‘Well it’s not very ideal…’ The pragmatic marker well in learner English
Lieven Buysse
KU Leuven
Published in: Intercultural Pragmatics 12(1), pp. 59-89, 2015.
Doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ip-2015-0003
Abstract
The pragmatic marker well has received a lot of attention in studies on native speaker discourse and
has served as an interesting testing ground for theories accounting for the multifunctionality of
pragmatic markers. In the rapidly expanding body of research on pragmatic markers in learner
English well has also claimed a prominent position, but so far no comparison has been made of how
learners of varying mother tongue backgrounds use well. This article offers a Contrastive
Interlanguage Analysis (cf. Granger 1996) in scrutinising well as a pragmatic marker in the Dutch,
French, German, Spanish and Chinese components of the Louvain International Database of Spoken
English Interlanguage (LINDSEI) and comparing these results with Aijmer’s (2011) findings for the
Swedish component of LINDSEI and a comparable native speaker corpus. Well is shown to be more
prevalent overall in each of the learner corpora than in the native corpus, except for the Chinese (in
which well displays a marginal incidence). This overall discrepancy between the learners and native
speakers only holds for the speech management functions of well; its attitudinal functions are
significantly less common in the learners’ discourse than in the native speakers’. The observed
differences are attributed to a complex interplay of factors, involving a.o. the learners’ limited
inventory of pragmatic markers, their extensive exposure to well, L1 interference, and the speech
context.
Keywords
pragmatic markers, well, learner English, learner corpora, Contrastive Interlanguage Analysis
1. Introduction
Pragmatic markers, such as you know, I mean, so, well, like and now, have been studied at great
length since the 1980s. They can be defined as linguistic elements “which do not contribute to the
propositional content of the utterance which they modify [and that] are frequent in conversation,
where they express the speaker’s attitudes to the addressee, negotiate background assumptions,
express emotions and contribute to coherence” (Aijmer and Simon-Vandenbergen 2003: 1123). Of
these well is probably the one that has received most scholarly attention (see e.g. Schourup 1985,
2001; Schiffrin 1987; Watts 1989; Jucker 1993; Smith and Jucker 2000, 2002; de Klerk 2005; García
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Vizcaíno and Martínez-Cabeza 2005; Müller 2005; Cuenca 2008; Lam 2010b). Apart from its high
frequency in spoken English (O’Keeffe et al. 2007: 33-35), this is undoubtedly due to its versatility
and elusiveness, confounding its circumscription and leaving a lack of agreement among researchers
on the meaning and use of well (as deplored by e.g. Aijmer and Simon-Vandenbergen 2003: 1124).
All studies of well have pictured it as a pragmatic marker with a highly complex functional
scope, which begs the question how learners of English cope with such a “recalcitrant marker (…)
which varies its function depending on the situation” (Aijmer 2013: 71). Over the past decade the
interest in how foreign language learners make use of pragmatic markers has surged (e.g. Romero
Trillo 2002; Fuller 2003; Müller 2005; Fung and Carter 2007; Mukherjee 2009; Polat 2011; Buysse
2012). Unfortunately, most of these scrutinise corpora drawn from different speech contexts and
learners from varying mother tongue backgrounds and language learning tracks, making it difficult to
compare the findings of these investigations. The present study aims to address this problem by
taking as its object of study five components of the Louvain International Database of Spoken English
Interlanguage (LINDSEI), a collection of comparable corpora of learner speech (Gilquin et al. 2010).
Each of the selected components minimally groups 50 English interviews with native speakers of a
single language, viz. Dutch, French, German, Spanish and Chinese. All instances in which well occurs
as a pragmatic marker will be categorised according to Aijmer’s (2011) functional classification of the
marker, drawn up for an analysis of the Swedish component of LINDSEI and the latter’s native
speaker reference corpus. The result is what Granger (1996) has dubbed a “Contrastive Interlanguage
Analysis” (1996: 43-44), viz. a comparison of corpora of different non-native varieties of a language
and a comparison of these varieties with a native variety of the same language.
2. Functional scope of well as evidenced in previous research
Well has been approached from many different angles. Jucker’s (1993) and Schourup’s (2001)
analyses are rather theoretical, as they are based on reflections on previous analyses and
categorisations of well. Others have conducted corpus analyses to tease out the functions of well
inductively, such as Schiffrin (1987) and Aijmer (2002, 2013). In some cases specific contexts or
functions are targeted, as with Norrick (2001), who focuses on oral narratives, or with Jackson and
Jones (2013), who only discuss well-prefaced self-initiated repairs. Also specific varieties of English
have received attention (e.g. Xhosa English in de Klerk [2005]; Hong Kong English in Lam [2010a,b]),
as well as contrastive analyses that have looked into equivalents of well in other languages (e.g.
Aijmer and Simon-Vandenbergen 2003 on Swedish and Dutch; García Vizcaíno and Martínez-Cabeza
2005, and Cuenca 2008 on Spanish). The result is a multifarious list of functions for well, many of
which appear to overlap, if not coincide. What most analyses share, though, is their observation that
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well’s functions can be divided into those that are situated in the textual or speech management
domain, and those in the interpersonal or attitudinal domain. The former relates to the production
and structuring of discourse, whereas the latter is involved with expressing the speaker’s attitudes to
the discourse and to interlocutors.
Aijmer’s (2011) functional classification of well, based on a corpus analysis of native and
learner English, will serve as the basis for our overview of the functions most commonly attributed to
well in prior research, because it is highly pertinent for the present study. She distinguishes between
five speech management and two attitudinal functions.
With a term borrowed from Allwood et al. (1990), Aijmer (2011: 237-241) describes well in its
first speech management function as ”choice-related”, in that it reflects the choices the speaker is
faced with in continuing the turn. The speaker is planning ahead what to say next, and this is
reflected by well, which simultaneously indicates their desire to hold the turn as well. The same
function has been attested by Jucker (1993: 447), who considers well a ”delay device” in such
contexts, by de Klerk (2005: 1191), who explains it as the speaker’s need ”to contemplate”, by Müller
(2005: 109), who describes it as “searching for the right phrase”, and by Lam (2010a: 272; 2010b:
668-669), who includes it in a broad “processing” category.
Aijmer’s (2011) second speech management category for well (“change”) is modelled on
Allwood et al.’s (1990: 11) change-related function ”enabling the speaker, on the basis of various
feedback processes (internal or external) to change already-produced content, structure or
expressions”. Müller (2005: 111-113) too distinguishes a ”rephrasing/correcting” function for well, as
do Schiffrin (1987: 123) and García Vizcaíno and Martínez-Cabeza (2005). Cuenca (2008: 1384) notes
its capacity for ”reformulation” and to ”change topic”, the latter of which has also been observed by
Jucker (1993) and Lam (2010b).
