Narrative discourse in the construction of Mapuche ethnic identity in context of displacement

676695 DAS0010.1177/0957926516676695Discourse & SocietyMerino et al. research-article2016 Article Narrative discourse in the construction of Mapuche ethnic identity in context of displacement Discourse & Society 2017, Vol. 28(1) 60–80 © The Author(s) 2016 Reprints and permissions: sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav https://doi.org/10.1177/0957926516676695 DOI: 10.1177/0957926516676695 journals.sagepub.com/home/das María-Eugenia Merino and Sandra Becerra Universidad Católica de Temuco, Chile Anna De Fina Georgetown University, USA Abstract This article examines the ways in which narrative discourse contributes to the construction of Mapuche ethnic identities within a context of displacement and investigates how such identities are negotiated in interactional contexts of communication. The larger study comprised 12 focus groups and 36 in-depth semi-structured interviews with members of Mapuche families living in four comunas (neighborhoods) of Santiago, Chile. For this article, the analysis is based on 12 interviews and six focus groups directed by a native speaker Mapuche woman interviewer and complemented by participant observations of everyday life and ceremonial events in the comunas. From a social constructivist framework, we focus on narrative genres and topics based on their emergence in interaction. Our method is through De Fina and Georgakopoulou’s ‘Social Interactional’ approach, which recognizes the discursive sedimented processes that produce, for example, recognizable genres and themes typical of a group or community. We demonstrate that storytelling has a crucial role in the connections of Mapuche to their southern roots through narrative references to family centered on traditional practices recreated in an urban context. Keywords Narrative, recreated Mapuche ethnic identity, time–place chronotopes, urban sites Corresponding author: María-Eugenia Merino, Universidad Católica de Temuco, San Martin 02241, Temuco, Chile 4800944. Email: mmerino@uct.cl Merino et al. 61 Introduction In this article we analyze narratives told by members of Mapuche communities who live in Santiago de Chile after having relocated or having been moved from their place of origin in the south of the country. The data come from a three-year qualitative research aimed at investigating the construction of ethnic identity by Mapuche indigenous in Santiago, their relation to place and their maintenance or recreation of cultural practices in new urban places. Our main objectives here are to analyze ways in which narrative discourse contributes to the construction of Mapuche identities within a context of displacement and to study how such identities are negotiated in interactional contexts of communication. The research also strives to contribute to identifying traditional narrative practices within the Mapuche communities. Our interest in these topics is manifold. On the one hand, we believe that because of the history of exclusion and marginalization of the Mapuche in Chile, the customs and feelings of members of these indigenous groups have been greatly neglected both in research and in real life, and therefore that investigating their perceptions and constructions about social experience will allow non-members to better understand them and political agents to design more adequate policies for them. On the other hand, we are interested in the role that narrative and storytelling have in all aspects of social life and we want to contribute to the growing body of research on this issue. The article is structured as follows. We start by providing some background information on the Mapuche people in Chile. We then present our theoretical frame of reference focusing on social constructionist conceptions of identity and practice oriented approaches to narrative and the main concepts that sustain the analysis, particularly Bakhtin’s notion of chronotope and the concept of positioning. In the following section we introduce the methodology of the study. Next we present the analysis, discussion and conclusions. Background: The Mapuche in Chile The Mapuche are the largest indigenous population in Chile. According to Census 2002 (Censo, 2002) their number was 846,444, corresponding to 4.6% of the total Chilean population (16,928,873). However, Census 2012 (still in process) has shown that the current Mapuche population has reached 1,183,102 and the total Chilean population 18,123,444, statistics supported by CASEN (2012). Today the majority of the Mapuche are concentrated in Santiago, reaching 42% of the total of self-declared Mapuche. The Mapuche people were the first inhabitants of half of the territory known today as Chile and Argentina. Before the Spanish arrived in 1541 they occupied a vast territory in the southern Cone of the continent, and the population numbered about 2 million. After centuries of land deprivation and sociocultural, political and economic domination and forced migration to urban areas, particularly Santiago, the Mapuche are still culturally and linguistically vital. This despite the dispossession of Mapuche land and ancestral ritual sites from the part of the subsequent Chilean governments. The argument behind this was that they were in fact ‘terra nullius’ with no production of the land, therefore intervention and occupation of the territories was seen as justified in terms of using and commercializing the natural resources available. The tension between the dominant society and the displaced Mapuche communities has continued until the present. An 62 Discourse & Society 28(1) example is the so-called ‘Mapuche conflict’ in the Araucania region in Chile’s south where Mapuche community members, and in particular younger generations, are demanding the return of ancestral territory (Richards, 2010; Mayol, 2012; Calluqueo, 2012). The displacement of Mapuche migrants from the southern territories to the capital of Chile has challenged them with an ongoing process involving continuous mobility and communication between their sending communities and Santiago, and also between the past and present through their narratives of migration. However, little is known yet about the consequences and also connections and cultural practices they keep with their ancestral land-territory at a distance (Merino et al., 2016). In recent years the Chilean government has tried to redress some of the inequities of the past, and in 1993 the Parliament passed Law 19.253 (Indigenous Law) which officially recognized the Mapuche people and seven other ethnic minorities, as well as the Mapudungun language and culture. Mapudungun, the use of which was prohibited before, is now included in the curriculum of rural elementary schools in the Araucania region. Despite representing 4.6% of the Chilean population, few Mapuche have reached government positions. In 2006, among Chile’s 38 senators and 120 deputies only one identified as indigenous. The number of indigenous politicians in electoral office is higher at municipal levels. Furthermore, a prevailing attitude within contemporary Chilean society is the presence of prejudice and discrimination against Mapuches. Prejudice and discrimination have been reported in everyday oral interaction among Chileans (Merino, 2006; Merino et al., 2004; Merino and Quilaqueo, 2003), in public and political discourse (Merino and Quilaqueo, 2004; San Martín, 2001) and in educational practices and school textbooks (Merino and Quilaqueo, 2007). Theoretical frame Discourse analytic and sociolinguistic studies of identity have grown exponentially in the last three decades and much research has been devoted to the constitutive relations between storytelling and the construction and negotiation of identities. This body of work and knowledge has developed building on a number of theoretical references that include, among others, early theorizations in sociology about the constructed nature of social reality (see e.g. Berger and Luckmann, 