Glocal Tensions: Exploring the Dynamics of
Intercultural Communication Through a Language
Learner’s Vlog
Codreanu Tatiana, C. Combe Celik
To cite this version:
Codreanu Tatiana, C. Combe Celik. Glocal Tensions: Exploring the Dynamics of Intercultural Communication Through a Language Learner’s Vlog. Screens and Scenes: Multimodal Communication in
Online Intercultural Encounters., 2018. hal-02050786
HAL Id: hal-02050786
https://hal.science/hal-02050786
Submitted on 13 Mar 2020
HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access
archive for the deposit and dissemination of scientific research documents, whether they are published or not. The documents may come from
teaching and research institutions in France or
abroad, or from public or private research centers.
L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est
destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents
scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non,
émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de
recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires
publics ou privés.
2
Glocal tensions: Exploring the dynamics of intercultural communication through a
language learner’s vlog
Tatiana Codreanu and Christelle Combe
<A>Introduction
Since the integration of the webcam into different screen-based communication tools,
Internet users have been able to create, publish and share personal videos easily in online
communities such as YouTube. Our research explores the characteristics of a video-blog
(vlog), documenting the online practices of a learner of French as a foreign language. Part of
a larger study (Combe 2014), this chapter focuses on this learner posting a YouTube video
that elicits massive response from his viewership in the form of written comments. Our
analysis addresses issues in informal language learning and evaluates the strengths and
limitations of intercultural education in a vlogging context. Through a qualitative and semiodiscursive analysis of a corpus (Develotte, Kern, and Lamy 2011), we attempt to highlight the
learner’s co-construction of an identity in a context of “superdiversity” (Vertovec 2007)
through his language and cultural positioning. The chapter aims to discuss the divergences
between, on one hand, a multicultural and multilingual globalized digital world in which
users have no boundaries and can talk to each other by posting comments on a platform such
as YouTube and, on the other hand, the verbal violence, clashes and nationalistic identities
that arise when interlocutors talk about physical borders between countries or regions of the
same country.
The chapter is divided into three parts. First, we will present our theoretical and
methodological framework, then we will highlight the vlogger’s self-constructed identity
through his French as a Foreign Language practice and his digital presence on his first
published vlog “Coucou” (“Hi”). Finally, we will discuss tensions in his expression of
2
identity in another vlog “Les differences entre la France et les USA” (“Differences between
France and the United States”). From a pedagogical perspective, our approach will be based
on what Kern (2015) calls a “relational pedagogy”:
A relational pedagogy aims to foster a reflective consciousness of how acts of
reading, writing, and storytelling mediate and transform meanings, not merely transfer
them from one individual or group to another. That is, it involves an ability to reflect
on meaning-making practices broadly, but with particular emphasis on the role that
materials and technologies play in processes of textualization and
(re)contextualization (2015, 234).
We will consider the importance of working on these aspects with language learners, in order
to enable them to exercise their critical reflection associated with vlogs and to make
observations regarding this form of digital communication and its limitations or problems.
<A> Theoretical framework
Our theoretical framework is based on previous research in Computer-Mediated
Communication (CMC) and its applications in the field of language teaching and research in
intercultural communication.
<B> Computer-Mediated Communication and language learning
The CMC research field appeared in the 1990s with the development of the Internet. Since
then, this research field has expanded and diversified. We present in Figure 2.1 Herring’s
(2017) schematic representation of CMC as a field of investigation.
3
Figure 2.1 CMC and its different branches (Herring 2017)
Within Herring’s schema, we will focus on the interactive multimodal platform YouTube,
which we will describe later.
<C> Web 2.0 and Interactive Multimodal Platforms (IMP)
In the area of language teaching and learning, since 2000 and the development of the Internet,
many institutional telecollaboration projects have been implemented, first by e-mail, and
subsequently by forum and videoconference. Web 2.0 further multiplies the possibilities of
communication and collaboration as Hughes (2010) elucidates:
People no longer simply consume online resources. It is increasingly a part of life to
construct an online identity and present yourself online, to publish your thoughts and
opinions, your photographs and your experiences, to form social groups, make friends
and share parts of your life via the Internet (Hughes 2010, 252).
In the context of language learning and teaching, Web 2.0 tools can be considered as
privileged spaces to develop specific skills such as telecollaborating in a new language
(Guérin, Cigognini and Petttenati 2010, 203). The preferred Web 2.0 tools in formal language
teaching-learning contexts are mainly social networks, wikis and blogs, while media-sharing
communities like YouTube tend to be less utilized (Guth and Thomas 2010). Yet these
4
interactive multimodal platforms are increasingly popular spaces, favored especially by
digital natives. These interactive multimodal platforms (IMPs) are defined as follows:
An IMP minimally involves text plus one other mode (audio, video, and/or graphics);
the modes may be synchronous or asynchronous. While IMPs are Web 2.0 sites, in
that they are web-based platforms that incorporate user-generated content and social
interaction, not all Web 2.0 sites are IMPs: Sites on which messages are mainly
textual (excluding multimedia attachments), such as Wikipedia and Twitter, are not
IMPs in their current form. One of the first IMPs was YouTube, which allowed users
to comment on a shared video asynchronously, via either text or video (Herring 2015,
2).
Because the YouTube platform appears to be particularly likely to encourage the
autonomous learning of an online language (Barton and Lee 2013), we chose to focus on its
use in this case study.
<C> YouTube and language learning
Created in 2005, YouTube is a video hosting website where users can upload, view and share
video clips. Since the creation of the webcam and its development and integration in various
screen communication tools (laptops, tablets, mobile phones), home videos have become
increasingly popular, and it is easy to publish and share them on YouTube. Videos can be
public, private, or unlisted and it is possible to create a channel to which other users can
subscribe, and be informed as new videos are posted. However, YouTube is not just a hosting
site for videos, it is also an exchange platform for comments that users can post under the
videos. As Barton and Lee (2013) point out:
Over the years, many YouTube users have perceived the affordances of commenting
as a platform for critical debates and discussions, not only on the video per se, but on
other topics arising from the original discussion (2013, 53).