Third, Aijmer (2011: 241) refers to tokens of so that mark ”deliberation or pausing” at the
start of a turn, pointing forward to a forthcoming answer, as ”prospective well”1. Schiffrin (1987)
dubs well a ”marker of response” (1987: 102) in such instances, but notes that it may be used to
”defer the ideational core of their answers” (1987: 110) in that it may preface introductory brackets
or contextualizing segments (e.g. in a narrative). As such speakers can comply flexibly with the
conversational demand of responding to a question or request by delaying an immediate response.
The fourth speech management function in Aijmer’s (2011) classification is that of marking
stages in a narrative, which is in line with Norrick’s (2001) observation that in narratives well signals
the start of a new episode or of the narrative altogether, or prefaces a summary coda. Likewise,
1
Note that this category of well does not comprise all of its functions that have ”prospective orientation”, as
defined by Lenk (1998: 54) and Aijmer (2002: 37), viz. those utterances pointing forwards to the upcoming
message. This definition would apply, for example, also to the choice function and the quotative function in
Aijmer’s (2011) classification.
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Müller (2005) distinguishes categories for well as moving to the main story, introducing the next
scene in a story and providing a conclusion to a story description.
The fifth, and final, function of well in the speech management domain according to Aijmer
(2011) occurs when well appears at the start of a stretch of direct speech (cf. Schiffrin 1987: 124;
Jucker 1993: 446; Smith and Jucker 2000: 216; García Vizcaíno and Martínez-Cabeza 2005: 80; Müller
2005: 113-115; Lam 2010b: 663), and therefore fulfils a quotative function.
Attitudinal functions of well ”express attitudes or feelings to the hearer or to the preceding
discourse” (Aijmer 2011: 245). The first of these in Aijmer’s (2011: 246) classification is meant to
”mitigate the speaker’s opinion”, which corresponds with Smith and Jucker’s (2000: 216) attestation
of well to ”downgrade a claim” and Pulcini and Furiassi’s (2004: 114) use of well to ”mitigate the
strength of a statement”.
The second attitudinal function, marking disagreement, ”signals a correction, explanation, or
clarification if the preceding discourse is challenging or makes the wrong assumption” (Aijmer 2011:
246). As such it typically prefaces a dispreferred response such as (partial) disagreement, scepticism,
rejection of an offer, and criticism (cf. Schiffrin 1987; Jucker 1993; Smith and Jucker 2002; Pulcini and
Furiassi 2004; de Klerk 2005; Müller 2005; Cuenca 2008; Lam 2010b). It, therefore, clearly has a
”downtoning” (Cuenca 2008: 1385) role as a ”face-threat mitigator” (Jucker 1993: 444; García
Vizcaíno and Martínez-Cabeza 2005: 79).
Given this broad functional scope of well many have attempted to account for its
multifunctionality, with two dominant strands. The first is that which advocates a monosemy
perspective, i.e.
a core, invariant meaning can be posited for well from which individual
instantiations are derived through pragmatic processes (cf. Fischer 2006: 12-14). Schourup (2001),
for example, describes the marker as ”conveying that the speaker is actively considering whatever it
is relevant to consider in determining what should now follow” (2001: 1058). In observing that well
often marks insufficiency, Jucker (1993) and Smith and Jucker (2002) similarly qualify it as a signal
”that the context created by an utterance may not be the most relevant one for the interpretation of
the next utterance” (Jucker 1993: 450).
More recently such approaches have been criticised, in particular for failing to account for
variation in the use of pragmatic markers across speech contexts (see e.g. Aijmer 2013: 11), as the
function and interpretation of well has been shown to be highly context-dependent (see e.g. Aijmer
and Simon-Vandenbergen 2003; Aijmer 2013). As an alternative, polysemy approaches have been
gaining ground. These advocate that one form can occur with different interpretations “that are
assumed to be related” (Fischer 2006: 13) without being traceable to a single core meaning. Cuenca
(2008), for example, distinguishes eight functions for well that can be grouped in two broad
categories, viz. that of a modal focus (e.g. disagreement) and that of a structural focus (e.g.
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reformulation). In the resulting structure meanings may be closely related to one another or rather
peripheral or only related to a single meaning in the network. In the same vein Aijmer (2013) posits
that well cannot be attributed a fixed meaning but rather “a meaning potential available as a
communicative resource to language users” (2013: 30) in the form of several core aspects from
which new functions can be derived in specific situations.
3. Well in contrastive studies
The use of well in English has on occasion been compared to pragmatic markers in other languages,
although truly contrastive investigations have been rare. In a study with a monolingual French focus
Beeching (2002: 128-129) suggests that the French markers enfin, bon, ben and c’est-à-dire (que) can
all be expressed by well in English, each fulfilling a different function. Enfin, for example, marks a
reformulation, c’est-à-dire que acts as a face-threat mitigator, bon ben indicates word-searching, etc.
In Spanish bueno, bien and pues have been found to be the most common equivalents of well
(among a whole host of options), all of which have been reported to be highly frequent, both in a
small-scale contrastive study of a dubbed film (Cuenca 2008: 1376) and in monolingual analyses
(Bellés Fortuño 2006: 224; Cuenca and Marín 2009: 907). García Vizcaíno and Martínez-Cabeza’s
(2005) contrastive analysis of Spanish and English corpora with a focus on English well and Spanish
bueno has demonstrated considerable overlap in the functional scope between these. They both
serve to make a transition in a conversation less abrupt, mitigate a face-threatening act
(attenuation), mark self-correction, and introduce direct speech. The attenuation function is,
however, taken on three times as often by well as by bueno. Contrary to bueno, well is said to have
additional functions such as act as a preface to an answer, but Cuenca’s (2008) results suggest that
pues assumes this role instead. Bueno, on the other hand, can signal that the speaker accepts the
contents contained in the previous speaker’s turn.
Aijmer and Simon-Vandenbergen’s (2003) fairly small-scale investigation of an English-Dutch
and English-Swedish translation corpus of fictional texts has shown that well has a plethora of
translation equivalents in both languages, most notably nou/nu and (t)ja in Dutch, and ja, tja and
men in Swedish. One notable difference between the two languages is that none of the Swedish
forms stand out, whereas the Dutch corpus displays a slightly stronger preference for nou. As Aijmer
and Simon-Vandenbergen (2003: 1156) themselves suggest, though, there is a Dutch particle, viz.
wel, that shows a striking formal resemblance with well and shares many of its functions with its
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English cognate but only does so in the Belgian variety of Dutch. This does not surface in their data,
because they are exclusively based on texts from the Netherlands.2
The most common correspondences for well in Johansson’s (2006) investigation of the
English-Norwegian parallel corpus are vel, nå, (t)ja, and nei, so here too “there is no clear
counterpart in Norwegian corresponding to well” (2006: 118) and each Norwegian equivalent covers
one or some of well’s functions. Johansson’s comparison with German in the Oslo Multilingual
Corpus yields much the same picture, with a whole host of forms that take on functions of English
well in German, most notably also, na (ja) and nun (ja).
The odd one out in this overview is Chinese: Liu (2013: 157) points out that no functional or
translation equivalents can be found for well in Chinese.
