance to the totality of society” (p. 43). In this study, only attitudes, character, interests and values were examined in closer detail as manifestations of one’s personality due to the lack of indicators for the other components. The following matrix of objectives, indicators and concepts helped me create a textual analysis guide consistent with my data-gathering objectives: Matrix 1. Objectives, Indicators and Concepts Objectives Indicators Concepts To find out how Visayan women are portrayed in terms of: ! a. Physicality Skin color, built, height, hair type, clothing b. Socio-economic status Living conditions/ lifestyle c. Occupation Educational attainment, line of work d. Personality traits Attitudes, character, interests, and values e. Ethnicity Languages spoken, Accent, Rate of Speech, Province Regimes of Representation, Identity, and Stereotyping 40! ! The textual analysis guide is in tabular form, where the different indicators of identity (physicality, socio-economic status, occupation, personality traits, intellectual capacity/educational attainment, and ethnicity) correspond to different sections in the guide. The first part of the guide is entitled “Basic Profile,” which allowed me to record basic information about the characters such as the character’s name, the type of character (main or minor character), the character’s physicality (skin color, body built, height, hair type, clothing/accessories), age, socio-economic status and occupation. The second part of the textual analysis guide is concerned with the portrayal in terms of ethnicity/ being a Visayan. Basically, the Visayan is identified primarily by her ability to speak a Visayan language, so I put it in the guide as “language/s spoken.” Another important factor is the presence of the Visayan accent, and this was put under the heading “manner of speaking” where the rate of speech and accent with which the character delivers her lines can be accounted. The last part is concerned with the personality traits of Visayan women as portrayed in the selected telenovelas. Four columns correspond to attitudes, character, interests and values where the said traits can be recorded. Data gathering was done by taking notes while watching the sample episodes, transcribing selected scenes, and accomplishing a textual analysis guides per character. ! 41! ! E. Data Analysis Procedure For my data analysis, I simply used constant comparison/grounded theory as a supplement to my main textual analysis tool, which is discourse analysis. I followed Donald Ratcliff’s guide6, such that: First, I looked at my materials: notes, transctriptions, and accomplished textual analysis guides. Since I already tailor-made my textual analysis guide based on the datagathering objectives, concepts, and indicators, the data that were yielded by the accomplished forms were essentially the codes (similar meanings pointing to a basic idea). I then compared these codes to find consistencies and differences, such that the ones with consistencies were further grouped into categories. These categories which emerged were my take-off point for further discourse analysis, such that for every category, I checked my transcription guide to look for specific scenes or story arcs which would support this category or serve as an evidence or example. Then, I applied my theoretical framework of stereotyping regimes of representation and synthesized my observations. !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 6!15 Methods of Data Analysis in Qualitative Research, compiled by Donald Ratcliff. Year unknown. Source: http://fycs.ifas.ufl.edu/swisher/6802_12/15methods_Qual_An.pdf. ! CHAPTER IV PRESENTATION OF FINDINGS This section contains the results of the study per show, and shall further be divided into brief descriptions of the female Visayan characters that were studied. Brief summaries of the telenovelas and sample episodes shall also be provided so as to provide the reader a clear picture of the situation of the characters being represented. The analysis of such shall be discussed in the subsequent chapter. A. Background Information and Plot Summaries 1. MariMar (2007) ! Figure 1. Poster of MariMar. Source: http://admya .blogspot.com/2011/06/marimar-philippines-seriestv3.html “MariMar” is a Philippine adaptation of the original Mexican telenovela “Marimar,” originally broadcast in 1994 in the Mexican TV network Televisa. The Filipino remake of the drama was aired in GMA Network, starring Marian Rivera and Dingdong Dantes as MariMar and Sergio. The Philippine version was directed by Joyce 43! ! E. Bernal and Mac Alejandre. MariMar premiered on August 13, 2007 and ended on March 14, 2008. It was also aired internationally with a one-week delay on GMA Pinoy TV, and became a huge success with Filipino viewers abroad. The series also aired in Singapore, Malaysia, Indonesia, China (dubbed in Mandarin), Cambodia (dubbed in Khmer), Uganda and in the United States, airing Sundays on KIKU/ Honolulu with English subtitles (data from IMDb, 2008). The Filipino version contained some alterations in the storyline in order to fit the Filipino culture. MariMar follows the life of the main character, MariMar (Marian Rivera), born “MariMar Aldama” to the wealthy Aldama family. Her mother, Lupita, is a housemaid and her father Gustavo is a young haciendero. However, Gustavo’s mother (Dolores) disapproves of their relationship, and does everything in her power to separate Lupita and Gustavo. She believes that Lupita is simply after the Aldama fortune, and that the child she bore (MariMar) is the child of another man. Dolores finally succeeds in her endeavors to persuade Gustavo to leave his wife when she drugs Lupita and hires a man to pretend to be Lupita’s lover. Gustavo is enraged when he finds his wife Lupita in bed with another man. When Lupita realizes that she has been tricked, she runs away from home with her child MariMar. Lupita and MariMar live in poverty in the outskirts of town until Gustavo, learning that his mother deceived him, finds his family and tries to win them back. The family reunites, and they agree to fly to Manila and live there. However, the airplane crashes, and Lupita dies. MariMar is washed ashore to another island, while Gustavo survives. MariMar is found by a childless, old couple, Lolo Pancho and Lola Cruz, who decide to take her as their own child since MariMar’s memory was wiped out by the ! 44! ! accident. They only know that her name is “MariMar” because of the golden necklace bearing her name. The couple raise MariMar as their own, until she grows up to be a beautiful young lady and falls in love with the dashing Sergio Santibañez. Here, she becomes friends with Corazon, Sergio’s yaya, and attracts the attention of the houseboy Nicandro. Sergio asks MariMar to marry him although he is not in love with her, with the ulterior motive of making his ex-girlfriend Angelika jealous. Angelika is now her stepmother because she married Sergio’s father, Renato. Angelika mistreats MariMar, and this leads MariMar to strive to improve herself. She decides to leave San Martin de la Costa after suffering much from the Santibañez household and the death of her adoptive grandparents from a fire under Angelika's order. MariMar changes her name to “Bella.” In the city, she gives birth to a baby girl, named “Cruzita” after her Lola Cruz. MariMar keeps the child from Sergio, believing that Sergio had left her for good. After many years of searching, Gustavo finally meets his daughter, MariMar, but since the latter had changed her name to Bella, Gustavo does not recognize her. Natalia, an insane and ambitious provincial lass from San Martin dela Costa steals MariMar’s gold necklace and pretends to be the lost daughter of Gustavo Aldama. Luckily though, MariMar’s memory comes back and she reveals that Natalia is a fraud. Soon after Gustavo recognizes MariMar as his true daughter, he dies from a heart attack, leaving the huge fortune of the Aldamas to MariMar. With the help of her Tia Esperanza and friend Innocencia, Marimar leaves for the United States and completely transforms herself from a poor and naive lass into the rich and sophisticated Bella Aldama. In the end, Angelika dies a tragic death and MariMar and Sergio live in peace with Cruzita. ! 45! ! 2. My Girl (2008) Figure 2. Poster of My Girl. Source:http://www.daddicts.com/forum/viewtopic_63252.htm ! “My Girl” is a Philippine adaptation of the Korean drama series of the same title. The original series was aired by ABS-CBN in 2006, and the remake in 2008. Jasmine (Kim Chiu) works as a tourist guide to support herself and her father who is a gambler. One day, Chito scores big-time at a horse race but loses the money to robbers. All that is left is a huge debt to a gangster named Asiong who lent him money for the game. Julian (Gerald Anderson) meets Jasmine in not-so-pleasant circumstances. On board an airplane headed to Cebu to look for his long-lost cousin, Julian meets Jasmine who accidentally falls on his lap while pretending to be looking for her true love. Julian hires Jasmine as a Chinese translator, from which Jasmine earns enough money in order to rescue her father (who is being hunted down by his creditors) into temporary hiding. Julian sees that Jasmine has a close resemblance with Hannah, his lost cousin. To grant his grandfather’s last wish to see Hannah, he asks Jasmine to pose as Hannah. Soon, ! 46! ! they begin to like each other but as “cousins” they are restrained from getting into a relationship. Their secret is safe, or so they think, until Anika, Julian’s ex-girlfriend discovers the truth. Jasmine leaves Julian after an emotional confrontation between her and Julian’s grandfather. Meanwhile, Hannah is found as soon as Julian learns about it, he leaves his family and searches for Jasmine. Julian’s grandfather tries to get in the way of the couple but relents in the end. Taking a trip to America, Julian leaves and Jasmine tries to catch up on him at the airport. After all the chasing and hiding, they get married. 