Education Quarterly
Reviews
Li, Shi, and Sims, Margaret. (2018), Developing Gratitude and Filial Piety: The
Role of Chores. In: Education Quarterly Reviews, Vol.1, No.2, 168-174.
ISSN 2621-5799
DOI: 10.31014/aior.1993.01.01.17
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The Asian Institute of Research
Education Quarterly Reviews
Vol.1, No.2, 2018: 168-174
ISSN 2621-5799
Copyright © The Author(s). All Rights Reserved
DOI: 10.31014/aior.1993.01.01.17
Developing Gratitude and Filial Piety: The Role of Chores
Shi Li1, Margaret Sims2
1,2
University of New England, Australia
Abstract
Whilst decades of research in the global north has identified authoritative parenting as producing the better child
outcomes, and there is a growing amount of literature from countries such as China, suggesting the contrary: that
authoritarian parenting produces desirable outcomes. However, the links between authoritarian parenting and the
development of filial piety in China appear to have been disrupted by the incursion of values from the global
north, and the actions of Chinese parents themselves responding to the Chinese one-child policy. This has
created a situation in China where there are now major concerns about children's lack of filial piety: an issue
which has major implications in a nation that depends on familial care rather than state provided welfare. In this
paper, we examine issues around parenting and the development of gratitude and filial piety. We suggest that it
is important for children to learn how to behave in ways that demonstrate gratitude and filial piety and that
competence in performing appropriate behaviours is the pre-requisite to internalizing the associated values. We
suggest that engaging in family chores from an early age is one strategy parents can use that will help their
children develop the appropriate behavioural repertoire.
Key Words: Authoritative Parenting, Authoritarian Parenting, Chores, Moral Development, Filial Piety
1.
Introduction
The authoritative parenting style, as defined by Baumrind (1966, 1968, 1971, 1978), posits that parents are high
in both demandingness (control) and responsiveness (warmth). This parenting style is characterised by setting
high and age-appropriate standards for children, encouraging autonomy and but at the same time settling clear
limits in a manner that is warm and supports children’s ability to negotiate. Building on this, the parenting style
model proposes three other parenting styles—authoritarian, indulgent and neglectful (Maccoby & Martin, 1983).
Authoritarian parenting has high demandingness but low responsiveness. This is where parents express little, or
no warmth and affection set strict rules, and punish disobedient behaviour. Indulgent parents have low
demandingness but high responsiveness, nurturing their children with little or no expectations from them and
rarely discipline them. Neglectful parenting is low in both demandingness and responsiveness, as its name
suggests, where parents are indifferent to or do not demonstrate care for the wellbeing and development of their
children. It has been consistently found in empirical studies undertaken in the global north (the global north as
identified by Connell, 2007) that authoritative parenting is associated with positive developmental outcomes
such as independent, socially well-behaved and academically successful children, and thus this parenting style is
regarded as the optimal parenting model (Baumrind, 1966, 1968, 1978; Gray & Steinberg, 1999; Lamborn,
Mounts, Steinberg, & Dornbusch, 1991; Laurence Steinberg, Lamborn, Dornbusch, & Darling, 1992; L.
Steinberg, Mounts, Lamborn, & Dornbusch, 1991).
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Discipline in authoritative parenting in the global north
The term discipline, when used in an authoritative parenting model, is "characterised by the use of firm control
contingently applied and justified by a rational explanation of consistently enforced rules" (Baumrind, 1996, p.
412). Authoritative parenting and discipline are linked with democracy, whereby children are supported to learn
the reasoning behind rules, where they are encouraged to participate in determining how they can function
appropriately within set limits, and where they are engaged collaboratively with parents and/or other adults in
determining appropriate limits (Marion, 2011).
Along with the concept of democratic or authoritative parenting comes the growing opposition to the use of
physical punishment (Clément & Chamberland, 2014; Fraser, 2010; Gershoff & Grogan-Kaylor, 2016; Saunders
& Goddard, 2010). Research in countries that have banned physical punishment of children demonstrates that
this has ultimately resulted in a decrease in societal violence (Bussmann, Erthal, & Schroth, 2009; Österman,
Björkqvist, & Wahlbeck, 2014), particularly when associated with appropriate education programmes providing
parents with alternative strategies (Holden, Brown, Baldwin, & Croft Caderao, 2014; Robinson, Funk, Beth, &
Bush, 2005; Zolotor, 2014).
3.
Discipline in Chinese families
In contrast, Chinese cultural values position ideal discipline in a different way than in the global north. Kang and
Moore (2011) argue that Chinese culture values children’s obedience to parents, and in that context, parents who
use more authoritarian (rather than authoritative) discipline strategies are perceived as being more involved with
their children and perhaps more caring of their children. Leung, Lau, and Lam (1998) suggest that there are
strong cultural expectations that Chinese mothers train their children “so that they will behave well and obtain
good school results” (p158) and this seems to result in children’s improved academic performance. However, Xu
et al. (2005) suggest that Chinese mothers who used a blend of authoritarian and authoritative parenting
demonstrated behaviours that were a closer reflection of Chinese values. They note that parental levels of stress
impacted on parenting style and that more highly stressed mothers were more likely to use authoritarian
parenting styles. Unfortunately, their study did not examine the impact of parenting style on children's outcomes.