5
YouTube is also often seen as a social media platform rather than a video sharing site
(Barton and Lee 2013) because of the special relationship between those who post videos
with those who view and comment on them. As Barton and Lee (2013, 40) underline,
“YouTube is based on the visual and includes a great deal of interaction with strangers.”
Moreover, in the context of a multilingual Internet, YouTube offers significant
potential for learning foreign languages. As Barton and Lee (2013) point out, its multimodal
affordances allow language learners to practice speaking, writing, and listening, and it is
particularly suited to autonomous and informal learning, since YouTube enables peer
learning in a stress-free environment. We would add that YouTube is an important platform
for discussions of language learning and intercultural exchanges, because it allows learners to
innovate and express their individual creativity.
<B> Intercultural communication
In order to study intercultural communication in a globalized era we adopted the conceptual
tools of “superdiversity” and “intercultural sensitivity.”
<C> Globalization and Superdiversity
As recalled by Blommaert and Rampton (2011, 1) “over the past two decades, globalization
has altered the face of social, cultural and linguistic diversity in societies all over the world”
and the concepts of migration and multiculturalism have gradually been replaced by what
Vertovec (2007) calls “superdiversity,” characterized by increased diversity in the categories
of migrants (their countries of origin, languages, religions, migration channels, immigration
statuses, and gender) and increased diversity in the experiences, opportunities, constraints
and trajectories that newcomers now face.
The emergence of new media is intensifying globalization and reinforcing this
notion of superdiversity. Indeed, what do notions of nationality, ethnicity, language, and
6
identity mean on the Internet, where borders are blurred and the notion of identity is
redefined (Baldauf, Develotte, and Ollagnier-Beldame 2017)? Language use is mediumspecific, as researchers such as Anis (1998), Crystal (2001) and Paveau (2015) have
highlighted, demonstrating numerous technolinguistic and multilingual innovations.
On the level of phenomenology and materiality, theoretical reflection on the media
has been enriched by the critical work of McLuhan (1962) and Stiegler (1996). McLuhan
popularized the term “the global village” in 1962. However, in 1999, at the beginning of the
Web 2.0, Wolton (1999) drew special attention to the difficulties of cultural exchanges in a
globalized world where physical distances yielded to cultural distances. The first vlogs
appeared one year later, in 2000 (Berry 2014). In order to analyze vlogs’ potential for
supporting informal language learning and intercultural communication, we found Bennett’s
(1986) Developmental Model of Intercultural Sensitivity (DMIS) to be particularly useful.
<C> Bennett’s Developmental Model of Intercultural Sensitivity
Drawing on our previous research (Combe and Codreanu 2016), in order to analyze personal
reactions and better discern what it means to truly adapt to another culture in the vlog’s
environment, we based the present study on Bennett’s Developmental Model of Intercultural
Sensitivity (1986, 1993, 2004). Bennett presents a conceptual tool, based on a scale of six
ranges of sensitivity to difference, aiming to underline individuals’ cognitive concepts of
cultural experiences, as shown in Figure 2.2.
Development of intercultural sensitivity
Experience of difference
Ethnocentric stages
Ethnorelative stages
7
Denial
Defense
Minimization
Acceptance
Adaptation
Integration
Figure 2.2 The Developmental Model of Intercultural Sensitivity (Bennett, 1986).
Bennett’s DMIS “is a model of changes in worldview structure, where the
observable behavior and self-reported attitudes at each stage are indicative of the state of the
underlying worldview” (Hammer, Bennett, and Wiseman 2003, 3). As highlighted by
Hammer, Bennett, and Wiseman, “The DMIS constitutes a progression of worldview
‘orientations toward cultural difference’ that comprise the potential for increasingly more
sophisticated intercultural experiences” (2003, 1). Bennett (2004) describes the six stages of
the DMIS as follows:
The most ethnocentric experience was named the Denial of cultural difference,
followed by the Defense against cultural difference. In the middle of the continuum
the Minimization of cultural difference seemed to be a transition from the more
virulent forms of ethnocentrism to a more benign form, leading to the ethnorelative
Acceptance of cultural difference. At the heart of ethnorelativism was Adaptation to
cultural difference, followed in some cases by the Integration of cultural difference
into identity. The sequence of these experiences became the “stages” of the DMIS.
(2004, 1)
Bennett introduces the concept of in-group and out-group distinctions (Bennett 1993) as a
condition to generate ethnocentrism and negative stereotypes. From an evolutionary point of
view, members of other groups have been perceived as potentially dangerous by virtue of
being different from one’s own group (Brewer and Caporael 2006; Navarrete, Kurzban,
Fessler, and Kirkpatrick 2004). As a result, social categorization differentiating between
one’s own group, “us” (in-group), and another group, “them” (out-group), helped the human
8
brain to be efficient in creating distinctions (Mahajan et al. 2011). Consequences of social
identification based on in-group bias and out-group characteristics, manifested in stereotypes
and casual attribution, have been highlighted by previous research (Hogg, Abrams, Otten,
and Hinkle 2004).
<A> Method
In this part, we present the object of our study—a vlog created by a learner of French as a
foreign language—and describe the corpus, the research questions, and the methodological
approach adopted to address them.
<B> Corpus
The vlog we studied was created by Michael, a North American learner of French.1 The
elements comprising the language vlog2 have been presented in a previous study (Combe
2017). All of these elements are subject to ongoing modification and are thus dependent on
the digital environment in which they are located. If we access the vlog when the reader of
this chapter reads our study, we will find that many items are no longer the same. This is one
reason among many that the study of digital discourse poses significant methodological
issues. Digital discourse analysis needs to be approached from an ecological point of view, as
Paveau highlights:
The technodiscursive nature of this kind of utterance, defined by a complete
integration of technology with language, forces us to modify our views and to focus
1
We have not disguised Michael’s name because he has established a public presence on
YouTube and other social media sites. See discussion in the Qualitative Analysis section.
