A Spicy Etymology: Tocharian AB śāñcapo

A Spicy Etymology Remarks on Tocharian AB śāñcapo Chen Ruixuan and Chams Benoît Bernard Abstract: This paper argues that Tocharian AB śāñcapo is not a loanword from Sanskrit śiṃśapā“Dalbergia sissoo Roxb.,” as is traditionally assumed; but is the word for “mustard (seed)” corresponding to Sanskrit sarṣapa- “id.” Having established this meaning, i.e., “mustard (seed),” on the basis of philological evidence, we put forward a new hypothesis of the etymology of the Tocharian word by tracing it back to the antecedent of Khotanese śśaśvāna- “mustard seed.” It is thus likely that the word originated in a region where Pre-Khotanese was spoken, and found its way into Tocharian through language contact along the ancient Silk Routes. Keywords: Tocharian, (Pre-)Khotanese, language contact, Central Asian Buddhism In the past, spices were special.1 That is to say, this generic term conveyed an aura of mystery, uniqueness, and rarity, which is no longer discernible today, when an array of spices becomes a plain-vanilla accessory in any quotidian kitchen. In the pre-modern world, however, there was no cheap and easily available spices in the European markets, as the spice trade across the Indian Ocean was still a costly enterprise.2 At that time, spices had dazzling glamour, and their identification was sometimes not an easy task. In a different, but not irrelevant context, the present paper deals with the Tocharian word for a spicy substance, which has been misidentified by Western scholars since the very first attempt at its decipherment. Like the spice it designates, the word is as beguiling as it is opaque. Based on an exhaustive scrutiny of the occurrences of this word, we try to pin down its real meaning and venture a new hypothesis of its etymology. We offer this spicy etymology as a tribute to the late Professor Duan Qing, whose “spicy” scholarship gave a special, glamorous, and invaluable boost to many fields, such as Indology, Middle Iranian philology, Buddhist Studies, and beyond. 1.1 Received Meaning and Etymology Tocharian A śāñcapo, B śāñcapo have been mostly identified as a loanword from Skt. śiṃśapā- f. “Dalbergia sissoo Roxb.” (Filliozat 1948, 137; Adams 2013, 681), designating a kind of rosewood indigenous to North India, the knowledge of which in the West can be traced back to antiquity. Gerd Carling (2007, 331) points out that “[t]he A form is most Chen Ruixuan, Peking University. Chams Benoît Bernard, Leiden University. 1 As a matter of fact, both of the two words etymologically go back to Latin speciēs “aspect, appearance, kind” (later also pl. “goods, wares”); see Partridge 2006, 646, s.v. special. 2 For a collection of essays dealing with the history of the spice trade from the 15th to the 17th century CE, see Pearson 1996. 423 下卷-终稿.pdf 23 2024/6/8 12:01:11 fĊđ¤Ã‘2â¤ÃŸ‘·€ë×đß©噺坅噻噹噻噽坆\‘úĊ噻 likely a borrowing from B, but the B form remains obscure.” In other words, how the Indic word was borrowed into Tocharian is not adequately clarified. The putative Indic etymon is a Kulturwort of Ṛgvedic antiquity (EWAia II 633, s.v. śiṃśápā-). Elamite [GIŠ]še-iš-šá-ba-ut /šeššapo/ 1 “sissoo” is attested in an Achaemenid inscription (6th cent. BC),2 and is likely to be of the same origin as Skt. śiṃśapā- given the close resemblance (Gershevitch 1958, 174). Aramaic sysm ‫“ סיסם‬sissoo” is attested in the Samaritan Pentateuch (Löw 1881, 65), which, according to some experts, emerged sometimes between the late 2nd century BC and the early 1st century AD (Anderson and Giles 2012, 22). Slightly later in time, the Indic word also found its way into Greek as σησάμ- or σάσάμ-,3 from which an adjective in -ινος is derived, by the 1st century AD.4 The latter form might be the source of Arabic sāsam “sissoo.” Etymologically relevant is also New Persian šīšam “sissoo,”5 which, in its turn, became the source of Hindi śīśam. Panjabi sīsam, Gujarati sisam, etc. should go back to a western Middle Indic prototype 1 Note that Elamite ‹š› can render Old Persian /ç/ or /s/ (cf. Abedi 2020, 7–8). 2 For an edition of the Elamite version of this inscription of Darius I (522–486 BC) at Susa [DSf], see Hinz 1950, 1–7. The word in question occurs in line 30 (p. 2), and Hinz’s rendering of it as “teak” (pp. 3, 6) is not tenable. 3 Both Aramaic sysm and Greek σησάμ- seem to have been borrowed through an early western Middle Indic intermediary such as Prakrit sīsama (< sīsavā < śiṃśapā; PSM 909a). For the nasalised -ṽ- and the nasalisation of secondary -v- (-m- < -v- < -p-/-b-) in Middle Indic, see von Hinüber 2001, 173, §§210– 211. The alternation -η- : -ά- is to be regarded as an inner-Greek development. 4 See anonymous (ca. 40–70 AD), Periplus Maris Erythraei, §36 (ed. Casson 1989, 12, lines 4–7): ἐξάρτιζἐτάι δἐ ἐις άὐτην σὐνηθως άπο μἐν Βάρὐγάζων ἐις άμφοτἐρά τάὐτά της Πἐρσιδος ἐμποριά πλοιά μἐγάλά χάλκοὐ κάι ξὐλων σάγάλινων κάι δοκων κάι κἐράτων κάι φαλάγγων σασαμίνων κάι ἐβἐνινων “Customarily the merchants of Barygaza [i.e., Broach; cf. Skt. Bhṛgukaccha] deal with it, sending out big vessels to both of Persis’s ports of trade (sc. Apologos and Omana), with supplies of copper, teakwood, and beams, saplings, and logs of sissoo and ebony; [...]” (tr. Casson 1989, 13; annotation added). Dioscorides (ca. 40–80 AD), De Materia Medica, I.98 (ed. Wellmann 1907, 89, lines 13–14): ἐνιοι δἐ τά άκάνθινά η κάι σὐκάμινά [v.l. σησάμινα] καλούμενα ξύλα, ἐμφἐρη οντά, άντι ἐβἐνοὐ πωλοὐσι “Some try to sell wood of the shittah tree and even the wood called [sissoo] as ebony, since they are similar; [...]” (tr. Beck 2005, 69; with modification). For a 6th-century reference to the sissoo wood in the Christian Topography by Cosmas Indicopleustes, see Wolska-Conus 1973, 346–347. 5 This is not an inherited Iranian word, and probably does not predate New Persian. The inherited word for “sissoo” is Old Persian yakā > Middle/New Persian ǰaγ (MacKenzie 1971, 46); see Gershevitch 1957, 317–320. Balochi ǰak “sissoo” should be regarded as a Persian loanword; see Elfenbein 1990, II, 71. Brahui jag “id.” is a borrowing from another Iranian language (ultimately from Middle/New Persian); see Rossi 1979, 81 [C5]. Turner traced New Persian šīšam back to a hypothetical Indic prototype *śīśampā (CDIAL 719, §12424), which is to our mind not plausible. On the one hand, such a prototype is not borne out by any evidence from Old Indic materials; on the other, it fails to account for its relatively late emergence in the Persian-speaking world. Given that the sibilants ś, ṣ, s converge as s in the western Middle Indic languages, it is only possible to derive the New Persian word, which presupposes *śīśam(a) < *śīśavā, from the eastern languages or from Gāndhārī; see von Hinüber 2001, 177, §219. Geographically speaking, a Gāndhārī origin is more likely, despite the absence of textual evidence. 424 下卷-终稿.pdf 24 2024/6/8 12:01:11 fößĦĊĦßë×ëµĦ圪`©ß‘úÓāëâm럽‘úÑâśāñcapo (e.g. Prakrit sīsama-; PSM 909a).1 An unattested Middle Indic form *sīhava- (< Prakrit sīsavā-) 2 seems to have been the source of some loanwords in Dardic and Eastern Iranian languages, e.g. Pashai šəwa “sissoo,” Pashto šəwə “id.” (Morgenstierne 2003, 80), while the other New Indic forms result from the contraction of Prakrit sīsavā- (> *sīsava > *sīso or *sisso).3 Skt. śiṃśapā- and its cognates are thus both archaic and widespread. The question arises, however, whether TochAB śāñcapo can be assigned to the ample group of loanwords related to them. 1.2 Tocharian Occurrences To begin with, we examine whether or not the received identification of TochAB śāñcapo as “sissoo” is philologically sound. The word occurs twice in Tocharian A and seven times in Tocharian B, and all nine occurrences will be classified and translated below.4 1.2. a) Or. 6402A/2.14 = W 26, b2 (ed. Filliozat 1948, 74): (ṣa)lyp(e) ok=traunta se (ṣalype) śāñcapotse • misa /// “... 8 traus5 of oil, this oil of śāñcapo, flesh ...”6 1 Turner proposed to connect this group of words, together with Hindi śīśam, to New Persian šīšam (CDIAL 719, §12424). However, since a form such as Prakrit sīsama is well established in the western branch of Middle Indic, it is not a parsimonious theory to assume a Persian origin for this lexical group. 2 Turner (CDIAL 719, §12424), following Morgenstierne (1956, 169), reconstructed *śī̆ hava as the source of the Pashai and Pashto words. To posit an initial ś- is perhaps unnecessary given the palatalising effect of the -ī- vowel. For the not fully clarified sound change -s- > -h- in Middle Indic, see von Hinüber 2001, 178, §221. 3 See von Hinüber 2001, 133, §138. 4 The transcription of the Tocharian passages follows CEToM unless indicated otherwise. Among the Tocharian names of materia medica and technical terms, only those stemming from Indic are denoted by their Sanskrit counterparts, which are given in round brackets. 5 TochB trau ~ trou (archaic) seems to be a measure of capacity, the size and etymology of which remain obscure; see Adams 2013, 342 (“about 2 teaspoonful?”). In a bilingual manuscript (U 5208 + 5207), it is glossed with Old Uighur täŋ; see Peyrot, Pinault, and Wilkens 2019, 82, §29. According to Wilkens (2021, 694), Old Uighur täŋ ~ t(ä)ŋ “equal, equivalent; scales; equanimity (Skt. upekṣā)” is a loanword from Late MChin. *təə̆ŋ > deng 等 (Pulleyblank 1991, 74). But neither the Old Uighur lexeme nor the Chinese etymon seems to have been used as a measure of capacity. Alternatively it might be possible to consider it a variant of Old Uighur taŋ ~ t(a)ŋ, mostly attested as a measure of capacity for raw cotton (Yamada 1971, 496–498), which, in its turn, is presumably a loanword from Sogdian δnk /θang/ “id.” (Yoshida 2003, 159); see also Khot. thaṃga- “id.” (Bailey 1979, 148). The Khotanese word is also attested as a unit of measurement for cotton; however, in a bilingual document, it corresponds to Chin. cheng 秤 “a measurement of weight, ca. 15 catties (jin 斤) ≈ 3.38 kilograms (1 catty ≈ 225 grams; Chavannes 1897, 103, n. 2);” see Yoshida 2007, 470. Yamada (1971, 498), albeit with some reservation, proposed to relate Old Uighur taŋ to Chin. dan 擔, a larger unit of weight than cheng and jin. 6 See also the French translation by Filliozat (1948, 85): “... huile, huit trau. Cette huile de Dalbergia sisu, viande ...” 