Traditional Chinese society placed a strong emphasis on filial piety. Yeh, Yi, Tsao, and Wan (2013, p. 278)
argued:
A positive relationship with parents fosters RFP, [reciprocal filial piety] which entails
gratitude and willingness to repay one’s parents’ care and sacrifice. From a historical
perspective, RFP corresponds with ‘the natural inner disposition of filial ethics’
emphasized during the pre-Chin era and with the Confucian principle of favoring the
intimate (qin qin).
We posit an association between parenting style and the development of filial piety as defined by Yeh et al.
(2013) above. We argue that traditional Chinese child rearing practices focusing on authoritarian parenting were
linked with the hegemony of filial piety. The existence of high levels of filial piety has created a context where
state-based welfare systems were not developed because they were not perceived as necessary.
However, in more recent years countries such as China have come under the influence of the global north (Litke,
2013) and different cultural influences are now impacting on parents. Coupled with these influences from the
global north is the Chinese one-child policy which has resulted in Chinese parents investing all their human
capital into one child (J. Zhang, 2017). In this context, parenting styles have become more indulgent, and each
child has become the exclusive focus of both parents. A strong body of research (e.g. Chen & Yang, 2011; M. Li
& Peng, 2011; author1, 2014; author 1, 2015, 2016; Lu, 2009; Ma, 2011; C. Zhang, 2013) suggests that the
unintended consequence of this is what is now positioned as an egoistic young generation, who are identified as
selfish, un-empathetic, who consistently take other people’s help for granted, and who lack gratitude: all
characteristics contrary to the cultural expectation of filial piety.
In an attempt to address this situation the Chinese government has implemented special education programmes
focusing on key elements of filial piety including gratitude towards one’s parents and towards society in general,
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and moral reasoning. (Gao, 2015; Qing, 2015). The assumption underpinning this education programme was
that learning to think morally would lead children to behave in ways that demonstrated filial piety.
Unfortunately, Li’s investigation (2016b) with 589 high school students in China found that discipline (parenting
style) played a much more important role than moral reasoning in shaping moral behaviour across both genders.
At this point in our argument, it is useful to summarise the key points we have made. We have argued that
authoritarian parenting in a Chinese context contributes towards the development of filial piety. The
development of this in Chinese children makes it possible for the State to rely on familial care rather than stateprovided welfare for family members. The extant research identifying authoritative parenting as producing more
desirable outcomes in children in the global north is thus not relevant in the Chinese context. However, changes
in Chinese society and the Chinese one-child policy have modified the way in which Chinese parents fulfil their
role. Whilst their parenting may maintain elements of authoritarianism, it is also more indulgent (author1, 2015,
2016) and this is linked with growing concerns that modern Chinese youth do not develop the levels of filial
piety expected of them. The Chinese government has attempted to address this through moral education of
young people, but there is evidence that this approach has not had the positive impact desired. In the next section
of this paper, we propose an alternative approach.
4.
An alternative
Whilst self-interest is one of the fundamental motives of human behaviour, we acknowledge doing the right
thing is often very difficult and thus moral behaviour is not necessarily easy to teach (Curzer, 2002; Kohlberg,
1964, 1976; Piaget, 1965). In the global north, teaching children empathy begins at birth. It is argued that
children learn to respect the feelings of others when they, themselves, have received respect for their own
feelings (Marion, 2011; author2 et al., 2011). Parental strategies involve acknowledging and naming children’s
feelings, modelling in their own behaviour how these feelings are taken into account and providing children with
scaffolding they can use to work through recognition to action in response to the feelings of others. These
strategies are associated with authoritative parenting as they are delivered warmly and respectfully with clear
messages about limits. The assumption in these strategies is that a clear understanding of feelings and a script
that provides ideas for action are both necessary ingredients for the development of empathy.
In the Chinese context, we posit, empathy is positioned as filial piety where children are expected to feel
gratitude to their parents and reflect that gratitude in their behaviour, specifically in caring for their parents in
their old age. We are not suggesting that, in order to achieve these outcomes, Chinese parents need to learn
authoritative parenting strategies. Such a suggestion would not recognize the complexities of Chinese culture
and all the intersecting factors that contribute to the Chinese world view and experience. Rather, we are
suggesting that the two elements of filial piety (feelings of gratitude, and actions that demonstrate that gratitude)
can be developed through a two-pronged approach: namely beginning with actions and moving from actions to
the abstract ideas of feelings (including the abstract concept of social justice). We will explain this idea in the
following paragraphs.
