Historisch Tijdschrift Groniek, 215 - Devotie
Evgenia Mesaritou and Simon Coleman
On Distinction and Devotion
Shifting Boundaries between Pilgrimage and Tourism
Ever since the anthropological study of pilgrimage
developed in earnest from the late 1970s or so, it has been
in constant debate with research on tourism. In their
classic study of Christian pilgrimage, anthropologists
Victor and Edith Turner famously—if ambiguously—
claimed that “a tourist is half a pilgrim, if a pilgrim is
half a tourist.”1 Pilgrimage is also generally assumed
to have historically preceded modern tourism.2 Luigi
Tomasi discusses how pilgrimage evolved in Europe as
a response to societal transformations that changed not
only human travel but also the ways in which the sacred
was approached.3 As travel became a demonstration of
“freedom and independence,” pleasure and exploration
became crucial parts of the experience, 4 while the
development of tourism was fuelled by the emergence
of “free time.”5
Certainly, both sub-fields have taken considerable impetus from increased
interest in mobilities and the self-conscious making and marking of place.6
However, while pilgrimage is often represented as serious, solemn and
expressive of pious religious devotion, tourism may be designated as “petty,
hedonistic,”7 “superficial and frivolous.”8 Yet, such crude binaries tend to
pose more questions than they answer: Should we see visitors’ attitudes as
predetermined, unaffected by their experiences at sites? Whose criteria of
“seriousness” and pious devotion should be adopted? And exactly what are
pilgrims assumed to be devoted to, in a manner that apparently excludes
tourists?
We argue for a more nuanced understanding of the tourism-pilgrimage
relationship by exploring ways in which these categories are both dynamic
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and culturally loaded—constantly constructed, negotiated and enacted by
various actors and stakeholders involved in sacred sites. We ask when, how,
why and by whom pilgrimage-tourism divides are evoked on the ground,
and argue that sites often contain what we call “points of distinction”—key
indices of identity, embodied in given attitudes and behaviours—that
manage the complex work of assigning, adopting and rejecting “pilgrim”
and “tourist” roles. Such assignments may be directed toward the ‘self ’ as
well as ‘others’, and carry a powerful moral valence. They are, in other words,
socially constitutive performances that raise questions over who possesses
the power to authenticate collective experiences, or to determine the very
criteria of authentication.9
Our argument draws very broadly on Pierre Bourdieu’s10 use of the
concept of distinction to indicate the deployment of cultural capital as a
means to define and negotiate relationships of distance or proximity between
groups. The anthropologist Michael Di Giovine11 similarly argues that the
divisions between tourism and pilgrimage “do not denote two separate
phenomena, but rather are the product of historical and cultural conditions
governing a Bourdieuian ‘field of touristic production.’”12 We do depart
from Bourdieu’s more rigid assumptions concerning the inherent divisions
between groups as we trace the ways in which different sites emphasize
subtly different criteria of distinction in relation to pilgrim and tourist roles,
while accepting that the same person may shift between these roles over
time. We also show how making points of distinction relies on multi-valent
understandings of what might be meant by “devotion” (understood broadly
as dedication to and consecration of higher ideals)—within, but also beyond,
conventionally religious forms of worship.
Problematizing difference
Strict distinctions between tourism and pilgrimage tend to be based upon
sharp Western distinctions between sacred and profane,13 as well as the
separation of religion from other spheres of activity such as law and politics.14
However, rigid pilgrimage-tourism dichotomies have increasingly been
questioned by scholars working in sociology, anthropology, geography,
pilgrimage and tourist studies.15 Much work has illuminated the ambiguity
of modern forms of travel in relation to questions of motivation and timing.16
One response to such blurring has been the development of a number
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of hybrid terms, including “modern tourist pilgrimage,”17 “pilgrimage
tourism,”18 and “secular pilgrimages.”19 As Di Giovine and David Picard point
out of more recent research, pilgrimage is often “employed as an idiom for
secular travel that is similarly hyper-meaningful and transformative for the
actor.”20 In this latter sense, travel may be understood as broadly devotional
but decidedly non-confessional.
