VÄGAR TILL MIDGÅRD 8 Old Norse religion in long-term perspectives Origins, changes, and interactions An international conference in Lund, Sweden, June 3–7, 2004 Anders฀Andrén,฀Kristina฀Jennbert &฀Catharina฀Raudvere฀(eds) Nordic Academic Press NORDIC ACADEMIC PRESS Published with the financial support of he Bank of Sweden Tercentenary Foundation Nordic Academic Press Box 206, 22 05 Lund, Sweden info@nordicacademicpress.com www.nordicacademicpress.com © Nordic Academic Press and the authors 2006 Technical Editor: Åsa Berggren Typesetting: Lotta Hansson Cover: Jacob Wiberg Cover images: M. Winge: ”Tors strid med jättarna” and C. Larsson: ”Midvinterblot” with permission from the National Museum, Stockholm. Photos by: Bengt Almgren, the Historical Museum, Lund, Kristina Jennbert, Department of Archaeology and Ancient History, Lund, Mimmi Tegnér, Malmö Heritage and Åsa Berggren, Malmö Heritage. Printed by: Preses Nams, Riga 2006 ISBN 0: 9-896-8-x ISBN 3: 978-9-896-8-8 OLD NORSE RELIGION IN LONG-TERM PERSPECTIVES฀฀฀฀฀฀฀฀฀฀฀ Odin and Mithras Religious฀acculturation฀during฀the฀Roman฀Iron฀Age and฀the฀Migration฀Period Anders Kaliff and Olof Sundqvist Introduction of Mithras, has been proposed before (Davidson 978; cf. Behn 928; Waas 928; critically by Clemen 937). Our study attempts to outline new arguments for such a connection. In the older research, Odin’s background was occasionally investigated using a static concept of religion. In contrast, this study employs contextualised perspectives, where economic, political and social aspects behind the religious development are also observed. In our opinion, the encounter between worshippers of Mithras and Odin did not lead to full conversion (Religionswechsel), but rather to religious change (Religionswandel) (cf. Rydving 993:9f). his type of process has sometimes been described as “syncretism”. Since this term is too narrow and imbued with theological aspects, we avoid it in this study. Instead, the term “religious acculturation” will be applied (for a definition, see Rydving 993:). he god Odin (ON Óðinn, OHG Wuotan) has a central position in ancient Scandinavian mythology. His character is complex and contains enigmatic and contradictory features. He appears as a magical ruler, with knowledge of ON seiðr, witchcraft and sorcery, as well as poetry and runic skills. At the same time, he is also associated with war and death. Some of his characteristics have been regarded as foreign to the ancient Scandinavian world-view, which has led to a debate as to whether he was in fact an original Scandinavian deity. his problem will be taken under consideration in the following paper. Proceeding from earlier discussion, a partly new hypothesis will be presented. It has been suggested that the cult of Odin arrived in Scandinavia late, from south-eastern Europe during the Roman Iron Age (overview in Kaliff and Sundqvist 2004:4–23). his theory was supported by the information in the Ynglinga saga which said the gods had emigrated from Asia to Svetjud (Heimskringla I:ff). According to Bernard Salin (903), this story reflected real history. An aristocratic and warlike group of people worshipping Odin and the family of Æsir gods left the northern coast of the Black Sea around 300 AD. When they arrived in southern Scandinavia, they encountered a group of agriculturists that worshipped Vanir deities and a war broke out. his historical war was, also according to Salin, reflected in the Ynglinga saga as the mythical war between the Æsir and Vanir. he so-called Einwanderungsthese has been criticised (e.g. Dumézil 962). In particular historians of religion have felt that Snorri’s account cannot be taken literally. It is imbued with rhetoric and literary topoi with roots in sources such as Livy and Euhemerus. According to Georges Dumézil (962), Odin is as old as several other deities occurring in Old Norse mythology, including Tyr, hor, Frey and Freya. All of these gods appear in a fundamental Indo-European structure that Dumézil called “l’idéologie tripartite”. Gods with similar functions to the Old Norse deities occur, for instance, in the Vedic Pantheon. hus Odin belongs to a common Indo-European heritage. In this article, an alternative explanation of Odin’s background is proposed. Although accepting the idea that Odin was an old deity in Scandinavia, we suggest that his character and cult changed when Scandinavians came into contact with other peoples in continental Europe. For instance, the cult of Mithras was very popular among Roman soldiers serving in the Roman army in the Rhineland. Worshippers of Odin most likely encountered these groups. his notion, that the cult of Odin may have been influenced by the worship Cultural influences from the Romans he southern Germanic tribes made early contact with the Romans. Julius Caesar was one of the first Roman leaders to embark on organised campaigns in Germanic regions. After him, there were several attempts to conquer these tribes. Figure 1. Roman weapons and military equipment from Illerup. After v. Carnap Bornheim and Ilkjær 1996. Photos from Taf. 34, 93, 107, 130.  