425 下卷-终稿.pdf 25 2024/6/8 12:01:11 fĊđ¤Ã‘2â¤ÃŸ‘·€ë×đß©噺坅噻噹噻噽坆\‘úĊ噻 1.2. b) i. PK AS 3B, b4–6: || ñake Bhūtatanträ weñau || kayast vayast • śāñcapo – /// -po ṣp karañcapij • aṅwaṣṭ • pippāl mrañco • tvāṅkaro • kurkamäṣṣi ptsāñ okaro • śiriṣ toṃ saṃtkenta – /// -ne astare nanāṣṣusa klyiye tkācer wāltsoy se curṇ kuse salturna yāmu tākoy tesa nāṣṣi istak ast(are) /// “Now I will speak of a Bhūtatantra1 (lit. doctrine of spirits): cardamom (kāyasthā), small cardamom (vayaḥsthā), śāñcapo, ... and ... seed of Pongamia glabra (karañja-bīja), Asa foetida, long pepper (pippalī), black pepper, ginger, saffron stigmas, sweet flag/Acorus calamus, siris/Acacia lebbeck (śirīṣa): These remedies (śāntaka) ... pure; a cleansed woman [or] daughter should crush [them]. This [is] the powder. If someone has been made bewitched, 2 he should bathe with it (i.e., the powder). Immediately [he will become] pure (i.e., cured) ...”3 ii. PK AS 3A, a1: (ampo)ño mändrākka ṣamäṃ || kuñcit wawāltsau • śāñcapo • ki – sintāp te śār yamaṣṣälle ampoñaṃtse sātke || “... just so the abscess sits down (i.e., goes away). Crushed sesame, [śāñcapo], ... rock salt (saindhava): This has to be put over [it] as a remedy (śāntaka) against abscess.”4 1 The Bhūtatantra refers to a genre rather than a specific scripture or treatise. This genre developed from the Bhūtavidyā (lit. “knowledge of spirits; demonology”) as a system of exorcistic learning, which was well known in ancient India, particularly from the Āyurvedic tradition. Texts subsumed under the rubric of Bhūtatantra deal with ritualised procedures for the curing of demonic possession etc., and were systematised and incorporated into the Tantric corpus of Śaivism. For canonical lists of some twenty Bhūtatantras in later Śaiva works, see Sanderson 2001, 14, n. 13. Unfortunately, none of the listed titles are known to have survived in extant manuscripts. A fragmentary Sanskrit manuscript in Kathmandu, probably dating from the end of the 9th century AD, is so far the only known textual witness of this genre; see Acharya 2016, 157–179. We have not seen any evidence elsewhere for the Buddhist appropriation of this class of Śaiva literature. Viewed in this light, the historical significance of the brief allusion in a TochB fragment, which is linguistically categorised as “classical-late” (7th/8th cent. AD) and thus probably predates the aforesaid Sanskrit manuscript of “a” (rather than “the”) Bhūtatantra, has yet to be fully appreciated. 2 The word salturna is an obscure hapax, and the received meaning “bewitched” is very provisional. Sieg (1954, 69) read the akṣaras as sal [ṣa]rn[e], and translated the clause in question as “Wer sich die Hände schmutzig(?) gemacht haben sollte, [...];” see also Schwentner 1955, 117. However, after close scrutiny of this fragment, Filliozat’s reading salturna seems to us impeccable. 3 See also the French translation by Filliozat (1948, 52f.): “Maintenant je vais exposer le livre des êtres (démoniaques). Coque du Levant, (variété de) coque de Levant, Dalbergia sisu ... et tout, graine de Pongamia glabra, Ferula asa foetida, poivre long, poivre noir, gingembre, stigmates de safran, Acorus calamus, Acacia Lebbek; ces remèdes ... dans ... purs avec ... femme, fille, mélanges, cette poudre, celui qui ... fait, qu’il soit ... aussitôt ...” 4 See also the French translation by Filliozat (1948, 50): “... ainsi. Dalbergia sisu combinée au sésame, ... sel gemme; cela, à préparer en abondance, est le remède des ampoña.” Sieg (1954, 67f.) first suggested to restore (ampo)ño and to derive the noun from the TochB verb ampa- “to rot, decay” (hence “festering abscess”), which underlies his rendition of the first sentence as “[so] vergeht das faulige Geschwür.” For a probable Late Khotanese origin of ampa- and ampoño/a, see most recently Dragoni 2021, 307–308, §§3.1–3.2; 2023, 34–36. 426 下卷-终稿.pdf 26 2024/6/8 12:01:11 fößĦĊĦßë×ëµĦ圪`©ß‘úÓāëâm럽‘úÑâśāñcapo 1.2. c) i. PK AS 8C, a5–6: || kete ā(ñm)e (t)ākaṃ lāntämpa larauwñe y(ā)mtsī • rājavṛkṣä stamatse arwāmeṃ koṣkīye yamaṣlya • śāñcapo ṣukt lykwarwa nässait yamaṣlya • pūwarne hom yamaṣlya • lānte rinale parkälle mäsketrä 1 || “1. One who has the [wish] to associate with a king should make a fire-pit1 out of pieces of wood of a Cassia fistula tree (rājavṛkṣa), cast a spell on śāñcapo seven times, and put it as an oblation (homa) into the fire; [then] one is worth to be searched out and asked for by the king.”2 ii. PK AS 10, a4: /// (kete āñ)m(e) kartse nessi śāñcapo tesa n(ä)s(s)ai(t yamaṣle) /// “... [For one] who has the wish to become beautiful, śāñcapo [is to be used]; over that (i.e., śāñcapo) one should cast a spell ...”3 iii. PK NS 2, b2–3: (naṣ u)pacār pätāñäkte anapär śāñcapo nesset yal 20-1 ke ñomā ne (yāme)ñc cami yälya tkanā knāl cam ṣñi waṣtäṣ lutseñc-äṃ “This is the [procedure] (upacāra): In front of the Buddha [image] one should cast a spell on śāñcapo 21 [times]. In whose name they do so, it (i.e., śāñcapo) has to be strewn over the earth that is expected to be trodden by him; [then] they expel him from his own house ...” 1.2. d) PK NS 2, a2–4: – – kāts kuñcit dhanyamāṣ pippaläs : āragvat : śāñcapo • kosne (tā)ṣ puk täprenäk sasak kuṣ taṃpar tosäs puk ywār triwäṣäl ken (täm) śwātsyaṃ yoktsyaṃ pat eṣ säm unmatte mäskaträ “... [1] dhānyamāṣa of sesame, long pepper (pippalī), Cassia fistula (āragvadha), śāñcapo. As much as everything is [available], as much indeed a single [person] pours it in ...-wise. One should mix together all these [condiments]. To whom one gives that in food or drink, this one becomes insane (unmatta) ...” 1.2. e) i. W 10, b2–3 (ed. Filliozat 1948, 68): [...] se laiko tucepi yetsentse • || (ma)ñcäṣṭä • śaparalodṛ • prapuṇḍarikä (•) [r](i)m(mā • śā)ñcapo • – – – (śa)kkar spaitu [...] “... this embrocation 4 is for yellow skin. Indian madder (mañjiṣṭhā), a kind of 1 For the new interpretation of TochB koṣkīye as “(fire-)pit,” see Bernard and Chen 2022, 1–31. 2 See also the French translation by Filliozat (1948, 102): “[Si] il y a pour quelqu’un le désir de faire amitié avec le roi, [des] fagot[s] de bûches de tronc de cassie sont à faire, [des] Dalbergia Sisoo sont à incanter sept fois, [les] oblation[s de tout cela] sont à faire dans le feu; le roi à quitter devient sollicitable.” 3 See also the French translation by Filliozat (1948, 55): “... être salutaire, Dalbergia sisu, par cela ...” The restoration of kete āñme was first proposed by Sieg (1954, 70). 4 Filliozat (1948, 82) translated TochB laiko as “onguent,” but Sieg (1954, 73) analyzed it as a noun of the palsko-type (so Del Tomba 2023, 197) derived from the TochB verb lika- “to wash” (hence “Waschung, Bad;” Sieg ibid.). But to the best of our knowledge, bath is not prescribed in the Āyurvedic tradition as a pharmaceutical preparation. Furthermore, it is perplexing that Filliozat (1948, 119) glossed laiko with Skt. leha, which means “electuary” rather than “unguent.” Perhaps leha is there a typo for Skt. lepa “unguent, ointment”? Skt. lepa is otherwise translated by TochB laupe or lauwalñe (< laupalñe); see Filliozat 1948, 120 and Pinault 1988, 114. In our opinion, Sieg’s etymological connection with lika- is well taken, but the meaning of laiko can be postulated in a slightly different way, i.e., “embrocation” 427 下卷-终稿.pdf 27 2024/6/8 12:01:11 fĊđ¤Ã‘2â¤ÃŸ‘·€ë×đß©噺坅噻噹噻噽坆\‘úĊ噻 Sumplocos racemosa (śabaralodhra), the rhizome (prapauṇḍarīka), neem,1 śāñcapo, ..., sugar dust, ...”2 of Nymphaea lotus ii. W 37, a4–5 (ed. Filliozat 1948, 77): śakkar devadāru • śāñcapo kuñcit • traiwoṣṣai maikisa ṣpärkaṣälle • platkāre mäścakene se laiko – .ai .e (nakṣäṃ) “Sugar, deodar, śāñcapo, sesame, to be diluted with the essence 3 of the three ingredients (traivṛta);4 in case of a rash(?) or jaundice(?), this embrocation removes ...”5 To sum up, a number of characteristics of the substance to which TochAB śāñcapo refers can be deduced from the textual evidence classified above: First, it is a leguminous plant, from which oil can be extracted (cf. §1.2. a). Second, it can be crushed, along with other plants, to make a powder for apotropaic and medical purposes (cf. §1.2. b). Third, it can be used in rituals, either put into the fire as an oblation (homa) or strewn on the ground as some kind of contact objects; and their ritual efficacy is guaranteed by a magical spell cast over them a certain number of times (cf. §1.2. c). Fourth, it is mentioned among a number of condiments to be mixed together and added to food and (Skt. pūraṇa), whose use is well attested in the Āyurvedic tradition. In that case, TochB lika- “to wash” may also be understood in the sense of “to embrocate, foment,” i.e., “to moisten and rub with liquid.” 1 The substance to which TochB rimmā refers is obscure. It is possible to read it as a scribal error for TochB rimmākka, which is otherwise attested as a flowering plant (rimmā[k]kaṣṣa pyāpyo; W 9, b1 [ed. Filliozat 1948, 68]). But it is difficult to identify its meaning. Our tentative hypothesis is to derive it from Skt. nimba- “neem/Azadirachta indica” through a Middle Indic intermediary: cf. Prakrit ṇiṃba- > liṃba- (CDIAL 413, §7245; PSM 726a). For the sound changes l- > r- and -mb- > -mm-, compare Skt. ālambana- “foundation, base” > *ālammana- > Pāli ārammaṇa- (Lüders 1954, 36f., §33 with n. 2). 2 See also the French translation by Filliozat (1948, 82): “... cet onguent est ce qui est de ce ... (= appartient à ce ...). || Garance, Symplocos rac., racine de lotus blanc, ..., Dalbergia sisu, ...” Filliozat had erroneously analyzed tucepi (gen. sg. m. of tute “yellow”) as tu cepi, which was corrected by Sieg (1954, 73). 3 TochB maiki is semantically unclear. Elsewhere the word seems to refer to a medical preparation made of chicken (kräṅkaiñai maiki-; W 14, a5, b1). Since chicken is not ubiquitous in Āyurvedic recipes, it is conceivable to identify the preparation as “chicken-broth” (viṣkirarasa), as suggested by Sieg (1954, 74). The same preparation is otherwise rendered in Tocharian B as kräṅkaññe yot- (W 39, b3), which is used to make an unguent (laupe). It is not clear to us whether there is any significant difference between maiki and yot, while both words seem to fall within the semantic field of Skt. rasa “essence, nectar; soup, broth; and so on.” 4 On TochB traiwo, see Filliozat 1948, 146 and Carling 2003, 51 (pace Adams 2013, 341, s.v. traiwo: “mixture”): The three ingredients are thick sour milk (dadhi), sour rice or barley (tuṣodaka), and sour cream or whey (mastu). The Tocharian form could have derived from a Middle Indic counterpart of Skt. traivṛta (possibly Gāndhārī *trevu[d]a > *trevo). In addition, Skt. traivṛta is also a derivative from Skt. trivṛt[ā] “Ipomoea Turpethum” (PW s.v.), a medical herb which is widely used in the Āyurvedic tradition. If TochB traiwo inherited the polysemy of its Indic source, it might also refer to a preparation made of Ipomoea Turpethum, which is known in Late Khotanese as traula (< *travula < *trevuḍ/da > *trevura > Sogdian tr’ywr “turpeth”). 