2
https://alsic.revues.org/3094#tocto2n5
9
our analysis not on linguistic elements in a logocentric perspective, but rather on the
entire technodiscursive environment from an ecological perspective necessary for
computer-mediated discourse analysis. (2015, 2)3
The researcher who studies this kind of ecological data is therefore faced with the difficulty
of making observations in situ, that is, online, in order to preserve the ecology of discursive
production. As a result, the researcher is forced to work with unstable data and to make
arbitrary decisions about defining corpus limits, as we will see later.
After we first discovered Michael’s vlog, we explored all three of his public
channels on YouTube and his presence on social networks (Facebook, Twitter, Instagram,
Snapchat, Google+). Given the large scale of the data and the constantly shifting nature of
multimodal online corpora, we determined that we needed to work with a clearly delimited
corpus. We chose to focus on two videos from Michael’s French channel texfrancais,4 as this
was the first channel that he opened. As of 9 May 2016, the broader corpus consisted of 39
videos, ranging in duration from 10 seconds to 15:56 minutes, published between June 28,
2011 and May 8, 2016, along with the written comments they inspired. These videos cover
topics as diverse as Michael’s learning of French and his difficulties, cultural differences
between France and the United States, his love life, and current events. Table 2.1 summarizes
the features of the two videos we focus on in this chapter.
3
Our translation
4
https://www.youtube.com/user/texfrancais/videos
10
Coucou !
Les différences entre la France et les USA
https://youtu.be/LWB7zAnamSM
https://youtu.be/IIQa5sPPIqI
Published
28/06/2011
09/01/2013
Duration
1'55
5'34
Comments
115
1628
34,736
141,616
511
3,738
6
80
Link
Views
I like this
I dislike this
Table 2.1 Features of the videos “Coucou” and “Les differences entre la France et les USA” (as of
May 9, 2016).
“Coucou” is Michael’s first published video in which he presents himself. “Les
differences entre la France et les USA” is a video he made two years later, following his
return from a six-month exchange program in France, in which he presents differences he
noted between France and the United States. We selected these two YouTube videos and the
viewer comments that ensued because they deal with two important aspects of Michael’s coconstructed identity.
The research question: How is a vlogger’s identity formed in an intercultural digital
communication environment context? was answered based on the selected corpus identified
in the sub-questions below:
-
How does the vlogger introduce himself? We analyzed the existing body of his social
networking presence as well as the vlog “Coucou.”
11
-
How do users react to the vlogger’s identity? We analyzed the comments posted by
participants on the vlog “Coucou.”
-
How are cultural differences presented by the vlogger perceived by participants? We
analyzed the vlog “The differences between France and the USA” and participants’
comments.
<B> Qualitative analysis
Fieldwork, as defined by Wolcott (1995), is a form of inquiry that requires a researcher to be
immersed in the social activities of individuals. In our research protocol of ethnographic data
collection, we have studied ongoing social activities of YouTube users. We prefer to work
without a research hypothesis, attempting to describe and understand the discursive behavior
of vlog users engaged in multimodal communication. We characterize our methodology as
techno-semio-discursive analysis (Celik and Develotte 2011), here focused on the two vlogs
described above.
We engaged in two cycles of qualitative analysis. We first analyzed the vlogger’s
discourse. In studying the videos, we used Cosnier’s (2012) concept of “totext,” which
includes symbols, co-verbal gestures, coordinators, and extra-communicative gestures in the
analysis of communicative acts. Cosnier shows that gestures and/or vocalizations have a
quasi-linguistic form and conventional use. We were also interested in discourse markers and
the ways users referred to Michael. Finally, from the video “Coucou” we performed a
keyword search (American, Texan, Asian) of the words used by the vlogger to express his
identity across all the comments to observe how the YouTube viewers reacted to these words.
We also performed a preliminary reading of all comments based on what YouTube calls Top
12
Comments.5 Top Comments are interesting examples of techno-discourse since they feature a
system of ranking by YouTube that gives them a greater visibility irrespective of their date of
publication. We then manually tracked the number of polylogues, the number of responses
they generated, and the number of users who took part in each interaction. We gave priority
to the polylogues of the vlog “The differences between France and the USA” because they
echoed themes Michael emphasized in his videos (food, cigarettes, relationships with women,
television, etc.), and because they generated the most comments from the most varied
participants, allowing us to study emotional reactions between in-groups and out-groups.
Regarding the anonymization of data and image rights, we repeatedly tried to contact
the vlogger through various media to which we had access (YouTube, Facebook and
Twitter), but were unable to get a response. We decided not to disguise Michael’s name given
that his channel is public and our study is not of a sensitive nature. Although it is important
for our semiotic study to include gestures, facial expressions, postures, and the technodiscursive environment, we decided not to reproduce these features in images because of
permissions issues. The reader may consult the links provided in Table 2.1 to view the vlogs
in question. We refer readers interested in the methodological and ethical issues encountered
in research on interactive multimodal platforms to Combe (2016). The present chapter
nevertheless presents all indications of techno-discursive forms essential to the analysis in the
5
Top Comments is a ranked view that highlights comments from the video creator,
comments generating the most discussion from viewers, and comments that have been voted
up by the community.
13
translated version of the comments. We reproduced all the comments with any pre-existing
errors in French and English.
Additionally, we applied the DMIS to the YouTube comments generated by
Michael’s videos in order to explore to what extent those comments fell within Bennett’s
scale. As Bennett (2004) points out, the development of intercultural sensitivity follows a line
of continuous progress. There are inevitable movements toward and away from attitudes of
openness, with regressions to stages of resistance and hostility. The continuum of stages is
thus not static, as opposed to the written comments on YouTube, which, once posted, appear
to be a definitive statement unless they are clarified or contested by users. It may happen that
individuals develop and regress in turn depending on the circumstances, however if the
comments posted on YouTube are not reflecting these changes, they will be perceived by
other users as representative of a static view or reaction to a cultural difference.
In the following section, we present the results of our analysis.
<A> Results
In this section, we will see how Michael’s identity is constructed through his multiple digital
identities spread across his social networks. He is Michael, but he can also be identified
through the pseudonym texfrancais (referring to his home state of Texas and his status as a
learner of French). We observe how YouTube viewers perceive his identity, and how his
identities crystallize when sensitive cultural points are discussed in “The differences between
France and the USA.”