1967), understandings about the processual and ongoing character of identity construction in cultural theory (see Hall, 1996), and insights into the performative nature of identity displays coming from gender studies (see Butler, 1990). Discourse analysts and sociolinguists have added their own emphasis on the centrality of language and discourse within these processes (see Antaki and Widdicombe, 1998; Bucholtz and Hall, 2005; De Fina et al., 2006). From a social constructionist perspective then, identities are emergent and context dependent; they are built and negotiated within specific interactional occasions and communication processes that are both context shaping and context shaped. It is within this framework that identity is analyzed in this article. The insights discussed so far have been particularly fruitful in the study of narratives since storytelling is seen by many as the most important locus for self-construction and self-projection. Recent approaches, however, have also rejected simple one-to-one connections among identity, self and narrative (De Fina, 2003, 2015; De Fina and Merino et al. 63 Georgakopoulou, 2012), arguing that narratives are not just unmediated reflections of the self, or the product of coherent identity constructions, but rather discursive practices. De Fina and Georgakopoulou (2008) put forth an approach they called ‘Social Interactional’ that combines ‘a view of narrative as talk in interaction with the recognition of the role of social processes at different scales that impact the genesis, functions, negotiation and negotiability of narratives’ (p. 383). In this approach, the stress is on the emergent, co-constructed nature of stories and on the fact that narrative structures are not fixed, but are resources deployed by narrators in response to rhetorical and communicative needs. Indeed, here we do not identify narrative with the canonical story, as described by Labov (1972), but rather adopt a more flexible view. In Labov’s model a narrative usually revolves around a complication, presents an orientation on the place and time of the action as is evaluated by the narrator in terms of its significance for her or him and the audience. We retain the idea that narratives are recounts of past experience, but we allow for the possibility of different narrative genres, including habitual, generic narratives and small stories. Our emphasis is therefore on the investigation of narrative genres and topics based on their emergence in interaction. This is not to deny the role of habituality in discursive practices. Our approach recognizes the existence of sedimented processes that produce, for example, recognizable genres (see Bauman, 2001; Hanks, 1996) and themes that may be typical of a group or a community. For this reason both space and time are also regarded as important structuring forces that ground narratives and the negotiation of identities within specific contexts. As we hope to show, these contexts are multiple as they encompass different scales – some more local, some more global, some with long time development and some more immediate. In the case of the narratives studied here, for example, the following contexts can be regarded as significant for the analysis of identities: (a) the local interaction between a Mapuche interviewer and members of Mapuche families (including participant roles and role of interview in the community); (b) dominant discourses about the Mapuche, including widespread prejudice about them being lazy and dirty and images about Mapuche being terrorists, particularly with regard to their territory claims in the southern regions of the country; (c) intra-group binary representations about ‘authentic’ Mapuche identity (e.g. the opposition between rural and urban Mapuche, this latter regarded as ‘ahuincado’1); (d) physical environmental conditions of life in the Santiago comunas;2 (e) historical processes of forced displacement and of land appropriations by the government. The choice of these as relevant contexts and the interpretation of ways in which they may be significant to the analysis derive from the adoption of an ethnographic perspective as a fundamental methodological point of reference in the research. In accordance with ethnographic principles (see e.g. Agar, 1996; Geertz, 1973), we tried to both grasp what categories of identity made sense for our interviewees and generate holistic 64 Discourse & Society 28(1) understandings of our data. Indeed, as we explain in the following, the choice of a Mapuche interviewer and researcher was aimed not only at facilitating talk with families living in the four comunas following established patterns of communication within those communities, but also at creating the conditions for eliciting emic perspectives on social processes and categories of belonging. Interviews were complemented with participant observation of events in the community and of family life (as the interviewer spent time with the families and was hosted by some of them) and by ethnographic notes on and photos of these events and many other aspects of life in the comunas, the configuration of living spaces, and the recreation of cultural places for the development of Mapuche rites and social activities. Following data collection, all analyses and interpretations were checked against the understandings of our collaborator, who is a community insider. In addition to the theoretical methodological frame described here, two constructs have guided our analysis: the concept of chronotope and the concept of positioning. The idea of the importance of the chronotope for narrative analysis was first introduced by Bakhtin (1981), who defined it as follows: ‘We will give the name chronotope [literally “timespace”] to the intrinsic connectedness of temporal and spatial relationships that are artistically expressed in literature’ (pp. 84–85). Bakhtin showed that novels were often organized around linked time–place relations and that such relations expressed in the chronotope were also at the basis of literary genres. For example, he illustrated how the chronotope of the threshold combines particular places with moments of crisis in which time is instantaneous rather than continuous (Perrino, 2015: 142). The notion of chronotope has been productively extended to the study of identities. As argued by Blommaert and De Fina (2015), It is possible to see and describe much of what is observed as contemporary identity work as being chronotopically organized. Indeed, it is organized in, or at least with reference to, specific time-space configurations which are nonrandom and compelling as contexts. (p. 2) As we will see, the interviewees develop their narratives around the chronotope of ‘the south’ as a place that marks in a central way their belonging, as a place in which defining practices are carried out and to which these practices belong, and ultimately as a place that is characterized by its connection with the past and ancient times, both in terms of the life of individuals and in terms of the life of the community outskirts. A second construct that was important for the analysis was the concept of positioning. Positioning theory, developed originally by Davies and Harré (1990), has been applied to narrative by Bamberg (1997) and others (see Depperman, 2015). Bamberg proposed that narrators’ identities are conveyed and negotiated through the way they portray themselves and others as characters in the story world, the way they portray themselves as interactants with other participants, and the way they relate to dominant discourses and narratives. In the analysis we will pay particular attention to interactive positioning since most of the narratives told do not revolve around complex characters, complications and actions, but rather narrators depict themselves within everyday events and actions that highlight their ethnic identification with the Mapuche culture in the context of migration and relocation. We will also talk about positioning toward dominant discourses attained Merino