5 See also the French translation by Filliozat (1948, 87): “Sucre, déodar, Dalbergia sisu, sésame, à diluer avec ... de combinaison des trois, ... Cet ouguent détruit ...” 428 下卷-终稿.pdf 28 2024/6/8 12:01:11 fößĦĊĦßë×ëµĦ圪`©ß‘úÓāëâm럽‘úÑâśāñcapo drink, the consumer of which will go insane (cf. §1.2. d). Fifth, it is mentioned among a number of substances to be diluted with a certain solvent so as to make an embrocation for treating skin diseases (cf. §1.2. e). 2.1 TochAB śāñcapo ≠ Skt. śiṃśapāIt remains to be examined whether the characteristics summarized above can be attributed to Skt. śiṃśapā- “sissoo.” Renate Syed has systematically surveyed the occurrences of this word in extant Sanskrit literature in her dissertation Die Flora Altindiens in Literatur und Kunst (Syed 1992, 572–577). The observations below are mainly based on Syed’s collection of primary sources. 2.1.1. a) In the Carakasaṃhitā and the Suśrutasaṃhitā, sissoo is mentioned among a number of trees, from whose heartwood (sāra) medicated spirituous liquor is to be prepared.1 The plant is apparently not leguminous. In one case, we are informed about the medical use of the oil extracted from the heartwood of sissoo among other trees as a remedy for leprosy and so on.2 The oil of sissoo is light brown, viscous, non-drying, and can be used as a lubricant for heavy machinery (Orwa et al. 2010). 2.1.1. b) The idea that the wood of sissoo is the material for a part of a carriage is very archaic and dates back to the Ṛgveda.3 In his Arthaśāstra, Kauṭilya (50–125 AD; Olivelle 2013, 29) categorised sissoo as a “hard wood” (sāradāru),4 which is by definition hard to 1 CarS 1.25.49: śāla-priyaka-aśvakarṇa-candana-syandana-khadira-kadara-saptaparṇa-arjuna-asanaarimeda-tinduka-kiṇihī-śamī-śukti-śiṃśapā-śirīṣa-vañjula-dhanvana-madhūkaiḥ sārāsavā viṃśatir bhavanti “Sal, priyaka, flowering murdah, sandalwood, spandana, acacia, mimosa, devil’s tree, arjuna, Indian laurel, sweet acacia, Indian ebony, chaff-flower, śamī, tamarind, sissoo, siris, rattan, dhanvana, and mahua—these are [trees] with [whose heartwood] the twenty wines [made from] heartwood [are manufactured];” SuŚr 4.10.8: atha surā vakṣyāmaḥ śiṃśapā-khadirayoḥ sāram ādāyotpāṭya cottamāraṇībrāhmī-kośavatīs tat sarvam ekataḥ kaṣāyakalpena vipācyodakam ādadīta maṇḍodakārthaṃ kiṇvapiṣṭam abhiṣuṇuyāc ca yathoktam “Then we will speak of [various kinds of medicated] spirituous liquor: one should take the heartwood of sissoo and acacia, pluck Asparagus Racemosus, Herpestis monieria (or Hydrocotyle asiatica), and Cucumis acutangulus (or sulcatus), boil everything all together down to almost an infusion, take the liquid [as a decoction], and, for the sake of yeast, distill [it into] flour of the drug [producing vinous fermentation], as is prescribed.” 2 SuŚr 4.31.5: sarala-pītadāru-śiṃśapāguru-sāra-snehā dadru-kuṣṭha-kiṭibheṣu “The expressed oils [prepared from] the heartwood of chir pine, deodar, sissoo, and aloes wood [are to be applied] in cases of cutaneous eruption, leprosy, and keloid tumour.” RV III 53.19: abhí vyayasva khadirásya sā́ram ójo dhehi spandané śiṃśápāyām | ákṣa vīḷo vīḷita vīḷáyasva mā́ yā́mād asmā́d áva jīhipo naḥ || “Hülle dich in des Khadhira(-Holzes) Härte, Kraft setze ins Spandana(Holz), ins Śiṃśapā(-Holz)! Du Achse, fest, festgemacht, sei fest! Laß uns nicht von unserm Dahinziehen abkommen!” (tr. Witzel 2013, 90); “Engird yourself in the hardwood of the acacia tree; place strength in the śiṃśapā(-wood) in its recoil. O Axle, you who are firm and were made firm, stay firm. Don’t make us leave off from this journey.” (tr. Jamison and Brereton 2014, 539). 3 4 Arthaśāstra 2.17.4 (ed. Kangle 1960, 67): kupyavargaḥ śāka-tiniśa-dhanvana-arjuna-madhūka-tilakasāla-śiṃśapā-arimeda-rājādana-śirīṣa-khadira-sarala-tāla-sarja-aśvakarṇa-somavalka-kuśāmra- 429 下卷-终稿.pdf 29 2024/6/8 12:01:11 fĊđ¤Ã‘2â¤ÃŸ‘·€ë×đß©噺坅噻噹噻噽坆\‘úĊ噻 crush. This categorisation is in line with the references to sissoo as a kind of timber that can be used for the making of furniture, e.g. couches,1 handlooms,2 etc. 2.1.1. c) The application of sissoo in a ritual of fertility for barren women is known from the Kauśikasūtra of the Atharvaveda.3 In that case, the branches of sissoo are not to be put into the fire or strewn on the ground; there is no mention of their consecration with a magical spell either. 4 The specific ritual takes place on the bank of a river, and is different from the so-called homa rites, i.e., burnt oblations made to deities or for specific purposes. 2.1.1. d) To the best of our knowledge, there is no evidence that any preparation from sissoo can be added to food and drink, and no clear connection between sissoo and insanity is known. Nonetheless, sissoo seems to have a vague connection to death and zombie in the Vetālapañcaviṃśatika, where an eerie image of a corpse hanging from the tree of sissoo is depicted.5 priyaka-dhavādiḥ sāradāruvargaḥ “The category of forest produce consists of the following: Teak, tiniśa, dhanvana, arjuna, madhūka, tilaka, sal, sissoo, acacia, mimusops, siris, cutch, chir pine, palmyra palm, Indian copal, flowering murdah, white cutch, kuśāmra, priyaka, dhava, and the like constitute the category of hard woods.” (tr. Olivelle 2013, 141). 1 Varāhamihira’s (6th cent. AD) Bṛhatsaṃhitā 79.12 (ed. Kern 1865, 400): yaḥ kevalaśiṃśapayā vinirmito bahuvidhaṃ sa vṛddhikaraḥ “The [couch (paryaṅka)], which is exclusively made of the wood of sissoo, promotes prosperity in manifold ways.” 79.15 (ed. Kern 1865, 401): anyena samāyuktā na tindukī śiṃśapā ca śubhaphaladā “Coupled with another wood, neither Indian ebony nor sissoo is yielding auspicious results.” 2 Pañcatantra 5.7 (ed. Kosegarten 1848, 249f.): kasmiṃścid adhiṣṭhāne Mantharako nāma kaulikaḥ / tasya kadācit paṭakarmāṇi kurvataḥ sarvāṇi paṭakarmakarakāṣṭhāni bhagnāni / tataḥ sa kuṭhāram ādāya kāṣṭhārthaṃ paribhraman samudrataṭaṃ prāpa / tatra ca mahāntaṃ śiṃśapāpādapaṃ dṛṣṭvā cintitavān / mahān ayaṃ vṛkṣo dṛśyate / tad anena kartitena prabhūtāni paṭakarmopakaraṇāni bhaviṣyanti “In a certain city, there [lived] a weaver named Mantharaka. Incidentally, when he was weaving cloths, the woodwork of his handloom was all broken. Then he took an axe and, wandering about for timber, reached the seashore. There he saw a huge sissoo tree and thought: This tree looks large! Thus, [if] this [tree] has been cut down, by means of it, plenty of handlooms (lit. weaving instruments) will be manufactured.” 3 KauśS 4.10[34].1: asyai śiṃśapāśākhāsūdakānte śāntā adhiśiro avasiñcati “[Während die Frau] auf Zweigen der Dalbergia sisu (śiṃśapā) am Ufer eines Stromes [sitzt], giesst er ihr [Wasser, in welches er] die zu res faustae gebräuchlichen [Kräuter gethan und das er mit diesem Liede eingesegnet hat,] übers Haupt” (tr. Caland 1900, 111). 4 There is in fact a mantra from the Śaunakīya recension of the Atharvaveda, i.e., AVŚ 1.32.1a (idáṃ janāso ...), the recitation of which accompanies the ritual act prescribed in the Kauśikasūtra. For the parallel in the Paippalāda recension, i.e., AVP 1.23.1a, see Franceschini 2007, 385. But this mantra serves to consecrate the water sprinkled over the woman’s head, according to Caland ibid., rather than the branches of sissoo, on which the woman sits. 5 Śivadāsa’s Vetālapañcaviṃśatikā (ed. Uhle 1914, 6): yoginoktam bho rājan yojanārdhe mahāśmaśānam asti tatra śiṅśipāvṛkṣe (lege śiṃśapā-) mṛtakam avalambitam āste “The conjurer said: Your Majesty! Half a league away there is a large charnel ground. There a corpse is hanging from a sissoo tree.” This sets the 430 下卷-终稿.pdf 30 2024/6/8 12:01:11 fößĦĊĦßë×ëµĦ圪`©ß‘úÓāëâm럽‘úÑâśāñcapo 2.1.1. e) The oil of sissoo, as mentioned above, is applied to skin diseases such as leprosy etc., but the plant itself is not. Even in the case of its oil, there is no indication that it is to be diluted with other ingredients and used as an embrocation or the like. 2.1.2 To sum up, although sissoo yields oil that can be used to cure skin diseases (cf. §2.1.1. a), there is some significant difference between sissoo (Skt. śiṃśapā-) and the substance to which TochAB śāñcapo refers: First, the wood of sissoo is hard and difficult to crush, and as such mostly used in carpentry rather than in medicine and witchcraft (cf. §2.1.1. b). Second, the ritual use of sissoo seems to be in a different context from that of the homa rites or the like (cf. §2.1.1. c). Third, there is no preparation made of sissoo that can be considered a condiment such as sesame, long pepper, etc., whose addition to food and drink would not raise any eyebrow (cf. §2.1.1. d). Fourth, no embrocation is known to stem from sissoo or its oil (cf. §2.1.1. e). Viewed in this light, the received identification of TochAB śāñcapo as the word for sissoo seems to be unwarranted. 2.2 TochAB śāñcapo = Skt. sarṣapaIf the evidence surveyed above suffices to disprove the received Bedeutungsansatz, the meaning of the Tocharian word must be reconsidered. In the following, we argue that TochAB śāñcapo is likely to mean “mustard (seed),” and that its Indic counterpart is Skt. sarṣapa- “id.” No Tocharian word for “mustard (seed)” has been identified so far, which is a bit odd, since references to mustard seeds are ubiquitous in medical and ritual works of Indian origin. The assumption that all the occurrences of the Tocharian word for mustard (seed) fall into the lacunae and thus get lost by accident is not impossible, but not quite plausible, given that mustard seeds are much more frequently mentioned in Buddhist and Āyurvedic literature than sissoo. Rather, one should reckon with the possibility, if not probability, that the word for mustard (seed) does occur in the extant Tocharian fragments, but has been hitherto misrecognized as a different word. 2.2.1. a) Indian Āyurvedic literature testifies to mustard seeds (sarṣapa/siddhārthaka) being used in the same way as the substance to which TochAB śāñcapo refers. Mustard scene for the corpse’s persistent return to the tree and the king’s Sisyphean labour of fetching the corpse from the tree over and over again, which serves as the Rahmenerzählung for this collection of stories. For a recasting of the same plot see Somadeva’s (11th cent. AD) Kathāsaritsāgara 75.50cd–51 (eds. Durgāprasād et al. 1889, 406): gatvā tamasi taṃ prāpa kathaṃcic chiṃśapātaruṃ // tasya skandhe citādhūmadagdhasya kravyagandhinaḥ / so ’paśyal lambamānaṃ taṃ bhūtasyeva śavaṃ taroḥ // “In the darkness he went and reached the sissoo tree with some difficulty. The tree was scorched with the smoke rising from a funeral pile [and] smelt of carrion, he saw the corpse hanging on the trunk of the tree like on the shoulder of a demon.” 