It should be clear from this overview that most languages offer linguistic means that serve
similar roles as well does in English, but that none have a device with the same broad scope as well.
In consequence, language users of languages other than English need to resort to many more
linguistic items to meet the same pragmatic demands than is necessary in English.
4. Well in learner language
Well has been involved in many studies on the use of pragmatic markers in learner English, given its
prominence in the speech of native speakers of English, and the wide attention it has received in the
study of native speaker discourse. An overview of investigations of well in learner language yields a
fairly mixed picture, depending largely on the learners’ language background and proficiency in
English.
Fuller (2003), for example, studied interviews, elicited narratives and casual conversations
with native speakers of German, French and Spanish who had been residing in the United States for
at least two years and had hence been exposed to English quite extensively in everyday life. These
were found to be using well ”in a reasonably similar manner to the native speakers” (2003: 200).
Without analysing their data in detail, Gilquin (2008) and Buysse (2010), on the other hand,
observed French- and Dutch-speaking learners of English, respectively, using well overall
considerably more frequently than native speakers in a comparable setting. In a similar vein, Müller’s
(2004, 2005) participants in dyad conversations and story-retellings used well more than twice as
often as native speakers. Statistically significant differences were attested for the functional
categories ”searching for the right phrase”, ”conclusive well”, ”indirect answer” and ”continuing an
2
Hogeweg (2009) and Niemegeers (2009) do investigate Dutch wel but both restrict its scope to that of a
modal particle, and neglect its uses as (what is sometimes described as) “an interjection” (Aijmer and SimonVandenbergen 2003: 1158), which would correspond with the functions that English well assumes.
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answer or opinion” (2005: 138). Such cases of higher learner frequencies were attributed to the
learners’ familiarity with well (due to its intensive use in English discourse and in learner textbooks),
which makes it conveniently available for use in conversation. Additionally, Müller (2005: 251)
suggests that learners had well take on some of the functions of the pragmatic marker so because
they believed that the former sounds more English than the latter and they wanted to avoid another
pragmatic marker, viz. so, due to its similarity to German also. Aijmer’s (2011) examination of the
Swedish component of LINDSEI has shown that the Swedish learners use well significantly more
frequently than native speakers in a similar setting. Strikingly, this difference is entirely down to
speech management functions of well. In the attitudinal domain the learners even use well
significantly less often than their native speaker peers, which might suggest that many learners
remain unfamiliar with interpersonal communication strategies in the target language.
Other studies have found learners using well considerably less often. For example, without
comparing it to native speaker data, Hellermann and Vergun (2007) report almost negligible use of
well (and most other pragmatic markers) in classroom interactions of beginning adult learners of
English with varying L1 backgrounds, and they suggest that pragmatic marker incidence will rise with
increasing proficiency. Yet, Romero Trillo (2002) demonstrates that Spanish university students
turned to well only half as often as native speakers, and only 3 of the over 30 Japanese university
students of different proficiency levels reported on by Hays (1992) used well (as opposed to and, but
and so, which were used much more widely). A comparably low incidence has been observed for
native speakers of Chinese: in Liao’s (2009) investigation only 1 teaching assistant studying in the
United States used well about as frequently as native speakers, albeit still with a considerably
restricted functional scope. Wei’s (2011) investigation of the speech of 141 Chinese students learning
English likewise found that even the most proficient group of participants used well merely 0.028
times per 1,000 words, and in the speech of 49 final-year secondary school pupils in Hong Kong,
where English plays a prominent role in society, well was virtually absent, according to Fung and
Carter (2007).
In sum, well has been shown to be present in learner discourse but to varying extents, with
advanced learners and learners with Dutch, French, German or Swedish L1 using it all in all more
frequently than native speakers of English (albeit not in all of its functions), and less experienced
learners and learners with Spanish, Japanese and Chinese L1 using it considerably less frequently.
Due to the widely diverging approaches and speech contexts adopted by these studies, comparison
of their findings remains a thorny endeavour, though.
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5. Data and methodology
5.1 Corpus
The corpus for the current study has been drawn from the Louvain International Database of Spoken
English Interlanguage (LINDSEI), an international project that has pooled English interviews with
learners from 11 different language backgrounds (Gilquin et al. 2010). From these I have selected five
that have surfaced in previous research on well in learner English: (Belgian) Dutch (DU), (Belgian)
French (FR), German (GE), Spanish (SP) and Chinese (CH). All learners were at least in their second
year of studying English as a major subject at university, and they were interviewed by members of
the teaching staff at the learners’ institution, most of whom were native speakers of English. All
interviews were conducted along the same lines: first the interviewee talked for 1-2 minutes about a
topic such as a book, a film, a travel experience, which sparked a conversation with the interviewer;
at the end of each interview the interviewee was asked to tell a story based on four pictures. Apart
from the Swedish component of LINDSEI, Aijmer (2011) also analysed the Louvain Corpus of Native
English Conversation (LOCNEC), LINDSEI’s native speaker reference corpus. These interviews had the
same setting as those conducted for LINDSEI, and the interviewees were all students at a British
university.
Although these data have been elicited for research purposes, they still comply with the
prerequisite of authenticity traditionally imposed on language corpora. The interviews constitute
speech produced by language users who are in full control of their linguistic behaviour within the
constraints of the context. Similarly, job interviews, sales encounters, police interviews, retellings of
silent films and courtroom questionings qualify as valid data, as long as their findings are not
extended to the language community at large. Moreover, all participants can be expected to have
been familiar with a context in which they talk face-to-face with an interlocutor who is more
proficient in the language than they are (e.g. an oral exam in an English course). It can even be
argued that most contexts in which foreign language learners speak English are artificial, such as roleplays or classroom conversations in which all participants share the same mother tongue and are
forced to use a foreign language.
Table 1 gives an overview of the size of the learner sub-corpora selected from LINDSEI and of
LOCNEC.
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Table 1 Size of the selected sub-corpora of LINDSEI (Gilquin et al. 2010) and of LOCNEC (Aijmer
2011: 233)
DU
FR
GE
SP
CH
Learner
LOCNEC
total
interviews
50
50
50
50
53
253
50
total words
92,865
134,844
105,955
80,467
75,837
489,968
170,533
total words
74,589
83,294
81,181
62,101
58,523
359,688
125,666
1,492
1,666
1,624
1,242
1,104
1,422
2,513
interviewees
av. words
interviewees
To enable comparison between the sub-corpora all absolute numbers have also been
normalised to a relative frequency expressed in number of tokens per 1,000 words of interviewee
speech. Differences in frequency have been tested for significance using the two-sample corpus
frequency test wizard (http://sigil.collocations.de/wizard.html), which ”automatically chooses
between chi-square (X²) and log-likelihood (G²), depending on which test is deemed to be more
accurate for [the] data” (Hoffmann et al. 2008: 85). In the vast majority of cases the wizard selected
the chi-square option.