et al. 65 by narrators through a plurality of strategies that include the use of constructed dialogue, code-switching or the selection of culturally loaded lexical items and expressions, repetition and emphasis. We will point to such strategies in the analysis. It is, however, important to note that positioning is reciprocal and often co-constructed by interlocutors. Methodology The data on which this article is based are constituted by 12 individual interviews and six focus groups of Mapuche people of the four comunas of Santiago, which have the largest proportions of Mapuche population (Censo, 2002). The comunas are Cerro Navia (6.5% of total inhabitants), La Pintana (6.12%), Peñalolén (4.8%) and Lo Prado (4.75%). They are characterized by unfavorable physical and environmental conditions, basic state-subsidized housing in reduced spaces, and scarce green recreational areas. In addition, these comunas exhibit a high level of social vulnerability reflected in high unemployment, criminal behavior, and high drug and alcohol consumption rates. The sample type was designed to be indicative in nature (Flick, 2004) in strict accordance with the objectives of the study. Participants’ inclusion criteria considered self-identification as Mapuche, one of the family members having migrated to Santiago, and the presence of various levels of educational attainment and different types of work activities. Participation of interviewees was voluntary, and anonymity and confidentiality were guaranteed through an informed consent signed by the participants. Due to space constraints, we present all narratives in their English translation, although we do preserve utterances in Mapudungun. The data were collected through semi-structured conversational interviews with a duration of one hour and in the case of family focus groups around two hours. Both interviews were directed by a native speaker Mapuche woman interviewer and guided by a set of topics, the guidelines and protocol of which were reviewed through a pilot study. The interviews and focus groups were conducted following the cultural characteristics of the Mapuche dialogue (ngütram). Likewise, and in order to ensure cultural appropriateness, the interviews were conducted according to Mapuche customary conversational protocol, which includes chaliwün,3 pentukun,4 tuwün and küpan,5 and the offering of a yewün6 for each subject participant and his or her family members. A brief prayer7 was performed at the beginning of the conversation to ask the spirits for a smooth and successful conversation. Interviews and focus group were held at participants’ homes, complying with the conditions of privacy, to maintain a conversation in an environment of trust and having quiet conditions to allow audio recording. Subsequently, the narratives were transcribed to a digital format for the analysis. For the purpose of this article, 12 out of the total 48 interviews were selected considering their contribution to narrative content. Interviews were complemented by participant observation since the interviewer often stayed with the families and the team conducted observations of everyday life activities and ceremonies in the comunas. The analysis is focused on the way narrative discourse contributes to the construction of Mapuche identity within a context of displacement from ancestral communities in the south to the capital of the country, and the identification of discursive references to 66 Discourse & Society 28(1) traditional Mapuche narrative practices, which contribute to indexing ethnic identity. For this purpose, we conducted on the one hand a thematic analysis which provided an account of themes and practices of authentication that are significant to the interviewees, and on the other an analysis of genres, functions and interactional management within storytelling episodes. The thematic analysis was aimed at individuating topics and cultural practices that are regarded by participants as connected to indigenous identity. This analysis was complemented and informed by the results of the ethnographic observations conducted within the project. The latter were focused on the identification of ways in which the Mapuche reproduced traditions and the cultural elements and artifacts that they cultivated and regarded as defining them as a group. We then studied narrative genres and interactional positioning. For analysis we provide contextualizing information about the participants by keeping the interviewees’ first name initials, sex, age and the comuna where he/she currently lives in Santiago. Analysis As explained in the ‘Introduction’ section, our analysis focuses on the ways in which participants use narratives to construct and negotiate identities. We found different narratives genres and narrative foci that emerged in connection with explicit discourse about identity or implicit identity positioning. By explicit discourse we mean, for example, questions by the interviewer about the way members of the community maintained Mapuche customs or performed certain traditions. By implicit positioning we mean talk from which it could be inferred that identity was being negotiated by the interviewer or the interviewees, for example when interviewers were describing their personal life trajectories or when they were discussing objects and customs that they regarded as typical of the Mapuche. Within these contexts we encountered the following types of narratives: (a) historical narratives about Mapuche origins; (b) narratives about the community struggles to obtain specific rights and spaces; (c) narratives of migration to the city; (d) narrative references to customs and people in the south or brief narratives about the reproduction of certain traditional practices; a subset of the latter focused on dreams and their interpretation or on experiences as sensitive and traditional medicine practitioners. While historical narratives and narratives of community struggle were used to define and negotiate the basis and origins of a collective identity and narratives of migration were often connected to the construction of individual or family identities and characteristics, narrative references and narratives related to traditional practices constituted the terrain for the negotiation of what it means to be an authentic member of the Mapuche community within an urban context. Thus, in this article we will concentrate on these latter two types of narratives in order to illustrate how Mapuche identity is constructed and negotiated by interviewees and co-constructed with the Mapuche interviewer. In this Merino et al. 67 connection, we will also argue that these stories demonstrate the centrality of the chronotope of the south for the representation and display of ethnic identity among members of the communities studied. Let us start with the stories that we have called ‘narrative references’, which represent a type of small story that appears ubiquitously in the data. Narrative references are not developed stories, but rather references to the past, most often in the form of the reporting of habitual or repeated actions by the narrator or family members, often parents or grandparents. As we will see, practices referenced are cooking, farming, playing instruments and cultivating plants. Narrators may also simply refer in the past to places and objects that are located in the south. Indeed, as we see in the narrative below, one recurrent topic around which narrative references are constructed is one’s tuwün:1 (1) Participants: (I) interviewer, (MG) interviewee, woman, 52, La Pintana. