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2024
A quick search for "Ukrainian Catholic Church" in a big American city might yield confusing results. One might find Ukrainian Greek Catholic churches, several Ukrainian Catholic churches, Byzantine Greek Catholic churches, Ruthenian Catholic churches. Attend Mass at any of them, and you'll note similarities in the rites. This is confusing. Current events have increased broad public recognition of Ukraine, its history and its culture. The little-known history of the Ukrainian diaspora in the U.S. reveals the source of this profusion of churches. This history is scattered in disjointed nuggets that illustrate the interaction between Ukrainian American society and that of the home country. One result of such interaction was the separation of the Ukrainian Catholic Church in the U.S. into two separate churches, even as it exists as a single entity in the homeland.
Journalistic essay on the situation in the Orthodox Church in Ukraine today. An edited version has been published on Open Democracy Russia (15 January 2015) https://www.opendemocracy.net/od-russia/iannis-carras/can-ukraine%E2%80%99s-divided-church-help-heal-divided-country
Russia Matters (Harvard University), 2018
While Poroshenko and Patriarch Bartholomew have cast the church split as a struggle against undue Russian influence in Ukraine, this simplistic narrative does not address either what critics describe as the president’s radical departure from Western notions of separation of church and state, or the consternation that the Ecumenical Patriarch’s actions have stirred up among the world’s other Orthodox churches.
There is an ancient tradition within Christianity whose worship and culture are distinctly Eastern, Byzantine/Greek, and Orthodox. In Ukraine there are four large Churches that are part of this tradition: the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church (UGCC), the Ukrainian Orthodox Church under the Moscow Patriarchate (UOC-MP), the Ukrainian Autocephalist Orthodox Church (UAOC), and the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Kyivan Patriarchate (UOC-KP). All of these Churches have the same commitment to salvation through Christ, the same belief in the reality and efficacy of the Holy Mysteries (or Sacraments), the same (or very similar) Rite of Worship, and the same (or very similar) ecclesiology (e.g. “apostolic succession”). Ironically, they also profess the same commitment to fulfilling God's desire that “we all be one as He is one” (St. John 17:22b). This is ironic because none of these groups, despite their common beliefs, culture, and purpose, are in communion with one another. Instead, they have parallel structures and often act more like competitors than brothers in our Lord Jesus Christ. In this paper, I describe the common genesis of these Churches and the five “moments” that led to their division, how their disorder asserted itself in America, how some of these divisions in America have been overcome, and how this reconciliation provides reason for our hope of closer ecclesiastical cooperation and even unity in Ukraine.
Drawing upon archival, published and oral sources, as well as recent studies on the correlation between religion and nationality, this article argues that the formal “reunification” of the Greek Catholics with the Russian Orthodox Church became a successful “subaltern strategy,” ensuring the survival of the Greek Catholic Church through the Soviet period. The article demonstrates that the “Church within the Church,” which came into existence because of “reunification,” for decades preserved its separate identity within the Russian Orthodox Church. The “Church within the Church” did not oppose the regime’s assimilation policy directly, yet positioned itself as Ukrainian and therefore as non-Orthodox (because non-Russian) and even as non-Soviet. This article examines these specific issues within the wider context of the survival of the Church in the Soviet state. Keywords: Russian Orthodox Church, Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church, Church within the Church, national Church, Communist (Soviet) regime, reunification, ecclesiastical nationalism.
Christian Orient 7 (Kottayam, India, 1-2), 82-90 с., 1986
В статті йдеться про важке становище Української Католицької Церкви (УКЦ ) в Радянському Союзі. Автор пише про намагання Ініціативної групи з захисту прав вірних в Україні юридичного визнання УКЦ, що було немислиме в Радянському Союзі. Гельсінські угоди були лише словами на папері. Другу частину статті автор присвячує «Хронікам Католицької Церкви в Україні», які давали відомості до ЗМІ на Захід про стан справ УКЦ. «Хроніки» також писали про майже зліквідовану Білоруську Католицьку Церкву східного обряду, а також про православних, протестантів і інших. Через «Хроніки» українські християни також зверталися до інших народів і Церков по співпрацю та солідарність в їх боротьбі. The article deals about the difficult situation of the Ukrainian Catholic Church (UCC) in the Soviet Union. The author writes about the efforts of the Legal Group on the Protection of the Rights of the Faithful in Ukraine by the UCC. This was unthinkable in the Soviet Union. Helsinki agreement was only fiction. The author devotes the second part of the article "Chronicles of the Catholic Church in Ukraine", which provided information to the media on the West about the state of affairs of the Ukrainian Catholic Church. The Chronicles also wrote about the almost eliminated Belarusian Catholic Church with an Eastern tradition, as well as Orthodox, Protestants and others. Through the "Chronicles", Ukrainian Christians also turned to other peoples and churches for cooperation and solidarity in their struggle.
The Conversation, 2018
The country is torn between its Russophile population (now reduced in size and political influence); those hoping for a more liberal, open society with closer ties to Europe; and, aligned with them, the Ukrainian nationalists. The government’s nationalist tendencies have driven it to launch restrictive policies on Russian and other minority languages, create laws to eradicate Soviet memory – and now attempt to force a new church on the country’s Orthodox believers. These policies might strengthen the Ukrainian state by creating a consolidated identity by force, but equally weaken it by alienating Ukraine’s large minority groups. What it certainly won’t do is create the open, liberal society which was one of the aims of 2014 revolution. To make a success of it, the demand for independence should come from within the church, not be imposed upon it by the state. And at the moment, the vast majority of the UOC MP are determined to maintain their traditional affiliation with Moscow. Above all, they are unwilling to be a pawn in the reelection campaign of an extremely unpopular president – and attempts by the Patriarchate of Constantinople to increase its power.
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