ODIN AND MITHRAS Figure 2. Map showing the distribution of documented mithraic sanctuaries. After Hinnells 1985 [1973]:77. Augustus, for instance, wanted to push the Roman border eastward to the Elbe. After the disaster in the Teutoburger Forest, however, these plans were given up. he Rhine then became the border (Limes) between the Roman empire and Germania. Romans and Germanic tribes continued to clash, however, and under Marcus Aurelius the balance between Germanic tribes was disturbed. As a consequence, some tribes started to move and expand into Roman territories. During this period, an intensive cultural exchange between the Romans and Germanic people began, leading to a strong influence of Roman ideas on Germanic culture. Scandinavians also had direct or indirect contact with the Roman cultural sphere. his is not least shown by the many Roman artefacts found on Scandinavian sites. Some of these reflect peaceful trade. In Denmark, for example, there are places that are believed to have been transit stations in this trade (cf. Lund Hansen 987, 995). In all likelihood, ideas also passed through these stations. Scandinavians may also have travelled to the Limes to trade or enrol in the Roman legions. he Roman army had auxiliary troops with soldiers recruited mainly from peoples living beyond the imperial border. hese auxiliary units were present from the first century onwards, and during the fourth and fifth centuries, the majority of the imperial army consisted of foreign recruits (cf. Elton 996:34ff). It is highly likely that Scandinavians also were assigned to these troops (cf. Rausing 987; Axboe 99:87ff; Storgaard 200:97ff). hose who returned to the homeland gained a prominent role in society, since they often had both military experience and probably belonged to powerful families from the beginning. It has been argued that this particular kind of leader contributed to political, economic and social change in Scandinavia during the Late Roman and Migration Period (overview in Kaliff and Sundqvist 2004). It has been argued that some of the war-booty sacrifices from Denmark, containing Roman military equipment, may be a reflection of groups that first acted as soldiers in the Roman auxiliary troops, or at least were strongly influenced by the Roman military system (cf. Albrethsen 999:26). Some of the Roman Iron Age graves of southern Scandinavia, containing high-status burial gifts, rich weaponry and imported Roman luxury goods, may also reflect individuals with such experience. (Nicklasson 997:69ff). Another type of structure seen in the Scandinavian archaeological record, which may also derive from Roman military systems, is the hillfort (fornborg), especially the ringforts (ringborgar) on the island of Öland. Joachim Werner (949:267f) suggested that their prototype should be sought in the Roman-Byzantine empire. Trade relations between Romans and Scandinavians have also been discussed. It has been hypothesised that skins and leather from Scandinavia were important export products to the Roman Empire, with the Roman army as one of the most important buyers (Hagberg 967:5ff). Besides leather and fur, also amber, textiles, wool and honey may have been exported from the north (Lund Hansen 987:234ff). here is also linguistic evidence of the Roman impact on Scandinavian culture. During the Migration Period, Latin loanwords were incorporated into Germanic languages. Many of these can be connected to trade and military systems, such as ON ketill (Lat. catillus, diminutive of catinus), vín (Lat. vinum) and Goth militōn (Lat. militare) (Green 998:20ff, 29ff). Of particular note is the adoption of the Latin suffix -arius (e.g. scolarius), since it involves the deep structure of language (Wessén 979:30ff). his can also be seen in OHG mulināri, ON mylnari (cf. Lat. molinarius). Also, the names of days of the week were based on a system adopted from the Romans. In Rome, days were named after the names of the gods, e.g. Martis dies, Mercurii dies, Iovis dies, etc. Sometime before the spread of Christianity in Europe, the Germanic peoples took over this system, by which the days of the week became, via interpretatio germanica, ON týsdagr, óðinsdagr and þórsdagr, for example (Green 998:236ff).  