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. I: I would like to know your name, how long you have lived here, how you got to have this ruka2 in this great Santiago, I mean, anybody would imagine, or say ‘Oh in Santiago there are no rukas’ but I got here to this ruka, and I say there is a ruka MG: hm.. yes, and we have chicken @ yes, and they are being recorded @ ahhhh, well I was born in Lautaro in a ruka at my maternal grandfather’s house, and my parents (.) well my dad came first to Santiago to look for work in nineteen seventy nine, seventy eight (.) it seems a long time, and later, little by little he sent for his wife and children (.) ok but in that lapse that hm:: I lived in the south (.) I liked being with with my maternal grandfather, so my mum lived in her father-in-law’s house in another place and wherever I would see my grandfather, I would go with him because I liked being with him, with them in the country, in the, in the land where I was born I: Ok. Let us first comment on the talk preceding the narrative reference (lines 11–13). The interviewer starts the conversation by asking MG to introduce herself and say how long she has been living in Santiago. The interviewer relates her surprise when entering MG’s place and finding a ruka, or a traditional ceremonial construction built within the patio (lines 1–3). By making reference to the ruka, she positions herself immediately as a Mapuche. MG responds to this with a parallel positioning by pointing out that they have chicken in the ruka, another index of cultural authenticity as the presence of chicken is common in Mapuche houses and ceremonial places. The theme of the ruka as a traditional place is taken up again as MG opens the narration with a brief abstract about the rural site where she was born in the south. She highlights that she was delivered in her grandfather’s ruka and underlines that it was her grandpa’s ruka on her mother’s side (line 6). This orientation is crucial to the narrative reference developed in lines 10−13. The story continues with MG relating her father’s moving to Santiago for better work opportunities (lines 7–8) and her living with her grandfather while her mother remained with her father-in-law, a custom which is widely shared among Mapuche people since when women marry they go and live in their in-laws’ house. In lines 11–13, MG makes 68 Discourse & Society 28(1) one of the narrative references that are typical of this corpus ‘and wherever I would see my grandfather, I would go with him, because I liked being with him, with them in the country, in the land … where I was born’. Notice here the repetition of the words ‘grandfather’ and ‘I liked it’ and the narrator’s connection with the southern land as her place of origin, which anchors her argument (line 13: ‘in the land where I was born’). Through this narrative reference, the narrator indexes the centrality of the tuwün as the anchoring of identity. It is also important to note that while the narrative reference could be seen as a continuation of the main migration story, it can also be argued that it represents a genre in its own terms, since similar references are encountered in most of the interviews. Narrative references seem, therefore, to constitute a positioning device that indexes the narrators’ authenticity. Narrative references may also relate to customs and practices carried out in the communities with the elders and make mention of ancestors. In the following focus group, the participants have been talking about Mapuche cultural practices that the family recreates at home: (2) Participants: (I) interviewer, (M) interviewee, woman, 83, (A) M’s daughter, 48, Cerro Navia. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. A: sure, with my mum we always make sopaipillas,3 those things (.), so we don’t lose them, drinking water and flour,4 chicha and flour,5 M: I think that in many Mapuche families (in Santiago) there is a matecito6 herbs for the mate, the nostalgia, I think nowadays the Mapuche culture here in the community many people already have (.) you can find clothes, trarilonko,7 our own things (.) I: That’s right. M: because one’s got it inside, I think (.) one keeps the culture profoundly within the self, one remembers about one’s ancestors (.) about mum, dad and grandparents, because my father and my mother did not speak much Spanish, they spoke more the Mapuzugun, they spoke it faster, and they taught us all about the culture (.) I: sure, that’s right lamngen8 This fragment comes after the interviewer asked the group if they cook Mapuche food. We see that A, who was born in Santiago, makes a number of past reconstructions centered on traditional practices, foods and objects. She refers to the cooking of sopaipillas, assigning a co-agentive role to her mother as she emphasizes in the word ordering ‘with my mum we always make sopaipillas’ (line 1). She also categorizes two practices (drinking agüita con harina and chicha con harina) as traditional by describing them as ‘those things that are not lost’ (line 2). To support A’s stance M, her mother, states that such practices are being taken up by the Mapuche neighboring families due to the people’s nostalgia for the south, which she exemplifies through the customs of drinking mate and wearing traditional clothing and jewelry like the trarilonko (line 5). Again M positions herself as Mapuche and at the same time aligns with the interviewer by describing these artifacts as ‘our own things’ (line 6) and underlines the idea of their Merino et al. 69 being part of one’s ethnic identity through the following expansion, ‘one keeps the culture profoundly within the self’ (lines 8–9). Finally, M also makes a nostalgic reference to her parents and grandparents in the south who would speak the Mapuche language perfectly well and transmitted the cultural traditions to their offspring (lines 9−13). As shown in the above two brief stories, the chronotope of the south is recreated in both A’s and M’s narrations in nostalgic ways, as an evocation of their true roots, and therefore plays a central function in identity negotiations with the interviewer. Indeed, in the first story MG affirms her identity making reference to the tuwün. In the second example, A indexes her Mapuche identity through references to the performance of activities such as cooking Mapuche food with M, and the latter explicitly advocates for the reproduction of those same practices in the city and for their transmission to children. Narrative references about the importance of traditions are at times also inserted within argumentative discourse. We reproduce one such case in the next fragment. The interviewee asked the interviewer to allow her to speak in Mapudungun since her Spanish was precarious: (3) Participants: (M) interviewee, woman, 74, La Pintana, (I) interviewer. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. I: Fey nentuaymün ta guillatun pinmün ka (they say that they are planning to perform a gillatun9 soon) M: May, ka mülealu guillatun tüfa (.) welu müna pichilewi kimzugulu mapuzun ka lamgen (.) niekefun kiñe ñazu (.) kiñe lamgen kimgefuy,kimkefuy mapuzugun (yes, we are going to have a gillatun soon but I am sorry that only very few people speak Mapudungun, I had a sister in law, a lamngen who had much knowledge about the language because she spoke the language) I: Feley tati (you are right) M: Tüfa perdiei (.) ngewelay ini tani (.) tani dungual, mapuche dungual (the language is being lost nowadays, there aren’t people who can speak it correctly) I: Feley (Yes) M: Tañi pu pünen kiñe pichi azelnie müten egün (my own children speak it very little (.) the Mapudungun language) Na weza kompüle ta femi ta amun ta sur ka fey kim zuguwelay ta che domo wentxu, wechekeche (what a pity the language is not spoken today, no one, neither women nor young men, they do not speak it) Kuyfi tañi ñuke tañi nanüng (in old times my mother, my cousin in law taught me the language, they spoke Mapudungun) I: Feley tati papay (you are right, old lady10) This fragment opens with the interviewer’s comment that she has heard that the Mapuche organization is planning a guillatun ceremonial in the coming months. Again, talk about the guillatun immediately evokes the Mapuche identity of the community since M starts an argument about how bad the loss of the Mapudungun language is for 70 Discourse & Society 28(1) the community (lines 5−7) and how this loss is so widespread today (lines 9–10, 12–13). Two small narrative references