431 下卷-终稿.pdf 31 2024/6/8 12:01:11 fĊđ¤Ã‘2â¤ÃŸ‘·€ë×đß©噺坅噻噹噻噽坆\‘úĊ噻 oil (sarṣapataila) serves to fry the flesh of birds,1 as an anthelmintic unguent (kṛmighna),2 as an embrocation against tinnitus, 3 and as a drinkable antidote to elephantiasis or phlegmatic cough.4 2.2.1. b) Mustard seeds can be ground or crushed, sometimes mixed with other substances, to prepare paste (kalka) or poultice (pradeha), which serves various functions. 5 More often than not, mustard seeds are listed together with the same substances as those which are juxtaposed above with what is designated by TochAB śāñcapo (cf. §1.2. b [i]): ά. the three spices (tryūṣaṇa/trikaṭuka), i.e., black pepper (kolaka), long pepper (pippalī), and ginger (śṛṅgavera); β. the three myrobalans (triphalā),6 i.e., the fruits of Tertminalia chebula (harītakī), Tantras bellerica, and Phyllanthus emblica; γ. Asa foetida (hiṅgu); δ. sweet flag/Acorus calamus (ṣaḍgranthā/vacā); and ἐ. fruits of Pongamia glabra (karañja/śārṅgeṣṭā).7 Many of those substances are spicy in flavour, and thus have 1 CarS 1.26.84: hāridrakaḥ sarṣapatailabhṛṣṭo viruddhaḥ pittaṃ cātikopayati “the flesh of a yellowishgreen pigeon, [if] fried in mustard oil, becomes incompatible, and riles the bilious humour;” SuŚr 6.41.36: gṛdhrāṃś ca dadyād [...] sasaindhavān sarṣapatailabhṛṣṭān “[the physician] should give (i.e., prescribe) the flesh of vultures etc., marinated with rock salt [and] fried in mustard oil;” Vāgbh 4.5.9ab: bhṛṣṭāḥ sarṣapatailena sarpiṣā vā yathāyatham “[the flesh of a bird of prey etc.] are fried in mustard oil or clarified butter in a proper manner.” 2 CarS 6.7.126ab: eḍagaja-kuṣṭha-saindhava-sauvīraka-sarṣapaiḥ kṛmighnaiś ca “[parasitic infections etc. become alleviated] by means of anthelmintic [substances such as] Cassia tora or alata, Costus speciosus or arabicus, rock salt, jujube, and mustard seeds;” SuŚr 1.45.117ab: kṛmighnaṃ sārṣapaṃ tailaṃ kaṇḍūkuṣṭhāpahaṃ laghu “anthelmintic mustard oil is quickly curing the leprosy [and] itch.” 3 SuŚr 6.21.54ab: karṇakṣveḍe hitaṃ tailaṃ sārṣapaṃ caiva pūraṇam “in case of tinnitus, mustard oil is beneficial as an embrocation;” Bower 533cd: karṇakṣveḍe karṇanāde kaṭutailena pūrayet “in case of tinnitus [or] ringing in the ear, one should fill [the ear] with pungent oil (i.e., oil of white mustard).” 4 SuŚr 4.19.60: pibet sarṣapatailaṃ vā ślīpadānāṃ nivṛttaye “or, [as an alternative, the patient] should drink mustard oil for the cure of [various kinds of] elephantiasis;” Bower 465: pāyayet sārṣapaṃ tailaṃ kausuṃbham athavā bhiṣak / paṃcakolakasiddhaṃ vā pibet kāse kaphātmake “either [the physician] should give to drink mustard oil dyed with safflower as a remedy, or [the patient] should drink [mustard oil] prepared with the five spices (i.e., long pepper, its root, Piper chaba, plumbago, and dry ginger) in case of phlegmatic cough.” 5 See Ram Manohar et al. 2009, 400ff. 6 On the three myrobalans, see Chen 2021, 1–78. 7 SuŚr 4.40.61: trikaṭuka-vacā-sarṣapa-harītakī-kalkam āloḍya “having dissolved the paste of the three spices, sweet flag, mustard seeds, and Tertminalia chebula [in oil etc.] ...;” Vāgbh 6.5.38–39: [...] kvāthe ’rdhapalikaiḥ pacet // tryūṣaṇa-triphalā-hiṅgu-ṣaḍgranthā-miśi-sarṣapaiḥ [...] “one should cook in the decoction [an ointment] with the three spices, the three myrobalans, Asa foetida, sweet flag, seeds of Anethum sowa, and mustard seeds, [weighing] half a pala (≈ 18.88 grams; Olivelle 2013, 459) ...” For shortened versions of the list see CarS 6.26.13: piṇyāka-sauvarcala-hiṅgubhir vā sarṣapa-tryūṣaṇayāvaśūkaiḥ “[prepare a suppository] with sesamum oil cake, sochal salt, and Asa foetida, or with mustard seeds, the three spices, and alkaline salt prepared from the ashes of burnt barley-straw;” Vāgbh 6.5.28: hiṅgu-sarṣapa-ṣaḍgranthā-vyoṣair ardhapalonmitaiḥ “[thick sour milk] with Asa foetida, mustard seeds, sweet flag, and the [three] spices, as much as half a pala, [is prescribed as an offering to deities].” With fruits of Pongamia glabra, see SuŚr 4.5.37 = Vāgbh 4.21.52: kuryād dihyāc ca mūtrāḍhyaiḥ karañjaphala- 432 下卷-终稿.pdf 32 2024/6/8 12:01:11 fößĦĊĦßë×ëµĦ圪`©ß‘úÓāëâm럽‘úÑâśāñcapo a purgative or laxative effect. On the other hand, the use of mustard seeds alongside with rock salt (saindhava) among other substances is well attested (cf. §1.2. b [ii]). The preparations made from their admixture function as ointments (lepana) or emetics (vamana).1 2.2.1. c) Mustard seeds are one of the favourite substances used in Tantric rituals, and their ritual efficacy probably underlies the epithet of white mustard, namely Skt. siddhārtha(ka), lit. “leading to the goal, efficacious” (PW s.v.). A sample of the ritual uses of mustard seeds is found in the Amoghapāśakalparāja, an encyclopaedic compendium of Tantric Buddhist rites. According to this compendium, mustard seeds are cast into fire as one of the sacrificial oblations,2 or scattered in the four directions of the compass, performing an exorcistic or apotropaic function (cf. §1.2. c [i]).3 By way of an empowerment, mustard seeds are often consecrated, in a ritual context, with a mantra (abhimantrita), which is to be recited for a certain number of times.4 This is perfectly in line with the sarṣapaiḥ “one should make [a plaster] with fruits of Pongamia glabra and mustard seeds, richly endowed with cow’s urine, and apply [it to the affected part];” SuŚr 4.23.12: sarṣapa-suvarcalāsaindhava-śārṅgeṣṭābhiś ca pradehaḥ kāryaḥ “with mustard seeds, sochal salt, rock salt, and fruits of Pongamia glabra, a plaster is to be made.” 1 SuŚr 4.20.37: lepanaṃ ca vacā-rodhra-saindhavaiḥ sarṣapānvitaiḥ “and the application of ointments [prepared] with sweet flag, Symplocos racemosa, and rock salt, joined by mustard seeds [is also recommended];” Vāgbh 6.9.25: vamet kṛṣṇā-yaṣṭī-sarṣapa-saindhavaiḥ “[the patient] should vomit using black pepper, licorice, mustard seeds, and rock salt.” Although we are not yet able to pinpoint similar occurrences in any Āyurvedic recipes dealing with abscess, it is only natural to conceive of an ointment prepared with mustard seeds, rock salt, etc. to be used as a cure against diseases of that nature. Note that the rendition of TochB ampoño as “abscess” is provisional at best, and that the word is likely to be of Late Khotanese origin and might simply mean “rottenness, infection” (Dragoni 2021, 307f.; 2023, 35f.). Its Old Khotanese cognate, i.e., haṃbūta-, is attested in the sense of “fester,” which should be treated with “ointment” (Khot. ālīva ← Skt. ālepa); see Book of Zambasta 5.16 (Emmerick 1968, 98 & 99). 2 The casting of mustard seeds into fire is testified to by quite a few Buddhist tantric texts in Chinese translation. It seems to have originally served an apotropaic function, and have later become fused with the homa-rites. See Strickmann 1996, 63, 141, and 339. 3 See the following passage (eds. Kimura et al. 2000, 60 [= 313]): rājavṛkṣa-samidhānāṃ kuryāc chatapuṣpa-śatāvarī-pattaṅga-candana-sarṣapa-yava-ghṛtāktānām ekaviṃśati āhutīs trisandhyaṃ divasāni sapta mahārājā vaśī-bhavati sāntaḥpuraparivāraḥ / [...] “One should make twenty-one oblations of fuelsticks of the Cassia fistula wood, besmeared with clarified butter, [with the addition of] seeds of Anethum sowa, Asparagus racemosus, red sandalwood, sandalwood, mustard seeds, and grains of barley —three times daily (i.e., at dawn, noon, and eventide) for seven days; [then] a great king, together with women of his harem and his retinue, becomes subject [to one’s charm].” The emendations and the English translation of this passage are after Bernard and Chen 2022, 7. An Iranian parallel to this ritual practice seems to have existed. Henning (1965, 39 = 1977, II 607) took note of an Ahrimanian tradition, according to which mustard “seeds are thrown into the fire to excite fat black smoke.” 4 See Mañjuśriyamūlakalpa (ed. Gaṇapati 1920–1925), vol. 1, 39.22–23: +śvetasarṣapam aṣṭābhimantritaṃ kṛtvā yamāntakakrodharājenābhimantrya śarāvasampuṭe sthāpayet “having made [a seed of] white mustard sacred using a mantra [recited] eight times, and consecrated [it] with [the mantra of] 433 下卷-终稿.pdf 33 2024/6/8 12:01:11 fĊđ¤Ã‘2â¤ÃŸ‘·€ë×đß©噺坅噻噹噻噽坆\‘úĊ噻 way the substance to which TochAB śāñcapo refers is dealt with (cf. §§1.2. c [i]–[iii]), an act for which a technical term is coined in Tocharian (i.e., TochA nesset ya[p]-/yām-, TochB nässait yām- “to make/cast a spell [over]”).1 Thus empowered, mustard seeds are sometimes hurled at the target that will then be possessed by their magical power. 2 Viewed in this light, it may be conceivable that a person who walks over an empowered mustard seed will be expelled from his original abode (cf. §1.2. c [iii]). Although no close parallel to this witchcraft practice is known from extant Indic sources, the context tallies well with the ritual efficacy of mustard seed in exorcism, etc. 2.2.1. d) Mustard seeds, usually ground into a fine powder, are commonly used as a condiment to add flavour to food and drink. We are not yet able to identify any textual evidence for the use of mustard seeds to make one’s mind unsound. However, the seeds, leaves, and oil of mustard are commonly used as part of the cures for insanity (unmāda).3 Yamāntaka, the Lord of Wrath, one should place [it] in the hollow of an earthenware vessel;” vol. 3, 675.6–7: gaurasarṣapāṇāṃ saptābhimantritānāṃ saṅgrāme prakire<t> / śāntir bhavati “when seeds of white mustard are made sacred by a mantra [recited] seven times, one should scatter them in a battle, and there will be peace;” 710.26–27: śvetasarṣapaṃ saptābhimantritaṃ yasya śirasi dadāti sa +vaśī-bhavati “he, whom one gives on [his] head a seed of white mustard made sacred by a mantra [recited] seven times, becomes subject to [one’s charm];” 715.25–26: udaka-bhasma-sarṣapānyatamam aṣṭasahasrābhimantritaṃ kṛtvā caturdiśaṃ kṣipet / maṇḍalabandhaḥ kṛto bhavati “having made sacred any mustard seed in water and ash with a mantra [recited] eight-thousand times, one should throw it in the four directions (i.e., on all sides), [and] the demarcation of a [ritual] circle will be done.” This practice also finds parallel in Chinese tantric texts; see Strickmann 1996, 199, 200, and 219. 