5.2 Functional classification
As most pragmatic markers, well is a form that can occur with meanings and functions that fall
beyond the realm of pragmatics. All such tokens of well that do not perform a pragmatic marker
function were identified and discarded from the analysis. Most of these were cases in which well was
used as the adverb form of good and in combinations such as as well and as well as. Table 2 provides
the overall incidence of well in each learner sub-corpus, that of all tokens in which well fulfils a
pragmatic function, and the ”Index of Pragmatic Use” (Romero Trillo 2002: 776), i.e. the ratio of
tokens with a pragmatic function vis-à-vis the total number of tokens of the item. By way of
comparison, Aijmer (2011: 233) mentions 529 pragmatic tokens of well in LOCNEC, corresponding to
4.21 tokens per 1,000 words. As she does not provide any overall frequencies for well, the IPU cannot
be calculated for LOCNEC.
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Table 2 Total number of tokens of well in absolute numbers (n) and per 1,000 words of interviewee
speech (‰), tokens of well with pragmatic marker function, and Index of Pragmatic Use (IPU)
DU
FR
GE
SP
CH
Learner total
n
‰
n
‰
n
‰
n
‰
n
‰
n
‰
total well
869
10.91
1,086
11.88
574
6.68
541
8.71
73
1.15
3,143
8.74
PM well
754
9.47
1,031
11.28
479
5.57
408
6.30
48
0.76
2,720
7.56
IPU (%)
86.77
94.94
83.45
75.42
65.75
86.54
The pragmatic marker tokens of well were categorised following Aijmer’s (2011) classification
of well into speech management functions and attitudinal functions, as introduced in Section 2 and
presented schematically in Table 3. In Section 6 all functions will be expounded in greater detail.
Table 3 Functions of well as distinguished by Aijmer (2011) and used in the present study
Speech management functions
Choice
Planning of an upcoming utterance
Change
Reformulation, correction, topic change
Prospective
Deliberation in a response turn, pointing forward to upcoming utterance
Stages in a narrative
Start (a new episode in) a narrative
Quotative
Transition to a direct speech quotation
Attitudinal functions
Opinion
Mitigation of speaker’s opinion
disagreement
Mitigation of (partial) disagreement, scepticism, criticism
This classification was deemed most suitable for the analysis, because (i) it was developed
while analysing a corpus identical in make-up to that studied here, and (ii) it facilitates comparison of
the present findings to Aijmer’s for LOCNEC, as well as for the Swedish component of LINDSEI.
A marginal proportion of tokens of well (n=9; 0.03 tokens per 1,000 words) was not classified
because they could not be interpreted due to the unintelligibility of a part of the utterance, as in
example (1), where two words were not transcribed in the interviewer turn that immediately
precedes the well-prefaced utterance, and two immediately following well in the interviewee turn,
which hampers the interpretation of well in a research study.
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(1) <B> and a . a= and my wife may just as well be expecting . so you know <overlap/> <XX>
<laughs> </B>
<A> <overlap/> what do you mean she may just as well be exp= <XX> </A>
<B> <laughs> well <XX> we don't know yet I mean it's it's a matter of a few days normally on
on Wednesday but (er) </B>
(FR34)
6. Results
6.1 Overall distribution of well
The distribution of well as a pragmatic marker in the learner sub-corpora and in LOCNEC3 (Table 4)
indicates that all learner groups use well significantly more often than their native peers, except for
the Chinese learners, who use it to an almost negligible extent. The degree to which well is more
common in the learner sub-corpora varies from only one third of tokens for the German sub-corpus,
over half for the Spanish, to well over double for the Dutch and almost triple for the French. If
additional chi-square tests are performed on the results for the learner sub-corpora, significant
differences are revealed between all of these (p<0.001), except for the difference between the
German and the Spanish sub-corpora. This yields the following hierarchy of frequency between the
different sub-corpora:
French > Dutch > German/Spanish > LOCNEC > Chinese.
Table 4 The overall distribution of pragmatic well in the sub-corpora
in absolute numbers (n) and in tokens per 1,000 words (rel.)
subcorpus
n
rel.
significance
X²/G²
+/-
Int.
Dutch
754
9.47
p<0.001
G²
+
48
French
1,031
11.28
p<0.001
G²
+
44
German
479
5.57
p<0.001
X²
+
46
Spanish
408
6.30
p<0.001
G²
+
42
Chinese
48
0.76
p<0.001
X²
-
15
LOCNEC
529
4.21
50
3
Here and in all remaining tables in which numbers for LOCNEC are cited, these have been taken over from
Aijmer (2011).
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Interestingly, there are more learners in the Dutch and German sub-corpora who use well at
least once than there are French learners, which signifies that the spread between learners who use
it often and those who do not is wider in the latter than in the former. All interviewees in LOCNEC
use well at least once (Aijmer 2011: 249).
Aijmer (2011: 234-235) observed a difference in the position taken by well in the utterance,
in that it most often occupies initial position in the native corpus and most often medial position in
the Swedish learner corpus. A similar trend can be noted for the learner corpora currently under
investigation (Figure 1), with ratios between 60 and 77 per cent for utterance-medial tokens,
compared to a mere 42 per cent in LOCNEC. In a few rare instances well occurs in final position or on
its own, typically “reflecting the fact that [the speakers] did not know how to continue” (Aijmer 2011:
235).
100%
90%
80%
70%
60%
50%
40%
30%
20%
10%
0%
Final/stand-alone
DU
1.2
FR
2.4
GE
0.6
SP
2.5
CH
0.0
LOCNEC
0.7
Medial
77.6
73.5
70.4
69.1
60.4
42.0
Initial
21.2
24.1
29.0
28.4
39.6
57.3
Figure 1 Position of well in each sub-corpus (in percent)
The analysis of well in the following sections will investigate whether the observed overall
differences also hold for each of the specific pragmatic marker functions.
6.2 Speech management - Function 1: Choice
In the choice-related speech management function well reflects the speaker’s planning efforts as well
as a desire to hold the floor. Example (2) illustrates this word-searching function.
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(2) <B> and I can speak English a lot when we go eating or something .. and stuff like that . and
she . well she kinds of .. now=. nowadays she used to do .. she used to be able to speak
Dutch very well . but nowadays it has really .. gone less and less . because . </B>
(DU40)
Often the interviewee’s processing effort surfaces even more explicitly when metalinguistic
utterances are inserted, such as what do you call it in (3), indicating that the interviewee is aware of
his inability to find the correct word, or I wouldn’t say in (4), which reflects the interviewee’s
consideration of various alternative formulations.