are embedded within this argument: the first to the narrators’ sister-in-law speaking Mapudungun (line 3) and the second to both her and her mother teaching M the language ‘in old times’ (lines 10−11). Here, the narrative references seem to have the function of strengthening the narrator’s authority and therefore also the effectiveness of her argument. In line 3, reference to her sister-in-law speaking Mapudungun emphasizes the narrator’s stance that she was exposed to the language at home. The reference in lines 10−11 has the same role but also the narrator makes a contrast between the past and the present of the Mapudungun language, the here and there. We can observe two chronotopes operating in M’s narration: the Mapudungun language in the past and the present and their intimate connection to the place of residence (the past – the southern indigenous communities; the present – being a migrant in Santiago, the capital of the country). A second type of narrative that is used to convey identity by relating the present experience to the past and the place of origin are stories that revolve around traditional customs such as cooking ancestral dishes, dream interpretation and practicing ancestral herbal medicine and spirituality. The narrative reproduced next depicts the past experiences with the preparation of traditional foods such as tortillas,11 toasted flour12 and mote13 but also the need to bring or entrust people traveling to the south to bring back the wheat and ashes grown or made there for the cooking. The Mapuche communities in Santiago, located 700 km away from the south and the natural environment of the indigenous communities, offers most of the raw materials that traditional Mapuche cooking requires. In their talk, participants often stated that they preferred the southern wheat because it is more nutritious and flavored, thus underlining that successful cooking of traditional food necessitates local ingredients. In this focus group excerpt we encounter again G from Peñalolén, but this time she is participating with her family: her son (M) and her partner (J). The latter is not Mapuche; however, in his talk he stresses his strong identification with the Mapuche culture as a migrant from the south. He met G and her little children in the ‘campamentos’14 in the outskirts of the capital: (4) Interviewees: (G) woman, 59, (M) G’s son, 34, (J) man, 62, G’s partner, Peñalolen; (I) interviewer. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. I: okay, so traditions are still practiced here (.) G: yeah, that’s what we do here because these are traditions that one cannot lose, in fact we started to bring flour from the country and later we started to sell it here, and the guys (her children) brought wheat from the south and we started to make flour in an open fire,1 he (J) made a kallana15 to toast wheat, we started making flour and we finally made even for selling J: right, and now it is a good business that of toasted flour G: yes, and now people come to (buy) the toasted flour (.) M: our flour became well known and demanded J: and now it is not enough I: so now you have a grinder? J: just a hand grinder and I made it, the kallana is back there (points to a tiny Merino et al. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 71 patio adjacent to the kitchen-dining room) I: so you bring the wheat from the south (.) J: from the south, yes, because in summer when the guys go to the south they can bring it, also because it is tastier and cheaper (than buying it at the supermarket) G: I also used to prepare mote here, before I myself used to bring the ashes from the south2 and used to bring wheat too, and I had a challa16 and prepared mote (.) The fragment starts with an acknowledgment by the interviewer that the family has been practicing their traditions in various ways and therefore positions them as authentic Mapuche. Such positioning is embraced by G, who (like A in example 2) declares the importance of not losing certain traditions (line 2). As support for the family effort in that direction, she introduces a brief temporally ordered narrative that relates the bringing of flour from the south by her children, her partner making a kallana with adapted metal waste to toast wheat in an open fire and prepare toasted flour (lines 3−5), and the initiation of a business to sell the product. G and her family agree that the selling of this food has become the most important income for the family (lines 6−8), and J reinforces G’s argument (line 7). Selling (and in some cases preparing) Mapuche food to the neighborhood is a common activity that other migrant families in the sample also do as a family income. J emphasizes that he has a kallana that he himself made (line 12). The interviewer requires confirmation that the family does bring flour from the south and G responds that she follows that custom, adding that the food is more tasty (line 16). Notice the insertion of a narrative reference to a past in which G used to make another traditional dish, the mote, with ashes brought from the south, which she cooked in a challa (line 19). This extract highlights the family’s indexing of their respective ethnic identities again through narratives and narrative references centered on food tradition. Such alignment to traditional ways is supported through the description of the effort to reproduce authentic food by bringing original ingredients from the south to prepare and sell Mapuche food. In J’s case, a Chilean embracing the Mapuche tradition, his allegiance is underscored through reference to his ability to make ancient artifacts such as the kallana. Narrating dreams and their interpretation is also a recurrent practice that contextualizes ethnic identity as involving the ability to reproduce customs learned and rooted in the south within the urban context. As sensitive beings, the Mapuche attribute high relevance to dreams as premonitory messages that are to be deciphered by the members of the family in everyday interaction, specifically in the morning while drinking a collective mate16 in order to become prepared for what may happen to the dreamer. Below we discuss one of the narratives that are constructed around this practice. The group has been talking about dreams and their meanings within the Mapuche culture: (5) Participants: (B) interviewee, man, machi,17 Cerro Navia, (I) interviewer. The interviewer and interviewee had been talking about his role as a machi in the commune which, among other activities, includes interpreting pewma.18 72 Discourse & Society 28(1) 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. I: and do you also practice the pewma? B: yeah, of course, we tell our dreams, also, I have a kind of wisdom to understand dreams, so usually my friends or my daughter, or even my niece, who is also a machi, would turn to me and tell their dreams, so I interpret them. I: So, you interpret dreams? Yes, I do, sometimes it turns difficult when you have to tell a person that something bad is going to happen. For example, my daughter in law used to tell me her dreams and I felt really sad to say your mom is going to die (.) so I would always say ‘it’s a relative of yours’ I: mmh, and what did she dream about? B. (.) bu::h! (.) she dreamt that all her teeth would fall off, she would cry a lot and suddenly she got inside her dream (.) all those things were signs that the ‘umbilical cord was going to be cut’19 (her mother was going to die) At the beginning of the extract the interviewer asks B whether he interprets dreams. Notice that she uses the Mapudungun word pewma, thus inviting alignment from the interviewee. B begins with the opening device ‘yeah, of course’ (line 2) to confirm that narrating dreams is a common practice in his family, through the use of a plural ‘we’ pronoun. B positions himself as a particularly qualified individual in this area by commenting on his special wisdom for understanding dreams and on its recognition within the community (lines 2−3). He also indirectly conveys that he is a machi by mentioning