3. Agua Bendita (2010) Figure 3. Poster of Agua Bendita. Source:http://www.abscbn.com/Weekdays/article/6476/aguabendita/Agua-Bendita. aspx ! “Agua Bendita,” which is the Spanish term for “holy water,” is a fantasy drama series aired on ABS-CBN in 2010. Starring Andi Eigenmann, the teleserye was directed by Malu Sevilla, Claudio “Tots” Sanchez-Mariscal IV, Don Cuaresma and Jojo Saguin (ABS-CBN.com). ! 47! ! A middle-aged but childless couple, Marcial and Mercedes live in Cebu City. Marcial is a community doctor, while Mercedes is a housewife. The series opens during a festival in Cebu, which the couple attend in order to celebrate and pray for a child of their own. After a mass, Mercedes runs into her mother, Donya Amalia, with whom she has not been on speaking terms with since she (Mercedes) married Marcial. Donya Amalia dislikes Marcial because he is poor. Mercedes tries to mend ties with her mother during the festival, but Donya Amalia remains as cold-hearted as ever. As though their prayers were answered, a few days after, Mercedes excitedly tells Marcial that she is pregnant. However, her pregnancy is a difficult one because she is diagnosed to have a weak heart. Despite her condition, Mercedes continues with the pregnancy, until she finds out later on that she is carrying twins. Mercedes’ pregnancy becomes even more difficult because of her unusual paglilihi (cravings during pregnancy). One day in church, she becomes extremely thirsty and so she impulsively drinks the holy water on the altar. After this, her thirst remains insatiable, and she is not satisfied with copious amounts of water. Marcial decides to ask help from the church and the priest gives him holy water, but Mercedes insists that it isn’t helping either. They later deduce that Mercedes craves not simply for holy water, but for stolen holy water. While Marcial is praying in church the next day, a lady suddenly experiences an attack of epilepsy, and Marcial helps her and brings him to his small clinic. Here, Marcial and his assistant Tonyang find out that the lady’s name is Criselda Barrameda, and she is looking for her uncle, a former priest, whom she believes is favored by the Lord because of his ability to administer healing and miracles when she was young. According to Criselda, there was a time when the people of their town believed in miracles, and that ! 48! ! her uncle was a servant of the Lord, but her uncle ran away when the people started worshipping him instead of the Lord. Criselda’s husband, Baldo, picks her up from the clinic and treats her harshly because she went looking for her uncle again. Baldo believes, as do many of the people in their town are shown to believe, that albularyos will heal the sick, and that epilepsy is simply a case of demon possession. One morning, an old man is rushed to Marcial’s clinic, dying. Marcial finds out later on that this man is Criselda’s uncle. The old man leaves a box of his belongings to Marcial, asking him to give it to his niece Criselda. He admonishes him to especially give the bottle of “miraculous water” to his niece so that she will be cured of her epilepsy. The old man dies. Suddenly, Mercedes wakes up from a deep sleep, bleeding profusely. Marcial thinks quickly and is left with no choice but to give Mercedes the old man’s miraculous water. Mercedes is automatically cured. However, the old man appears in Marcial’s dream, condemning him for taking what does not belong to him. The old man warns him that his theft will have adverse consequences. True enough, when Mercedes gives birth, one twin’s form abnormally resembles water. Marcial fears that this would shock Mercedes and her heart condition would worsen, so he tells her that only one child was born alive. The two children live apart, the water child is named “Agua,” and the normal child is named “Bendita.” Agua lives under the care of Tonyang and grows up to be a good and mildmannered girl, but Bendita lives as a spoiled brat, courtesy of her Lola Amalia, and essentially emulates her Lola in becoming mean-spirited. ! 49! ! B. Female Visayan Characters 1. Corazon “Corazon,” in the telenovela MariMar, is played by Manilyn Reynes. Corazon is a Cebuana house maid in the Santibañez resort, and later on becomes the friend and confidante of MariMar. She speaks with a thick Visayan accent, and is always cheerful. In the original version of Marimar, the role was portrayed by a black character (Julia Marichal). Corazon is portrayed as a very caring character who only has her superiors’ best interests in mind. She is jolly in her work and is very submissive. She is shown to value hardwork, service, and loyalty to her superiors. Although during the first five episodes from her introduction into the plot she does not have a lot of dialogue, she can always be seen in the background, cooking, serving meals or simply standing in attention, waiting for any order. Corazon’s doting attitude towards Sergio can be seen in scenes such as this one, where Sergio is welcomed back into the Santibañez home: ARTURO: Sir Sergio! Sabi ko na nga ba, ikaw ‘yan eh! (Sir Sergio! I knew it! It’s you!) CORAZON: Sir Siryo, good evening. SERGIO: Manang Corazon. CORAZON: Nabigla lang ‘tong si Artoro. (Arturo’s just shocked.) ! 50! ! ARTURO: Anong nabigla? Ser, totoo na! Mapagmamaneho ko na kayo, ang amo kong tunay! Corazon, baka hindi mo naitatanong, close kami niyan ni Ser! Diba, ser? Ser? (What do you mean, “shocked?” Sir, it’s true! Now I can drive for you, my real master! Corazon, you might ask, Sir and I are close! Right, sir? Right?) SERGIO (Says nothing but eats food from a plate) CORAZON: Tika, ‘wag mong kainin ‘yan! Naku, Sir Sergio, dapat ang kinakain mo yung loto ko kasi yun, Binisaya! (Wait, don’t eat that! Oh, Sir Sergio, you should be eating my dish instead, because it’s Visayan!) SERGIO: Naku Corazon alam mo, patatabain mo na naman ako eh! (Oh, Corazon, you know, you’ll fatten me again!) CORAZON: Hindi na, Ser! (No, Sir!) ! 51! ! Corazon, being a submissive character, does not fight back even in instances where she is belittled. For example, in a scene where Angelika catches Corazon and Arturo gossiping, Corazon simply stays silent and refuses to defend herself from the insults hurled at them by Angelika. (In the kitchen, Corazon is chatting with Arturo while cutting vegetables) CORAZON: Totoo ba ‘yung narinig ko? Ikakasal na si Sir Siryo? (Is it true, what I heard? Sir Sergio’s getting married?) ARTURO: Alam mo Corazon, sa akin pa lang pinagtapat ni Bossing. Siyempre, eto siya, eto ako. Close kami. (You know, Corazon, the boss has told only me so far. Of course, it’s because we’re close.) CORAZON: (whips up her knife and points it at Arturo) E ang dami mong satsat eh. Nagtatanong lang ako, sagutin mo. Totoo bang ikakasal si Sir Siryo? Yun lang, yis or no. ! 52! ! (You say too much. I’m just asking, so answer it. Is it true that Sir Sergio is getting married? That’s all. Yes or No.) ARTURO: Yes! CORAZON: (suddenly shifts emotion) Hindi ako makapaniwala eh! Ih, kasi nakakabigla. Una, umuwi siya dito, wala namang pasabi. Pagkatapos ngayon, ibabalita na lang na magpakasal na. Hindi kaya buntis na yung babai kaya nagkaganyan? Ay nakakatuwa! Siguro magkaka-bibi na tayu dito sa Villa, Ayyyy! Parang type kong maging yaya! (I can’t believe it, it’s shocking! First, he comes home here without any warning. Then now, there’s news that he is getting married! Could it be that the woman is already pregnant? Oh, how exciting! Maybe we’ll have a baby here in the Villa, Aaaay! I think I’d like to be a nanny!) ANGELIKA: Eh kung ikaw ang niyayari ko diyan? (What if I fire you?) ! 53! ! CORAZON: Ay mam, nandiyan pala ka. (Oh, ma’am, you’re here!) ANGELIKA: Oo, kanina pa. At ang kakapal ng mga mukha nyo, nagtsitsismisan kayo dito, anong akala nyo dito parlor? Mga paki-alamero kayo ng buhay ng may buhay! (Yes, I’ve been here for a while. And you, thick-faced idiots, gossiping at work as if this is a parlor! You nosy people, poking at other people’s lives!) ANGELIKA: (To Corazon) Ikaw? Katulong ka diba? (You? Aren’t you a maid?) (spills vegetables on countertop) Ligpitin mo ‘yan! (Clean that!) (To Arturo) At ikaw? Kain ka ng kain diyan kaya pala nauubos ang pagkain dito eh! Patay gutom! (And you? You keep on eating, no wonder the food supply here is always depleted!) ! 54! ! PERFECTA: ‘Yan ang napapala ng mga tsismoso’t tsismosa, hmp. (That’s what you get for being gossipmongers, hmp.) Corazon is also the binary opposite of Perfecta who is also a housemaid but is not Visayan. Corazon and Perfecta are very different; from the way they dress to the way they treat their superiors. Corazon’s clothing is very colorful and voluminous, with a lot of frills and folds, while Perfecta is always shown to be in a neat suit with clean-cut lines. Perfecta is also very haughty, and deems herself superior to other maids, especially Corazon. She also deliberately disobeys her superior’s orders if she does not feel like doing the task. In one instance where Sergio asks Perfecta to fetch his bag, perfecta simply raises her eyebrow, as if saying that she will not do such a lowly task as fetching Sergio’s bag. She only submits to doing the task when Sergio shouts at her. ! Figure 4. Corazon (center), the binary opposite of Perfecta (in green). Source: Screenshot from Episode 4. !!! ! 55! ! ! 