<B> A self-constructed polydigital identity
In this section, we will study how Michael’s identity is constructed within the different digital
environments.
14
<C> Michael: a polydigital French language learner
On his YouTube channel, we can observe several identity indicators. First, there are three
YouTube channel names that reflect identity: Channel 1 (texfrancais) indexes a Texan who
speaks French, Channel 2 (vacheur) indexes a cowboy by attempting to adapt the word
“vache” in French for “cow,” and Channel 3 (EveryJour) reflects a mixture of French and
English. These designations show Michael’s creativity in using the technological platform to
extend his self online (the medium allows him to “spread” himself by creating as many
channels as he wants).
We noticed a number of icons indexing his social presence on Facebook, Twitter,
Instagram, Google+, and Snapchat. On Twitter and Facebook, he was “Michael,” but on his
Facebook page, we noticed he didn’t choose to publish his full real name, but instead created
a separate Facebook page and chose the fictional character category. There, one sees different
portraits of him and maps of his travels to Europe (and especially France) as well as a cover
picture with labels in French. In his Instagram names, he is more mysterious, with monikers
such as “Slut” and “le Boston” (because he lived in Boston during his studies). We also
noticed that two of Michael’s YouTube channels and his Facebook page are directly linked to
his practice of French as a foreign language.
<C> “Coucou”: An introductory video
In “Coucou,” Michael introduces himself from three different points of view: that of the
French language, that of his nationality, and that of his personal family history.
In terms of the French language, the title “Coucou” is a colloquial word that could
lead viewers to assume he is French. As Michael introduces himself, he begins by talking
about francophone countries using a negative sentence: “Je suis pas Français ni Québecois”
(I’m neither French nor Quebecker). He may have chosen Québecois because he sounds
American but speaks French as well. It is interesting to note that immediately afterwards, he
15
highlights his physical difference: “Je suis sûr que vous pouvez voir ça” (I’m sure you can
see that). Michael’s physiognomy and especially his pronunciation marked his difference of
nationality in viewers’ comments. In those comments, we find more occurrences of the term
“accent,” but always associated with a positive adjective or verb as in the following
examples: “Ton accent est mignon ^^” (your accent is cute ^^) , “Tu as un peu un accent
québecois ! x)” (you have a little bit of the Quebec accent! x)), “J’adore ton accent” (I love
your accent:)) (3 times), “Ton accent fait craquer” (Your accent drives me wild). This kind of
staging of himself may bring Michael compliments and face flattering acts from his viewers
and induce a certain narcissistic reinforcement.
Michael continues his self-presentation by talking about his nationality, origin, and
current geographic location: “Je suis Américain” (I am American), “Je suis né au Texas” (I
was born in Texas), “mais maintenant j’habite à Boston” (but now I’m living in Boston).
From this, the meaning of his YouTube channel’s name (texfrançais) becomes clear to his
followers: it indexes his Texan origins as well as his francophilia, which Michael explains in
terms of the complexity of his French and Vietnamese family origins: “Je suis un petit peu
français en fait comme le grand-père de ma grand-mère quelque chose comme ça.” (I’m a
little bit French, in fact like my grandmother’s grandfather, something like that). “Il était
français, mais pour la plupart je suis vietnamien” (He was French, but I’m mostly
Vietnamese). Michael produced squinting eye-gestures as he said this, which could indicate
difficulty in positioning his identity as he tried to recall his family history. Michael concludes
this first part of the presentation about his love of the French language: “Moi j’aime
beaucoup la langue française et je l’apprends depuis sept ans” (I really like French language
and I’ve been learning it for seven years). This love of French, combined with his family
history and the imagination linked to it, will be central to his vlogging.
16
<C> Avatar or superstar? Michael: an almost fictional character
As we have seen, Michael’s multiple existence on digital networks sometimes takes the form
of avatars. Vloggers who attract large numbers of subscribers and comments also enjoy a
certain celebrity status that was previously only reserved for personalities using broadcast
media (e.g., TV, radio, cinema).
In his first video, “Coucou,” Michael points with his fingers to a superimposed
clickable word (ici [here]) and a smiley, which is a link to subscribe to his channel (Figure
2.3). With this icon, he shows users how to subscribe to his channel in an animated way that
reflects not only his mastery of the technical interface but also the discursive aspects of this
type of technolanguage.
Figure 2.3 Clickable word with a smiley
Michael’s use of media and discourse make him a similar to a fictional movie
character, but with whom YouTube users can interact. He appears simultaneously near and
far away, like a familiar star who invites his audience into his daily life. Some users comment
on his video by speaking of him in the third person, while others flirt with him, using second
person address: “Tu es trop beau c’est fou!!!” (You are too cute it's crazy!!!); “c’est vrai qu’il
ressemble à un coréen ! et pourtant je m’y connais bien mon cheri est vietnamien” (it’s true
he looks like a Korean! and I know what I'm talking about, my boyfriend is Vietnamese).
17
<B> Towards identity tensions
We now move to the next phase of our analysis, which involved studying the polylogues
generated by the community of participants in Michael’s vlog. Viewers generated numerous
comments and polylogues, some of which included strong emotional reactions and racial
insults, and we studied these to explore global tensions, local tensions and intercultural
sensitivity between YouTube participants.
<C> A co-constructed identity
While Michael self-constructs his identity by his choices of what to include in his vlog, his
online identity is also co-constructed with his viewers, who post comments in response to his
vlog. It is interesting to note that only two elements are identified and retained by his
followers: his Asian ethnicity and his American accent, as we can see in the following
examples.
Alors tu est vietnamien (^o^)/... tu a l'aire d'un coréen :3 so cute ^^ j'ai un ami qui a
une grand mère vietnamienne xD (So you’re Vietnamese6 (^°^) /… you look like a
Korean :3 so cute ^^ I got a friend who got a Vietnamese grand-mother xD)
c'est vrai qu'il ressemble à un coréen ! et pourtant je m'y connais bien mon cheri est
vietnamien” (That’s true he looks like a Korean ! And however I am very familiar, my
boyfriend is Vietnamese)
An Asian guy speaking French? Yum.