Such analytical language problematizes dichotomous distinctions
between pilgrimage and tourism but runs the risk of suggesting a hybridity
that is problematic.21 In order for an ‘in-between’ to be posited two discrete
extremes are constructed, which are thereby potentially essentialized. We
prefer to focus on informants’ situational deployment of labels in describing
their own and others’ behaviors. We emphasize the need to examine local
ways in which such understandings are performed22 and sometimes enforced
by administrators, but also visitors to sites. In doing so, we show that points
of distinction are powerful yet flexible markers of identity and reference.
Distinction, devotion, and discipline
How might “points of distinction” be created and performed, and associated
with varieties of devotion? We explore these questions by juxtaposing three
cases, all drawn from Christian examples, in which forms of classification
become salient; but while our cases have parallels they also indicate the
varied ritual and linguistic media through which distinctions are made,
and the different boundaries that might become salient in distinguishing
pilgrim from tourist.
Our first example refers to Padre Pio, the Franciscan friar and stigmatic
who died in 1968 but has proved a popular if controversial object of devotion
at his crypt in San Giovanni Rotondo, southern Italy. Formerly agricultural
and impoverished, San Giovanni Rotondo has grown into a pilgrimage- and
health-based town owing to the presence of Pio and his hospital.23 In 2003 the
shrine became a point of contention after the Vatican’s decision to appoint
a delegate for the sanctuary. According to La Repubblica, the Vatican had
been concerned about “certain excesses of commercialization of the saint’s
image,” a concern that according to the same newspaper was voiced by the
Vatican’s delegate, who is quoted as urging people to “reclaim St. Pio, but in
authentic dimension.”24 The incompatibility of some activities for pilgrimage
can also be seen in the conceptual separation between “la zona religiosa”
(the religious zone) and “il paese” (the village),25 which is at times retained
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by the town’s inhabitants.26
The inauguration of a new church dedicated to Padre Pio at the site
in 2004 also raised problematic issues as to whether the site was now too
business-oriented. At the same time, the friars attempted to transform
“tourists” into “pilgrims” by directing shrine visitors’ movement and readings
of the site through the spatial and temporal organization of the shrine. Di
Giovine describes incidents where tourism was referenced by spiritual
directors or guides or even travellers themselves27 precisely to reprimand
those who were engaging in “practices that were perceived as antithetical
to spirituality, such as concern for the quality of their food or lodging,” with
the words "this is pilgrimage, not tourism.”28 In such remarks, concern over
bodily comforts becomes a publicly articulated “point of distinction” whereby
a person can indicate not only a willingness to engage in a degree of bodily
privation (with hints of self-sacrifice, perhaps echoing Pio himself) but
also to display focused attention on what is asserted to be the ultimate aim
of the journey. Given these circumstances, the comment has a moralizing
dimension, attempting to bring things back into the order that “ought” to
be characterizing them. In the sociologist Erving Goffman’s terms, this
is the group’s attempt to discipline members who threaten “to discredit
the definition of the situation fostered by other members.”29 The action is
significant not only for what it states about the social and cultural frame of the
group, but also because it indicates the very fragility of the pilgrim-tourism
distinction. To state “this is pilgrimage, not tourism” draws an ideological and
behavioral line in the sand, but the need for such articulation demonstrates
that it is indeed written in sand—a medium not celebrated for its stability.
The importance of the context on the ways in which the distinction
is articulated is made visible in another example from the Padre Pio
pilgrimage group. Di Giovine, who also served as a guide, reports how
he once tried using the phrase “this is pilgrimage, not tourism” when the
group he was accompanying to Rome complained “about the quality of the
tea and biscuits at a roadside Autogrill.”30 The reply he received from one
traveler was that the latter knew that this was pilgrimage but that he/she
did not expect the pilgrimage to start so soon. Di Giovine notes how this
comment illustrates the perspectival nature of people’s understandings of
their touristic experiences.31 At this point in the journey the traveler had
deemed it appropriate to care for mundane pleasures such as good tea; in
short, to act like a tourist.