2. Jasmine Jasmine Estocapio, (Kim Chiu) the lead female in “My Girl,” is a poor Cebuana girl who works part-time as a tourist guide to make ends meet for her and her father, Chito. Jasmine is very loving and optimistic despite her difficulties in life. Her character is displayed in scenes such as the one where she tries to comfort her father despite their huge debts. She herself is sad about it but she tries not to show her father that she is worrying: (Jasmine is writing in the dark,crying) CHITO: (knocks on the door) Jasmine? Anak? (Daughter?) Jasmine? JASMINE: Tay! Pasok po. (Dad! Come in.) CHITO: Anak… (Daughter…) JASMINE: O, bat gising pa po kayo? Gabi pa po, bumalik pa po kayo sa pagtulog. (Why are you still awake? It’s still dark, go back to bed.) CHITO: ! Anak, umiiyak ka ba? 56! ! (Daughter, are you crying?) JASMINE: Si tatay talaga oh, nananaginip ka ba? Si tatay naman, bakit naman ako iiyak? (Oh dad, are you dreaming? Why would I cry?) CHITO: Ayan oh, ang laki ng problema natin. Eh san tayo kukuha ng 300,000 na pangbayad kay Asyong? (There, look! We have a huge problem. Where will we get 300, 000 [pesos] to pay Asyong with?) JASMINE: Bahala na ‘tay, kaya yan, tira tira! (Don’t mind it, dad. We can do it! Fight!) CHITO: Tira tira! (Fight!) JASMINE: O sige tay, matulog na tayo. Wag natin masyadong isipin yung utang natin kay Asyong. (Okay, dad. Let’s sleep. Don’t think about our debt to Asyong too much.) ! 57! ! CHITO: O sige anak. Ikaw din matulog ka na ah. (Okay, daughter. You go and sleep as well.) JASMINE: O sige po. Good night Tatay! (Okay. Good night, dad.) CHITO: Good night anak! (Good night, daughter!) JASMINE: I love you po! CHITO: I love you, Jasmine! Another scene which showcases her optimism is this one, where she “imagines” a bright future for her and her father: (Jasmine finds her father Chito, by his lonesome on a hill) JASMINE: Sabi ko na nga ba, dito kita makikita eh! (I knew it, I’d see you here!) CHITO: Nag-iisip lang ako ng paraan anak, kung paano natin mababayaran si Tilde. (I’m just thinking, daughter, of ways to pay Tilde.) ! 58! ! JASMINE: Si Aling Tilde po ang iniisip nyo? Eh mas malaki nga po yung utang natin kay Asyong Siga eh. (You’re thinking of Tilde? Our debt to that goon Asiong is even bigger.) CHITO: Alam ko. Kaya lang ayoko naman na mawalan ka ng matitirahan. Lalong-lalo na ngayon, hina-hunting ka ng DPWH, hinahakot mo daw lahat ng lupa, buhangin, at aspalto sa kalsada. Lumang-luma na yang sapatos mo, anak. (I know. But I don’t want you to lose a home, especially now that DPWH (Department of Public Works and Highways) is hunting you down. They’re complaining that you’re hoarding all the soil, sand and asphalt on the roads. Your shoes are too worn, daughter.) ! 59! ! ! !!!!!!!!Figure 5. Jasmine’s worn-out shoes. Source: Screenshot from Episode 1. JASMINE: O ‘tay, sapatos lang to! Wag mo nang iiyakan oh! E, marami naman tayong mabibiling iba pag nagkapera na tayo, diba? May Pwera-gamo, may Dolce and Gabono, may Luis Buton! Lahat branded! Lahat ng kulay, lahat ng style, bibilhin natin! (Oh, dad, these are just shoes! Don’t cry over them! We can buy a lot when we have some money, right? There’s Pwera-gamo, Dolce and Gabono, there’s Luis Buton! All branded! All color, all styles, we’ll buy them!) CHITO: Ewan ko ba, bakit ganito kahirap ang buhay natin. ! 60! ! (I don’t know why our life is this hard.) JASMINE: ‘Tay, okey pa naman po tayo eh. (Dad, we’re okay.) CHITO: Hindi to okey anak. Hindi ito ang buhay na pinangarap ko para sayo. (This is not okay. This is not the life I dreamed for you.) JASMINE: Mahirap lang talaga ang buhay kaya hindi kayo nakapag-aral. Tsaka, dahil inalagaan nyo rin po ako. (Life is hard, that’s why you were not able to study. And you also took care of me.) CHITO: Pero dahil wala nga akong alam, kaya hindi ako makahanap ng matinong trabaho. (But since I don’t know anything, I can’t look for a decent job.) JASMINE: Di bale ‘tay. Magtutulungan tayo. Matutupad din natin ang mga pangarap natin. Babalik ako sa pag-aaral, tsaka gra- ! 61! ! graduate din ako! At magpapatayo tayo ng bahay! Ito, yan ang bahay natin! (Nevermind, dad. We’ll help each other. We are going to reach our dreams. I’ll go back to school, and I’ll graduate, too! We’ll have a house built! This, (gets a rock and puts it on the grass) that is our house!) ! Figure 6. Jasmine assures her father that one day, they will have a house of their own. Source: Screenshot from Episode 1. CHITO: Hindi pwede anak e. Hindi tayo kakasya dyan. Kailangan natin malaking bato, ito, ito. Ayan, ayan! (That won’t do, anak. We won’t fit there. We need a bigger rock. This, this!) ! 62! ! JASMINE: Ayan! Ang laki-laki ng bahay natin, ‘di ba? Smile na tatay, ‘wag nang umiyak! (There! Our house is so big, right? Smile now, dad, don’t cry!) However, Jasmine is also quite aggressive and assertive, as seen in scenes such as the following where she storms to the casino to reprimand her father who is gambling again: JASMINE: ‘TAY! (DAD!) CHITO: O, Jasmine! Anong ginagawa mo dito?Akala ko may trabaho ka? (Jasmine! What are you doing here? I thought you had work to do.) ! Figure 7. Jasmine exclaims at her father who is gambling again. Source: Screenshot from Episode 1. ! 63! ! CHITO: (To tourists) Oh, welcome to Philippines! You like Philippines? Oh, you’ll like it more when you look outside. You go outside and take a look at there. JASMINE: (to tourists, in Mandarin) Excuse us, we’ll talk. You enjoy… (to Christine) Handle them for now, okay? (to Mang Chito) Upo ka nga! (Sit down!) Ingon ka dili na ka mag-sigi ug sugal? Unsa ni? (I thought you said you’ll stop gambling? What’s this?) CHITO: Bitaw! Pero naka-dawat man gud ko ug dako nga kwarta gikan ni Asyong. Pero iya man ni kwarta ang akong gitaya. (I did! But I received a huge sum of money from Asyong. But this is his money I’m betting.) ! 64! ! JASMINE: Iyang kwarta imong gi-taya? Wala ka niapay sarili nimong kwarta? (You bet only his money? You didn’t include any of yours?) CHITO: Syempre gi-apil na sad nako. Akong gitaya ang pang-upa nato sa balay. (Of course I included it too, I used our rental money.) Para dumoble! (So it will double!) JASMINE: Eh pano kung hindi dodoble? Pano kung talo tayo? (What if it doesn’t double? What if we lose?) CHITO: Wag kang kokontra! Easy ka lang, wag kang kokontra. Dodoble yun, maniwala ka sa ‘kin. (Don’t contradict! Take it easy, don’t contradict! That will double, trust me.) Jasmine is also very cunning, and always manages to get herself and her father out of trouble. She values money and hard work because of her economic condition. However, she has a particular proclivity for pretense and deception, as in one scene ! 65! ! where she pretends to be a lovelorn woman who needs to profess her love to someone on board the plane when in reality, she just had to delay the flight because the Chinese tourists (her clients) were running late: (At the airport, Jasmine is, waiting for the Chinese tourists to arrive in time for boarding the plane, but they are nowhere in sight.) JASMINE: (to herself) Nasaan na kayo? (Where are you?) LADY: Ticket please? JASMINE: Ticket ko? LADY: Yes, Ma’am. JASMINE: (pretends to search her bag) Nilagay ko lang dito yun eh, teka lang ah… (I just put it here. Wait…) LADY: Ma’am, paunahin nyo na lang kaya yung nasa likod nyo, kasi malapit na po yung boarding time eh. (Ma’am, maybe you should let the others behind you go first, since the boarding time is near.) ! 66! ! JASMINE: A, o sige pasensya na talaga ha. (Okay, I apologize.) LADY: A okey lang po. (It’s alright.) JASMINE: (On the phone) ! Figure 8. Agitated, Jasmine calls Christine. Source: Screenshot from Episode 1. ! JASMINE: Hoy, nasaan na kayo, ha? (Hey, where are you guys?) CHRISTINE: Ah, eto malapit na kami, oo sige malapit na kami! Na-flat-an kasi kami. Wag mo naman akong harass-in okay? (We’re almost there! We got a flat tire. Don’t harass me, okay?) JASMINE: Bilisan nyo, bilis, biliiiis! Itong mga to! Hay! (Hurry up, hurry! These guys!) ! 67! ! AIRPORT ANNOUNCER: Last call for passengers to flight PR-2009, Now boarding. JASMINE: (Gapes in shock) ! Figure 9. “Oh, no!” Source: Screenshot from Episode 1. ! LADY: Yung ticket mo, miss? JASMINE: Huh? (To self) Naku, pag hindi sila umabot kasiraan ko rin to…Mapupurnada lahat ng mga raket namin. Naku hindi ako papayag, hindi. Hindi pwede to. (Oh my, if they don’t make it on time, we’re done for! We’ll have a bad reputation. I won’t let this happen, this can’t be!) (Her face suddenly lights up as if able to think of a plan.) JASMINE: ! Tira-tira!(Fight!) 68! ! (She runs up the escalator.) Excuse me po, tabi-tabi lang, (please step aside) tabi tabi! Excuse meee! (She cuts across the lines to the boarding queue.) MAN: (halts her to stop) Ticket mo miss! JASMINE: (Suddenly cries and slides to the floor, creates a scene) Parang-awa nyo na! SIYA ANG TRUE LOVE KO! Kailangan malaman nya ang nararamdaman ko, hu hu hu hu! Hindi ko kasi nasabi sa kanya. (Have mercy on me! HE IS MY TRUE LOVE! He needs to know how I feel, hu hu hu hu! I wasn’t able to tell him!) (Continues to sob dramatically) Nag-iinarte pa kasi ako eh, huhuhuhu. Baka hindi na kami magkita ulit. Masabi ko lang, masabi ko lang. ! 69! ! (I was being picky. Huhuhu. We might not see each other again. If I could just tell him.) MAN: Naku, miss! Naiintindihan kita, kaso… (I understand, Miss, but…) PASSENGER 1: True love? Naku, iyan ang pinakamasakit! Payagan nyo na, sandali lang naman yan, kawawa oh. (True love? That hurts the most! Let her through, that won’t take long! What a pity!) PASSENGER 2: Siyanga naman! Masabi lang niya ang feelings niya bago mahuli ang lahat! (That’s true! Just let her say how she feels before it’s too late!) PASSENGER 3: Sige na payagan nyo na tingnan mo kawawa naman o, iyak ng iyak. (Come on, give in. Look at the poor thing, she keeps on crying.) JASMINE: (Realizing that her drama is working, takes it up a notch.) ! 70! ! Hindi lang to para sa’kin. Huhuhu. Kundi para sa lahat ng nagmamahal at sa lahat ng mga nasasaktan. ( Sobs inconsolably.) (This is not just for me. This is for all those who are in love, for all those who are hurting. (Crowd pressures officer to let her in) JASMINE; Maraming salamat. Hu hu hu hu! (Thank you very much!) ! Figure 10. Jasmine pretends to be a lovelorn woman to stall the flight. Source: Screenshot from Episode 1. (The moment she is alone in the corridor, she pauses from crying.) JASMINE: Tira-tira! (Fight!) (Resumes crying in the airplane.) ! 