that his niece is a machi ‘too’ (line 4). The category ‘machi’ is amply recognized by the Mapuche people as a membership category device. B continues positioning himself as a dream expert by narrating how friends, his daughter, and even his niece, whom he visits in the south, would regularly consult him about their dreams (lines 3−5). The interviewer reacts to this talk by inviting him to expand on this topic and in response to that B notes how dream interpretation is not an easy task because sometimes one has to tell a person that he or she is going to suffer (lines 7–8). At this point, B uses a habitual narrative about his daughter-in-law to support his argument that it is hard to convey bad news about the future. He uses constructed dialogue to transport the past interaction with his niece into the present moment and provide it with an emotional and dramatic atmosphere (lines 9–10). Then I urge him to continue the narration by revealing what the dream was about (line 11). Notice B’s reaction to I’s question. He utters the exclamatory discourse marker ‘buuhh’ (line 12), a kind of response cry (Goffman, 1978), which indexes both his dramatic interpretation of the dream and its subsequent consequences. At the same time it expresses the complexity of the situation in which the interviewer has driven him into. Indeed, as a machi he should not reveal details of an interpreted dream since its repetition might make the dream come true. However, B does reveal it (lines 13–14), indicating that the dream means the loss of a family member. It may be argued that B does this to negotiate his ethnic identity with the interviewer by providing even greater proof that he is a machi. Thus, it is likely that providing the correct interpretation of that particular dream will give him greater legitimacy as a Mapuche. This narrative strategy is supported by the fact that he uses a culturally shared expression, to ‘cut the umbilical cord’ to imply that someone’s mother is going to die (line 14). Merino et al. 73 Finally, brief narratives about experiences of connection to nature and spirituality are also recurrent in our participants’ talk in connection with identity construction. Indeed, the interviewer often asked members of comunas about places or sites that reminded them of their territory of origin. In the following extract MG answers one of those questions by describing not only the way nature was in her village, but also by linking her experiences with nature to her grandfather, therefore once again demonstrating the pervasiveness of the chronotope of the south in the way participants (including the interviewer) both express and convey belonging: (6) Participants: (I) interviewer, (MG) interviewee, woman, 52, La Pintana. In this section of the interview MG and I are talking about the ‘parcelas’20 that G used to visit in Huechuraba comuna in Santiago, as one of the places that reminded her of her place of origin in the south. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. MG: so those places (the parcelas) (.) in the past when I used to go there, when we used to have the activities (cultural rites and practices) in the plots, there were some places that reminded me of the roads I used to walk through with my grandfather (.) because of the smell of the grass, the trees, the flowers that you find there, the acacia tree for example, because the acacia tree is everywhere in the country, everywhere, so the smell of its flower was (.) was like breathing my grandfather’s place, and here (.) well, when everything is green (in winter time) you can feel the smell of grass (.) and there is a place over there, in that corner (pointing to the patio of her house) where we planted some trees and (.) sin querer queriendo21 a space was formed there, in the corner, and I call it ‘my little forest’, and over there I planted a rose hip, so now it grows and grows and blossoms, and when it blossoms (.) the smell, that smell of the rosehip, its flower, you feel like, I mean, I feel as if I were in the country, its smell, it is that smell (.) and the smell (.) (of flowers) kind of (.) identify you (.) and you say ‘that smell, that smell’ (.) one sort of trembles with those scents. G’s narration begins with a remembrance of the ‘parcelas’ in the Huechuraba comuna, which triggered a nostalgic narrative reference to her strolls with her grandfather along the country paths in the south (lines 3−4). Notice how G indexes a connection between the smell of the acacia trees in the parcelas and her grandfather in the southern countryside. G underscores how through this contact she would become transported to the south and metaphorically describes it like ‘breathing’ her grandfather’s place (lines 6−7). Then G moves the narration to the present, to her place at La Pintana comuna, referring to the smell of grass and trees on her patio (lines 8−10). This introduces a new narrative on how she and her family have planted trees and plants in the garden (lines 9−10). Notice G’s expression ‘sin querer queriendo’ when referring to the growth of the green corner with the rosehip (line 11), depicting it as a self-determined living being that grew and expanded, a reason why she calls it ‘my little forest’ (line 12). This particular lexical choice points to G’s alignment with her Mapuche identity. Indeed, contact with nature 74 Discourse & Society 28(1) is regarded by the Mapuche as essential to one’s material, emotional and spiritual wellbeing, so even small green areas in the Santiago landscape are considered important for ethnic identification. A significant reference in G’s story is the scent of the rose hip flower, which, she emphasizes, vividly relocates her in her family southern farm (lines 13−15). G ends her narration by evaluating the emotional and sensitive effects that the scent of flowers and blossoming provoke in her by stating ‘one trembles with those scents’ (lines 16−17). Notice how G indexically aligns the interviewer with her sense of connection with nature through the use of reported speech ‘and you say “that smell, that smell”’ (line 16). G’s narrative is a clear example of the presence of the chronotope of the south in migrants’ narrations connecting the past and the present and the south and Santiago’s recreated spaces. Discussion To sum up, the two most recurrent narratives among migrated Mapuche in Santiago in relation to talk and/or implicit negotiations about ethnic and cultural identity are narrative references – narratives of nostalgia about traditions in the south and narratives centered on traditional practices. Such practices include breeding sheep, cooking ancestral dishes, using ashes for wheat-based food preparation, participating in Mapuche ceremonials and knowing their protocols. We also found narratives of dreams and their interpretation, a cultural practice that contextualizes authenticity when carried out in urban context. Finally, the narratives of sensitive personal experiences and/or experiences as healers relate to cultural attitudes regarded as defining, such as the emphasis on sharing spirituality with the natural environment or azmapu22 and the belief that nature is animated and sensitive as well. We have seen that interviewees use these narratives as authentication strategies to legitimize themselves before the interviewer as genuine Mapuche, often in the face of explicit questions about how they express their Mapuche identity. We have noted that both narrators and the interviewer identify certain practices as traditional: for example, cooking certain foods, building a ruka and carrying out ceremonies within it, creating certain artifacts, interpreting dreams and growing plants. Thus, what counts as an authentic index of Mapuche identity emerges in the analysis of this data as co-constructed and largely shared. The other interesting insight that comes from the analysis of these narratives and storytelling episodes is the importance of the south as an anchoring for the Mapuche and a point of constant identity reference. The origins in the south