1 The etymology of TochA nesset and TochB nässait (v.l. nessait, niset) remains obscure. A.J. van Windekens proposed to connect the second component (i.e., TochA -set, TochB -sait) with Old Icelandic seiðr “spell, charm, incantation” or with words of Uralic origin such as Finnish soitta- “to play (an instrument);” see van Windekens 1944, 34; 1976, 318. The former can be traced back to Proto-Germanic *saida- “magic, charm” (Kroonen 2013, 421). Alternatively, see Malzahn (2010, 64, n. 21): “maybe a loan from Skt. niṣedha ‘repulsion.’ ” Malzahn’s hypothesis does not account for the germinate -ss-. Tracing the lexeme back to the same root, G.-J. Pinault (apud Pan 2021, 106, n. 173) does not regard it as an Indic loanword, but as an inherited Indo-European nomen actionis (*nəssaitə < *nis-soi̯dh-u “fending off, repulse”); in that case, the TochA form is likely to be a borrowing from its TochB counterpart. 2 See Bhavabhaṭṭa ad Catuṣpīthatantra 3.3.12 (ed. Szántó 2012, II 166): amunā mantreṇa sarṣapān abhijapya [...] taiḥ sādhyaṃ hanyāt. tata āviṣṭo bhavati “with the said mantra one should empower mustard seeds ... and hurl them at the target. Then [the target] becomes possessed.” (cf. Szántó 2012, I 384). See also Catuṣpīthatantra 3.3.19cd (ed. Szántó 2012, II 169): sarṣapena tu yogīnāṃ | adaityābaliyuktitam || “The yogin [should use] mustard seeds in conjunction with the adaityābali” (tr. Szántó 2012, I 388); Bhavabhaṭṭa ad 3.3.19: tena pūrvasevāsiddhena mantreṇa sarṣapān abhimantrya [...] sādhyaṃ hanyāt. tata āviṣṭaḥ syāt “With the mantra perfected by the preliminary service one should consecrate mustard seeds ... and hurl [them] at the target. Then [the target] would be possessed.” (cf. Szántó 2012, I 388). 3 See Ram Manohar et al. 2009, 400ff. 434 下卷-终稿.pdf 34 2024/6/8 12:01:11 fößĦĊĦßë×ëµĦ圪`©ß‘úÓāëâm럽‘úÑâśāñcapo 2.2.1. e) The medical use of mustard seeds to prepare embrocation and the like is unknown to us. That being said, mustard seeds constitute one of the ingredients that induce emesis, cleanse the cranial cavity, etc. Such procedures are instrumental in healing diseases such as pallor and jaundice (pāṇḍuroga).1 2.2.2 To sum up, there are a certain number of commonalities shared between mustard seeds (sarṣapa/siddhārthaka) and the substance to which TochAB śāñcapo refers: First, mustard is a leguminous plant, and mustard oil is used for various purposes (cf. §2.2.1. a). Second, crushed mustard seeds are used for various medical preparations and in conjunction with more or less the same substances as those mentioned above in the case of TochAB śāñcapo (cf. §2.2.1. b). Third, the ritual use of mustard seeds is well attested, and the ways that they are used in a ritual context are in line with what is known from the extant Tocharian sources (cf. §2.2.1. c). Admittedly, the match is not perfect (cf. §§2.2.1. d & e), but is strong enough to make us consider a new interpretation of TochAB śāñcapo as “mustard (seed).” 3.1 Morphological Remarks If the new interpretation proposed above is approximately correct, the etymology of TochAB śāñcapo must be reconsidered. Since a borrowing from Tocharian B to Tocharian A is quite plausible, our remarks below focus on the TochB word. Before delving into the etymological discussion, we consider it apposite to make a few morphological remarks. TochB śāñcapo is attested with -o as the stem-final vowel both in the nominative singular and in the genitive singular (śāñcapotse), and thus is likely to belong to the so-called palsko-type rather than the arṣāklo-type. The two classes of nominal declension differ from each other in the stem, on which all non-nom.sg. forms, e.g., the genitive singular, the plural, and the derived forms, are built. While, as for the arṣāklo-type, the stem in -o is limited to the nom.sg. and all the other forms are built on another stem in -a (nom.sg. arṣāklo “snake,” non-nom.sg. stem arṣākla-), the nouns exemplifying the palsko-type exhibit no formal differentiation between the nom.sg. and the non-nom.sg. stem (nom.sg. palsko “mind,” non-nom.sg. stem palsko-).2 To the same class of nominal declension belongs also TochB pito “price, cost,” a word which ostensibly has a bizarre paradigm combining the palsko-type, the arṣāklotype, and the okso-type. Alessandro Del Tomba (2019, 112–116) has demonstrated that all the occurrences of what are purportedly forms built on non-palsko-stems (i.e., pītaand pitai-) can be interpreted otherwise, and that nothing speaks against the 1 See Ram Manohar et al. 2009, 401. 2 On the arṣāklo-type and the palsko-type and their diachronic evolution, see most recently Del Tomba 2023, 153–172, and 196–209. 435 下卷-终稿.pdf 35 2024/6/8 12:01:11 fĊđ¤Ã‘2â¤ÃŸ‘·€ë×đß©噺坅噻噹噻噽坆\‘úĊ噻 categorization of TochB pito as a regular example of the palsko-type.1 This assigns TochB pito, along with TochB śāñcapo, to a small group of nouns belonging to this declensional class, which, unlike most members of the palsko-type, are without cognate verbs in Tocharian.2 Whereas some of the nouns without cognate verbs can be hypothetically linked to verb roots attested in other Indo-European languages, there are some exceptional cases in which the nouns cannot be traced back to the Proto-Indo-European type in *-eh2 or to old thematic neuter plurals. In the case of TochB pito, an Iranian origin has long been postulated, and the communis opinio tends to consider it a loanword derived from Pre-Khotanese *pīθa-, the antecedent of Khot. pīha- “price.”3 TochB śāñcapo does not seem to have any cognate verb in Tocharian, and shows no etymological association with any Indo-European verb root. Therefore, it is conceivable that the word was borrowed into Tocharian in a manner similar to, if not exactly the same as TochB pito. Viewed in this light, the presumption of an Iranian origin may not be far-fetched, insofar as TochB śāñcapo shares some formal characteristics with other loanwords from Iranian (e.g. initial stress). Both TochB śāñcapo “mustard (seed)” and TochB tvāṅkaro “ginger” are trisyllabic and stressed on the first syllable (C1áNC2aC3o), while the two substances designated by these words are quite similar in character. Previous scholars traced the latter word back to the Pre-Khotanese antecedent of Late Khot. ttūṃgara(a)- “ginger.”4 It is not until recently that Dragoni (2021, 305) points out that “[t]here is indeed no need to consider T[och]B tvāṅkaro as a Pre-Khotanese loanword,” for the Tocharian word may well have been borrowed from an unattested Old Khot. *tvā́ṃgaraa- or tváṃgaraa- (> Late Khot. ttūṃgára[a]-).5 Despite the fact that TochB tvāṅkaro belongs to the arṣāklo-type rather than the palsko-type, the formal affinity between the two words might be indicative of a certain relationship between the source languages from which they were borrowed. That is to say, TochB śāñcapo could have derived from a language related to Khotanese. 1 See also Del Tomba 2023, 203f. 2 For the treatment of the other members of this group, especially those which can be diachronically explained as deverbal, see Del Tomba 2023, 205–209. 3 See Bailey 1967, 196f. and 1979, 242; who, however, merely quoted the Tocharian word without specifying its relationship to the Iranian cognates. To our knowledge, van Windekens 1979, 28, §63 first proposed the hypothesis of an Iranian loanword. See also Tremblay 2005, 428; and most recently Dragoni 2023, 142–145. (← acc.sg. *pīθu). 4 See Bailey 1937, 913; Tremblay 2005, 428. Late Khot. ttūṃgára(a)- was borrowed into Old Tibetan by the 9th century CE and reduced to a disyllabic word: *toŋgára > *li-dóŋ(g)ara > Old Tibetan li dong (g)ra “dried ginger,” with the voicing of the initial consonant triggered by the compounding with the toponym li “Khotan;” see Emmerick 1985, 313. A loanword with voiceless initial, i.e., ʈoŋgára “ginger,” is preserved in modern Purik-Tibetan, which, in its turn, is the source of tuŋgára “id.” in Brokskat, a Shina dialect (the Tibetan antecedent of Tamang tungra “id.” remains obscure); see Bielmeier 2012, 22–27. 5 See also Dragoni 2023, 125–127. 436 下卷-终稿.pdf 36 2024/6/8 12:01:11 fößĦĊĦßë×ëµĦ圪`©ß‘úÓāëâm럽‘úÑâśāñcapo 3.2 Etymological Discussions The word for “mustard (seed)” is a productive Wanderwort attested in not a few ancient languages, the relationship between which is not fully clarified: Apart from Skt. sarṣapa(< *sanšapa-) 1 and Greek σινά̄ πι (→ Latin sināpi[s], Arabic ṣināb, etc.), 2 a handful of cognates are found in Middle Iranian languages, such as Parthian šyfš-dʾn, Sogdian šywšpδn, and Middle Persian span-dān (EWAia II 712, s.v. sarṣapa-). The second component of the latter forms are descended from Old Iranian *dānā- “cereal grain, seed” (NIL 125). All the Middle Iranian cognates seem to go back to a single etymon *sinšapa-,3 and the only exception is Khot. śśaśvāna-, which will be discussed a few lines below. Walter B. Henning investigated the etymology of the word for “mustard (seed)” in detail, and offered a hypothetical reconstruction of the state of affairs: “The following hypothesis may serve to cut across all such difficulties: the word for “mustard” was approximately s1eṇs2ap and belonged to a non-Indo-European language, whence it was adopted by Iranians and Indo-Aryans, severally, at a remote date, at the time of their immigration, and inducted into the phonological systems of their languages; thus, e.g., the brief e, alien to either group, came to be replaced variously by i or a.” (Henning 1965, 45 = 1977, II 613). If Henning’s hypothesis is anything to go by, and if TochB śāñcapo can be added to the same family of cognates, the Tocharians apparently adopted the word from a language, in which the diagnostic vowel *-ĕ- turns into -a- rather than -i-. In other words, TochB śāñcapo was borrowed from the *sanšapa-group rather than the *sinšapagroup. This would narrow down the candidates for the source language to two: either Indic (Skt. sarṣapa-) or (Pre-)Khotanese (Khot. śśaśvāna-). With all these observations in mind (cf. §3.1), we are tempted to regard (Pre-)Khotanese as the more likely candidate among the two. Given that Khot. śśaśvāna- shows a developed and compounded form, the source of TochB śāñcapo is, in all likelihood, to be sought in an anterior stage of this language. Federico Dragoni (2023, 173f.) suggests a scenario to derive TochB śāñcapo from a hypothetical Pre-Khotanese4 form *śaNźapa-, a hypothesis to which we subscribe in the 1 For the sound change between -r- and -n-, see also Skt. karpūra- < *kampūra- “camphor,” which may also be due to a contamination from the root *karp- “strong-smelling plant” (Bernard 2020, 51, §8.3.2.3). The consonant -r- was prone to assimilation in Middle Indic (e.g. Pāli sāsapa-, Prakrit sāsava-; PSM 895a), but is well attested in the modern Indic cognates which almost exclusively presuppose a pre-form *sarṣ- (or *śarṣ-; CDIAL 767, §§13281 & 13282). 