While the shrine of Padre Pio is a highly popular Catholic site, the
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Camino or Way of St. James refers to the pilgrimage routes across Europe
leading to the Cathedral at Santiago de Compostela, in northern Spain. The
site formed an important part of the European pilgrimage landscape in the
Middle Ages, but was relatively forgotten in the period between the fifteenth
and nineteenth centuries.32
Despite the positive impact of the Council of Trent (1545-1563) on the
numbers of pilgrims traveling the Camino, the Reformation, as well as the
Castile-France conflict, had led the pilgrimage into a crisis which translated
into major losses in its international pilgrim constituency. In line with
Trent, the spirit of which ran counter to the Reformation, and underlain by
the support provided to the Pope’s infallibility by Santiago’s Cardinal, the
discovery of St. James’s remains was sanctioned by the Vatican, therefore
leading to the renewal of the pilgrimage in the latter half of the nineteenth
century.33 What was at stake at this stage was the survival of the Catholic
Church itself against both the Protestants and the “liberal temptations of
many Spanish governments.”34
Franco’s support of the pilgrimage was another major contributing
factor to the pilgrimage’s success, which continued after Spain’s transition
to democracy, opening and diversifying its referents.35 While for Franco,
Santiago, in its Matamoros (literally, “Moor-killing”) version, served as a
tool for political propaganda36 enlisted for the purpose of making Spain
great again37 and of promoting National Catholicism, “from the late fifties
and early sixties through the end of Franco’s regime”38 the pilgrimage route
gained primacy over its destination and the pilgrimage’s political importance
was superseded by tourism.39 In response, as the Camino was absorbed “into
the national tourism promotional apparatus”.40 What came to be at stake for
the Church was in fact the character of the pilgrimage as pilgrimage instead
of tourism. In light of this trend the Church tried “to affirm that many of
the visitors were ‘true’ pilgrims, not just tourists.”41
A fresh revival was prompted by European Council and Council of
Europe cultural programs, and the Camino became the first European
Cultural Itinerary in 1988. As Pack notes, by the end of the twentieth century
St. James was claimed by a variety of different constituencies in and outside
Spain.42 Nowadays, up to a quarter of a million people make the trip annually
along the Camino to the Cathedral, almost half of them non-Spanish, and
the vast majority arrive on foot.
What this brief history of the Camino points to is the shifting fortunes
and constituencies of the Camino; the ways in which what has been “at stake”
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in staging and going on the pilgrimage has shifted considerably over time,
causing simultaneous shifts to the forms of religious, cultural and political
capital produced and drawn upon within its framework.
The Camino provides an important context for understanding the
complexities of the ethical practices surrounding contemporary pilgrimage
practices, given that the popularity of the journey does not necessarily
indicate conventional attachments to Catholic (or more generally Christian)
piety, just as—in contrast to the Pio example—it is often the route that
encourages “devotion” and dedication rather than arrival at the Cathedral
itself. In her study of the Camino, where authenticity is to large extent defined
as a dissociation from technology,43 Frey shows how it is not the motive of
the journey that is seen as the defining characteristic of pilgrims (whether
this is religious or not) but the chosen mode of travel. As Frey notes, to
be considered a pilgrim one has to walk or cycle to Santiago; a religious
motive prompting the journey is not enough.44 Walkers and cyclists will
often regard those who travel by bus as tourists and thus as inauthentic:45
“Tourists, understood to be frivolous, superficial people, travel en masse by
bus, car, or plane. Pilgrims, understood to be genuine, authentic, serious
people, walk and cycle.”46 Pilgrims’ enactment of this distinction can also be
seen in adoption of the symbols of the Camino: the sea scallop, the walking
staff, and the back-pack.47 Readily recognizable by others,48 these insignia
become part of the pilgrims’ personal front or expressive equipment.49 They
serve to define the situation for those with whom the pilgrims interact but
also for their bearers since they create sets of expectations, obligations and
responsibilities in relation to the journey.