(3) <B> […] (em) I mean we we= we were swimming in this cave (em) . all of a sudden I saw this
.. well (em) .. what do you call it (em) . somebody had (em) .. one tourist or I don't know
who . (erm) had to go . very . badly to the[i:] (er) ..</B>
(DU03)
(4) <B> . (erm) .. so: . he starts a new picture . painting her a bit more .. well .. I wouldn't say
<starts laughing> beautiful <stops laughing> </B>
(GE14)
In line with Müller’s (2005) and Aijmer’s (2011) observations that in its choice function well
tends to be accompanied with other hesitation markers such as filled and empty pauses, two thirds
of the ”choice” tokens of well indeed have a preceding and/or following pause, as illustrated in all of
the examples given so far. This need not be the case, though, as (5) demonstrates:
(5) <B> […] so that we can speak about (er) literature or culture and well different aspects that
we want to: (eh) . to focus upon </B>
(FR21)
The choice function is the most frequent or second most frequent in the different learner
sub-corpora (except for the Chinese), contrary to LOCNEC, where its use is marginal. Consequently,
statistically significant differences can be noted between LOCNEC and all of these sub-corpora (Table
5), as well as between the Dutch and French sub-corpora on the one hand, and the German and
Spanish on the other. This largely mirrors the observations for well as a whole.
Postprint version - [13]
Table 5 Distribution of well in the choice function in the learner subcorpora and LOCNEC
sub-corpus
n
rel.
%
p
X²/G²
+/-
Int.
Dutch
309
3.88
41.0
p<0.001
X²
+
36
French
340
3.72
33.0
p<0.001
X²
+
32
German
153
1.78
31.9
p<0.001
X²
+
34
Spanish
112
1.73
27.5
p<0.001
G²
+
28
Chinese
10
0.16
20.8
n.s.
X²
(-)
3
LOCNEC
34
0.27
6.40
6.3 Speech management - Function 2: Change
When it performs its change-related function, well may signal a need to reformulate an utterance
that has just been produced, which may – but need not – also entail a topic shift. As Jackson and
Jones (2013: 29) point out, rather than set straight a mistake, in such cases ”the speaker attends to
’on the record’ accuracy, with an original utterance being treated as essentially correct”. In example
(6) the interviewee interrupts her utterance and reformulates it instantaneously: the painter does
not continue a painting but starts a new one. In (7) the correction prefaced by well does not apply to
the prior adjacent word, but entails a qualification of the first word of his claim (everywhere). The
interviewee in excerpt (8) abandons the clause she had started to provide more apt a description
than she probably had in mind first.
(6) <B> then she sits down again and he continues well he makes a new portrait I think […] </B>
(DU23)
(7) <B> everywhere you go it's the language that most people speak </B>
<A> (mhm) </A>
<B> well not everywhere but </B>
(SP32)
(8) <B> […] it's kind of not . well it's not very ideal . to be on the beach cos it really it it . bothers
the view you know </B>
(DU49)
Postprint version - [14]
The self-interruption may serve not to correct a prior part of the utterance, but to insert
background information the speaker deems vital for a good understanding of the upcoming part of
the utterance, which Schiffrin (1987: 123) calls a ”background repair”. In (9) the interviewee stops to
add the information that the film Lord of the Rings is a trilogy in order to make his reference to “the
first part of the film” clear.
(9) <B> . and (er) . the first thing is that the film tackles (er) an amazing scope of literary base .
<overlap/> and . I'm </B>
<A> <overlap/> (mhm) </A>
<B> convinced that it's that it that it has done so quite well I mean that it has some
shortcomings . (er) the first . well it's . it's a . trilogue in the first <overlap /> (er) . part of the
film </B>
<A> <overlap/> (mhm) </A>
<B> . is . in my opinion really really good […] </B>
(GE40)
The change prefaced by well need not be a correction or clarification but may also be a topic
change or may lead the discourse out of a digression (cf. Norrick 2001: 855), as in (10): the
interviewee is interrupted by the interviewer and, after a brief question-answer sequence, continues
the main point with well and a reiteration of the proposition he had initiated before the interruption.
(10) <B> well I must adm= I preferred Namur . as a town </B>
<A> yeah </A>
<B> yeah it was <overlap/> warme= </B>
<A> <overlap/> do you live here now </A>
<B> yeah I do </B>
<A> oh I see </A>
<B> yeah . well Namur was warmer (er) it was (er) a really little town and .. I like the people
there </B>
(FR22)
The change function is the first or second most frequent category for all sub-corpora,
including the native speaker sub-corpus. Nonetheless, statistically significant differences hold
between all learner sub-corpora and LOCNEC (Table 6), and between all learner sub-corpora (all of
which at p<0.001, except for the difference between the Dutch and French corpus, at p<0.01, and
Postprint version - [15]
between the Dutch and Spanish, at p<0.05). Again this mirrors the overall frequency hierarchy for the
sub-corpora, albeit that for the change function a significant difference can be seen between the
German and Spanish sub-corpora as well.
Table 6 Distribution of well in the change function in the learner subcorpora and LOCNEC
sub-corpus
n
rel.
%
p
X²/G²
+/-
Int.
Dutch
248
3.11
32.9
p<0.001
G²
+
40
French
363
3.97
35.2
p<0.001
X²
+
39
German
140
1.63
29.2
p<0.01
X²
+
34
Spanish
161
2.48
39.5
p<0.001
G²
+
36
Chinese
13
0.20
27.1
p<0.001
X²
-
8
LOCNEC
138
1.10
26.1
6.4 Speech management - Function 3: Prospective well
Aijmer’s (2011: 241) “prospective well” allows the speaker to pause briefly before responding to the
interlocutor’s question or request, in which case well points forward to an upcoming answer. The
most common context in which this function surfaces in the corpus under investigation is at the start
of the conversation, when the interviewee is asked to talk about one of the set topics. Often, as in
(11), interviewees provide a preamble before they get to the actual topic. Similarly, in (12) the
interviewee chooses to picture the context before responding to the question of what impressed him
about Rwanda.
(11) <A> okay <name of interviewee> if I can ask you to (er) talk on the topic that you've selected
</A>
<B> (mhm) well (er) I've selected topic (er) three and (er) I wanted to talk about a movie
that I . saw (er) last week </B>
(DU48)
(12) <A> <overlap/> so what particularly impressed you </A>
<B> well the thing is that I'm . I'm quite concerned about Africa as (er) because (erm) .. my:
well I was born there first of all and (erm) </B>
<A> whereabouts </A>
<B> in (erm) Ivory Coast . in Abidjan </B>
Postprint version - [16]
<A> (mhm) </A>
<B> and my: my father (erm) . goes there . at least four or five times a year </B>
(FR25)
The frequencies for the prospective function of well are slightly lower in the learner subcorpora than in LOCNEC, but with the exception of the Chinese sub-corpus none of these differences
achieve statistical significance (Table 7).
Table 7 Distribution of well in the prospective function in the learner
sub-corpora and LOCNEC
sub-corpus
n
rel.
%
p
X²/G²
+/-
Int.
Dutch
61
0.77
8.1
n.s.
X²
(-)
31
French
57
0.62
5.5
n.s.
X²
(-)
26
German
53
0.62
11.1
n.s.
X²
(-)
27
Spanish
40
0.62
9.8
n.s.