So your accent is beautiful (je suis franco américaine) je suis partie au USA and c'est
tellement beau la bas !!” (So your accent is beautiful (I am French American) I was in
the USA and it is so beautiful there!!)
6
underlined by the authors of this study
18
Hey ! Tu es "so sweet" :D J'adore ton accent américain” (Hey! You are so sweet :D I
love your American accent)
From such comments about his Asian ethnicity and American accent, Michael’s
YouTube viewers appear to narrow his identity to stereotypes. As we will see in the next
section, in the context of practicing a language on YouTube, learners may also be confronted
with stereotypes that they must learn to manage by engaging in a form of intercultural
education, which can sometimes prove to be somewhat violent in interpersonal exchanges.
<C> Global and local tensions
Upon his return from a five-month stay in France, Michael recounts a few examples of what
surprised him in this confrontation with French culture as he perceived it as an American
learning French. His use of the webcam, recorded speech, and intonation are all part of
Michael’s discourse. Our framing analysis shows a centered close-up framing (Codreanu and
Combe Celik 2013) that influences the image Michael wants to convey about himself to the
YouTube community.
We observed gestures of positive and negative experience as Michael compares his
experiences in France with those he has had in the United States—for example, differences in
television, bread, and food, among other things. These hand gestures (beats with each word
while listing different kinds of fast food in the USA) and vocal gestures (sighs, mocking
laughter) represent fundamental emotions whose bodily expression could potentially be
perceived as face threatening acts by YouTube viewers who identify with the practices of the
culture that such gestures question. We can observe a technique to modulate his discourse
and highlight his subjectivity in front of his audience. He produced a long self-contact gesture
during the utterance “A mon avis, c’était difficile de parler avec des Françaises” (In my
opinion, it was difficult to talk to French girls), a gesture that he repeats as he explains the
19
statement. His facial expression appears “embarrassed” when he makes statements that can
be perceived by his audience as face threatening acts: “Aussi la télévision en France c’est
nul” (Also in France television it’s awful) (expression and smiles of embarrassment).
Furthermore, we observe that the debate Michael launched on an international level
elicited reactions on a local level (France and its regions). Four polylogues provide examples
of differences in opinion about Paris and the rest of the France (“us versus them”).
Polylogue
Responses
Interactants
1
38
11
2
11
5
3
11
8
4
6
5
Table 2.2 Four polylogues: number of responses and users
One polylogue relaunches a familiar French debate centered on the opposition
between Paris and the French provinces. Some users have French names, others use a
pseudonym, but they seem to position themselves as French nationals. The initial comment
is: “attention !!! PARIS n'est pas la FRANCE !!!!! les parisiens têtes de chiens , parigots
têtes de veau !!!!!! lolololololol il ne faut pas juger les français et les françaises à PARIS
mais en dehors de PARIS !!!!! [...]” (Careful!!!PARIS is not FRANCE!!!!!! Parisians are
heads of dogs, parigots (old fashioned term for a person living in Paris) heads of veal !!!!!!!
Lolololololol don’t judge French by Paris, but outside PARIS !!!!!!! [...])
In the following responses, we highlight the interactional violence between people
who do not know each other and who are anonymous by virtue of their pseudonyms.
20
Dolce Gusto : Paris fait parti de la France que tu le veuilles ou non.
M Tr : +Dolce Gusto mais paris n'est pas la france que tu le veuilles ou non.
Dolce Gusto : +Traynor Malcolm Je necomprends pas le sens de cette remarque .
Parisiens sont des français non !?
M Tr : Mais paris nest pas la france entiere
Dolce Gusto : +Traynor Malcolm Et alors ? Personne n'a dit le contraire. Si il a envie
de parler des différences entre la France et les USA grâce à son vécu à Paris, je vois
pas où est le problème.. Car les parisiens sont des français comme les autres.
[…]
nicolas renou : +marco miaou vive paris ! et si sa te plait pas c'est que tu n'est pas
Francais !
Shiori Fuminori : +nicolas renou Bullshit, si on aime pas Paris on est quand-même
français on s’en tape de la capitale c'est quoi ce conformisme
Dolce Gusto: Paris is a part of France whether you like it or not
M Tr: +Dolce Gusto But Paris is not France whether you like it or not
Dolce Gusto: +Traynor Malcolm I don’t understand your answer. Parisians are
French, right?
M Tr: But Paris is not the entire France
Dolce Gusto: +Traynor Malcolm So what, nobody says so. If he wants to talk about
the differences between France and the USA due to his experiences in Paris I don’t
see the problem. Parisians are French like everybody.
[…]
nicolas renou: + marco miaou vive paris ! and if you like it, you’re not French !
Shiori Fuminori: +nicolas renou Bullshit if you don’t like Paris you are French
anyway and who cares it’s the capital, what is this conformism
21
The ethnocentric attitudes of denial (Bennett 1993), or refusal to admit that Paris is
representative of French culture, are created and maintained through defensive strategies.
Some participants generated negative stereotypes and established boundaries on the basis of
French regional origins that divided them into in-group and out-group cohorts (Bennett,
1993). However, as highlighted by comments above, other participants questioned these
points of view and invited Michael and others to consider cross-cultural experiences between
French people. Although it might be interesting to know that in group and out-group groups
rely solely on French nationality, on the internet it is difficult to associate a particular
nationality with names and pseudonyms, as these are the personal choice of the user and may
not reflect his or her real nationality.