Firstly we suggest that doing family chores is a key action that will trigger opportunities to learn feelings of
gratitude and understandings of social justice. Doing family chores is a way for children to share family burdens
and contribute toward family goals. When children do family chores, they are working for the well-being of
other family members, not just themselves. Chores can be hard work, boring and repetitive. However, in doing
these tasks children are sharing the family burden and can be given feedback indicating how important their
contribution is for the welfare of the family. In doing chores, children experience what it is like to put aside their
own immediate wants in order to perform in ways that support others. These learning opportunities create a
context where children begin to understand how their actions impact on others.
We argue that chores reflect the principle of social justice, a key element of which upholds that social harmony
is achieved through balancing different rights, obligations, and benefits—the golden rule of reciprocity (Sensoy
& DiAngelo, 2017). Knowledge of social justice helps children be aware that their rights are earned through
fulfilling their obligations, and that there are no rights in the world without obligations attached to them.
Demanding children engage in routine chores can help children subjugate their hedonistic inclinations and
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transform the principle of social justice into their behaviour in their daily life. This follows the pattern identified
in Hoffman’s internalisation theory (1960, 1975) and self-determination theory (Deci & Ryan, 1985), where
moral traits are developed through the internalization process or habitualisation before becoming self-motivated.
In other words, we learn to desire to behave morally by learning first HOW to behave morally. We argue in the
same way that chores offer an opportunity to learn behaviours that foreground the habitualisation of social
justice, which in the Chinese context, leads to gratitude and filial piety. In making this argument, we are not
alone. For example, Aristotle holds that "teaching is futile before good habits are already in place" (Curzer,
2002, p. 145). Ochs and Kremer-Sadlik said “Morality is embedded in and is an outcome of everyday family
practices” (2007, p. 5), and Peters also pointed out "the palace of the reason is entered through the courtyard of
habit" (1966, p. 314). One’s character is essentially the sum of his habits, and chores provide an ideal vehicle for
such habitualisation of social justice in children by "sobering children into the social fact that are growing up
means that obligation precedes pleasure" (Ochs & Kremer-Sadlik, 2007, p. 9). Childhood is a vital phase for the
development of a habitus of justice (Aristotle, trans. 1976, p. 32).
The importance of shaping children’s development whilst they are young is reinforced by the neurobiological
research which emphasises the primacy of early childhood experiences in shaping adult behaviour (Donoghue &
Horvath, 2016; Heckman, 2011; Nelson, Kendall, & Shields, 2014; Vandenbroeck et al., 2017). This research is
used to justify the human capital investment motif that now underpins much of early childhood service delivery
(Penn, 2017; Urban, 2015) and this idea can be applied to children’s moral development. Engaging in routine
chores throughout childhood provides a vehicle for parents to help children internalise understandings around
social justice and habituate them into behaving in ways that demonstrate, in the Chinese context, gratitude and
filial piety.
5.
Advantages of chores over other disciplinary measures
For Chinese parents, our suggestion of using chores as a tool to support the development of gratitude and filial
piety may be particularly useful in contexts of familial disadvantage. Studies (Fan 2001; Fantuzzo, Tighe, and
Childs 2000) have demonstrated that parents with lower income and less education may sustain financial and
social constraints that hinder their ability to engage actively in children’s life, and we argue in these contexts
chores can be a valuable means by which parents can work co-operatively with their children to support family
wellbeing whilst, at the same time, working to develop positive emotions in children and enhance their academic
performance.
Clearly, chores need to be developmentally and contextually appropriate so that they support children's
development and do not overburden children nor put their wellbeing at risk. Children may need support in order
to learn effective ways of carrying out their chores, and support to organize their time so that chores are
performed in a timely manner. This support requires parental time and attention in the initial stages, but as
children develop the necessary skills that support can be gradually withdrawn.
6.
Conclusions
We argue in this article that the “Me Generation” or “Entitled Generation” in the global north and China (lack of
empathy, unbounded narcissism) (author1, 2014; Rifkin, 2005; Salt, 2016; Stein, 2013; Twenge, 2006) observed
to have developed since the 1980s is a major concern to society. We suggest that this sense of entitlement (rights
without obligations) has partly arisen because children have not been offered opportunities to enact gratitude and
filial piety (and ultimately social justice) in their early years. Because they do not know HOW to demonstrate
gratitude and filial piety in their behaviour, they have not internalised these as values. We suggest that education
campaigns aiming to teach moral values such as gratitude are likely to fail because learning how to behave must
precede learning why one needs to behave in that manner and that the most effective strategy that can teach
young children how to behave in a moral manner is the performance of family chores (e.g., Breheny, 2015;
author1, 2016a; Rende, 2015; Weissbourd, 2009). We suggest that performing family chores offers another way
of perceiving parental roles and responsibilities that can operate irrespective of parenting styles (and thus
cultural context).
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Children are like jewels that need to be fashioned with the hammer, chisel and buffing cloth of a supportive and
positive discipline. Yet given the current trend of parental practices that focus on the happiness and success of
children to the exclusion of appropriate limits, with some parents even frequently using “bribes" in the form of
payment or points that could be “cashed in” for toys, games or outings in order to ask their child to do chores
(Hill, 2009), it appears necessary to re-emphasise the importance of chores in the life of modern-day children.
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