71! ! My love, nasaan ka na? (Where are you?) My love! (She hugs a random man but she realizes that he is too old for her.) Ay sorry! Hindi. Magkamukha lang pala kayo. (Continues sobbing) (I’m sorry! No. It isn’t him. You just look alike.) ! Figure 11. Jasmine hugs a man at random. Source: Screenshot from Episode 1. ! STEWARDESS: Ma’am, ano pong kailangan nyo dito? (Ma’am, what do you need here?) JASMINE: Miss, pasensya ka na ha. Kapag tumibok ang puso, wala ka nang magagawa kundi sundin ito. ! 72! ! (Miss, forgive me. When the heart beats, there’s nothing you can do but follow it’s desire.) My love, my love! (She trips along the aisle and falls on a young man’s lap, who happens to be Julian) Ay! ! Figure 12. “Ay!” Jasmine falls on Julian’s lap. Source: Screenshot from Episode 2. (They are both shocked but Jasmine decides to play along. Jasmine kneels beside Julian and cries.) Huhuhu. Bakit mo ginawa sa’kin to? Bakit? (Why did you do this to me? Why?) JULIAN: ! Miss, hindi kita kilala. 73! ! (Miss, I don’t know you.) JASMINE: Hindi mo na ko kinikilala ngayon? Wala na ba talaga kong kwenta sayo? (Now you don’t recognize me? Do I really have no more worth to you?) Sabi mo, mahal mo ko. Ang sabi mo tayong dalawa habang buhay. (Sobs) (You said you love me. You said it’s the two of us for life.) PASSENGER: Maawa ka naman sa girlfriend mo! (Have mercy on your girlfriend!) JULIAN: Hindi ko siya girlfriend! Teka, bakit ako nagpapaliwanag? (She’s not my girlfriend! Wait, why am I explaining?) JASMINE: (Sobs loudly) Hindi girlfriend? Ganun na lang ba yun, ha? Para kong basura! Basura! Minahal kita higit pa sa sarili ko. Kung kasalanan man ! 74! ! ang magmahal, sige, tatanggapin ko! Makasalanan ako! (Sobs) (Not your girlfriend? It’s just like that, huh? I’m like trash! Trash! I loved you more that I loved myself. If loving were a sin, then yes, I’ll admit it! I am sinful!) (Julian deliberately untangles himself from her) JASMINE: Aray! Ouch! Anong ginagawa mo? (What are you doing?) (Chinese toursists finally arrive.) JASMINE: (finishes her act) Kung ayaw mo, eh ‘di wag! Marami namang iba dyan eh. Break na tayo! Akala mo gwapo ka? Ang pangit mo! (Sobs again) (If you don’t like it, then fine! There are a lot of other people. We’re through! You think you’re handsome? Well, you’re ugly!) (When she is out of everybody’s sight, she prays.) ! 75! ! Naku Lord, sorry po talaga ha. Naipit lang po kasi ako kaya ko po nagawa yun. Sorry po, sorry po. (Lord, I’m sorry. I was just in a sticky situation, that’s why I did it. Sorry, sorry.) (Outside the airport) CHRISTINE: Naku, alam mo Jasmine, grabe ka talaga eh. Hindi talaga ko makapaniwala sayo. Biruin mo, napigil mo yung eroplanong lumipad? Eh napaka-galing mo na! Best actress ka na do’n! Ano ba! (Jasmine, you’re fantastic. I can’t believe it. You stopped the airplane from flying, you’re the best! Best Actress!) JEFFREY: (In Mandarin) Best actress, in a LYING ROLE! JASMINE: Wala lang naman talaga ‘kong choice kaya ko nagawa yun eh. Kaya nga todo hingi ako ng tawad kay Lord kanina eh. Tsaka, paano? Kung hindi ako didiskarte, eh di walang mangyayari sa’min ni Tatay? ! 76! ! (The reason I did it was because I had no choice. That’s why I asked the Lord for mercy afterwards. And what would I do? If I don’t make a way, nothing would happen to me and my father.) 3. Tonyang “Tonyang” is Dr. Marcial Cristi’s assistant/ house helper in Agua Bendita. A minor character, Tonyang is portrayed as caring, gentle, and submissive. She also maintains a jolly attitude as she goes about her work. She does not have much dialogue, but she is often seen addressing the needs of Dr. Cristi’s patients and family. Especially during Mercedes’ pregnancy, Tonyang proves to be a very loyal and caring helper: MERCEDES: Tagai pa ko’g tubig. Nauhaw pa ‘ko. (Give me more water, I’m still thirsty.) TONYANG: Ma’am? Nahurot na nimo usa ka pitsel oh! (But you already consumed an entire pitcher!) MERCEDES: Kunan mo pa ko ng tubig, kumuha ka pa nanunuyo yung lalamunan ko eh. Saka ang init ng panahon e. Sige na, Tonyang. (Get me more water, my throat feels dry. The weather’s really hot, too. Go on, Tonyang.) ! 77! ! TONYANG: Oo, time sa, time sa. (Wait, wait.) TONYANG: (comes back with a large container) ! !!!Figure 13. Tonyang as a doting maid to the pregnant Mercedes. Source: Screenshot from Episode 1. ! TONYANG: Pun-on ra nako ni ug tubig para sigurado tayong hindi ka na mauuhaw Ma’am. Kadyot lang ma’am ha! (I’ll just fill this with water so we’re sure you don’t get thirsty anymore. Just wait!) MERCEDES: O sige, pun-a na ha! (Okay, fill it, okay?) Tonyang is also an extremely loyal servant. After the miraculous transformation of the child Agua into a water child, Marcial puts Agua in Tonyang’s care. Being the ever- ! 78! ! caring character, Tonyang takes on this responsibility wholeheartedly and agrees to keep Agua’s condition from her mistress (Mercedes). MARCIAL: Kumusta ang bata, Tonyang? (How is the child, Tonyang?) TONYANG: Okey na po. Natutulog na po siya. (She’s okay. She’s already asleep.) MARCIAL: Salamat sa tulong mo, ah. (Thanks for your help.) TONYANG: Naku sir, malaki po ang utang na loob ko sa pamilya nyo. Kaya po nagmamalasakit ako sa mga bata at kay Ma’am. Para ko na rin po kayong pamilya, Sir. (Oh, sir. I owe your family a lot. That’s why I see to it that I take care of the kids and Ma’am. You lot are like my family already, Sir.) MARCIAL: Salamat. ‘Di ko kakayaning mag-isa ‘to. (Thank you. I can’t do this alone.) TONYANG: Eh sir, hindi po ba natin sasabihin kay ma’am na buhay yung isang bata? ! 79! ! (But sir, won’t we tell ma’am that the other child is alive?) MARCIAL: Hindi pa ito ang tamang panahon, Tonyang. May sakit sa puso ang Ma’am mo, ayaw ko siyang ilagay sa peligro. Baka ‘pag nalaman niyang may problema ang isang bata, baka hindi nya kakayanin. (It’s not yet the right time, Tonyang. Your mistress has a weak heart, I don’t want to put her in danger. If she finds out that one child has a problem, she might not take it well.) TONYANG: Kawawa naman yung isang bata, hindi na niya makikilala ang nanay niya. (Poor child, she would not get to know her mother.) The ultimate test of Tonyang’s loyalty arrives when their neighbors plot to kill Agua in the belief that she is a “tyanak” (monster baby). In the face of danger and death, Tonyang does not leave Agua to her fate. She instead stays with the baby and does not run away to save herself. Luckily, they are saved by Marcial who arrives just in time. NEIGHBOR: Tao po, ako po si Mrs. Pascual! Manghihiram po sana ng bigas? ! 80! ! (Hello, is anybody home? I am Mrs. Pascual, can I borrow some rice?) (No one answers so she enters the shack and sees Agua. She is startled by the child’s appearance.) Aaaaah! Impaktita! Tyanak! (Aaaah! Little monster! Monster child!) TONYANG: (Comes back from harvesting crops) Sino po sila? Ano pong ginagawa nyo sa loob? (Who is it? What were you doing inside?) NEIGHBOR: Tyanak! May tyanak sa loob! (Tyanak! There’s a tyanak inside!) TONYANG: Tyanak? Hindi tyanak ang alaga ko! (Tyanak? The baby is not a tyanak!) NEIGHBOR: MGA KAPITBAHAAAAAY! Mga kapitbahay, may tyanak! (Neighbors! There’s a monster!) PEOPLE: PUKSAIN ANG TYANAK! Sa apoy lang siya namamatay! ! 81! ! (KILL THE MONSTER CHILD! It will only die in fire!) TONYANG: Diyos ko! Huwag! (Oh God, don’t!) Tatakas tayo! Tulungan Ninyo po kami! (We’ll escape! Please help us!) (Cries hysterically, holding Agua) Panginoon, iligtas Nyo po si Agua! (God, please save Agua!) (The house is engulfed by fire.) Diyos ko, iligtas nyo po ang bata! (Oh God, spare the child!) (Marcial arrives just in time to save them.) Figure 14. Tonyang stays by Agua’s side even in the face of death. Source: Screenshot from Episode 2. ! 82! ! 4. Criselda Criselda Barrameda is epileptic, unemployed, and a battered wife. She is poor, and is waiting for a miracle so that she can be cured of her epilepsy. She has been on a pursuit for her long-lost uncle, Padre Guido, whom she believes will heal her. She is portrayed to be a mild-mannered, long-suffering woman. She is also hopeful about her condition, and believes that finding Padre Guido is the key to curing her illness. As shown in the dialogue below, Criselda travels occasionally to other towns in search for her uncle. (In Dr. Marcial Cristi’s clinic) MARCIAL: Gumising ka na pala. Ok na bang pakiramdam mo? Mukhang tumama yung ulo mo kanina sa sahig. Alam mo ba pangalan mo? (You’re awake now. Do you feel okay? It seems like your head hit the ground. Do you know your name?) CRISELDA: Opo. Criselda Barrameda. (Yes, sir. Criselda Barrameda.) MARCIAL: Mukhang ngayon lang kita nakita dito. Taga-asa man ka diri day? (It’s the first time I saw you. Where do you live?) ! 83! ! CRISELDA: Taga-San Nicolas po ako. Unsa po’y nahitabo sa akoa? (I live in San Nicolas. What happened to me?) MARCIAL: Inatake ka ng epilepsy sa simbahan. (You had an epilepsy attack in church.) CRISELDA: Epilepsy? MARCIAL: Yun ang tawag sa sakit mo. Malamang nagkaroon ka ng abnormal development sa utak mo, o kaya minana mo ‘to sa mga magulang mo. Madalas ka bang magkaroon ng mga ganitong atake? (That’s the name of your disease. It’s likely that there was an abnormal development in your brain, or maybe you inherited it from your parents. Do you often have these attacks?) CRISELDA: Opo. Kaya nga po hinahanap ko sana ang tiyuhin ko. Siya lang po kasi ang makakapagpa-galing sa akin. ! 84! ! (Yes. That’s why I’ve been looking for my uncle. He’s the only one who can cure me.) MARCIAL: Doktor ang tiyuhin mo? (Is your uncle a doctor?) CRISELDA: Hindi po. Siya po si Padre Guido. (No. He is Father Guido.) MARCIAL: Wala akong kilalang Padre Guido. TagaSan Antonio ba siya? (I don’t know any Father Guido. Is he from San Antonio?) CRISELDA: Hindi rin po. Taga-San Nicolas siya noon, pero bata palang po ako nawala na siya eh. Kaya nagbabakasakali po ako na baka dito siya napadpad. (Not also. He used to live in San Nicolas, but I was still young when he left. That’s why I was wondering if he’s anywhere near the area.) MARCIAL: Paano naman makakatulong ang isang pari sa karamdaman mo? ! 