X²
(-)
20
Chinese
8
0.13
16.7
p<0.001
X²
-
5
LOCNEC
107
0.85
20.2
6.5 Speech management - Function 4: Marking stages in a narrative
Aijmer (2011: 243) observes that interviewees in the Swedish component of LINDSEI and in LOCNEC
particularly have well mark stages in a narrative when they are telling the picture-based story
towards the end of the interview, ”usually to introduce the main character” (2011: 244). This can be
corroborated in the other components of LINDSEI, as in (13):
(13) <A> […] so if you just take a look at that <XX> in that sequence and describe what is
happening there </A>
<B> (em:) . well there's a portrait painter . and there's a lady in a chair . who is not . that
attractive I would say but that's also maybe cos I glanced . you know <laughs> at the bottom
of the page </B>
(DU27)
In all learner sub-corpora (except the Chinese) the relative frequency for the stage-marking
function is higher than in the native corpus, which yields statistical significance for all but the Spanish
sub-corpus (Table 8). Other significant differences can be found between the Dutch sub-corpus on
Postprint version - [17]
the one hand and the German (p<0.01), Spanish (p<0.01) and Chinese (p<0.001) on the other, as well
as between all other learner sub-corpora and the Chinese.
Table 8 Distribution of well in the stage-marking function in the learner
sub-corpora and LOCNEC
sub-corpus
n
rel.
%
p
X²/G²
+/-
Int.
Dutch
46
0.58
6.1
p<0.001
X²
+
25
French
37
0.40
3.6
p<0.001
X²
+
22
German
23
0.27
4.8
p<0.05
X²
+
18
Spanish
14
0.22
3.4
n.s.
X²
(+)
11
Chinese
2
0.03
4.2
n.s.
X²
(-)
2
LOCNEC
16
0.13
3.0
6.6 Speech management - Function 5: Marking a transition to a direct speech quotation
When well introduces a stretch of direct speech – as is illustrated in excerpt (14) – the marker is
presented as if it was mentioned in the quoted utterance, although it most likely was not, and it
collocates with such verbs as say, think, believe, and feel (Schiffrin 1987: 124; Jucker 1993: 446; Smith
and Jucker 2000: 216; García Vizcaíno and Martínez-Cabeza 2005: 80; Müller 2005: 113-115; Lam
2010b: 663; Aijmer 2011: 244-245). In employing quotative well the speaker appears to attribute a
mitigating context to the quoted utterance, which may or may not be veritable.
(14) <B> <overlap/> cos he: . he's not very fond <XX> he's going with me in (eh) July so I'm trying
t= cos he's never been there he says well the: the food is quite disgusting I said well you've
never been there so he doesn't know . and I will try and convince him <laughs> </B>
(FR04)
The differences in frequency between LOCNEC and the Dutch and German learner subcorpora are negligible (Table 9). With a relative frequency that is triple that of their native peers the
French learners demonstrate a significantly higher incidence of quotative well compared to LOCNEC,
but also compared to all other learner sub-corpora (FR-DU p<0.05, FR-GE p<0.01, FR-SP and FR-CH
p<0.001). The Spanish learners clearly do not use this quotative structure often, with a mere 9
participants mentioning it only 12 times in total.
Postprint version - [18]
Table 9 Distribution of well in the quotative function in the learner subcorpora and LOCNEC
sub-corpus
n
rel.
%
p
X²/G²
+/-
Int.
Dutch
29
0.36
3.8
n.s.
X²
(-)
17
French
55
0.60
5.3
p<0.05
X²
+
21
German
25
0.29
5.2
n.s.
X²
(-)
18
Spanish
12
0.19
2.9
p<0.05
X²
-
9
Chinese
5
0.08
10.4
p<0.001
X²
-
3
LOCNEC
49
0.39
9.3
6.7 Attitudinal - Function 6: Mitigation of speaker’s opinion
The first attitudinal function of well in Aijmer’s (2011) classification is when the marker serves to
mitigate the speaker’s opinion or the force of the speaker’s upcoming statement. For example, in
(15) the interviewee confesses to not being all that enthusiastic about her studies anymore. She
seems to realise that this opinion may not go down well with her interlocutor, who is a member of
her university’s teaching staff, and therefore mitigates the proposition with well and with not really,
that and brief laughter. In this category well tends to be accompanied by other such mitigating
devices like I guess, probably or modal must, as in excerpt (16).
(15) <A> (mhm) . and do you like your studies so far . <X> </A>
<B> (mhm) . well <overlap/> <laughs> </B>
<A> <overlap/> <laughs> </A>
<B> (mhm) I'm not really that enthusiastic anymore . I wasn't </B>
(DU09)
(16) <A> what do you think the painter is thinking here </A>
<B> <laughs> well he must be surprised . because of . if someone asks for a portrait . you
have to have what you have . you can't change something to please […] </B>
(SP06)
The only statistically significant differences with LOCNEC hold for the French learners, who
use it to a greater extent, and the Chinese, who use it to a lesser extent (Table 10). All learner groups
use well significantly more often than the Chinese, and it is also significantly more frequent among
Postprint version - [19]
the French, German and Spanish learners than the Dutch, the latter of whom find themselves at the
same level as the Swedish learners in Aijmer’s (2011: 247) study.
Table 10 Distribution of well in the opinion function in the learner subcorpora and LOCNEC
sub-corpus
n
rel.
%
p
X²/G²
+/-
Int.
Dutch
29
0.36
3.8
n.s.
X²
-
21
French
74
0.81
7.2
p<0.05
X²
+
28
German
52
0.60
10.9
n.s.
X²
(+)
28
Spanish
40
0.62
9.8
n.s.
X²
(-)
20
Chinese
7
0.11
14.6
p<0.001
X²
-
5
LOCNEC
65
0.52
12.3
6.8 Attitudinal - Function 7: Disagreement
In its capacity of marking disagreement well downtones dispreferred responses such as
disagreement, scepticism, and criticism. In (17) the interviewee has just described her activities as
leader in a youth movement. When the interviewer makes the assumption that the children in her
group are not too young, the interviewee adjusts this view.
(17) <A> no too sma= not too young then </A>
<B> well </B>
<A> and not too </A>
<B> some of them are quite young the thirteen year olds can be very young but the fifteen
year olds can be very . old as well so </B>
(DU17)
The interviewer in excerpt (18) does not make an assumption, but the interviewee believes
the binary option to answer the question is not adequate since the situation described is not black or
white.
(18) <A> was the mother at home or was she also <overlap/> working </A>
<B> <overlap/> (erm) well she was at home . but: when I started a few: month after she:
(erm) . started working part-time . teaching dyslexic children </B>
<A> (mhm) </A>
Postprint version - [20]
<B> but because they had five children she was actually busy driving them around to all
their . <overlap/> <starts laughing> activities </B>
(GE09)
In this category well is used to avoid offending the hearer by disagreeing politely. In (19),
however, what seems to be more at play is the interviewee’s desire to remain modest, which
requires only a partial agreement with the interviewer’s assumption. Partial (dis)agreement may
additionally be signalled by a collocation such as yes well, indicating the need to qualify an answer to
a polar question more elaborately, as example (20) demonstrates.