2 See Beekes 2010, II 1333. 3 See Henning 1965, 43f. = 1977, II 611f.; who also reconstructed Avestan *siušapa- (with -uš- < *-ns-) to account for the strange -w- of Sogdian šywšp-. 4 In his discussion, Dragoni (op. cit.) distinguishes between Pre-Khotanese and Proto-TumshuqeseKhotanese. While considering this distinction to be well taken, we beg to differ from Dragoni’s system in the present case, since no Tumshuqese cognate of Khot. śśaśvāna- has been identified yet. Our use 437 下卷-终稿.pdf 37 2024/6/8 12:01:11 fĊđ¤Ã‘2â¤ÃŸ‘·€ë×đß©噺坅噻噹噻噽坆\‘úĊ噻 present paper. His arguments are twofold: First, whatever the second component of Khot. śśaśvāna- originally was,1 the first component should be śśaśva˚ /śaźwa˚/. In such a form, the cluster -śv- /-źw-/ arose within Pre- or Old Khotanese through the weakening and syncope of the medial unstressed syllable (i.e., *śáNźapa- > *śáNźäwa- > *śaNźwa-), and resulted in the subsequent loss of the preceding nasal (i.e., *śaNźwa- > śaźwa˚). Second, the reconstructed proto-form *śáNźapa- has the initial ś- by assimilation from *sanšapa-, which, as mentioned above, underlies Skt. sarṣapa-. It is probably this protoform that found its way into Tocharian through the de-fricativisation of the fricative *-ś- (← *-ź-), which became the corresponding palatal stop -c- in a postnasal position (i.e., *śáNźapa- → TochB *śánśapo > śāñcapo). This sound change *-nś- > -ñc- is an innerTochB development which is parallel to the t-epenthesis in the cluster -ns- (> -nts-) as well as to the “irregular” palatalisation of the cluster -ṅk- (> *-ñś- > -ñc-; Ringe 1996, 115). The aforesaid theory about the origin of the Tocharian word for “mustard (seed),” it is hoped, sheds new light on the long-lasting interaction between Tocharian and (Pre-)Khotanese, a language which the honorand of the present volume cherished as her own. To her memory, we dedicate this humble contribution, which, as we are well aware, is disproportionately small relative to the honorand’s own achievements, “[a]s a grain of mustard appears before Mount Sumeru, a single drop of water in conne[ct]ion with the great ocean.”2 May the spicy etymology, inadequate as it may be, help to keep alive the remembrance of this extraordinary scholar. Abbreviations AVP LeRoy C. Barret, ed. “The Kashmirian Atharva Veda: Book One.” Journal of the American Oriental Society 26 (1905): 197–295. AVŚ Rudolph Roth and William D. Whitney, eds. Atharva Veda Sanhita: Zweite verbesserte Auflage besorgt von Max Lindenau. Berlin: Ferd. Dümmlers Verlag, 1924. Bower A.F. Rudolf Hoernle, ed. The Bower Manuscript: Facsimile Leaves, Nāgarī Transcript, Romanised Transliteration and English Translation with Notes, and Sanskrit and English Indexes. Calcutta: Archaeological Survey of India, 1893–1912. of the term “Pre-Khotanese” is broadly conceived, covering both Proto-Tumshuqese-Khotanese and Pre-Khotanese in Dragoni’s chronology. 1 The second component ˚āna- was traditionally understood as the descendant of Old Iranian *dānā(after the loss of the initial d- in the Kompositionsfuge) in accord with the other Middle Iranian cognates; see Henning 1965, 35 = 1977, II 603. This explanation is difficult given the gender of Khot. śśaśvāna-, which seems to be attested in Old Khotanese as a masculine a-stem rather than a feminine ā-stem; see Dragoni 2023, 174. For the up-to-date state of the art, see Peyrot, Dragoni, and Bernard 2022, 408. No matter what the exact origin of the element °āna- is, it must be secondary in view of the aforementioned Sogd. šywšp-δn and Parth. šyfš-dʾn, which presuppose the shorter forms šywšp° and šyfš°, respectively. 2 Book of Zambasta 2.118: kho ggarä Sumīrä śśaśvānä kaśte pata mahāsamudrä śśo kanā utca baña; see Emmerick 1968, 30–31. For the simile of mustard seed in general, see Emmerick 1967, 22–25. 438 下卷-终稿.pdf 38 2024/6/8 12:01:11 fößĦĊĦßë×ëµĦ圪`©ß‘úÓāëâm럽‘úÑâśāñcapo CarS Priyavrat V. Sharma, ed. Caraka-Saṃhitā: Agniveśa’s Treatise Refined and Annotated by Caraka and Redacted by Dṛḍhabala, 4 vols. Jaikrishnadas Āyurveda Series 36. Varanasi & Delhi: Chaukhambha Orientalia, 1981–1994. CDIAL R.L. Turner, ed. A Comparative Dictionary of the Indo-Aryan Languages. London: Oxford University Press, 1966. CEToM A Comprehensive Edition of Tocharian Manuscripts <https://cetom.univie.ac.at/?home>. Vienna, 2011–. EWAia Manfred Mayrhofer, ed. Etymologisches Wörterbuch des Altindoarischen, 3 vols. 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Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. 444 下卷-终稿.pdf 44 2024/6/8 12:01:11 英文文章的中文摘要 敦煌写本所见启请文之多样性与共同性  陈怀宇 （亚利桑那州立大学）  敦煌出土写本中保存了不少佛教发愿文，这些文献可以与传世佛典文献进 行比较，研究其中反映的启请仪式，可以看出中古佛教启请仪式体现出多样性和 共同性。将敦煌出土启请文与传世佛教文献比较，从风格和内容来看，敦煌写本 中提到启请仪式的发愿文大致可以分为两类，即作为发愿文模板的启请文和作 为特定历史语境中的启请发愿文，后者有其特定的、具体的功德主和启请对象。 敦煌出土发愿文和传世佛典文献所记录的启请仪式之间也存在差异，前者并不 基于特定的佛教典籍及其教义基础，而后者通常有特定的、具体的佛典作为教义 基础。在唐后期五代时期，中原地区流行的启请仪式显然与敦煌地区归义军统治 下所举行的启请仪式不同。不过，尽管存在这些差异，中古佛教的启请仪式也有 其共同性，即有共同的构成因素，如由功德主启请和恭迎佛教诸佛诸菩萨等贤圣、 供养贤圣、向贤圣祈福、对着贤圣忏悔等。 关键词：启请；发愿文；敦煌写本；多样性；共同性  一个辛辣的语源 ——吐 火 罗 语 AB śāñcapo 小 考  陈瑞翾 （北京大学） 伯纳德 （莱顿大学）  本文考证吐火罗语中的śāñcapo一词。迄今为止，该词被大多数学者认为是印 度语借词，源自梵语śiṃśapā-“印度黄檀”。拙文细究该词于存世吐火罗语文献中 之用例，发现“印度黄檀”一义恐非达诂，而该词本义应为“芥（子）”。基于此一新 知，拙文考镜该词于印欧诸语中之源流，就其语源提出新说：该词应为伊朗语借 词，源自原始于阗语*śáNźapa-“芥（子）”。后者即于阗语śśaśvāna-“芥子”之前身。 关键词：吐火罗语；（原始）于阗语；语言接触；西域佛教   399 002-上卷-中文文章-终稿-标记.pdf 399 2024/6/6 15:40:33 第 一 辑 （2024） 上 卷 段 晴 教 授 纪 念 专 号 STUDIA INDICA Volume 1 (2024) Part 1 Special Issue in Memory of Professor DUAN Qing Executive Editors: YE Shaoyong, ZHANG Xing and FAN Jingjing 001-上卷-前言目录-终稿.pdf 1 2024/6/5 15:26:21 001-上卷-前言目录-转曲.pdf 2 2024/5/20 19:22:46 001-上卷-前言目录-转曲.pdf 3 2024/5/20 19:22:46 . 图书在版编目（CIP）数据 梵学. 第一辑, 段晴教授纪念专号: 汉文、英文 / 叶少勇, 张幸, 范晶晶主编. —上海：中西书局, 2024 ISBN 978-7-5475-2233-2 2. ①梵… 22. ①叶… ②张… ③范… 222. ①梵－文 集－汉、英 2€. ①B351-53 中国国家版本馆 CIP 数据核字（2024）第 045144 号                   梵 学 ·第 一 辑 ·段 晴 教 授 纪 念 专 号 叶少勇 张幸 责任编辑 装帧设计 责任印制  出版发行  地 印 开 印 字 版 书 定  址 刷 本 张 数 次 号 价 范晶晶 主编 张 恬 薛天盟 朱人杰  上海世纪出版集团 (www.zxpress.com.cn) 上海市闵行区号景路 159 弄 B 座（邮政编码：201101） 上海盛通时代印刷有限公司 787 毫米 × 1092 毫米 1/16 41 732 000 2024 年 6 月第 1 版 2024 年 6 月第 1 次印刷 ISBN 978-7-5475-2233-2/B·135 198.00 元 本书如有质量问题，请与承印厂联系。电话：021-37910000  版权页.pdf 1 2024/6/6 15:35:22 . 前 言 记得是在2021年5月的一天，我们三人聚在一起，商定为我们的老师段晴教 授2023年的70岁生日编辑一部祝寿文集，并以此文集为始开启一个专注于印度 学、佛教学和丝绸之路研究的学术辑刊。其后按照计划，我们瞒着段老师发起“秘 密”约稿，希望为段老师古稀之年献上一份惊喜贺仪。未曾想到就在当年8月，段 老师被检查出罹患癌症，次年3月26日，噩耗传来，我们再无机会实现当初的愿望。 悲痛之余，只能调整计划，于是便有了现在这部纪念文集。 本文集分为上下两卷，分别收录中文和英文论文，共36篇。文章的作者皆为 段老师昔日的同事、朋友和学生，内容涵盖印度与丝绸之路的文献学、历史学、 宗教学、图像学、考古学及汉语史等诸多领域，涉及汉语、梵语、巴利语、藏语、于 阗语、犍陀罗语、吐火罗语、中古波斯语等多种语言，正体现了段老师开阔的研 究视野和广泛的学术兴趣。 1953年5月13日，段晴老师出生于北京的一个军人家庭。1971年，段老师作为 工农兵学员进入北京大学西语系德语专业，1974年毕业后被分配至出版社工作。 1978年全国高校恢复研究生招生，段老师作为“文化大革命”后第一批研究生进入 北京大学与中国社会科学院合办的南亚研究所，师从季羡林（1911–2009）和蒋忠 新（1942—2002）专攻印度学，于1982年获得硕士学位。同年赴德国汉堡大学攻读 博士学位，师从埃墨利克（R.E. Emmerick，1937—2001）主攻伊朗学，副科为印度学 和 藏 学 ， 指 导 教 师 分 别 为 维 茨 勒 （ A. Wezler, 1938 — 2023 ） 和 施 密 特 豪 森 （ L. Schmithausen, 1939—），于1986年获得博士学位。归国后任教于南亚研究所，后进 入北京大学东语系，2000年获聘教授。2004—2019年间任北京大学梵文贝叶经与 佛教文献研究所主任，2017年获聘北京大学博雅讲席教授。 段老师将火热的一生都献给了她所热爱的学术和教育事业。她接续季羡林、 金克木先生的学术薪火，以过人的精力和毅力，长期驻守以梵语为核心的印度学 学科阵地，在梵文贝叶经、巴利语佛典、佉卢文文书、于阗语文献及丝绸之路多 元文明等领域开疆拓土，产出了一系列有国际影响力的学术成果，培养了一大批 冷门学科的研究人才，可谓改变了整个学科的布局和面貌。 梵语是段老师一生治学的基础。她长期主持北大的梵语教学，于2001年出版 了我国首部梵语传统语法的研究专著——《波你尼语法入门——Sārasiddhāntakaumudī〈月光疏精粹〉述解》（北京大学出版社）。从2002年开始，段老师与朱庆之、 （1） 003-前言 zx edited.-叶再修订docx.pdf 1 2024/6/6 16:24:11 梵学·第一辑 （2024） 上卷 万金川等学者合作推动汉译佛经的梵汉对勘研究。在其努力之下，汉语史与梵语 研究的结合成为跨学科学术研究的一个范例。 我国西藏存有大量梵文贝叶经，其文献价值举世瞩目，但在相当长的时期内， 受限于种种条件，对这些写本的研究工作未能大规模展开。2004年10月，王邦维 老师和段晴老师联名向北京大学提交了建立“梵文贝叶经与佛教文献研究室” （后更名为“梵文贝叶经与佛教文献研究所”）的申请，获批后由段老师担任主任， 带领青年学者对西藏梵文贝叶经展开调查研究。在段老师的引领统筹之下，研究 所成员整理校勘出多部久已失传的梵文佛典，出版了“梵文贝叶经与佛教文献系 列丛书”和“梵藏汉佛典丛书”等系列研究成果，有力推动了我国的梵文写本研究 事业，实现了几代学者的夙愿。 段老师非常重视巴利语的教学与研究，于2008年在北大恢复开设了中断多 年的巴利语课程，2009年代表北大与泰国法胜大学签署了合作意向书，正式启动 了北大−法胜巴利佛典汉译项目。这是我国历史上第一个也是目前唯一一个系统 的、基于原典的巴利三藏汉译项目。在她的主持之下，经藏中《长部》和《中部》的 汉译本分别于2012年和2021年出版。 段老师是我国佉卢文教学研究事业的开创者。2011年，她在北大首次开设了 犍陀罗语教学课程，随后组建了我国唯一一支佉卢文研究团队。2013年，她带领 团队完成了中国国家图书馆藏梵文残叶和佉卢文文书的释读整理工作，成果结 集为《中国国家图书馆藏西域文书——梵文、佉卢文卷》（段晴、张志清主编，中 西书局）。2016年，她与才洛太合作出版了专著《青海藏医药文化博物馆藏佉卢文 尺牍》（中西书局）。 段老师是我国首位同时接受过印度学和伊朗学专业系统训练的学者，能够 释读西域文书中的大多数语言文字。21世纪初，我国陆续发现了一大批出自新疆 的写本，包括佛教典籍和世俗文书，涉及于阗语、梵语、犍陀罗语、藏语、据史德 语、吐火罗语、犹太波斯语等多种语言。从2006年首次接触这批文书开始，段老师 迎来了她的学术迸发期。其后16年间直至去世，她主持了多个学术项目，出版了 相关专著5部，发表中文论文（含非第一作者）80余篇，英文论文20余篇，研究涉及 梵文、佉卢文、于阗语、据史德语、粟特语、叙利亚语等多个文献领域。 于阗语文献研究是段老师着力最多也是贡献最大的一个学术领域。相关成 果主要有论文集《于阗·佛教·古卷》（中西书局，2013），专著《中国国家图书馆藏 西域文书——于阗语卷（一）》（中西书局，2015）和《于阗语无垢净光大陀罗尼经》 （中西书局，2019），以及一系列中英文论文。这些著作刊布释读了几十件于阗语 （2） 001-上卷-前言目录-终稿.pdf 6 2024/6/5 15:26:21 前 言 佛典和世俗文献，首次破译了于阗语中的“蚕”“茧”“丝”“桑”“纸”“锦”等一系列词 汇，取得了令国际学界瞩目的成就。为表彰她的突出贡献，2021年10月伊朗驻中 国大使馆授予段老师“杰出伊朗学家”称号。 2010年，新疆和田地区山普拉乡出土了5块约产于6世纪的栽绒毯，其上有色 彩鲜艳的图案和文字。段老师研究之后发表了一系列中英文论文，作出惊人的论 断，确定了毛毯名称为《大唐西域记》所载的于阗特产——氍毹，毛毯图案所反映 的则是两河流域史诗《吉尔伽美什》的故事框架。2021年，段老师在病榻上将相关 论文结集成《神话与仪式——破解古代于阗氍毹上的文明密码》（生活·读书·新 知三联书店）一书，并口述序言，最后一句话是：“生命有限，探索无穷。” 在三十多年的教学生涯中，段老师共指导了13名博士研究生、18名硕士研究 生，先后开设过古典梵语、梵语传统语法、巴利语、于阗语、犍陀罗语等语言和文 献课程，并根据学生的不同需求长年开设各种读书班，还多次带领学生赴国内外 进行实地教学和考察。在她的指导下，很多学生都走上了学术道路，其中一些已 经成为高校和科研院所的教学和研究骨干。2022年，段老师领衔的北京大学“东 方语言文化教师团队”，被评为教育部第二批全国高校黄大年式教师团队。 段老师对待学生既严厉又关爱，善用“碾压式”的授课风格激发学生的斗志。 她鼓励学生在她不熟悉的领域去选择论文题目，自己随之投入大量时间和精力 去拓展知识范围。她极力支持学生研究第一手写本材料，并为此创造各种条件， 还接纳入门不久的学生加入自己的项目团队，使得很多学生在初学阶段就有机 会参与具有国际前沿水准的科研实践，迅速打开研究视野。由此段老师践行出一 套“激进”的人才培养模式，实现了研究队伍的跨越式发展。 段老师正值学术绽放之际而可惜天不假年，留下了于阗语《佛本生赞》和 《赞巴斯特之书》的两部汉译手稿有待整理出版，巴利三藏汉译、于阗语文书和 西藏梵文贝叶经等诸个研究项目也将由我们后辈接棒继续推进。 “指穷于为薪，火传也，不知其尽也。” 谨以此书献给敬爱的段晴老师，愿她在另一个世界，带着微笑注视我们前行。  编者  2024年3月 （3） 001-上卷-前言目录-终稿.pdf 7 2024/6/5 15:26:21  致 谢  在这本辑刊漫长的编辑过程中，感谢各位文章作者所给予的信任和包容。感谢 上海中西书局哲社编辑室副主任田甜女士的各项帮助，以及责任编辑张恬女士的细 致审校。感谢李晓楠博士和Johanne Donovan女士协助作英文校对。感谢郑初阳先生 在文字和排版方面给予的建议。感谢薛天盟先生为本辑刊装帧设计封面。感谢孟建 彤先生、闫红线女士的鼎力支持。 （4） 003-前言 zx edited.