Another participant develops the argument that the French capital is not at the same
level as other European capitals such London or Berlin, ending his post in English: “haters
hate me now ! ;)”. His comment is toned-down by the wink emoticon. Two other participants
reacted to his comment:
“Pardon mais... D’où sors-tu toutes ces conneries?” (Sorry … what is this bullshit)
and
“Moi aussi je peux troller...Nègre, retourne travailler dans les champs de coton de
l'oncle Sam. ;-) (c’est de l'humour je précise...) Nan, si on oublie cette blague de
mauvais gout...Comment peux tu prétendre connaitre les français en te contentant de
Paris ? Vous êtes les premiers à gueuler quand on résume votre pays à NY, mais c'est
ce que vous faites avec le notre !’ (Me too I can troll … Negro, go back to uncle
Sam’s cotton fields. ;-) (I must say it’s a joke…) Nah, if we forget this joke of bad
taste … How can you pretend knowing French limiting yourself to Paris? You are the
first ones to be outraged when we reduce your country to NY, but it’s what you are
doing with ours!)
22
This participant displays feelings of resentment related to perceived divisions between the ingroup (Paris, NY) and out-group (France, USA). The verbal violence and the racist insults
are perceived by other participants as a troll, as they do not answer this particular message,
despite its initiator’s efforts to explain it as a joke (indexed by the addition of a smiley/wink).
The next message “Il y a une grosse différence entre la France et Paris ! hehe” (There
is a big difference between France and Paris! hehe) generated 4 violent polylogues:
coline thomas: c’est moi j’habite en campagne il y a beaucoup moins de pollution
qu’à Paris.
Mkmc94: rarement entendu quelque chose d’aussi con ! Encore un plouc frustré ;
avant on avait les fameux « parigot tête de veaux » aux abords des routes et
maintenant on à ça… Quel unité national…
Simon Maillot: oh le parigot pollué, il se calme
Mkmc94: je suis pas parisiens idiot !
coline thomas: it’s true, I live in the countryside and it’s less polluted than Paris.
Egloin 49 : Rarely heard bullshit like this! Another frustrated redneck, before we had
the famous “parigot head of veal” on the road-side sign boards and now this. what a
national unity...
Simon Maillot: Oh you polluted parigot calm down
Mkmc94: I’m not from Paris idiot!
In the above exchange, the tension among participants is evidenced through the use of
violent terms such as idiot, frustrated redneck and parigot, while the sentence what a
national unity implies that the user laments the lack of national unity in France. He mocks
and aligns himself with the tone of derision unfolding in the other messages. This might
highlight the extent of what one can say with impunity, and the limits of vlogs’ moderation.
23
Since comments from Mkmc94 have disappeared from the platform, we don’t know if they
were removed by a moderator or if the user closed his account.
Respondents’ willingness to address differences in an aggressive way show a shared
attitude of ethnocentrism (Bennett 1986). It should also be noted that, unlike negotiation in a
conversation, individuals here seem to remain intransigent in their positions. Their purpose is
not to agree, but rather to enjoy the freedom to freely oppose another person’s view. From a
learning perspective, it is important to make students aware that the argumentation is biased
and that that bias is not discussed in these comments.
<C> From denial to integration
In this section, we try to make sense of written messages posted by YouTube viewers through
Bennett’s scale of intercultural sensitivity.
We have seen that Michael’s subscribers reacted to his videos. The topic of TV
channels generated a polylogue with seven responses: “C’est faux il y a des milliers de
chaînes en France, tu vais sûrement que la TNT. J’imagine que ça fait longtemps que t’es pas
allé en France il y a beaucoup de nouveaux programmes qui se sont créés depuis !” (It’s NOT
TRUE, there are thousands of channels in France, you probably only had TNT. I imagine it’s
been a while since you were in France plenty of TV programs have been created since then!)
The user shows an interesting start of denial, the defense stage, which trigger reactions from
other participants, who engage as self-appointed representatives of dominant groups
supporting Michael’s statement or protecting their “TV culture.” The initial comment starts
by a statement in capital letters, which represents the “shouting-out” behavior in written
digital communication and could potentially highlight his annoyance with the vlogger’s
comment because of the exclamation mark.
24
The following three comments show different points of view corresponding to
acceptance:
On paye les redevances télé pour rien en France car c’ets touours à chier” (We pay TV
tax for nothing in France because it’s shit as usual)
progressing towards minimization:
quand tu dis qu’il y a des milliers de chaînes… Tu pousses pas le bouchon un peu trop
loin ? Maintenant il doit y avoir 30 chaines gratuites sur la TNT, une moyenne de 2
chaines locales par département et beaucoup de chaines payantes. Mais ça ne dépasse
surement pas 500. (When you say there are millions of channels… This may be like
‘swearing in a church’? Now there are maybe 30 free channels on TNT, an average
of 2 local channels per greater communities and lots of paying channels. But surely
no more than 500.)
and finally, towards a national stereotype:
“On aime bien exagérer sur tout et n’importe quoi… T’es marseillais ? :p” (We really
like to exaggerate whatever… Are you from Marseille? :p)
These comments underline national stereotypes between French regions in an international
digital context of communication that was a prevalent attitude among YouTube viewers as
we will see below.
Michael’s comments on food and baguettes was rejected by a participant as
something he had not personally experienced while he associated Michael’s experience with
a “foreigner” stereotype: “Ca fait 2 ans que je suis à Paris et je croise jamais personne avec
une baguette. C’est un gros cliché” (It’s been 2 years that I have lived in France and I never
passed by a person with a baguette. It’s a big cliché), whereas another user introduced
25
another example of denial defending his own culture and simultaneously stereotyping the
“other” culture:
on ne mange pas beaucoup pour mieux apprécier :) et je pense que les américains
mangent trop et trop mal (c’est peut etre un cliché) (We eat less in order to appreciate
food :) and I think Americans eat too much and bad food (this may be a cliche)).
Another comment on fast food triggered responses on the assumed superiority of
different French regions. The user gave example of the menu of a family meal from
Normandy. He sees himself as a model of a particular regional culture (that of Normandy),
however the listed menu is quite ordinary in France (steak, potatoes, green beans, and salad).
And the “comté” cheese or the “saucisson” presented as specialities are not from Normandy.
We can observe the weaknesses of the information destined to become knowledge for
Michael.