(19) <A> oh you're a very good swimmer then </A>
<B> well . a little <overlap/> <laughs> </B>
(SP23)
(20) <A> <overlap/> <laughs> and you da= you're dancing in the streets </A>
<B> yes well we had some sort of stage </B>
(FR29)
Finally, well can preface an utterance that displays the interviewee’s reluctance or inability to
answer a question:
(21) <A> and so the purpose of the work is to find out if it's successful or to make it more
successful or: </A>
<B> <starts laughing> well I I don't know what the purpose is </B>
(FR31)
The Dutch, German, Spanish and Chinese learner groups use well to express an attitude of
disagreement significantly less often than the native speakers and the French learners in the study
(Table 11). The latter turn to it even slightly more frequently than the native speakers but this
difference does not yield statistical significance. Among the learner groups, the French are set off
from the others with a significantly higher frequency (p<0.001), as are the Chinese with a significantly
lower frequency (p<0.001).
Postprint version - [21]
Table 11 Distribution of well in the disagreement function in the learner
sub-corpora and LOCNEC
sub-corpus
n
rel.
%
p
X²/G²
+/-
Int.
Dutch
32
0.40
4.2
p<0.001
X²
-
22
French
97
1.06
9.4
n.s.
X²
(+)
24
German
32
0.37
6.7
p<0.001
X²
-
18
Spanish
26
0.40
6.4
p<0.001
X²
-
16
Chinese
3
0.05
6.3
p<0.001
X²
-
3
LOCNEC
120
0.95
22.7
7. Discussion
The results outlined in the previous section are summarised in Table 12 in the form of the relative
frequencies for each of the functions of well in each sub-corpus. To enable comparison with Aijmer’s
(2011) findings, the frequencies that she has reported for the Swedish component of LINDSEI have
been added (SW). Since she does not provide relative frequencies, I have calculated the numbers for
SW and LOCNEC on the basis of the absolute numbers (Aijmer 2011: 248).
Table 12 Relative frequencies (per 1,000 words) for all functions in each sub-corpus
DU
FR
GE
SP
CH
SW
LOCNEC
Speech management
Choice
3.88
3.72
1.78
1.73
0.16
1.67
0.27
Change
3.11
3.97
1.63
2.48
0.20
1.29
1.10
Prospect
0.77
0.62
0.62
0.62
0.13
0.77
0.85
Stages
0.58
0.40
0.27
0.22
0.03
0.46
0.13
Quotative
0.36
0.60
0.29
0.19
0.08
0.14
0.39
Sub-total
8.70
9.32
4.58
5.25
0.60
4.33
2.74
Opinion
0.36
0.81
0.60
0.62
0.11
0.31
0.52
Disagree
0.40
1.06
0.37
0.40
0.05
0.81
0.95
Sub-total
0.77
1.87
0.98
1.02
0.16
1.11
1.47
Total
9.47
11.28
5.57
6.30
0.76
5.44
4.21
Attitudinal
Postprint version - [22]
Well is overall more prevalent in each of the learner sub-corpora selected for this study than
in the native speaker corpus. The Chinese learners form the sole exception to this tendency, but they
use well to such a marginal extent that this sub-corpus clearly occupies an exceptional position in the
study. This finding is in keeping with Fung and Carter’s (2007), Liao’s (2009) and Wei’s (2011)
findings, reported in Section 4.
At the other end of the spectrum, significantly more tokens of well are found among the
French learners than among the native speakers in all but two functional categories . The higher
incidence in the Dutch and German sub-corpora is due to higher frequencies in the choice, change
and stage-marking categories, whereas that in the Spanish sub-corpus is limited to the former two
categories. Smaller numbers than in the native corpus are noted for the disagreement function in the
Dutch, German and Spanish sub-corpora, the latter of which also displays a lower frequency for
quotative well.
On the whole, the learners make significantly greater use of well in the speech management
domain than the native speakers, which can especially be attributed to higher frequencies in the
choice and change functions. These are more common in all learner groups (except the Chinese) than
in the native group, and the stage marking-function in all but the Spanish and Chinese groups. The
overall significantly lower frequency of the attitudinal functions for the learners is particularly due to
the disagreement category: well expresses disagreement significantly less often in all learner subcorpora than in LOCNEC, except in the French sub-corpus where it more closely approximates native
speaker frequency. Also the shares taken up by the speech management functions as a group in the
learner sub-corpora differ markedly from that in the native speaker corpus: the former range
between 79 and 92 percent, whereas the latter amounts to 65 percent (Figure 2).
Postprint version - [23]
100%
90%
80%
70%
60%
50%
40%
30%
20%
10%
0%
Attitudinal
DU
8.1
FR
17.4
GE
17.7
SP
16.7
CH
20.8
SW
20.4
LOCNEC
35
Speech mgt.
91.9
82.6
82.3
83.3
79.2
79.6
65
Figure 2 Shares of speech management and attitudinal functions per sub-corpus (in percent)
The average incidence of well in Aijmer’s (2011) study of the Swedish component of LINDSEI
is lower than in most other learner sub-corpora. It closely approximates that of the German subcorpus, with which it does not differ for the relatively large choice and change categories. For the
prospective, stage-marking and opinion functions the learner group closest to the Swedish in terms
of frequency is the Dutch, whereas for the quotative and attitudinal functions the Swedish
frequencies more closely approximate the Spanish. Aijmer (2011: 248) too notes more intensive use
of all speech management functions, except for the quotative function, which occurred less
frequently in her learner corpus, as did both attitudinal functions.
How can these findings be explained? First, the remarkably higher incidence of well as a
choice-related marker is likely to be a result of the learners’ less fluent discourse in English, creating
more opportunities for such a marker to be inserted in the same way as learners have been reported
to include more filled pauses (see e.g. Gilquin 2008). In the same vein, learners can be assumed to
feel a greater need to set straight an utterance (change-related function), since they may be less able
to provide accurate claims right away than native speakers. Moreover, as Müller (2004) has
suggested, learners are more inclined to display a ”lack of confidence in their linguistic abilities”
(2004: 1175).
Second, if learners indeed feel a greater need to index choice and change slots, well appears
to be a particularly popular means to cater for it. In general, learners have a less complex and more
Postprint version - [24]
restricted inventory of pragmatic devices than native speakers (Kasper and Blum-Kulka 1993; Gilquin
2008; Buysse 2010), and can be presumed to stick to those pragmatic markers they are most familiar
with. Well is a likely candidate to take on the role of a “dummy” pragmatic marker, thanks to its high
frequency in native discourse, and its functional versatility and elusiveness. The former intensifies
the learners’ exposure to the marker, and the latter enhances its employability in any type of
discourse. This is not to say that learners outstep the bounds of well’s functional scope, since all of its
tokens in the learner data are fully compatible with native practice. It does signify, though, that
instead of varying their choice of pragmatic markers that can fulfil similar or identical functions,
learners appear to stick to one marker that they use with a higher incidence than native speakers.