85! ! (How can a priest cure your condition?) CRISELDA: Kakaiba po kasi si Padre Guido. Lumaki ako sa bayan ng San Nicolas, at sa bayan namin, malakas ang pananalig ng mga tao sa himala. Pero ang himala para sa San Nicolas ay hindi pang-araw-araw na nangyayari. Ang himala para sa kanila ay may mukha—sa katauhan ng aking tiyuhin na si Padre Guido. Siya ang kura paroko ng San Nicolas na nag-uumapaw ang pananampalataya sa Diyos. At dahil sa matinding pananampalataya, ginamit siya ng Panginoon para makapagpagaling. (Father Guido is different. I grew up in San Nicolas. There, people have a strong belief in miracles. But miracles in San Nicolas are not ordinary. Miracles, for them, have a face—in the personage of Father Guido, the parish priest of San Nicolas who had a strong faith in God. Because of his strong faith, the Lord used him to heal the sick. ) ! 86! ! (Flashback of scenes with Padre Guido healing the sick) Wala nang nagsisimba. Lahat ng oras at atensiyon ay napunta sa kanya. Itinuring siyang Diyos ng mga tao. Isang araw, bigla na lamang naglaho si Padre Guido. Walang sinuman ang nakakaalam kung nasaan siya. Maraming nagsasabi na kinuha na siya ng Panginoon. (People no longer went to church. All the time and attention were directed to him. He was looked upon as a god. One day, he just disappeared. No one knew where he was. A lot of people said that the Lord already took him.) May ilang naniniwala na nagtatago lang sa bundok si Padre Guido kung saan nakahanap siya ng kapayapaan sa piling ng Diyos. Kasabay ng pagkawala niya, nawala na rin ang himala sa [sic.] San Antonio. Pero may mga nagsasabi pong iba na may nakakakita raw sa kanya sa mga karatig- ! 87! ! bayan, kaya nagbabakasakali po ako na baka nandito lang siya. (Some people believe that he just hid in the mountains where he found peace in the presence of God. The moment he left, miracles also stopped happening in San Antonio. Some people say that they see him in nearby towns, that’s why I’m hoping he’s here.) MARCIAL: Alam mo Criselda, halos lahat ng tao dito sa San Antonio, kilala ko. Wala ata dito hinahanap mo. (You know, Criselda, I know almost everyone here in San Antonio. I don’t think the one you’re looking for is here.) Criselda is also a badly-abused wife, both verbally and physically. However, she puts up with the temper of her husband Baldo, and submits to him despite his irrationality: BALDO: Ano ka ba naman Criselda! Ilang araw na kitang hinahanap, dito ka lang nagsuot? Ano? Sino sa tingin mo ang mag-aalaga sa ! 88! ! anak mo, ako? May diperensya ka na nga, inutil ka pa! Tara! (What are you, Criselda? I’ve been looking for you for days, and you’re just here? What? Who do you think will look after your child, me? You’re both sick and useless! Let’s go!) CRISELDA: Babalik naman ako, hinanap ko lang si Tiyo Padre. (I’ll come back, I was just looking for Tio Padre.) BALDO: Nakita mo ba? (Did you see him?) CRISELDA: (shakes her head) BALDO: Kita mo na! Nagsayang ka lang ng pamasahe eh! Imbes na ipangkain natin? Halika na! Tara! (See! You just wasted money! Instead of spending it on food! Come on! Let’s go!) (At their home) ! 89! ! BALDO: Ano ka ba naman Criselda? Sino inaakala mong mag-aasikaso sa akin dito sa bahay? At ang lakas ng loob mong iwan ang anak natin sa kapitbahay? (What are you, Criselda? Who do you think will attend to my need here at home? And you really think you could leave our kid to the neighbor?) CRISELDA: Pasensya ka na Baldo. Nagbabakasakali lang naman ako na baka si Padre Guido nandoon sa San Antonio e. (Pardon me, Baldo. I was just hoping that maybe I’d find Padre Guido in San Antonio.) BALDO: Pasensya na ko? Baka sakali? Para sa ano? Ikaw, pinapagod mo lang ako e! Ikaw, tigilan mo na yang pag-asa mo sa himala! Kaya nagkaka-leche leche ang buhay natin e. (Pardon? Maybe? For what? You, you’re just exhausting me! Stop believing in miracles! That’s why our life keeps getting messed up.) ! 90! ! CRISELDA: (cries) Gusto ko lang namang gumaling e. Ang sabi ni Doktor Marcial may sakit daw ako. (I just want to get well. The doctor said I’m sick.) BALDO: Gusto ka lang pagkakitaan nun! At ikaw naman, uto-uto! Kung gusto mong gumaling, sa albularyo ka magpunta. Alam mo walang laban yang mga doctor na yan kung si Satanas ang kalaban. (He just wants to make money out of you! And you, you fool! If you want to be cured, go to a faith healer. You know those doctors don’t stand a chance if the enemy’s the devil.) Maghain ka ng makakain ko! Ano pang tinatayo-tayo mo diyan? Maghain ka na sabi e! (Prepare food for me! What are you standing there for? Go and prepare food!) CRISELDA: ! Wala tayong pagkain. Wala akong pera. 91! ! (We have no food. I don’t have money.) BALDO: (hits his wife) Walang pera? Bwisit ka talaga sa buhay ko eh. (No money? You’re really a nuisance in my life.) ! Figure 15. Criselda suffers verbal and physical abuse!! from her husband. Source: Screenshot from Episode 1. ! CRISELDA: Hindi mo naman ako binibigyan ng pera e, inubos mo lang yan sa sugal mo! (You don’t give me any money, you just waste it on your gambling!) BALDO: Sumasagot ka pa ha? Ha? (You’re talking back now, huh?) ! 92! ! CRISELDA: (Calmly) Tama na, Baldo. (That’s enough, Baldo.) BALDO: Wala ka talagang silbi! (You are really useless!) (In their home again) BALDO: (Throws something at Criselda) Saan ka na naman nanggaling? Ha? Alam mo bang buong araw akong hindi!kumain?! (Where have you been? Do you know that I haven’t eaten the whole day?)! (Criselda is outside talking to a neighbor) NEIGHBOR: Talagang tarantado ang asawa mo. Ba’t di ka umalis, Criselda? Kaya mong buhayin ang anak mo kahit wala si Baldo. (Your husband is really an asshole. Why don’t you leave, Criselda? You can raise your child even without him.) CRISELDA: Alam mo, kahit ganyan yang si Baldo, yan lang ang nagtitiis sa ‘kin kahit ganito ang kalagayan ko. ! 93! ! (You know, even if Baldo’s like that, he’s the only one who puts up with me despite my condition.) BALDO: Kaya ka lapitin ng masamang ispirito e. Yang hinayupak mong asawa ang demonyo! Kaya kung ako sa’yo, hihiwalayan ko na yan. Para maayos yang buhay mo. (That’s why bad spirits are attracted to you! Your husband is the devil himself! If I were you, I would split up with him. So you can fix your life.) 5. Mercedes In “Agua Bendita,” Mercedes Cristi is a housewife belonging to a well-off family, but leaves such easy life to marry Marcial, then a struggling medical student. Mercedes is a mild-mannered, pious woman, whose dearest wish is to bear a child. She is also a faithful wife, and is portrayed as loving, submissive and loyal. She is submissive to both her husband and her mother. The only time she “rebels” against her mother is when she falls in love with and marries Marcial. Because of this, her mother remains angry with her even after five years of Marcial and Mercedes’ union. Despite her mother’s coldheartedness, however, Mercedes tries to humble herself and appease her mother. She is also self-sacrificing, and this is proved by her willingness to suffer despite her health condition in order to bear Marcial’s child. The following dialogues show how happy ! 94! ! Mercedes is when she learns that she is pregnant, and how she decides to continue her pregnancy despite the risks. (Setting is Marcial and Mercedes’ home) MERCEDES: AAAAAAH! MARCIAL: Mercedes? MERCEDES: Magkaka-anak na tayo. Magkaka-anak na ta! (We will have a child soon!) MARCIAL: Tinuod? (Is this true?) MERCEDES: Tinuod lagi! Oh tan-awa! (Yes, it is! Here, look!) Oh! Positive! MARCIAL: Totoo nga! YEESS! THANK YOU! (Doctor’s office) DOCTOR: Mercedes has ventricular septral defect. MARCIAL: May butas siya sa puso? (She has a hole in her heart?) ! 95! ! DOCTOR: (Nods) We’re running more tests para malaman kung pwedeng operahan ang butas sa puso ( so we can determine if we can conduct an operation) during her pregnancy. MERCEDES: Doc, may epekto po ba ‘to sa pinagbubuntis ko? (Doctor, will this affect my pregnancy?) DOCTOR: Usually, in cases like this, pregnancy is not recommended. Masyadong delikado para sa ina at sa ipinagbubuntis niya. (It is too risky for the mother and the child as well.) And it is even a greater risk if the child develops a heart defect. (At home) MERCEDES: Masayang-masaya ako. (I am very, very happy.) MARCIAL: Kahit mahirap ang pagbubuntis mo? (Even if your pregnancy is delicate?) MERCEDES: Handa akong tiisin ang lahat para sa magiging anak natin. ! 96! ! (I am ready to endure everything for our child.) After the birth of her twins, Mercedes is made to believe that the one of the babies died during birth. She is deeply distraught and blames herself, exhibiting yet again Mercedes’ self-sacrificing character. MERCEDES: (sees her baby for the first time) Saan yung isa? Marcial, saan yung isa? (Where is the other one? Marcial, where is the other child?) MARCIAL: (does not answer) MERCEDES: (Cries, thinking the other baby is dead). (Cemetery/Memorial Park) MERCEDES: Bakit ganoon, Marcial? Bakit binigyan tayo ng kambal pero mamamatay naman yung isa? Bakit kailangan natin maramdaman!ang sakit na to? Bakit? (Why is it like this, Marcial? Why were we given twins if one of them is going to die anyway? Why do we have to feel this pain? Why?) ! 