are constantly underscored through narratives about past experience with members of the family or simply by references to customs and people in the area. The chronotope of the south becomes a relevant characteristic of the Mapuche narratives being integral to both narrative constructions and identity constructions. In fact, Mapuche families strongly index their ethnic identity to traditions, practices, natural elements and artifacts located in the south, which are rooted within specific places (their sending indigenous communities in the south) and times (tuwün). This chronotope is referred to by making oppositions and parallels between the surrounding landscape of the comuna, the socioeconomic, institutional and political structure of their new place of residence (Santiago) and their places Merino et al. 75 of origin in the south, socially and culturally structured around the lof 23 and embedded in the green countryside of the south. Because of this legitimizing function of the south, we see a constant effort by narrators to root their present activities and practices in that space by faithfully reconstructing or imitating what is done there and by summoning the sanction of parents and ancestors for their own choices and proclivities. Thus, in terms of positioning we have seen that story world characters are mostly placed in the south and depicted in their everyday or spiritual practices, and that narrators are positioned as learners or observers. In the storytelling world we have seen that the narratives examined are used by narrators to authenticate themselves as continuers of traditions in urban and cosmopolitan sceneries. This allegiance to tradition is performed in the face of an interviewer who is perceived as a true Mapuche because of her being born and living in the south, her ability to speak the language, and her demonstrated knowledge of shared cultural practices. The need to position themselves as authentic Mapuche cannot be understood without reference to a dominant discourse circulating both among Mapuche people in the southern communities as well as among members of the Chilean society; when a Mapuche migrates to the city he/she becomes ahuincado. Both Mapuche and non-Mapuche regard the opposition between urban and rural as a relevant one for the definition of identities, as attachment to nature and agricultural subsistence are considered defining traits for this population (see Aravena, 2003; Bello, 2002; Kropff, 2004). It is therefore not surprising that authentication takes central stage in these events in which migrant Mapuches talk to an interviewer who they see as representing their culture. Conclusion The objective of this article was to investigate how storytelling is used in the construction of Mapuche identities and how such identities are negotiated. We found that storytelling has an important role in demonstrating the connections of individuals to their southern roots through narrative references to family, land and past times and narratives centered on traditional practices. Such connections allowed interviewees to negotiate their identity as authentic Mapuche even if they had been displaced to the city. The stress on authenticity versus other possible kinds of self-presentation is explained by the fact that they were being asked about their identity by a fellow member, rather than by an outgroup individual. Narratives also pointed to the kinds of practices – among them narrative practices such as the telling and interpreting of dreams – that are regarded as truly traditional within these communities. The implications of these findings are significant for research on Mapuche, but also for intervention with them. Indeed, the fact that authenticity was co-constructed by all participants (including the interviewer) as strongly defined by the chronotope of the south shows that territorial attachment is still felt very deeply among Mapuche and therefore that processes of displacement are particularly hard and heart-breaking for them. The nostalgia of the south drives them to strive to reproduce ancient practices as well as they can, even in adverse conditions; for example, fighting to build their rukas, planting their gardens within ridiculously small spaces, creating their artifacts with materials that have to be brought from far away and practicing their medicine, among other things. Ignorance 76 Discourse & Society 28(1) about or misunderstanding of these sources of identity connection may make it even more difficult to bridge the gap between Mapuche and non-Mapuche Chileans. We have contributed knowledge about how Mapuche families living in Santiago narrate their place identity and how they reproduce spaces in their neighborhoods and comunas to carry out sociocultural activities in order to preserve and sustain their culture. In this same respect, a better understanding of the cultural needs of migrant groups in Santiago, who need to generate spaces that are culturally pertinent to their identity and culture, may contribute to raise awareness of national and local governments regarding the need of culturally pertinent public policies in urban planning. Declaration of conflicting interests The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article. Funding The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/ or publication of this article: This article is a result of ongoing research No. 1140500 ‘Narrating place identity. Recreated sociocultural places by Mapuche families in the city of Santiago-Chile’, funded by FONDECYT Chile (National Fund for the Development of Science and Technology). The author is chief researcher and the co-authors are international cooperative guest and coresearcher, respectively. Notes 1. Tuwün and also küpan are developed when two people meet. Tuwün involves a presentation of one ancestor’s lineage (mother’s and father’s), while küpan indicates ones territorial origin (mother’s and father’s). These concepts entail the Mapuche ad (image of the earth – land and self) and wholeness involving the mapu (land) and che (being). 2. Ruka is the house inhabited by ‘che’ (man and his family). It has a round structure with a reed roof, usually with mud walls, and two doors: one facing the sunrise and the other facing the sunset. These doors represent the daily life life cycle of the Mapuche person. The door facing the sunrise brings life and well-being in, while the door facing the sunset represents death – this is when the person’s soul travels to the ‘lafken mapu’ (the land beyond the sea), where the person will start a new life. 3. Sopaipillas is a large flat bread fried in oil. It must be large enough to share it with other diners, unlike Chilean sopaipillas that are smaller and incorporate mashed squash. Sharing sopaipillas conveys esteem and affection. 4. Flour with water is a kind of invigorating drink that relieves thirst and hunger. It is made of toasted wheat and cold or hot water. 5. Chicha and flour is similar to the above drink, but instead of water it takes chicha (sweet apple juice of low alcohol content). In ancient times, its rudimentary artisanal method included grains of tender corn or wheat chewed and deposited in a clay pot; saliva was incorporated, the enzymes of which, together with the sugar of corn starch, fermented. It was put in a sealed container and in about three or four weeks the process was finished, and it was filtered for drinking. 6. Matecito is the diminutive for ‘mate’. It is a hot quality dried grass drink sipped with a long straw. In the Mapuche culture it is highly consumed by all age groups, taken as a digestive and to share with the family gathered while chatting. It helps in strengthening emotional ties because it is prepared and served with affection. Merino et al. 77 7. Trarilonko is a piece of jewelry made of silver worn by women around the forehead. It represents femininity. 8. Lamgnen is the vocative to address young or adult women. 9. Gillatun is the most relevant Mapuche religious ceremony. This ritual works as a connection with the spiritual world to pray for welfare, strengthen the union of the community or acknowledge the benefits received. 