If the Camino rather than the Cathedral is the chief stage for enacting
difference, we see how walking (the public display of both spending time
and bodily effort, in a context where both are rare commodities in religious
and secular regimes of value) can become a key activity. The criticism of
others as tourists by some travelers refers, for Frey, to their selected mode
of travel and not to their motivation.50 Frey’s observation, if perhaps a little
overplayed, may nonetheless have validity because religiously sanctioned
devotion is not the sole inspiration of those who see themselves as pilgrims:
the “appreciation of nature and physical effort, a rejection of materialism,
an interest in or a nostalgia for the past (especially the medieval), a search
for inner meaning, an attraction to meaningful human relationships, and
solitude” are equally likely motivations.51
Thus as we move our ethnographic focus from southern Italy to northern
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Spain, we see how the focus of dedication and performative consecration
shifts away from the body of a dead saint toward the living bodies of
travellers themselves, tramping along a winding route that represents
both time past (history) and time expended (walking rather than driving).
While the religious authenticity of Pio’s sanctity has long been disputed by a
Catholic Church sceptical of the validity and origins of his claimed stigmata,
along the Camino the authenticity toward which travellers aspire is more
diffusely expressed and yet still evocative of sacrifice, even if the latter is
not expressed in liturgical language. What is striking along the Camino
is how important—and also contestable—the mode of travel as index of
authenticity actually is. At the same time, the mocking characterization of
some travellers as “tourists” is not necessarily endorsed by those labelled
as such. Frey notes how weekend pilgrims see their journey as a pilgrimage
in spite of its limited length and duration.52 The different understandings
of what constitutes pilgrimage is made vividly evident in an example Frey
cites where the priest saying daily mass at Roncesvalles was surprised to see
that, when he called the pilgrims forward to the altar, a group of Spanish
weekend bus travellers joined the long-distance pilgrims who had journeyed
to the village by bicycle or on foot. Illustrating the variety and complex ways
in which modern pilgrims are interpreted, the priest blessed both groups
even though he saw the weekend bus travellers’ reaction to his call as “a
misunderstanding of the pilgrimage” on their part.53
Differences between pilgrimage and tourism are evoked not only by
travellers but also by spiritual leaders who may express the desire for fewer
tourists and more pilgrims, and to transform the former into the latter.
Nevertheless, what will become the point of distinction for any given group
also depends on context. As far as indulgences are concerned, for example,
the manner in which one arrives at Santiago does not matter in doctrinal
terms;54 yet on another level the mode of travel does seem to matter for the
Church, which reserves its credential identifying the visitor as a pilgrim only
for those who walk, cycle or horse ride to Santiago.55 On a practical level,
the credential provides access to the Camino’s infrastructure as well as to
the certificate that is awarded by the Church on completing a pilgrimage
of religious motivation.56
An historical examination of the Camino illustrates how concerns over
distinguishing the “real” from the “fraudulent” pilgrims are almost as old as
the Camino itself. Maryjane Dunn57, for example shows how the attire and
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documentation of a pilgrim had developed as material signs determining
whether a pilgrim was authentic or not already from the eighth century.58
Distinguishing among travellers was not only a religious matter but also a
question with practical implications as pilgrims could yield material benefits
stemming out of their pilgrim status. The benefits accorded to pilgrims made
the practice and those involved in it susceptible to deception,59 therefore
raising civic, political60 and social concerns61 which were manifested in
decrees such as those issued by King Philip II of Spain and Louis XIV and XV
of France. As Dunn further notes, sacred as well as secular institutions with
“financial and/or spiritual stakes in the issue” were concerned to distinguish
the true from the false pilgrims.62 And so did the people travelling the Camino
themselves. A “mutually beneficial relation” therefore developed between the
Church and the State, the first ensuring that alms were received by pilgrims
alone and the second working to maintain that law and order.63
Concerns over classification re-emerged in the 1980s and 1990s when the
pilgrimage routes were revitalized64 and were raised anew in the 2000s owing
to decisions made by the Pilgrim’s Office of the Santiago de Compostela with
regard to the use of the pilgrims’ passport and the issuing of the Certificado del
Peregrino.65 Once again, we see how such developments highlight questions
over who has the right of classification,66 but also how and why certain features
become “points of distinction” while others do not.