Moreover, Müller (2005: 250) has found that well occurs in English textbooks aimed at native
speakers of German to a greater extent than so and to a much greater extent than you know and like.
Likewise Mukherjee and Rohrbach (2006: 216) posit that “apart from well – all other discourse
markers are notoriously underrepresented even in modern [ELT textbooks and] materials”. The
dominance of well in teaching materials may be related to its high frequency in spoken English, the
wide range of functions it can express (which enhances its employability in conversation and in
textbooks), and its occurrence in formal and informal spoken registers alike. Further research is
needed, however, to gauge the full extent of the influence of this factor in how language learners use
a pragmatic marker like well. At present only a severely restricted number of the wide range of
materials on offer has been covered, presenting information for only a select number of language
learner backgrounds. It would also be interesting to test the hypothesis that speech management
functions of well are more prevalent in the ELT materials than attitudinal functions, which could
explain why the former occur more often than the latter in the learner data. This could further
corroborate previous findings that learners tend to be exposed to well quite frequently in pedagogic
settings, such as in the classroom, because pragmatic markers involved in speech management
strategies have been claimed to be part and parcel of teacher talk, which is not necessarily the case
for attitudinal (functions of) markers (Romero Trillo 2002; Fung and Carter 2007).
A fourth factor might be the (un)availability of functionally equivalent items in the learners’
mother tongue. To fully gauge the extent of positive or negative L1 transfer in this study would of
course necessitate a detailed comparative analysis of all possible equivalents of well in the languages
involved, which obviously extends beyond our scope. As we have seen in Section 3, to date very few
such systematic studies have been conducted. What is clear from prior research, though, is that –
unlike for many other pragmatic markers – none of the languages concerned have a dominant
equivalent form of well that has a similar functional range, while most of them do have linguistic
devices that take on one or more of well’s roles. It can safely be assumed that if learners can appeal
to a single pragmatic marker in English to fulfil the same function as an array of markers in their L1,
Postprint version - [25]
as appears to be the case for Dutch, French, German and Spanish (yet not for Chinese), it stands a
good chance of being opted for time and again by learners.
Hard and fast conclusions on the potential L1 influence on specific uses of well in learner
English can, however, not be drawn. For example, the formal and (assumed) functional likeness
between the (Belgian) Dutch marker wel and the English marker well may have had an influence on
learner usage of the latter in English, but too little is known on Dutch wel to compare the two in any
meaningful way. Likewise, there are no relevant contrastive analyses available between English and
French or German. Well and bueno have been juxtaposed by García Vizcaíno and Martínez-Cabeza
(2005, see Section 3), but their findings cannot assist in our search for explanations either. For
example, quotative well is significantly less common in the Spanish learners’ discourse in spite of the
similar function assumed by bueno. The significantly lower incidence of the disagreement function in
the Spanish sub-corpus could be considered as in line with García Vizcaíno and Martínez-Cabeza’s
observation that bueno’s attenuation function is three times less frequent than well’s. As we have
seen in Section 3, though, the equally frequent Spanish marker pues has been reported to assume
this role as well as an equivalent of well.
Finally, the less prominent role given to well in its attitudinal functions may be related to
their greater familiarity with the marker’s speech management function, but also to the
conversational needs of language learners: not being fully proficient in the language, learners may be
less concerned with the interpersonal, attitudinal aspects of the discourse than with getting an
accurate, coherent message across to their interlocutor. This explanation does not cater for the
frequencies found in the French sub-corpus. The French learners, however, use well to a greater
extent in all categories, which buttresses previous claims that they use well whenever they can, as a
”pragmatic teddy bear” (Gilquin 2008: 129).
Obviously these five factors are tentative suggestions that can help build an explanation for
the extensive prevalence of well in the English discourse of learners with varying mother tongue
backgrounds. As the body of research on pragmatic markers in learner language expands, these can
further be falsified, e.g. in studies that contrast the present findings with similar analyses of other
pragmatic markers, other analyses of well but with different types of learners, or in contrastive
analyses of the languages involved.
8. Conclusion
This investigation has applied Aijmer’s (2011) functional classification of the pragmatic marker well in
a Swedish corpus of learner English to the Dutch, French, German, Spanish, and Chinese components
of the LINDSEI corpus. The general tendency that has emerged from the analysis of 253 interviews,
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across these five learner groups, is one of a higher incidence of well in learner than in native English
discourse. There is, however, a discrepancy between functions related to speech management and
those with an attitudinal role, the former of which tend to be significantly more frequent in the
learner data and the latter significantly less frequent. Although no uses have been attested that are
particular to the learner corpora, this seems to indicate that many learners of English are familiar
with pragmatic functions of well, they may not have acquired the marker to the extent that they can
use it to its full potential. Hence, this investigation provides further evidence to support calls to
devote more attention to pragmatic features of the language in EFL courses (cf. Mukherjee and
Rohrbach 2006; Lam 2010a; Mukherjee 2009; Aijmer 2011).
The learner groups do not form a homogeneous population, though. Some of the functional
differences that have been identified may simply be attributed to the highly specific nature of the
function and its overall small frequency (e.g. the quotative function), and the differences between
learners within a sub-corpus can be large (e.g. relative frequencies in the French sub-corpus range
between 0 and 53). Yet, many of the observed differences between the sub-corpora are likely to be
due to (an interplay of) other factors. First, the primary variable in the learner corpus is the learners’
mother tongue, so positive or negative L1 interference may influence learners’ use of well. Second,
the degree to which learners in these countries are exposed to English in everyday life, in the media,
and in educational settings tends to differ greatly (Gilquin et al. 2010: 48-56). Third, all participants
were students of English at university when the corpus was compiled, but this does not necessarily
imply that they had all reached the same level of general proficiency in English. Further research is,
therefore, called for (i) to focus contrastively on the systems available to language users in these
different languages to perform the functions identified for well, (ii) to expand the study of well in
learner English to other text types (e.g. one in which learners may be more inclined to index
interpersonal relations), (iii) to explore the five remaining components of LINDSEI, and (iv) to conduct
similar studies on other pragmatic markers than well.
Appendix: Transcription conventions
<A>
Interviewer turn starts
<B>
Interviewee turn starts
</A>
Interviewer turn ends
</B>
Interviewee turn ends
…
Empty pause: . (short), .. (medium), … (long)
[]
Phonetic annotations (e.g. the[i:], a[ei])
:
Vowel lengthening (e.g. so:)
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=
Truncation
<X>
Unintelligible word
<overlap>
Overlapping speech
<foreign>
Foreign words
<coughs>
Non-verbal sounds and contextual comments are specified in angle brackets
Notes
*
I am truly grateful to the three anonymous referees and the editor-in-chief for their most insightful
comments on an earlier version of this article.
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