Other participants show attitudes of ethnorelativism such as acceptance:
I really like your video but everyone doesn’t smoke in France lol je sais pas si tu as
compris ce que j'ai écris je voulais dire que tout le monde ne fume pas en France et
heureusement ! Mais il est vrai que beaucoup de jeunes fument j'ai beaucoup de mes
amis qui fument et c'est pas bien pour eux ni pour nous. […]. You are Lucky to have
so Many TV (chaînes)! !!! I'll be so happy to speak English as you Speak French !
Im happy to see your vidéos I like your American accent when you're speaking
French it's so cute
je comprends ce que tu veux dire par rapport au service clients,
[…] vous êtes mieux organisé dans vos universités que chez nous lol ce système est
aussi fatiguant pour nous !
(It’s true that lots of young people smoke in France and lot of my friends too, which is
not good for them or me. [...] You are lucky to have so many TV channels!!! I’ll be
26
happy to speak English as you Speak French! I’m happy to see your videos I like your
American accent when you’re speaking French it’s so cute I understand what you
are saying about customer service [...] you are more organized in your universities, in
our country this system is exhausting for us too.)
The topic of food however triggers ethnocentric attitudes of defense, denial or
minimization as shown below. The following participants show different stages of
ethnocentrism from denial, to defense and minimization through the usage of smileys and
acronyms: “A propos de la "portion" de nourriture en France, certaines personnes parlent de
leur voyage au USA et disent l'inverse de toi, que tout est en taille XXL ! xD ” (Regarding
food portion in France some people talk about their trip to the US and say the contrary,
everything is XXL! xD).
Some participants address other participants’ opinions minimizing their in-group and
out-group division (France and US) and interestingly creating new in-group and out-group
divisions in France, where the out-group is present through media and French integration of a
perceived universal American behavior. They talk about Michael in the third person (he).
We noticed that, as a consequence of having family in Chicago, and comparing
identities, a participant demonstrated the last stage of Bennett’s scale, integration: .
Je vais tout les 3 mois au USA j’ai de la famille laba (Chicago) […] la mentalité des
americain est vraiment cool […] j’aime vraiment mon pays la France […] mais si
j’avais le choix j’aurai préférer etre américain” (I go every 3 months to the US I have
family there (Chicago) [...] Americans are more open minded compared to French
[...] I love my country, France [...] but if I had the choice, I would prefer to be
American).
27
Strong verbal violence developed in the example of France vs. USA vs. Asia. The
distinction between them and us relied upon simplified stereotypes, including racial insults
(which would be the last stage of Bennett's scale): “tu n’est ni americain ni français tu n’es
qu’un pauvre asiatique bridé la France a inventé ton pays…………..0 histoire que du sperme
européen” (You are neither American nor French you’re a bloody Asian, France invented
your country …….. 0 history, just European sperm)
Some irony concentrated on cultural differences between in-groups (Paris and Texas)
engaging exclusively with members of their own in-group: “Et pour les gays il y a peut-être
plus de gays dans la ville de Paris […] que dans son petit village texan !! C’est normal donc
comprenez-le !” (Hey guys, there are more gays in Paris (...) than in his little Texas village,
you have to understand him!)
Michael finally answered in English by underlying his own values and identity, as a
Texan living in Paris.
I never said French culture sucks compared to the USA. Obviously as an American
there are things that I don't understand in France. This video wasn't just to pick on
France - I love France - it was just to list differences that I saw, through my eyes,
during my 5 months there. Fashion? Very different. Girls? Seemed a bit more
unapproachable. TV? Sure there may be many channels but a lot of what I saw were
US TV series. Fast food? Not a lot in Paris, but in reality that's a good thing.
Michael attempted to talk to his audience showing his willingness to address
differences and any problems emerging from his cultural perceptions and possibly to solve
cultural misunderstandings.
Following up on these comments, Michael produced a video entitled “je sais pas” (I
don’t know) in which he explained his “Les différences entre la France et les USA (The
28
differences between France and the USA)” video and showed his love of France. He justified
his approach by saying “je vous aime. ne l'oubliez jamais.” (I love you, never forget this). It is
as if he was trying to calm the violence he involuntarily generated with his video. He seemed
overwhelmed by the vlog tool and especially the polemical power of comments.
<A> Conclusion
In this case study, we were particularly interested in the vlogger’s and the participants’ coconstruction of identity, and how cultural differences were perceived. We found that the
vlogger we studied has created multiple identities on social networks and on his YouTube
channel. The distribution of his online identities across multiple sites allows curious visitors
to discover more about him by viewing his various online profiles. The vlogger seems to be
close to the audience through the personal device screen, yet also distant because of his status
as a quasi-public figure.
Today, the production and reception of vlogs has become an increasingly common
social practice that cannot be ignored. It is not only possible but also increasingly easy to
produce content on the Internet, whether textual, graphic, audio, video or a mixture of all
these modalities. Tutorials offered by the platforms or by a community of users are freely
available. However, it might be argued that Web 2.0 tools only provide a platform for
ethnocentric behavior, especially the first two stages of Bennett’s scale, denial and defense.
Our study shows that, even if Web 2.0 tools may diminish technological boundaries, national
and regional borders tend to persist in the minds of participants, and these can lead to
extremely tense interactions.
It appears that a topic such as “The differences between France and the US”
crystallized global identity tensions among those who presented themselves as Michael’s
French audience, who commented on what they perceived to be an American identity, French
identity, and regional identities in France. These constructed identities, however, were
29
perceived in a more superficial way by his audience, who appeared to characterize him as an
individual with an American accent and Asian origins, apparently based on their own
experiences and interests. However, identities on YouTube are subjective and transitory.
Consequently, this study represents only a snapshot of reactions to Michael’s videos at one
particular point in time. Although we make no claims regarding the generalizability of the
results, this study has highlighted the various levels of intercultural sensitivity, ranging from
denial to integration attitude, among YouTube participants following Michael’s channel.
Attitudes of denial and defense emerged at an international, but also at a local level, where
intra-national differences between Paris and the provinces were expressed by the audience,
who went so far as to generate intense discourse that included verbal, racial, and xenophobic
slurs in some cases. It appears that the vlog environment affords that kind of discord by virtue
of its structure, and that any controversial topic risks triggering such conflict.