The Camino and Padre Pio examples show how any given point of
distinction is relational to the internal logic of the particular pilgrimage. It
may vary not only across sites but also at the same site across constituencies
or within constituencies that make the pilgrimage-tourism distinction. Apart
from illustrating the negotiated ways in which the categories of pilgrim and
tourism are made sense of on the ground, the two examples show how the
pilgrimage-tourism divide may be evoked by travellers themselves in order
to label others and thus indirectly define the self.67
Our final example shows a more direct set of interactions between visitors
and shrine staff, illustrating a degree of hierarchy in enforcing such definitions
that may reflect particular forms of deference appropriate to Orthodoxy.68
In her study of pilgrims from a Southern Californian Russian Orthodox
parish to a Greek Orthodox monastery in Arizona, Julia Klimova notes how
parishioners aim to follow the schedule of the monastery and attend all its
services so that their journey will not be considered a weekend road trip but
a pilgrimage.69 This observation indicates that here too the duration of the
journey and the mode in which it is undertaken are important in determining
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the character of the trip: internal motivation is being signaled through
external signs of devotion. Since the trip is short and made in the comfort
of the bus or car, people feel the need to compensate by undertaking certain
actions thought to be restorative of the character of the journey as pilgrimage.
At the same time, such categories of achieved pilgrim status interact with
more permanent and ascribed roles. Although non-Orthodox Christians
are welcomed to the monastery, they are treated as visitors and not pilgrims.
Elders will not give outsiders their blessing for the communion even though
they can offer confession and advise people.70 The sacraments are reserved
only for Orthodox Christians, while other Christians are also located
separately for Church services and meals.71 Since participation in both the
sacraments and the everyday life of the monastery are perceived as integral
to the spiritual work which is seen as constituting the pilgrimage practice,
in the eyes of Klimova’s Russian Orthodox informants these rules made
the non-Orthodox appear as merely visitors instead of pilgrims.72 Thus,
while the boundary enacted by the elders is a division of Orthodox from
non-Orthodox, it is perceived by visitors as a point of distinction between
pilgrims and tourists, even though it appears that “tourists” may still be
serious and motivated travelers.
Concluding remarks: Performing points of distinction
Our focus has been on the intellectual, cultural and religious stakes involved
in declaring someone to be a tourist rather than a pilgrim. What emerges
from the three examples we have cited is the importance of the “definition
of the situation”73 in relation to pilgrimage and tourism. This definition
is constructed and maintained through the performative and linguistic
enactment of distinctions drawn on by various constituencies on the
basis of often differing criteria (denominational affiliation, mode of travel,
attitude toward accommodation, etc.). In all three cases, while the “points
of distinction” vary, devotion to what is seen as the essence of the journey
(whether overtly religious or not) drives the distinctions that discipline
both the self and others who may threaten the definition of the situation
as pilgrimage.
The enactment of the pilgrim-tourist distinction effectively constructs
pilgrimage as a discrete and extraordinary activity. As an act of academic
distinction, the divide between the two has been asserted but then blurred,
as thesis and antithesis have moved toward relative synthesis, and as sharp
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boundaries between sacred and profane have been challenged. On the
ground, distinctions between the two roles remain salient if unstable within
and across sites. We have therefore argued for close attention to be paid to the
specific circumstances under which an individual or group are labeled—or
label themselves—pilgrims or tourists.
Clearly, distinctions have always been made at pilgrimage sites
among different visitors, the claims of undifferentiated communitas
notwithstanding.74 However, what we are picking up are some of the
particular circumstances that surround pilgrimages orchestrated by shrines
that are simultaneously open to unpredictable publics and yet also engaged in
the hard definitional work of distinguishing the more from the less devoted.
While clerical assumptions in carrying out such work may overlap closely
with the attitudes of visitors in certain cases—as for instance in the Orthodox
example described by Klimova75—under ideologically plural circumstances
such as that of the Camino more ambiguities may be evident over defining
the behavioral frames that distinguish pilgrims from tourists.