OLD NORSE RELIGION IN LONG-TERM PERSPECTIVES฀฀฀฀฀฀฀฀฀฀฀ be outlined. We do not argue that all of these should be seen as a consequence of Mithraic impact on the Odin cult. Some similarities may have existed there even before the encounter. However, such connections may have facilitated the transition of other rituals, belief systems or iconography. Both Mithras and Odin were related to military groups that were closely knit by a specific religious ideology, containing zoomorphic elements and initiation (cf. Davidson 978:0). In Scandinavia, these retainers were called ON berserkir or ulfheðnar (e.g. Höfler 934; critically by von See 96). hey wore animal masks resembling a bear or a wolf in ritual dances, as attested on a helmet-plate die from Torslunda, Öland. According to Icelandic traditions these warriors were connected with warlike rulers.1 heir loyalty towards the king was often emphasised and they seemed to be organised in hierarchical units called ON hirð or lið. Some traditions also indicate that certain initiation rituals for joining such groups were performed, where a neophyte was stabbed by a spear, thus being consecrated to Odin.2 Some of these aspects resemble the Mithraic initiation where zoomorphic and military elements were involved. Every member of the cult was symbolically a soldier in the army of Mithras. Tertullian reports that the members were called Mithrae milites, ‘the soldiers of Mithras’ (De Corona, XV, 3.). he god himself was named Mithras invictus, ‘the unconquered Mithras’. He represented manliness and discipline. he cult seems to be the ideological base of a brotherhood. Values such as conformity, loyalty and devotion to the leader were highly esteemed (Clauss 990:33). In the initiation ritual a sword and a wreath played an essential role, as the neophyte also suffered a symbolic death (Tertullian, De Corona, XV,3; cf. CIMRM 87–95; Clauss 990:f). Only men could be initiated to the mysteries (Porfyrios, De abstinentia IV,6; Clauss 990:42). here was a hierarchical structure containing seven levels, perhaps also corresponding to military rank. he first level was that of “raven” (corax), the last and highest was that of “father” (pater) (Clauss 990:ff, 38ff). Mithras and Odin both had an ideology that comprised aspects of death. According to Old Norse traditions, Odin gathered the slain warriors (valr) from the battlefield in his residence, called Valhalla.3 hey were escorted to this place by Odin and his valkyrjur. his trip was often made on horseback or seated in a carriage pulled by horses. In Valhalla the einherjar had a pleasant life with fighting during the day and feasting in the evening. he Valhalla ideology probably encouraged the warriors to perform brave deeds on the battlefield. Like Odin and his valkyrjur, Mithras also escorted the dead to a divine home. here is a fragment from Virunum showing Mithras as a psychopomp together with Helius taking the dead, sitting in a chariot pulled by horses, up to heaven (CIMRM 430; cf. Clauss 990:93, 59f). Initiated Roman soldiers also may have found courage for battle from knowledge that salvation was guaranteed to those who belonged to Mithras. Both Mithras and Odin were thus related to rulers and military power. he Scandinavian elite worshipped Odin at ceremonial meals held in the ruler’s hall (e.g. Heimskringla I:67ff). During these feasts, the king’s role was similar to Odin’s in Valhalla. Both sat in halls with high seats surrounded by their retainers, and it appears that these feasts took place in a cosmic room (Kaliff and Sundqvist 2004:72ff). he Mithraic Figure 3. Mithras Tauroctonus – the scene where the god kills the bull – is central in the Mithraic mysteries. From Heddernheim, Germany. After Cumont 1896, Plate VII. Monument No. 251. Some general similarities between the cults of Odin and Mithras It is most reasonable to conclude that Scandinavians travelled down to the Limes to trade or enrol in Roman auxiliary troops. During these journeys, the Scandinavians not only adopted Latin trading terms and Roman military skills, but also ideological and religious ideas. he Germanic peoples living close to the Limes were under the influence of Roman religion and Late Antiquity cults (de Vries 970 [956–57]:§§9ff). In the middle of the Rhineland, private individuals raised altars of the type ex votum or ara, to praise Jupiter, Mars and Mercury. In some cases, there is reason to suspect that the altars were raised by Germanic people, particularly when a name of a Roman god appears with a Germanic byname, e.g. Mercurius Cimbrianus. Also Hellenistic cults, with an Oriental background were common in the Rhineland. Isis, for instance, was worshipped at Cologne (de Vries 970 [956–57]:§22). hese cults are generally classified as mystery cults. he most important in the Rhineland during this period was the cult of Mithras. In fact, most of the Mithraic