10. Papay is a vocative to address the Mapuche woman with respect or affection, regardless of her age. 11. Tortillas, originally brought by the Spaniards to Chile, became part of the Mapuche gastronomy. The Machupe adapted them to their philosophy of life and local ingredients (flour, water and grease). It is a large, round and thick bread, whose dough is kneaded until it is smooth and consistent. It is then laid under hot ashes within the kutralwe (an open fire located in the center of the ruka). Tortillas allows Mapuche to share and talk in an intimate space. Regularly, tortillas are accompanied by a mate. 12. Toasted flour is given different uses in the Mapuche culture and has a high frequency of consumption. It is prepared sweet and it is a savory drink for thirst. Before lunch the person should drink a glass of water and add two to three tablespoons of toasted flour to facilitate digestion. 13. Mote, whose origin from the quechua language (muti) is the generic name for different grains, particularly corn boiled in water, and it is consumed in various areas of the Latin American continent. Its preparation includes peel corn, which is then boiled and toasted with ashes and thoroughly cleaned with water. Mote is also used to make a type of round dough called catuto in Spanish (multrun in Mapudungun), which is prepared with stood mote in clay casseroles. 14. Campamentos (camps) are improvised precarious huts built on abandoned sites or landfills in the outskirts of Santiago city. Campamentos is where most of Mapuche (and other migrants) stay in Santiago if they do not have any relative to shelter them. They remain in these sites until such time as the government provides basic subsidized houses. Campamentos provide evidence of extreme poverty and marginalization in most of Chile’s cities (Ministry of Housing and Urban Development, 2013). 15. Kallana is a flat vessel commonly used for toasting wheat and to make flour. There are different designs in such as clay and metal, and can have a rectangular shape with holes on both sides connected by wires to form a triangle. It is held by a stick (koliwe) longer than 2 m. This allows for balancing it during toasting the wheat. 16. Mate is derived from the Quechua mati, which means pumpkin (container for drinking mate usually made of pumpkin). It is water and yerba mate prepared with warm or boiled water quality grass, which is sipped from a single vessel and passed around the family members who sit by the kitchen table (originally around the open fire in the ruka). 17. Machi is the principal religious counselor and protective medical authority of the Mapuche people. The machi is in charge of directing the healing ceremonial (machitun). Becoming a machi involves the Mapuche woman or man displaying healing power, will, character and courage, since initiation is long and painful. Usually the person is selected during infancy and is taught and guided by an old machi. In the community a machi is recognized through his/her frequent premonitory dreams and supernatural revelations. 18. Pewma is a premonitory dream of a person who holds spiritual power (newen) inherited through family lineage. When having a pewma the person must make it known before noon so he can guide and prepare for the forthcoming events (positive or negative ones). 19. ‘Se le va a cortar el ombligo’ in the Mapuche culture may have two different interpretations. It may mean the loss of a dear family member or it may also mean that a Mapuche person keeps alive his customs and roots even if he is away from his indigenous community. The person would return to his birthplace (lof mapu) to visit the family and keep his affective contact and cultural beliefs. 78 Discourse & Society 28(1) 20. ‘Parcelas’ is a Spanish word meaning small land plots (derived from a larger one) in agricultural areas surrounding cities or towns. They are usually intended for the maintenance of orchards, small forests, or to keep animals in a predetermined area. 21. ‘Sin querer queriendo’ is a humorous Spanish expression, spread from Mexico to Peru and Chile, arising from a Mexican humorous TV boy character known as ‘Chavo del Ocho’ (Chavo of the Eight). Being so poor and deprived of a family, the Chavo would live on the neighbors’ charity in a poor neighborhood in Mexico City. This expression is widely used today in Chile to mean having done something unintentionally, but intrinsically intentionally at the same time. 22. Admapu represents the social, religious and moral rules governing the Mapuche people. It is represented as the ancestors’ wisdom given as a gift by the Mapuche God (Gnenechen). 23. Lof is made up of several families who share the same territory (community) and are considered mutually related since they descend from a common ancestor. Several lof make up an aillarewe (nine rewe). 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Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell, pp. 140–159. Richards P (2010) Of Indians and Terrorists: How the State and Local Elites Construct the Mapuche in Neoliberal Multicultural Chile, Journal of Latin American Studies 42(1): 59–90. 80 Discourse & Society 28(1) San Martín B (2001) La representación de los mapuches en la prensa nacional [The social representation of the Mapuche in the national press]. Tesis doctoral en Lingüística, Universidad Católica de Valparaíso, Valparaíso, Chile. Author biographies María-Eugenia Merino is a senior Professor of Linguistics and Discourse Analysis at the Faculty of Education, Catholic University at Temuco, Chile. She holds a PhD in Human Sciences with specialization in Discourse Analysis. Her research area is intercultural relations with particular focus on prejudice, racism and discrimination against Mapuche people. She has conducted national research grants on prejudice and discrimination in Chilean oral discourse, on perceived discrimination and its psychological effects among Mapuche, and on the discursive construction of ethnic identity among Mapuche adolescents. At present, she conducts a research grant on ethnic identity narratives of migrant Mapuche to Santiago, and their reconstruction of sociocultural activities within urban areas. She has published extensively in Latin American and European journals and book chapters. Sandra Becerra is a psychologist and holds a PhD in Educational Research with a specialization in human interaction. Dr Becerra is a professor at the Faculty of Education, Catholic University in Temuco, Chile, where she lectures on Educational Psychology and Educational Research. Her research areas are prejudice and discrimination against ethnic minorities, and discrimination and relational violence at school. She has conducted national research grants on prejudice and discrimination against Mapuche students, and the ways violence and mistreatment are deployed in educational settings. At present, she is studying ethnic identity in migrant Mapuche in Santiago, Chile. Anna De Fina is a Professor of Italian Language and Linguistics in the Italian Department and Affiliated Faculty with the Linguistics Department at Georgetown University. Her interests and publications focus on identity, narrative, migration and diversity. Her books include Identity in Narrative: A Study of Immigrant Discourse (John Benjamins), Analyzing Narratives (co-authored with Alexandra Georgakopoulou, Cambridge University Press) and the Handbook of Narrative Analysis (co-edited with Alexandra Georgakopoulou, Wiley). Appendix 1 Transcription conventions The following transcription conventions were used in the examples: (.) noticeable pause __ emphatic stress @ laughter () comment by the analyst Cursive word in a language different from English :: vowel or consonant lengthening Word emphasis . at the end of utterance marks falling intonation , at the end of utterance marks slight rising intonation ! at the end of utterance marks animated tone, not necessarily an exclamation