Our approach has been explicitly “performative.” The argument has
adopted a Goffmanian perspective whereby it becomes necessary to examine
the specific social, linguistic and behavioral circumstances under which roles
are staged and sustained.76 But we are also making the point that to define
the self or other as pilgrim or tourist is not simply to express identities that
already exist in permanent or unambiguous form: it is also to contribute
to the contested process of making pilgrims, of engaging in the complex
interplay between labeling and enactment that reinforces the devotion
of travelers to journeys they have chosen—however ambiguously—to
undertake.
___________________________
Notes
Evgenia Mesaritou’s Fellowship has received funding from the European Union’s
Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under the Marie SkłodowskaCurie grant agreement No 752103.
1. Victor Turner, and Edith Turner, Image and Pilgrimage in Christian Culture:
Anthropological Perspectives (New York: Columbia University Press, 1978), 20.
2. Ellen Badone, “Conventional and Unconventional Pilgrimages: Conceptualizing
Sacred Travel in the Twenty-First Century,” in Redefining Pilgrimage: New
Perspectives on Historical and Contemporary Pilgrimages ed. Antón M. Pazos.
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On Distinction and Devotion
(London, NY: Routledge, 2016), 18.
3. Luigi Tomasi, “Homo Viator: From Pilgrimage to Religious Tourism via the Journey,”
in From Medieval Pilgrimage to Religious Tourism: The Social and Cultural
Economics of Piety eds. William H. Swatos, Jr. and Luigi Tomasi (Westport: Praeger,
2002), 1.
4. Ibid.: 14-15.
5. Ibid.: 17.
6. Arjun Appadurai, “The Production of Locality,” in Counterworks: Managing the
Diversity of Knowledge, ed. Richard Fardon (London: Routledge, 1995), 204-225
7. Ellen Badone, “Conventional and Unconventional Pilgrimages: Conceptualizing
Sacred Travel in the Twenty-First Century,” in Redefining Pilgrimage: New
Perspectives on Historical and Contemporary Pilgrimages ed. Antón M. Pazos.
(London, NY: Routledge, 2016), 9.
8. Ibid: 18.
9. Erik Cohen, and Scott A. Cohen, “Authentication: Hot and Cool,” Annals of Tourism
Research 39(3) (2012): 1295-1314.
10. Pierre Bourdieu, (Trans. by Richard Nice) Distinction: A Social Critique of the
Judgement of Taste (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1984)
11. Michael, A. Di Giovine, “Apologia Pro Turismo: Breaking Inter- and IntraDisciplinary Boundaries in the Anthropological Study of Tourism and Pilgrimage,”
Journal of Tourism Challenges and Trends 6(2) (2013): 64.
12. Ibid.
13. Talal Asad, Genealogies of Religion: Discipline and Reasons of Power in Christianity
and Islam (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1993); Michael, A. Di Giovine,
“Apologia Pro Turismo: Breaking Inter- and Intra-Disciplinary Boundaries in the
Anthropological Study of Tourism and Pilgrimage,” Journal of Tourism Challenges
and Trends 6(2) (2013): 79.
14. Simon Coleman, “Recent Developments in the Anthropology of Religion,” in The
New Blackwell Companion to the Sociology of Religion, ed. Bryan S. Turner (Oxford:
Willey-Blackwell, 2010): 106.
15. E.g. Ellen Badone and Sharon R. Roseman, eds., Intersecting Journeys: The
Anthropology of Pilgrimage and Tourism (Urbana, Chicago: University of Illinois
Press, 2004); Noga Collins-Kreiner, “The geography of pilgrimage and tourism:
Transformations and implications for applied geography,” Applied Geography 30(1)
(2010a): 153-164; Noga Collins-Kreiner, “Researching Pilgrimage: Continuity and
Transformations,” Annals of Tourism Research 37(2) (2010b): 440-456; Timothy, J.
Dallen, and Daniel H. Olsen (eds.) Tourism, Religion and Spiritual Journeys (London
and NY: Routledge, 2006).
16. Doron Bar, and Kobi Cohen-Hattab. "A New kind of Pilgrimage: The Modern Tourist
Pilgrim of Nineteenth-Century and early Twentieth-Century Palestine,” Middle
Eastern Studies 39:2 (2003): 142.