97! ! (kneels down at Agua’s grave) Sorry, anak. Mahina kasi si Mama. May sakit kasi ako. Hindi ka dapat nadamay. Hindi ka dapat namatay. Patawarin mo ko anak, patawarin mo ko anak. (Cries) (I’m sorry, child. Mama is weak. I am sick. You shouldn’t have been compromised. You shouldn’t have died. Forgive me, child. Forgive me.) 6. Donya Amalia Donya Amalia is the Mother of Mercedes Cristi in “Agua Bendita.” She is a rich businesswoman, but is selfish and cold-hearted. She uses religiosity as a means to get what she wants, and is generally manipulative. She donates large sums of money to the church especially when she is “praying for something,” as though God answers prayers depending on the donation of the supplicant: (Inside the church, Donya Amalia and the priest are talking) DONYA AMALIA: Father, nindot kaayo ang imong homily karon. (Father, your homily earlier was really good.) ! 98! ! FATHER: Daghang salamat, (thank you very much) Donya Amalia. Mabuti na lang nakadalaw kayo sa Sinulog ngayon. (It’s good that you were able to visit the Sinulog this year.) DONYA AMALIA: Marami akong businesses sa Maynila, pero hindi ko talaga nakakalimutan ang panata ko. Siyanga pala, na-receive nyo na ba ang donasyong pinadala ko sa simbahan? (I have a lot of businesses in Manila, but I do not forget my pledge to the church. By the way, did you receive the donation that I sent to the church?) FATHER: A, oo. Napakalaking tulong ang donasyon mo sa amin. (Oh, yes. It was a really big help.) DONYA AMALIA: Basta sabihin nyo lang sa’kin kung anong kailangan nyo. Tutulong ako, kahit ano kalaki. Lalo na ngayon na meron akong hinihingi kay Lord. ! 99! ! (Just tell me if you need anything. I am willing to help, no matter how big. Especially now that I’m asking the Lord for something.) FATHER: Hindi naman sa laki ng donasyon ang pakikinig ng Diyos. Ang importante ay ang pananampalataya natin sa Kanya. (The Lord does not listen based on the amount of donations. What matters is our faith in Him.) Pwede bang mahibaw-an kung unsa’y gipangayo mo sa Ginoo? (May I know what you are asking from God?) DONYA AMALIA: Isang himala, Padre. Padre, I have to go. (A miracle, Father. Father, I have to go.) However, despite Donya Amalia’s generosity in giving to the church, she is slow to forgive other’s faults. She values wealth and prestige too much that her pride is severely wounded when her daughter marries a struggling doctor. In the following dialogue, Mercedes and Amalia see each other for the first time in five years since the marriage of ! 100! ! Mercedes and Marcial. Amalia, however, remains detached and shows no signs of missing her daughter: MERCEDES: (sees her mother from afar, rushes toward her) Mama? Mama! Maayo man naa ka diri. Ingon unta ka sa ako na mo-anhi ka para naluto nako ang paborito nimo na mechado. (Mama? Mama! It’s so good that you’re here. You should have told me you’d be coming so I could have cooked your favorite Mechado.) DONYA AMALIA: Hindi kayo ang dinalaw ko dito sa San Antonio kundi ang simbahan ko. Ginagawa ko lang ang panata ko. Kung alam ko lang na magsimba kayo ngayon, sana sa susunod na misa na lang ang pinuntahan ko. (It’s the church I’m visiting, not you. I am just fulfilling my pledge. If I knew you’d be here, I would have attended the next mass instead.) MERCEDES: ! Bisan karon Ma, suko pa gihapon ka? 101! ! (Even until now, Ma? You’re still angry?) DONYA AMALIA: Hija, hindi ko maatim na makita ka kasama ang Marcial na yan. Pinag-aral kita sa pinaka-mahusay na private school. Binigay ang lahat. Pagkatapos, mapupunta ka lang sa Marcial na yan? (I cannot stand seeing you with that Marcial. I let you study in the finest private school. I gave you everything. Then you’ll just end up with that Marcial?) MERCEDES: Mama, limang taon na kaming kasal ni Marcial. Natapos na rin siya ng medisina. Nagpupursigi siya para sa magiging pamilya namin. (Mama, Marcial and I have been married for five years. He has already finished medicine, too. He is striving for our future family.) DONYA AMALIA: Yun na nga e, “nagpupursigi.” Pinalaki kita para makahanap ka ng disenteng mapapangasawa. ! 102! ! (Exactly, he’s “striving.” I brought you up well so you could find a decent husband.) MERCEDES: Masaya na ko sa simpleng buhay na binibigay sa akin ni Marcial. Gi-higugma nako siya, Ma. (I am happy with the simple life he is giving me. I love him, Ma.) DONYA AMALIA: Napansin ko nga. Ni minsan, hindi mo ako sinuway. Pero nagawa mo ng dahil sa Marcial na yan. Dahil doon, hindi ko siya mapapatawad kahit kailan man. At hangga’t asawa mo ang Marcial na yan… (So I noticed. Even once, you never rebelled against me but you turned into a rebel because of that Marcial. Because of that, I will never forgive him. And until you are married to that Marcial…) WALA KA’Y INAHAN! (YOU HAVE NO MOTHER!) ! 103! ! ! Figure!16.!Amalia!disowns!Mercedes!because!of!the!man!! she marries. Source: Screenshot from Episode 1. ! CHAPTER V ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION A. Introduction This chapter contains the analysis and interpretation of the data gathered during the course of the study. However, it is written from my perspective both as a researcher and a Visayan woman, hence, the occasional appearance of personal anecdotes and opinions. I thought it best to write in this way since I am, after all, a part of this population of Visayan women, and although I have tried my best to eliminate my biases in the name of “academic research,” I learned that this is highly unlikely, for when one writes, she writes with her own hands, her own mind, and own soul. Though she may think with a frame of mind borrowed from the more learned, the more experienced, ultimately the choice to obey or disobey these conventions remains in her power. I think to say that one can create something virtually free of bias is a myth. I found it written in my field notes for this study a realization I had while I was at the height of scouring book after book for related material. Apparently, while reading about theories of representation, I realized that I dove into this study “heart first, like an infatuated youth.” I say this was so because I assumed many things at the beginning, proved some of them wrong in the middle, and realized so much more in the end. Research, for me, was a beautiful process to discover a lot of things about my culture. Like I said, I proved some of my assumptions wrong, for example, when I was starting off, the dominant idea in my head was that Visayan women were largely portrayed only as maids. As I dug deeper, I saw the bigger picture, and realized that there is a messed-up 105! ! web of meanings hidden beneath these discourses and regimes of representation. Essentially, what I found out was that the representation of Visayan women is still partly an issue of class mixed with cultural stereotyping. The Visayan woman is represented not only as one “type,”—she is represented as many things. The interesting fact is that despite this seemingly mutli-faceted representation, the Visayan woman remains boxed in a set of characteristics from which only few have digressed. She is only either “this,” or “that,” as far as multiplicity goes in representations of Visayan women I have examined in this study. And so, before I begin a more detailed account of my interpreatation, I shall leave you with a statement to ponder on: To say that the Visayan woman is stereotyped in media is a gross understatement. B. Analysis and Interpretation Let me pick things up from my previous statement. “To say that the Visayan woman is stereotyped in media is a gross understatement.” A stereotype, according to Grobman (1990), is simply a generalization about a person or group of persons. If this is the only question, then I say that yes, I have proved that Visayan women are indeed stereotyped in the media—but it goes far beyond that. Prior to my analysis I thought for a moment that I simply had to prove that Visayan women were stereotyped—that we were misrepresented, that we were shown in a negative light. However, my analysis led me to the realization that Visayan women are not only generalized, but also effectively oppressed by the dominant media discourses. She is portrayed as a character with traits seemingly grabbed from a shelf labeled “Visayan ! 106! ! Women’s Characteristics,” and then she is put in a box, aptly labeled “Visayan” which assigns her place in the national discourse—which could be anywhere, as long as it is below the level of the dominant class. Essentially, what I observed is that Visayan women’s representations fall into a dichotomy: the poor/servile woman, or the rich/brutish madam. The rich, brutish madam is economically advantaged, but since she is Visayan, her ways remain savage. She is often seen as a “Madam” clad in jewels, and barks commands at her inferiors, like Donya Amalia in “Agua Bendita” (2008) and Esme Fajardo (Annabelle Rama) in “My Monster Mom” (2008). The poor, servile woman, on the other hand, could possess a ton of positive characteristics. She could be pretty, smart, loving, optimistic, etc., but one thing keeps her in her place—her social status. Like Jasmine, Corazon, Tonyang, Mercedes and Criselda, who are all portrayed as kind-hearted women but are all poor, the Visayan woman is always put in a servile position, which accounts for the dominant “katulong” notion. However, it seems that the “katulong” notion has evolved as well. In the shows which I studied, not all Visayan women are portrayed as maids. Jasmine, is a part-time tourist guide, Mercedes and Criselda are housewives, and Corazon and Tonyang are maids. The fact remains, however, that they are always portrayed in service-oriented positions. Most of them are portrayed as submissive, caring, long-suffering and serviceoriented, not to mention funny and optimistic. Consistent with these traits, most of them are shown to value service to superiors and the welfare of others, followed by money, hardwork, love, and relationships. Perhaps, if they were assigned a tag line, it would be “Happy to Serve!” ! 