finds discovered outside Italy have been made in this area (Davidson 978:0; on Mithraic finds in Germanic area, see Vermaseren 956–960: II, 47–43). here are thus reasons to believe that Germanic people in the Rhine area were acquainted with the Mithraic mysteries. Hilda Ellis Davidson (978) suggested that the Odin cult was influenced by the Mithraic mysteries. She argued that Odin was surrounded with the same animals as Mithras, e.g. the raven, the dog/wolf and the snake. Both deities also appeared as armed riders on horses. Both were also associated with Mercury by the Romans. Some of these similarities are very superficial and concern more form than content. But the quantity of them demands a more careful investigation. In the following, connections between Mithras and Odin will  ODIN AND MITHRAS Figure 5. Mithras Tauroctonus from a mithraeum in London compared with C-bracteate. After Cumont 1896 and Hauck 1985–86, Kat.-Nr 33, respectively. as a horse, though some scholars have suggested that it might be a buck since it sometimes has a goat’s beard. Horns also occasionally occur on its head, leading some to suggest the interpretation of the animal as an ox (overview in Mackeprang 952:56, 9). he stylised horns appear frequently on the Cbracteates. In our opinion, this is a fact that should not be overlooked. here are also problems in interpreting the head above the animal as a rider. Only in rare cases do the legs of the figure appear in a manner clearly indicating a rider’s stance.4 In most cases, the head and parts of the upper body rest on or even float above the back of the animal. In several cases, the figure appears to be standing behind the animal, with one of his hands on the animal’s neck or flank,5 or with the hand in this position but without any visible legs.6 In many cases, the animal seems to be a cross between a horse and an ox. he tail, neck and legs resemble those of a horse, while the cloven hooves, head and horns indicate an ox.7 Since cattle or bulls do not play a prominent role in Old Norse mythology, the horse interpretation has been preferred. Odin’s horse Sleipnir and other horses have central roles in these mythical traditions. If the motif of a man standing behind a bull is not known from ancient Scandinavian mythology, it might fit in better in other mythological contexts. For example, this motif is central in the Mithras cult, in the scene where the god kills the bull, a scene known to all initiated into the Mithraic mysteries. he mythical scene where Mithras kills the bull is essential and has been interpreted in different ways (overview in Beck 984:2078ff). his myth was important in the cult when performing the ceremonial feasts and meals in sanctuaries. he mithraeum was a long building with several rooms often located underground. In its inner parts, on one of the shorter walls, the scene of Mithras killing the bull was either painted or sculpted. Many iconographical representations of this kind have been documented, not least in the Rhine area.8 We will not here suggest that the motif on the C-bracteates was a direct transfer of the scene where Mithras kills the bull. he motif has however been mixed and fused with native Germanic ideas, mythology, style and iconography. Some attributes and notions concerning the emperor cult were most likely also transferred contemporaneously with the bull-killing motif. In addition, the solar symbolism, so important in Late Antiquity cults of Sol Invictus, Mithras and the Emperor, might also have been transferred to the bracteates. he decorative edgings around and in the inner fields of the bracteates, for instance, often have the character of solar symbolism.9 What we may be witnessing in these finds are traits of religious acculturation. Figure 4. he animal on the C-brateates has usually been interpreted as a horse but in many cases it is more likely to represent an ox, or a cross between a horse and an ox. After Hauck 1985–86, Kat.-Nr 35, 155, 194, 303. cult and the mithraeum also displayed these cosmic-political dimensions. Mithraic ceremonies were carried out as ritual repetitions of the mythical feast celebrated by Mithras and his companions in the cave (Beck 984:2083f, 2089ff). During the cultic feast, the leader (pater) sat in some kind of high seat, reinforcing the legitimacy of his exercise of power. he pro salute inscriptions show that the Mithraic members saluted the emperor and wished him good luck in a way similar to the Old Norse til sigrs declamations (cf. Clauss 990:33ff). he cults of both Mithras and Odin thus no doubt had ideological implications. he custom of relating the ruler and his family to a deity, so common in the Roman emperor cult, also gained ground in Scandinavia during the Migration