17. Doron Bar, and Kobi Cohen-Hattab. "A New kind of Pilgrimage: The Modern Tourist
Pilgrim of Nineteenth-Century and early Twentieth-Century Palestine,” Middle
Eastern Studies 39:2 (2003): 131-148.
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18. Noga Collins-Kreiner, and Nurit Kliot, “Pilgrimage Tourism in the Holy Land: The
Behavioural Characteristics of Christian Pilgrims,” GeoJournal 501(2000): 55–67.
19. Justine Digange, “Religious and Secular Pilgrimage,” in Tourism, Religion and
Spiritual Journeys, eds. Timothy J. Dallen and Daniel H. Olsen (London/NY:
Routledge, 2006), 36-48.
20. Michael A. Di Giovine, and David Picard, “Introduction: Pilgrimage and Seduction
in the Abrahamic Tradition,” in The Seductions of Pilgrimage: Sacred Journeys Afar
and Astray in the Western Tradition, eds. Michael A. Di Giovine and David Picard
(Surrey: Ashgate, 2015), 7-8.
21. John Eade and Dionigi Albera, New Pathways in Pilgrimage Studies: Global
Perspectives (London, NY: Routledge, 2017): 13.
22. Erving Goffman, The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life (Edinburgh: Edinburgh
University Press, 1956): 9.
23. Christopher McKevitt, “San Giovanni Rotondo and the shrine of Padre Pio,” in
Contesting the Sacred: The anthropology of Christian Pilgrimage, eds. John Eade
and Michael Sallnow (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois, 1991), 84.
24. “Padre Pio, lo strappo del Vaticano,” la Repubblica, 05.05.03 found at http://ricerca.
repubblica.it/repubblica/archivio/repubblica/2003/05/05/padre-pio-lo-strappo-delvaticano.html?ref=search, accessed on 17.12.17.
25. cf. Christopher McKevitt, “San Giovanni Rotondo and the shrine of Padre Pio,” in
Contesting the Sacred: The anthropology of Christian Pilgrimage, eds. John Eade
and Michael Sallnow (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois, 1991), 77-97.
26. Evgenia Mesaritou, "The Dialectics of the Sacred: Institutionalization, Power and
Transformation of Padre Pio’s Charisma at the Shrine of Santa Maria delle Grazie",
unpublished Ph.D. thesis. (University of Cambridge, 2009): 6-7.
27. Michael A. Di Giovine, “A Higher Purpose: Sacred Journeys as Spaces for Peace,”
in Pilgrims and Pilgrimages as Peacemakers in Christianity Judaism and Islam, ed.
Antón M. Pazos (London, N.Y.: Routledge, 2016), 11.
28. Michael, A. Di Giovine, “Apologia Pro Turismo: Breaking Inter- and IntraDisciplinary Boundaries in the Anthropological Study of Tourism and Pilgrimage,”
Journal of Tourism Challenges and Trends 6(2) (2013): 85.
29. Erving Goffman, The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life (Edinburgh: Edinburgh
University Press, 1956): 106.
30. Michael, A. Di Giovine, “Apologia Pro Turismo: Breaking Inter- and IntraDisciplinary Boundaries in the Anthropological Study of Tourism and Pilgrimage,”
Journal of Tourism Challenges and Trends 6(2) (2013): 85.
31. Ibid.
32. Ruben C. Lois González, “The Camino de Santiago and its contemporary renewal:
Pilgrims,tourists and territorial identities,” Culture and Religion: An Interdisciplinary
Journal 14(1) (2013): 12.
33. Ibid.: 12.
34. Ibid.: 13.
35. Ibid.
36. Lynn Talbot, “Revival of the Medieval Past: Francisco Franco and the Camino
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37.
38.
39.
40.
41.
42.
43.
44.
45.
46.
47.
48.
49.
50.
51.
52.
53.
54.
55.
56.
57.
58.
59.
60.
61.
62.
de Santiago,” in The Camino de Santiago in the 21st century: Interdisciplinary
Perspectives and Global Views, eds. Samuel Sanchez y Sanchez and Annie Hesp
(London, N.Y.: Routledge, 2016): 36.
Ibid.: 37.
Ibid.: 38.