107! ! These, according to Eugenia Siapera (2010), are the very characteristics of a racialized regime of representation. She notes that to recognize the operations of a racialized regime of representation means to identify the ways in which persons become members of a particular race, and their defining characteristics become those attributed to these race. This regime becomes racist when the difference (i.e., cultural difference) is constructed primarily as either 1) irrational or 2) servile. When difference is constructed as irrationality, subjects of portrayal are depicted as brutal, violent, sexualized or demanding. But the trickier, more subtle approach of the racist regime is this: When difference is constructed as natural victimhood, racialized subjects are sentimentalized. They are shown to possess a naturally good nature (like our sample female characters) and constructed as servile and naturally, because it is in their nature, in their being, and thus, willingly inferior. They are shown to possess courage in pain or adversity, signalling a meekness and submissiveness that requires strong guidance at all times, thus justifying the continued oppression of, and discrimination against ethno-cultural minorities (Siapera, 2010; 133). Speaking of this “courage in pain or adversity,” let me remind you of our female Visayan character’s narratives: Jasmine is stuck in poverty and debt but she remains headstrong and optimistic, always encouraging her father: “Di bale ‘tay. Magtutulungan tayo. Matutupad din natin ang mga pangarap natin. Babalik ako sa pag-aaral, tsaka gra-graduate din ako! At magpapatayo tayo ng bahay! (Nevermind, dad. We’ll help each other. We are going to ! 108! ! reach our dreams. I’ll go back to school, and I’ll graduate, too! We’ll have a house built!)” Corazon is a loyal househelper in the Santibañez household, and is submissive and humble even in the face of direct insult. Tonyang is the caring and loving all-around assistant of Dr. Marcial Cristi, and at one point lay her life on the line for her alaga. ! Figure 17. Tonyang protecting Agua from the flames. Source: Screenshot from Episode 2 of Agua Bendita. Criselda is the battered, epileptic wife of Baldo who does not leave her no-good husband, despite his worsening physical and verbal assaults. Mercedes is the pious, loving wife who has a weak heart but takes the risk in order to bear Marcial’s child: (to Marcial) “Handa akong tiisin ang lahat para sa magiging anak natin. (I am ready to endure everything for our child.)” ! 109! ! Another interesting observation I had is the construction of the character Corazon in the Filipino version of Marimar as a Cebuana. My point is, since this is an adaptation of a foreign telenovela, the choice to determine what ethnicity the Filipino version is remains with the producers of the show—and they chose to make her Visayan. In fact, this very feature was used as sort of a ‘selling point’ in advertising the Filipino version of MariMar: ! Figure 18. “Baluga noon, BISAYA ngayon!” Source: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ci-iJbmSkq8 In the original version, black actress Julia Marichal portrayed the role, hence the slogan “Baluga noon, BISAYA ngayon! (Black before, now Visayan!)” refers to this transition. This very act is ideologically loaded. The black people’s history of slavery is a long and troublesome one, and the casting of a black character in the Mexican telenovela may very well be a continuation of this oppressive discourse. However, the more pressing question is: Why Bisaya? My interpretation is that in the same way that their history of slavery is still attached to the blacks; the notion of the Visayan housemaid is also still a ! 110! ! very strong discourse. This parallelism of narratives accounts for the transition from a Black to a Bisayan servant. To summarize, we can recall that Visayan women are represented as belonging to the lower class, majority of whom were either unemployed or working in service-oriented occupations such as being a househelper or a housewife. We see very clearly the form of a racist regime of representation wherein cultural difference is constructed as servility. Furthermore, these Visayan women are depicted as though they are indeed willingly inferior, possessing personality traits such as being submissive, caring, long-suffering and service-oriented. They were also portrayed as those who valued service to superiors and the welfare of others, above anything else. With their submissive and long-suffering nature, their inferiority and discrimination were essentially ‘justified,’ in this regime. And by the way, the ‘natural victimhood,’ Siapera adds, is often gendered—that is, women. Cultural difference, however, is not always constructed as natural victimhood, but also as irrationality—Visayan women are also portrayed as aggressive, proud and tactless, fully confirming the operations of the racist regime of representation in both aspects. Take the case of Donya Amalia, who is the epitome of the rich/brutish madam we were discussing earlier. Albeit a successful businesswoman, Donya Amalia is excessively proud to the point of using her money to get what she wants from God. She also disowns her only daughter because she disapproves her marrying a struggling doctor. Another point of analysis that I used was the representation of the Visayan culture as something “folkloric.” In the shows analyzed, being Visayan was expressed through external elements such as language, dress, food, festivals, etc. In “Marimar” and “My ! 111! ! Girl,” for example, both Corazon and Jasmine wore noticeably colorful outfits, perhaps because of the Visayan people’s fondness for merriment and feasts. They also expressed their ethnicity through their language and dialect. In the show “Agua Bendita,” however, the narrative banked on landmarks of Cebu and other indicators of Cebuano culture, such as the infamous Sinulog festival and the Cebu lechon. ! Figure 19. Opening scene of Agua Bendita. Notice the presence of cultural artefacts to signify Cebu: Lapu-lapu’s statue, Cebu lechon, and festival dancers in colorful costumes. Source: Screenshots from Episode 1 of Agua Bendita. These “folkloric elements” are highlighted through the plot, as in Agua Bendita where the element of “himala” (miracle) could not have been more emphasized during the pilot episode, and even more so, the belief of people in superstition and “albularyos” (faith healers). In the following dialogue, notice the emphasis on the concept of “himala:” MERCEDES: Gaano katagal pa ba ang paghihintay natin, Marcial? Ang tagal na nating kasal. Sabi naman ng doctor walang may diperensya sa atin. Pero bakit hanggang ngayon, hindi pa rin tayo nabibiyayaan ng anak? Minsan tuloy nawawalan na ‘ko ng pag-asa eh. ! 112! ! (How much longer will we wait, Marcial? We’ve been married for so long. The doctor said we’re both fine. Why is it that until now, we still have not been blessed with a child? Sometimes, I lose hope already.) MARCIAL: Pero may himala. At ang himala, doon sa mga taong hindi nawawalan ng pag-asa. Kaya ‘wag ka nang malungkot, magkakaanak din tayo. (There’s a miracle. And miracles happen to those who don’t lose hope. So don’t be sad, we’ll have a child soon.) NARRATOR: Himala. Maraming rason ang tao para maghanap ng himala. Para sa mga nawawalan ng pag-asa, ang bawat dasal ay paghingi ng isang milagro. (Miracles. There are a lot of reasons for people to look for miracles. For those who are losing hope, each prayer is a way of asking for a miracle.) ! 113! ! (Marcial and Mercedes at the festival grounds) MERCEDES: Kailan kaya tayo magkaka-anak? (When do you think will we have a child?) MARCIAL: Huwag kang mag-alala, totoo ang himala. Pasok tayo? Tara? Paraan. (Don’t worry, miracles are real. Let’s go in? Come on. Excuse us.) NARRATOR: Pero hindi batid ng lahat na ang himala, araw-araw itong nangyayari. At sa bawat pagsikat ng araw, lahat nagpapahiwatig sa atin na ang himala ay hindi nawawala. (Many are not aware that miracles happen everyday. Each time the sun rises, everything is a reminder that miracles are not lost.) In the same series, the townspeople’s belief in mythical creatures and faith healing are highlighted. For example, the character Baldo, (Criselda’s husband) strongly believes that epilepsy is a form of demon possession that can only be cured by faith healers: BALDO: Gusto ka lang pagkakitaan nun! At ikaw naman, uto-uto! Kung gusto mong gumaling, sa albularyo ka magpunta. Alam mo, walang ! 114! ! laban yang mga doktor na yan kung si Satanas ang kalaban. (He just wants to make money out of you! And you, you fool! If you want to be cured, go to a faith healer. You know those doctors don’t stand a chance if the enemy’s the devil.) The same is true with the townsfolk who believed so much in the existence of mythical creatures that they immediately set out to kill the child Agua because of her peculiar appearance: NEIGHBOR: MGA KAPITBAHAAAAAY! Mga kapitbahay, may tyanak! (Neighbors! There’s a monster!) (Neighbors catch word that there is a monster inside the shack, and they proceed to burn down the house with fire-lit torches.) PEOPLE: PUKSAIN ANG TYANAK! Sa apoy lang siya namamatay! (KILL THE MONSTER CHILD! It will only die in fire!) (Townsfolk set the shack on fire.) ! 115! ! This “folklorization” is explained by Siapera as a means of containing cultural difference and make it appear distant. This belongs to yet another regime of representation—the domesticated regime, which seeks to “tame” and contain difference within confines that are deemed safe and acceptable (Siapera, 2010:139). The main themes within this regime include the “stripping of difference of any threatening qualities by highlighting folkloric dimensions,” emphasizing sameness so as to co-opt difference, leading ultimately to the subordination of difference (p.140). Unlike the racist regime which justifies domination and oppression, this regime seeks to homogenize and negate difference, such that: “Firstly, difference is ignored and marginalized, and persistent inequalities, symbolic and material, are overlooked; secondly, difference is destroyed, ultimately leading to an intolerance of any positions defending deep and substantial diversity (p.140).” Siapera (2010) notes that although seemingly opposite, the racist and domesticated regimes are not to be seen as anti-thetical to each other: rather, they both act together and must be seen as the two sides of the same coin: If difference cannot be controlled and dominated through the racist regime, then it is contained and refused through the regime of domestication. Both regimes are equally unable to tolerate difference. This coexistence of the two complementary regimes is clearly illustrated in the presence of domesticated difference in the same media that denounce difference as irrational and incapable of rehabilitation (p.140). ! 