Period and later times (Kaliff and Sundqvist 2004:52ff, 76f). In e.g. Vellekla and Háleygjatal, ruling families from Norway counted themselves as descendants of Odin. Iconographic evidence A striking similarity between the Mithras and Odin cults may be found in the iconography. Gold bracteates from the Migration Period have long been regarded as expressions influenced by Roman culture, inspired by Roman emperor medallions or gold coins. he motifs decorating them vary, leading them to be classified according to several different categories. his study focuses on the C-bracteates, containing an image of a large human head above a four-legged animal, often interpreted as a horse. Other animals, such as birds and fish, may also be seen. It has been suggested that this type of image reflects Odin in a mythical scene. Karl Hauck is of the opinion that Odin is curing Balder’s horse here (Hauck 985:99ff, 06, 2002:8ff). Other scholars have argued that the images depict Odin as a shaman riding to the “other world”, followed by ravens, his helping spirits (Hedeager 997:273f). It has been argued that the medallions had a specific religiouspolitical function in society and were used by elite groups as expressions of power. he images on them reflected thus not only the god, but also the ruler who saw himself as descending from divinity. his ideology was also inspired by ideas occurring in the Roman emperor cult (cf. Axboe 99:9ff). he four-legged animal thus has usually been interpreted  OLD NORSE RELIGION IN LONG-TERM PERSPECTIVES฀฀฀฀฀฀฀฀฀฀฀ he character of Odin may have been inspired by elements from the Mithraic cult, Roman emperor cult, Sol Invictus, Isis cult and other cultural contexts. Most important, however, was the native Germanic conception of him. If the bracteates remind us of the scene where Mithras kills the bull, this does not necessarily mean that it is Mithras represented on them. he bull-killing motif may merely have inspired the artist, who transformed it into the Germanic style and world of ideas. his may be why the four-legged animal resembles both an ox and a horse. Perhaps the intention was to depict the known mythical motif of Odin and Sleipnir, or Odin and Balder’s horse, yet the prototype, the Mithraic scene, still exerted an influence when it was made. We are of course aware of the chronological gap between the frequent presence of the Mithraic cult at the Limes and the bracteates. his is not necessarily a problem for the interpretation – perhaps on the contrary it supports it further – as we are discussing an acculturation process in which certain iconographical elements were reused and copied over time. Sandbjerg Slot 11–15 april 1989. Jysk Arkæologisk Selskabs Skrifter XXVII. Århus: Jysk Arkæologisk Selskab. Beck, R. 984. Mithraism since Franz Cumont. In W. Hasse (ed.) Aufstieg und Niedergang der Römischen Welt II, 7.4. 2002–25. Berlin and New York: de Gruyter. Behn, F. 928. Das Mithrasheiligtum zu Dieburg. In RömischGermanische Forschungen . 63–. Berlin: de Gruyter. von Carnap Bornheim, C. and Ilkjær, J. 996. Illerup Ådal. Die Prachtausrüstungen. Tafelband. Jutland Archaeological Society Publications XXV:7. Aarhus: Aarhus University Press. CIMRM = Corpus inscriptionum et monumentorum religionis Mithriacae I–II. 956–960. M. J. Vermaseren. (ed.). he Hague: Martinus Nijhoff. Clauss, M. 990. Mithras. Kult und Mysterien. Munich: Beck. Clemen, C. 937. Mithrasmysterien und germanische Religion, Archiv für Religionswissenschaft 34:27–226. Cumont, F. 896–99. Textes et monuments figurés relatifs aux mystères de Mithra I–II. Brussels: Imprimerie Polleunis & Ceuterick. Davidson, H. Ellis. 978. Mithras and Wodan. In J. Duchesne-Guillemin (ed.) Études mithriaques. 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Warenaustausch zwischen dem Römischen Reich und dem freien Anders Kaliff National Heritage Board, Archaeological Excavations Department, Linköping anders.kaliff@raa.se Olof Sundqvist Humanities and Social Siences, University College of Gävle ost@hig.se Notes  E.g. Haraldskvæði, Skj. B:22ff; Egils saga, 22f; Heimskringla I:7. 2 Perhaps Heimskringla I:7, 22f. Hávamál st. 38ff. 3 Hákonarmál, Skj. B:57ff.; Eiríksmál, Skj. B:64ff.; Grímnismál st. 8–0, 8–26; Gylfaginning 37–40. 4 Cf. Hauck 985–86, Kat.-Nr. 65; 92; 2; 73. 5 Cf. Hauck 985–86, Kat.-Nr. 58; 75,; 75,2; 75,3; 42; 300. 6 E.g. Hauck 985–86, Kat.-Nr. 25; 33; 50; 94,; 94,2; 96,; 96,2; 96,3; 96,4; 47; 54,; 54,2; 54,3. 7 E.g. Hauck 985–86, Kat.-Nr. 2; 33; 35; 45; 50; 59; 68; 89; 40; 55; 78,; 78,2; 78,3; 94; 272; 303. 8 CIMRM 02; 04; 09; 083; 084. 9 Cf. Hauck 985–86, Kat.-Nr. ; 2; 4,2; 48; 57,; 06; 27; 44,; 62,; 209; 22; 298; 365, References Albrethsen, S. E. 999. 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