-叶再修订docx.pdf 4 2024/6/11 11:54:46 . Preface One day in May 2021, three of us gathered and decided to edit a festschrift volume dedicated to Professor Duan Qing’s 70th birthday in 2023. We also wanted to make this volume the inaugural issue of a new journal focusing on Indology, Buddhist studies, and Silk Road studies. Subsequently, according to the plan, we initiated a “secret” call for papers, hoping to surprise our professor with a gift for her 70th birthday. However, in August 2021, Professor Duan was diagnosed with cancer, and she passed away on March 26th, 2022, leaving us with no opportunity to fulfill our original wish. With tremendous sorrow, we had to adjust our plan and convert the original festschrift volume to the present memorial volume. This volume is divided into two parts, containing 26 papers in Chinese and 10 papers in English. The authors of these papers are former colleagues, friends, and students of Professor Duan. These studies cover a wide range of fields, including philology, history, religion, iconography, archaeology of India and areas along the Silk Road, as well as Chinese historical linguistics. These papers deal with sources written in multiple languages, such as Chinese, Sanskrit, Pali, Tibetan, Khotanese, Gāndhārī, Sogdian, and Middle Persian, which reflect Professor Duan’s broad research perspectives and diverse academic interests. Professor Duan Qing was born on May 13th, 1953 into a military family in Beijing. She studied German language and literature as an undergraduate at Peking University from 1971 to 1974. After graduation, she worked in a publishing house for a couple of years. In 1978, the resumption of graduate school enrollment at Chinese universities enabled her to embark on a Master’s degree program at the Institute of South Asian Studies, cosponsored by Peking University and the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences. In 1982, she completed her Master’s degree in Indology under the guidance of Professors Ji Xianlin 季 羡林 (1911–2009) and Jiang Zhongxin 蒋忠新 (1942–2002). She pursued her doctoral studies at the University of Hamburg in Germany, where she majored in Middle Iranian Studies with Professor R.E. Emmerick (1937–2001) as her advisor. She also studied Indology and Tibetology as secondary fields under Professors L. Schmithausen (1939–) and A. Wezler (1938–2023). After obtaining her Doctoral degree by completing a thesis on Khotanese manuscripts in 1986, she returned to Peking University to begin her 35-yearlong teaching career. She first taught at the Institute of South Asian Studies and then joined the Department of Oriental Languages and Literatures. In 2000, she was promoted to full professor. From 2004 to 2019, she served as the director of the Institute of Sanskrit Literature and Buddhist Studies at Peking University. In 2017, she became the Boya Chair Professor of Peking University, one of the highest honors for a faculty member. Professor Duan devoted her entire passionate life to her beloved academic and educational pursuits. Carrying on the scholarly legacy of Ji Xianlin and Jin Kemu 金克 木, she made remarkable contributions to numerous fields of Indology and Iranian （5） 003-前言 zx edited.-叶再修订docx.pdf 5 2024/6/11 11:54:46 梵学·第一辑 （2024） 上卷 Studies with her exceptional energy and perseverance, directing her attention to Sanskrit manuscripts, Pali texts, Kharoṣṭhī documents, Khotanese remains, and the Silk Road Studies. Significantly expanding the frontiers of knowledge, she earned an international reputation for her academic achievements. Moreover, she nurtured young scholars in many disciplines, significantly reshaping Indology and Iranian Studies in China. The Sanskrit language formed the foundation of Professor Duan’s lifelong scholarship. She spearheaded the Sanskrit language curriculum at Peking University for more than two decades. In 2001, she published the first comprehensive study of Sanskrit traditional grammar in China, titled Bonini yufa rumen: yueguangshu jingcui shujie 波你 尼语法入门——《月光疏精粹》述解 [An Introduction to Pāṇini’s Grammar: An Annotated Translation of the Sārasiddhāntakaumudī ] (Peking University Press). From 2002, in collaboration with Professors Zhu Qingzhi 朱庆之 and Wan Jinchuan 万金川, Professor Duan was devoted to promoting comparative studies of Chinese translations of Buddhist texts with their original Sanskrit texts. This effort integrated Chinese historical linguistics with Sanskrit studies, which became a model of interdisciplinary studies. A vast collection of valuable Sanskrit manuscripts has been preserved in Tibet Autonomous Region of China. However, due to various constraints, no systematic research on these manuscripts has been conducted in Chinese academia for a long time. In October 2004, Professors Wang Bangwei 王邦维 and Duan Qing jointly proposed to establish the Research Institute of Sanskrit Manuscripts and Buddhist Literature at Peking University. Professor Duan became the founding director of this institute, leading a group of young scholars to investigate and study Sanskrit manuscripts from Tibet. Under her supervision, institute members have retrieved a number of Sanskrit Buddhist texts which had been considered lost, and the institute has launched two publication series: “Series of Sanskrit Manuscript and Buddhist Literature” and “Series of Sanskrit-Tibetan-Chinese Buddhist Texts.” These achievements significantly advanced the study of Sanskrit manuscripts in China, fulfilling the aspirations of several generations of scholars. Professor Duan also paid great attention to the teaching and research of the Pali language. She resumed the Pali language course at Peking University in 2008, which had been suspended for many years. In 2009, as a representative of Peking University, she signed a cooperation agreement with the Dhammachai Institute in Thailand, launching a joint project for translating Pali Tipiṭaka into Chinese. Under her leadership, the Chinese translations of the Dīghanikāya and Majjhimanikāya were published in 2012 and 2021 respectively. Professor Duan pioneered the study of Kharoṣṭhī in China. In 2011, she began to teach the Gāndhārī language at Peking University and subsequently built up the only team researching Kharoṣṭhī documents in China. She led this team to successfully complete the decipherment and compilation of Sanskrit fragments and Kharoṣṭhī documents preserved in the National Library of China, resulting in the publication of （6） 001-上卷-前言目录-终稿.pdf 10 2024/6/5 15:26:21 Preface the book Zhongguo guojia tushuguan cang Xiyu wenshu, fanwen quluwen juan 中国国家图 书馆藏西域文书——梵文佉卢文卷 [Xinjiang Manuscripts Preserved in the National Library of China: Sanskrit Fragments and Kharoṣṭhī Documents] (edited by Duan Qing and Zhang Zhiqing, Zhongxi Book Company, 2013). In collaboration with Tshelothar 才 洛太, she published Qinghai Zangyiyao wenhua bowuguan cang Quluwen chidu 青海藏医 药文化博物馆藏佉卢文尺牍 [Kharoṣṭhī Documents Preserved in Qinghai Tibetan Medical Culture Museum] (Zhongxi Book Company, 2016). Professor Duan was the first scholar in China to receive systematic training in Indo-Iranian philology and was capable of deciphering and reading most manuscripts and documents found in India and Central Asia. In the early 21st century, a large number of manuscripts originally from Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region resurfaced, including Buddhist texts and secular documents, and they were written in various scripts and languages such as Kharoṣṭhī, Sanskrit, Khotanese, Tibetan, Tocharian, Gūẓdiya, Sogdian, and Judeo-Persian. After her first contact with these documents in 2006, Professor Duan’s scholarship flourished. Over the next 16 years until her passing, she led multiple academic projects and published 5 monographs, more than 80 articles in Chinese and over 20 articles in English. Her contributions covered numerous texts written in Sanskrit, Kharoṣṭhī, Khotanese, Gūẓdiya, Sogdian, and Syriac. It was the field of Khotanese Studies to which Professor Duan devoted the greatest effort and made the most outstanding contribution. Some of her most significant articles have been published in the volume of her collected papers titled Yutian, fojiao, gujuan 于阗·佛教·古卷 [Khotan, Buddhism, and Ancient Manuscripts] (Zhongxi Book Company, 2013). She also published a volume titled Zhongguo guojia tushuguan cang Xiyu wenshu, Yutianyu juan (1) 中国国家图书馆藏西域文书——于阗语卷（一） [Xinjiang Manuscripts Preserved in the National Library of China: Khotanese Remains, Part I] (Zhongxi Book Company, 2015) and the monograph Yutianyu Wugoujingguang datuoluoni jing 于阗语无垢净光大陀罗尼经 [A Scroll of Khotanese Raśmivimalaviśuddhaprabhā nāma Dhāraṇī] (Zhongxi Book Company, 2019). In her numerous books and articles, she studied and interpreted dozens of Khotanese manuscripts and documents. For the first time, she deciphered a series of essential vocabulary such as “silk worm,” “cocoon,” “silk thread,” “mulberry,” “paper,” and “brocade” in Khotanese texts. In recognition of her outstanding contributions, in October 2021, the Iranian Embassy in China awarded Professor Duan the honor of “Outstanding Scholar for Research and Teaching in Iranian Studies and Iranian Culture Public Outreach”. In 2010, five tufted carpets dating from the 6th century were unearthed in Shanpula, Hetian region of Xinjiang. These carpets were adorned with vibrant colorful patterns and inscriptions. Professor Duan published a series of papers in Chinese and English on these carpets, and came to the unprecedented conclusion that the carpets were the Khotanese textiles “Qushu 氍毹” (kośava) as mentioned by Xuanzang in his Datang Xiyu ji 大唐西域 记 [Record of the Western Regions of the Great Tang], and the motifs on these carpets （7） 001-上卷-前言目录-终稿.pdf 11 2024/6/5 15:26:21 梵学·第一辑 （2024） 上卷 depicted the framework of the Mesopotamian Epic of Gilgamesh. In 2021, while on her sickbed, Professor Duan concluded her studies on these carpets by completing a monograph, Shenhua yu yishi: Pojie gudai Yutian Qushu shang de wenming mima 神话与仪 式——破解古代于阗氍毹上的文明密码 [Myth and Ritual: Deciphering the Code of Civilizations on Qushu from Ancient Khotan] (SDX Joint Publishing Company, 2022). She was too weak to write a preface, so she narrated it verbally and had it transcribed. Professor Duan completed the last sentence of the preface as follows: “Life is limited, but exploration is infinite.” During her teaching career spanning more than 30 years, Professor Duan supervised a total of 13 doctoral students and 18 master’s students, and offered language and reading courses on Classical Sanskrit, Traditional Sanskrit Grammar, Pali, Khotanese and Gāndhārī, among others. She also provided various seminars to meet the needs of students and often led students on domestic and international field trips. Many of her students embarked on academic careers; some have become leading scholars at universities and research institutes. In 2022, the “Faculty Team of Eastern Languages and Cultures”at Peking University, led by Professor Duan, was awarded the “Huang Danian Exemplary Faculty Team of Universities” by the Ministry of Education of China. Professor Duan was rigorous yet caring towards her students, employing an inspiring teaching style to motivate students. She encouraged them to choose research topics in areas with which she was unfamiliar, which meant that she also had to invest a significant amount of time and energy to expand her knowledge. She strongly advocated for