116! ! It has been noted earlier that the main weapon of this regime is highlighting indigenousness and traditional elements of the culture in order to render them folkloric. Apparently, the function of this “folklorization” is to render difference quaint and picturesque, something distant, and therefore not to be taken seriously as difference. Folkoric difference is thus reduced to external elements or symbols of culture, such as dress, food, religious festivals, and cultural artefacts, which appear to celebrate difference, while at the same time ignoring the demands for equal recognition (p. 140). C. Implications The existence of the previously discussed regimes of representation in the portrayal of Visayan women underscores the hegemonic power of media in presenting cultural difference. By putting Visayan women into categories, which according to my analysis are only two, they are stereotyped as well. Limiting the portrayal of these women to the katulong / madam dichotomy implies that their characteristics are generalized and thus are stereotyped as a function of their ethnicity. This is Grobman’s (1990) very definition of stereotyping: a generalization of a person or a group of persons based on unfair judgments about them. Hence, the hegemonic power of the media lies in the capacity to reproduce these stereotypes and to pass them off as the norm, or as the truth (Matheson, 2005:6). This power also successfully destroys the fluid notion of identity—the Visayan woman’s identity becomes centered on her ethnicity, the significance of which is imposed by the hegemonic portrayals of the media. Gauntlett (2002) highlights the complexity and fluidity of identities, as well as the many axes of identity. However, in ! 117! ! the existing representations of Visayan women, identities are dichotomized, polarized, and limited. Queer theory states that nothing within one’s identity is fixed—hence, it is clearly contradictory to the very notion of the fluidity of identities to stereotype people from a certain cultural group as only “this” or “that.” At first glance, these representations seem to vary, with the women having varying jobs and ways of life, but a closer look reveals that this “multiplicity of representations” is nothing but a romanticized presentation of cultural difference. ! CHAPTER VI SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS A. Summary of Findings The findings of this study show that Visayan women’s representation fall into a dichotomy of either poor and servile or rich and oppressive. Despite the seemingly varied representations of Visayan women, the study shows that they are still stereotyped. The poor, servile woman usually posseses positive characteristics despite her low stature in society—she is usually portrayed as pretty, smart, and optimistic. However, she is always cast in servile positions. She could either be shown as a woman working in a serviceoriented position (housewife, maid, tourist guide, yaya, cook, etc.) or in a helpless position (epileptic, stuck in debt). The rich Visayan woman, on the other hand, is the stereotypical Visayan madam: rude, mean, and clad in fine garb. The idea is that despite her economic advantage, her ways remain savage and irrational on account of her ethnicity. Cultural difference is also rendered folkloric in these representations, such that Visayan culture is limited to external signifiers and symbols. In the shows analyzed, being Visayan was expressed through external elements such as festivals, dress, food, and language. The folkloric dimension was also evident in the plot themselves, such as the townsfolk’s strong belief in miracles and faith healing in Agua Bendita. B. Conclusion The representation of Visayan women in the media is still, quite surprisingly, an issue of class struggle married with the subordination of ethno-cultural groups whose 119! ! differences with the center are essentially more pronounced than other groups. In this case, it appears that the primary difference seen is the difference in language, Visayan, with the language of the center, which is Tagalog. The mediation of cultural difference—as this study has shown—took the form of regimes of racist and domesticated representation, constructing the Visayan woman’s identity as both servile and irrational, and placing her in a folkloric dimension connoting her culture. The representation of the Visayan as the willing servant is camouflaged as fortitude, such that the Visayan woman is poor but courageous and is naturally kindhearted and willing to serve. There exists a polarity in the representations of Visayan women—in both films and in television, Visayan women are either portrayed as poor/servile or rich/brutish. The “maid” or “madam” dichotomy is the new trend in representing Visayan women. Visayan women portrayed as members of the lower class can often be seen occupying jobs of servile status (maids, sidekicks, assistants, cooks, yayas, and other service-oriented positions), and most of the time, they are also portrayed as uneducated. However, Visayan women who have become better off economically are portrayed as the evil madam, who uses her improved economic status as a license to oppress others. Despite her fine clothes, however, either her ways remain fiendish (the mean-spirited amo who barks at her subordinates), or she retains her palengkera (market vendor) attitude, connoting that she is still uneducated and is simply a social climber. C. Recommendations Now that we have proved that stereotypes do exist in representations of Visayan women, and that media’s hegemonic role in these portrayals was made evident through ! 120! ! the regimes of representation containing both racist and prejudiced views, thereby fulfilling all of the data analysis objectives stated earlier on, we have another important question: Now, what? We have seen all that is wrong—all that is biased and hegemonic and stereotypical in the current representations. What must be done? How must cultural difference, then, be mediated? Or perhaps, how should cultural difference represent itself? We must keep in mind, however, that tempting it may be to assume that it is always more accurate if cultural difference were to represent itself, this would defeat the purpose of debunking existing “regimes” of representation and might even create a new regime, that of self-representation. Again, according to Siapera, “the alternative can only be alternative if it avoids the imposition of a singular understanding of cultural difference.” Thus, a commitment to plurality, openness, and diversity in all its forms sets the alternative apart. “If the other regimes declare: ‘This is what cultural difference is,’ the alternative regime poses this [sic.] as ongoing questions: ‘What is cultural difference?’ ‘Who might ‘we’ be?’ From this point of view, this regime contributes to the continuous reflection on identity, difference, and diversity” (Siapera, 2010: 158). We must recognize then, and fully embrace the ambiguous nature of cultural difference, and look beyond positive and negative images for diversity and complexity are found at the heart of any identity. “Play with the stereotypes of what is expected of them, and in this manner remain open (p. 160).” My recommendations for further study in this topic are the following: First, I suggest using different lenses regarding the issue of representation of Visayan women. I ! ! 121! think there will be more interesting findings and revelations about this phenomenon if looked at from a different perspective. Second, I advocate a bigger sample size—more shows, and more episodes from each show. I believe that a more comprehensive and upto-date sample would render the observations herein even more conclusive and authoritative. 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Poster of MariMar. <http://admya.blogspot.com/2011/06/marimarphilippines-series-tv3.html>. AmBootsaImo. (2011). Playlist of Daldalita Episodes. On YouTube. Retrieved from <http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mKpdEduS2Bg&list=PL1952F738B82AFE2 4&feature=mh_lolz>. D’addicts. (2008). Poster of My Girl. <http://www.daddicts.com/forum/viewtopic_63252.htm>. MoviesniPinoy. (2010). Playlist of Agua Bendita Episodes. On YouTube. Retrieved from <http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LEFx_TCFQW8&list=PL92358307DFBF64 17&feature=mh_lolz>.! PinkEspaniola. (2007). Marimar Teaser Manilyn Reynes bilang Corazon. <http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ci-iJbmSkq8> Pinoy Exchange. (2007). Photo of Corazon. Retrieved from <http://www.pinoyexchange.com/forums/showthread.php?p=21196876>. pswyrfnTV. (2008) Playlist of Televisa Marimar Episodes. On YouTube. Retrieved from <http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=356GkLw_ZTk&list=PL45CEFA819831CF 88&feature=mh_lolz>. tiratira3. (2008). Playlist of My Girl Philippines Episodes. On YouTube. Retrieved from <http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ODtJm4rXlfw&list=PL4DA96C2EE86314F A&feature=mh_lolz>.! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! APPENDICES (Textual Analysis Guides)