Ibid.: 47.
Sasha D. Pack, “Revival of the Pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela: The Politics of
Religious, National and European Patrimony, 1879-1988,” The Journal of Modern
History 82(2) (2010): 361.
Lynn Talbot, “Revival of the Medieval Past: Francisco Franco and the Camino
de Santiago,” in The Camino de Santiago in the 21st century: Interdisciplinary
Perspectives and Global Views, eds. Samuel Sanchez y Sanchez and Annie Hesp
(London, N.Y.: Routledge, 2016): 48-49.
Sasha D. Pack, “Revival of the Pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela: The Politics of
Religious, National and European Patrimony, 1879-1988,” The Journal of Modern
History 82(2) (2010): 366.
Nancy L. Frey, Pilgrim Stories: On And Off the Road to Santiago. Journeys Along
an Ancient Way in Modern Spain (Berkeley, LA, California: California University
Press, 1998): 131.
Ibid.: 18.
Ibid..
Ibid.: 27.
Ibid: 63.
Ibid.: 62-64.
Erving Goffman, The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life (Edinburgh: Edinburgh
University Press, 1956): 14.
Nancy L. Frey, Pilgrim Stories: On And Off the Road to Santiago. Journeys Along
an Ancient Way in Modern Spain (Berkeley, LA, California: California University
Press, 1998): 27.
Ibid.
Ibid. 20.
Ibid.
Ibid.: 24.
Ibid.: 67.
Ibid.
Maryjane Dunn, “Historical and Modern Signs of “Real” Pilgrims on the Road
to Santiago de Compostela,” in The Camino de Santiago in the 21st century:
Interdisciplinary Perspectives and Global Views, eds. Samuel Sanchez y Sanchez and
Annie Hesp (London, N.Y.: Routledge, 2016).
Ibid.: 14.
Ibid.: 16.
Ibid.: 17.
Ibid.: 20.
Ibid.: 14.
191
Mesaritou and Coleman
63.
64.
65.
66.
67.
68.
69.
70.
71.
72.
73.
74.
75.
76.
Ibid.: 21.
Ibid.: 22.
Ibid.: 13.
Ibid.: 14.
Cf. Nancy L. Frey, Pilgrim Stories: On And Off the Road to Santiago. Journeys Along
an Ancient Way in Modern Spain (Berkeley, LA, California: California University
Press, 1998), 129; Michael A. Di Giovine “A Higher Purpose: Sacred Journeys as Spaces
for Peace,” in Pilgrims and Pilgrimages as Peacemakers in Christianity Judaism and
Islam, ed. Antón M. Pazos (London, N.Y.: Routledge, 2016), 11.
Andreas Bandak, and Tom Boylston, “The ‘Orthodoxy’ of Orthodoxy: On Moral
Imperfection, Correctness, and Deferral in Religious Worlds,” Religion and Society:
Advances in Research 5 (2014): 25-46.
Julia Klimova “As if the Road here is Covered with Honey”: Inquiries into the
Seductiveness of a Greek Orthodox Monastery in Arizona for Russian Orthodox
Parish Pilgrims,” in The Seductions of Pilgrimage: Sacred Journeys Afar and Astray
in the Western Tradition, eds. Michael A. Di Giovine and David Picard (Surrey:
Ashgate, 2015), 107.
Ibid.: 109.
Ibid.: 114.
Ibid.
Erving Goffman, The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life (Edinburgh: Edinburgh
University Press, 1956): 2.
Victor Turner, and Edith Turner, Image and Pilgrimage in Christian Culture:
Anthropological Perspectives (New York: Columbia University Press, 1978).
Julia Klimova “‘As if the Road here is Covered with Honey’: Inquiries into the
Seductiveness of a Greek Orthodox Monastery in Arizona for Russian Orthodox
Parish Pilgrims,” in The Seductions of Pilgrimage: Sacred Journeys Afar and Astray
in the Western Tradition, eds. Michael A. Di Giovine and David Picard (Surrey:
Ashgate, 2015), 99-121.
Erving Goffman, The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life (Edinburgh: Edinburgh
University Press, 1956).
192