students to work with first-hand materials and facilitated favorable research conditions for them. She often welcomed new students to join her team, allowing many to have the opportunity to participate in cutting-edge international research practices at an early stage of their studies, thus broadening their research horizons. In this way, Professor Duan created a progressive training method, achieving a rapid development in her research teams. Professor Duan was at the peak of her academic career when she fell ill. She left behind two unfinished Chinese translations of Khotanese texts, the Jātakastava and the Book of Zambasta, which are under preparation for publication. Her students and colleagues will continue her long-term projects, such as the Chinese translation of the Pali Tipiṭaka, study of Khotanese documents, and research on Sanskrit manuscripts from Tibet. We dedicate this book to our Professor Duan Qing with profound respect, hoping her benevolent presence continues to inspire us as we forge ahead on the path she illuminated. The editors March 2024 （8） 001-上卷-前言目录-终稿.pdf 12 2024/6/5 15:26:21  目 录 CONTENTS 上 卷 Part 1 前言在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在（1） Preface在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在（5） 段晴教授学术简历 Curriculum Vitae of Professor Duan Qing在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在1 段晴教授著作目录 Publications of Professor Duan Qing在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在3 中文文章 Papers in Chinese 般 灯： 梵文书仪、佉卢文书信与“慧天致玄奘书”在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在15 查克利： 东南亚大陆早期本生图像 ——以堕罗钵底时期朱拉巴托塔上浮雕为中心在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在25 陈 明 罗 鸿： 梵藏汉《圆满譬喻经》 ——新发现钢和泰任教北京大学时的梵语教材手稿在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在51 达娃群宗： 西藏所藏《五字文殊怙主供养仪轨》梵文写本在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在67 范晶晶： 勃延仰的行迹 ——以中国人民大学博物馆藏于阗语文书为中心在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在79 姜 南： 佛经翻译与汉语演变举隅在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在95 李建强 郭禹彤 赵文博： 不空译《佛母大孔雀明王经》咒语（上卷第五段）校读札记在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在113 李四龙： 敦煌《法华》文献的解经学维度在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在129 李学竹： 关于新出《二偈疏》等梵文写本的调查报告在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在139  002-目录-上下卷.pdf 1 2024/6/7 13:41:32 李 颖： 古印度工巧论《摩耶所说义》概述与节译在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在147 廖志堂 李 肖： 犍陀罗佛寺的布局 ——以塔克西拉、白沙瓦、斯瓦特地区为中心在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在153 普 仓： 山南博物馆藏信度体正量部《长阿含经》写本的初步报告在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在165 荣新江 庆昭蓉： 汉语文书中的于阗语人名 ——杰谢居民的新集合在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在175 萨尔吉： 《宝星陀罗尼经》札记 在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在 199 施杰我： 书评：李肖编《丝绸之路上的非汉语文献》，新加坡：Springer 2020在在在在在在在在211 王邦维： 《方广大庄严经》中的《示书品》在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在217 吴贇培： 海之双泉 ——萨珊伊朗的圣湖与圣火祠在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在231 萧贞贞： 古代中国与印度公认的精神文明 ——《教授尸迦罗越经》对比研究在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在249 杨 曦： 重论饆饠在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在259 叶少勇： 龙树的生平与传说 ——材料与研究综述在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在275 云 丹： 关于Rang rgyud pa、Thal ’gyur ba汉文译名的考察在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在293 张惠明： 于阗佛教护法鬼神图像 ——四臂兽首夜叉−女神与黎婆坻的文本与绘画资料考在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在307 周利群 般 灯： 写本释读与文化意向 ——牛津梵本《虎耳譬喻经》之本事在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在333  002-目录-上下卷.pdf 2 2024/6/7 13:41:32 周学农： 惠达《肇论疏》卷首校正在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在347 朱成明： 数论与后吠陀时代的自然知识和技术在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在353 朱庆之： 陶渊明文学语汇中的佛教元素 ——佛教和佛经翻译对古代文学语汇影响的个案研究在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在365  英文文章的中文摘要 Chinese Abstracts of Papers in English 陈怀宇： 敦煌写本所见启请文之多样性与共同性在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在399 陈瑞翾 伯纳德： 一个辛辣的语源 ——吐火罗语AB śāñcapo小考在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在399 范德康： 关于梵语及梵咒发音诵读的藏语著作 ——书目钩沉在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在400 葛安治： 尼雅的辅音连写 ——尼雅文书特有佉卢文辅音连写的汇编在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在400 哈特曼： 一件来自克孜尔（SHT 191）的合集写本和《三启集》在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在401 宁梵夫： 寻找正确的降生 ——毗湿奴的罗摩化身与菩萨从天宫下生在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在401 邵瑞祺： 越界的佉卢文在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在402 史基林： 回述的历史 ——阿育王与佛教在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在402 辛维廉： 早期于阗语C韵律的更多文本在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在403 张 幸： 以玄奘为范 ——悟谦法师及其印度之旅在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在在403 澳  002-目录-上下卷.pdf 3 2024/6/7 13:41:32 下 卷 Part 2 英文文章 Papers in English Chen Huaiyu: The Diversity and Commonality of the Buddhist Invocation Prayers from Dunhuang ....................................................................................................405 Chen Ruixuan and Chams Benoît Bernard: A Spicy Etymology: Remarks on Tocharian AB śāñcapo............................................................... 423 Andrew Glass: The Niya Conjuncts: A Catalogue of Kharoṣṭhī Conjunct Consonants Unique to the Niya Corpus ... 445 Max Deeg: Looking for the Right Descent: Viṣṇu’s Incarnation as Rāma and the Bodhisattva’s Departure from Heaven ....463 Jens-Uwe Hartmann: A Composite Manuscript from Qizil (SHT 191) and the Tridaṇḍamālā ........... 475 Leonard W.J. van der Kuijp: Tibetan Treatises on the Pronunciation/Recitation of Sanskrit and Sanskrit Mantras: An Incomplete Bibliographic Survey ........................................................... 489 Richard Salomon: Kharoṣṭhī Out of Bounds .............................................................................. 511 Nicholas Sims-Williams: Further Texts in the Old Khotanese “Metre C” ............................................. 547 Peter Skilling: History Writ Backwards: Asoka and Buddhism .................................................................................... 567 Zhang Xing: Modelling Xuanzang: Master Wuqian and His Journey to India ...................................................... 597 中文文章的英文摘要 English Abstracts of Papers in Chinese Bandeng: On Sanskrit Epistolary Literature, Kharoṣṭhī Letters and a Letter from *Prajñādeva to Xuanzang ......................................................................................... 615  002-目录-上下卷.pdf 4 2024/6/7 13:41:32 Chen Ming and Luo Hong: The Pūrṇāvadāna in Sanskrit, Tibetan, and Chinese: A Newly Discovered Manuscript of Staёl-Holstein’s Sanskrit Textbook for a Reading Seminar at Peking University .......................................................... 615 Dawa Choezom: A Sanskrit Manuscript of the Arapacanamañjunāthapūjāvidhi from Xizang ... 616 Fan Jingjing: Puñargaṃ’s Life Recorded in the Khotanese Documents Kept in the Museum of Renmin University of China ......................................................................... 616 Jiang Nan: Case for the Translation of Buddhist Scriptures and the Evolution of Chinese Language ...................................................................................................... 617 Chakhrit Laemmuang Early Jātaka Images of Mainland Southeast Asia: Reliefs from the Dvāravatī Period at Cula Pathon Cetiya .............................. 618 Li Jianqiang, Guo Yutong and Zhao Wenbo: Notes on the Mahāmayūri-vidyārājñī-dhāraṇī Transcribed by Amoghavajra .... 619 LI Silong: Exegetical Approaches to the Dunhuang Commentaries of the Lotus Sutra..... 619 Li Xuezhu: A Survey of a Newly Found Sanskrit Manuscript of the Gāthādvayavyākhyāna and Other Texts ..................................................................................................620 Li Ying: A Brief Introduction and Selected Translation of the Mayamatam ................620 Liao Zhitang and Li Xiao: The Layouts of Gandhāran Buddhist Temples: Focusing on Taxila, Peshawar and Swat Regions ........................................... 621 Phurtsam: A Preliminary Report on a Saindhavī Manuscript of the Dīrghāgama of the Sāṃmitīyas ..................................................................................................622 Rong Xinjiang and Ching Chao-jung: Khotanese Names in Chinese Documents: Examining a New Set of Inhabitants in Gaysāta ............................................622 Saerji: Notes on the Ratnaketuparivarta ...................................................................623  002-目录-上下卷.pdf 5 2024/6/7 13:41:32 Wilaiporn Sucharitathammakul: The Recognition of Spiritual Civilizations in Ancient India and China: A Comparative Study of the Siṅgālovādasūtra ............................................... 624 Wang Bangwei: The Lipiśālāsaṃdarśanaparivarta in the Lalitavistara...................................... 624 Wu Yunpei: The Two Springs of the Sea: A Set of Sacred Lakes and Fire Temples in Sasanian Iran ..............................625 Yang Xi: A Review on Biluo .........................................................................................625 Ye Shaoyong: Nāgārjuna’s Life and Legend: An Overview of Materials and Studies ............626 Yontan: An Examination of the Chinese Translation of the Tibetan Terms, Rang rgyud pa and Thal ’gyur ba ...........................................................................................626 Zhang Huiming: Iconography of Buddhist Demons, Deities and Dharma Protectors in Khotan: Study on the Textual and Pictorial Materials of the Four-armed, Beast-headed Yakṣī-goddess ............................................................................................... 627 Zhou Liqun and Bandeng: The Past Life Story of the Śārdūlakarṇāvadāna Reflected in the Sanskrit Manuscript in the Bodleian Library, Oxford ................................................ 628 ZHOU Xuenong: The Restoration of the Beginning of Huida’s Zhaolunshu ...............................629 Zhu Chengming: Sāṃkhya Philosophy and its Impact on Natural Knowledge and Technology in Post-Vedic India ...........................................................................................629 Zhu Qingzhi: Some Buddhist Elements in Tao Yuanming’s Literary Vocabulary: A Case Study of the Contribution of Buddhism including the Chinese Translation of Buddhist Scriptures to the Chinese Classical Literary Language ..................630  002-目录-上下卷.pdf 6 2024/6/7 13:41:32 STUDIA INDICA Volume 1 (2024) Part 2 Special Issue in Memory of Professor DUAN Qing 第 一 辑 （2024） 下 卷 段 晴 教 授 纪 念 专 号 Editors: YE Shaoyong, ZHANG Xing and FAN Jingjing 下卷-终稿.pdf 1 2024/6/8 12:01:10