From a pedagogical point of view, it would be interesting to present language learners
with language learning vlogs in order to familiarize them with these possible identity
crystallizations and to show them how confrontations of representations arise and how to
respond on interactive multimodal platforms. When introducing language learners to
vlogging, teachers must help students understand the unique context in which they are
practicing their language ability, while also developing their digital literacy skills and
creativity. The technological skills developed will be in creating and remixing videos, but
even more important are the skills in managing their private life and their reputation online
and especially their socio-emotional skills in their interactions with other users (including
conflict management).
As highlighted by this study, vlogs have the advantage of allowing learners to speak
and write with people around the world. In addition to practicing their language and cultural
skills, language learners also develop digital literacy skills. Encouraging learners to produce a
30
vlog on cultural issues and to give them the experience of receiving comments should be of
interest to universities and schools to build intercultural competence and cultural sensitivity
across national borders.
<A> References
Anis, Jacques. 1998. Texte et ordinateur: L’écriture réinventée? Brussels: DeBoeck
Université.
Baldauf, Heike, Christine Develotte, and Magali Ollagnier-Beldame. 2017. “The Effects of
Social Media on the Dynamics of Identity: Discourse, Interaction and Digital Traces.”
Alsic. Apprentissage des Langues et Systèmes d'Information et de Communication 20
https://alsic.revues.org/3004
Barton, David, and Carmen Lee. 2013. Language Online: Investigating Digital Texts and Practices.
New York: Routledge.
Bennett, Milton J. 1986. “A developmental approach to training for intercultural sensitivity.”
International Journal of Intercultural Relations 10: 179-195. doi:10.1016/01471767(86)90005-2.
Bennett, Milton. J. 1993. “Towards ethnorelativism: A developmental model of intercultural
sensitivity.” In Education for the intercultural experience, edited by R. Michael
Paige, 21-71. Yarmouth, ME: Intercultural Press.
Bennett, Milton J. (2004). “Becoming interculturally competent”. In Jaime S. Wurzel (Ed.)
Toward multiculturalism: A reader in multicultural education. Newton, MA:
Intercultural Resource Corporation.
Bennett, Janet M., and Milton. J. Bennett. 2004. “Developing intercultural sensitivity: An
integrative approach to global and domestic diversity.” In Handbook of Intercultural
Training. 3rd edition, edited by Dan Landis, Janet M. Bennett, and Milton J. Bennett
(Eds.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
31
Berry, Trine Bjørkmann. 2014. The Film of Tomorrow: A Cultural History of Videoblogging,
Doctoral Thesis. Media and Cultural Studies, University of Sussex.
Blommaert, Jan, and Ben Rampton. 2011. “Language and Superdiversity.” Diversities 13 (2):
1-21.
Brewer, Marylinn B., and Linnda R. Caporael. 2006. “An evolutionary perspective on social
identity: Revisiting groups.” In Evolution and social psychology, edited by Mark
Schaller, Jeffry A. Simpson, and Douglas T. Kenrick, 143–161. New York:
Psychology Press.
Celik, Christelle, and Christine Develotte. 2011. “L’analyse de discours: exemple d’une
communication pédagogique asynchrone médiée par ordinateur.” In Guide de
recherche en didactique des langues: une approche contextualisée, edited by Philippe
Blanchet and Patrick Chardenet, 92-99. Paris: Editions des Archives Contemporaines.
Codreanu, Tatiana, and Combe Celik Christelle. 2013. “Effects of webcams on multimodal
interactive learning.” ReCALL 25 (1): 30-47.
Combe Celik, Christelle, and Tatiana Codreanu. 2016. “Vlogging: A new channel for
language learning and intercultural exchanges.” Eurocall 2016. Limassol, Cyprus.
Combe, Christelle. 2014. “Vlogues sur YouTube: un nouveau genre d’interactions
multimodales.” In Actes du colloque Interactions Multimodales Par ECrans 2014,
edited by Isabel Colon de Carjaval and Magali Ollagnier-Beldame, 265-280. Lyon:
University of Lyon 2.
http://impec.sciencesconf.org/conference/impec/pages/Impec2014_Combe_Celik.pdf
Combe, Christelle. 2016. “Questions méthodologiques autour de l’étude de deux plateformes
interactives multimodales: de la communauté de contenu à l’application intimiste.”
Línguas e Instrumentos Linguítiscos 37: 211-230.
http://www.revistalinguas.com/edicao37/artigo9.pdf
32
Combe, Christelle. 2017. “ Télécollaboration informelle 2.0 : le vlogue d'un américain en
français sur YouTube”, Alsic [En ligne], | 2017, mis en ligne le 26 juin 2017.
http://alsic.revues.org/3094
Cosnier, Jacques. 2012. “Axiomes de la communication multimodale.” In La corporalité du
langage, edited by Robert Vion, Alain Giacomi, and Claude Vargas, 103-106. Aix-enProvence: Presses Universitaires de Provence.
Crystal, David. 2001. Language and the Internet. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.
Develotte, Christine. 2012. “L’analyse des corpus multimodaux en ligne: état des lieux et
perspectives.” Actes en ligne du Congrès Mondial de Linguistique Française (CMLF),
http://www.shsconferences.org/index.php?option=com_article&access=doi&doi=10.1051/shsconf/20
120100213&Itemid=129
Develotte, Christine, Richard Kern, and Marie-Noëlle Lamy. 2011. Décrire la conversation
en ligne: le face à face distanciel. Lyon: ENS Éditions.
Guérin, Elizabeth M. C., Maria Elisabetta Cigognini and Maria Chiara Petttenati. 2010.
“Learner 2.0.” In Telecollaboration 2.0: Language, literacies and intercultural
learning in the 21st century, edited by Sarah Guth and Francesca Helm, 199-218.
Bern: Peter Lang.
Guth, Sarah, and Michael Thomas. 2010. “Telecollaboration with web 2.0 tools.” In
Telecollaboration 2.0: Language, literacies and intercultural learning in the 21st
century, edited by Sarah Guth and Francesca Helm, 39-68. Bern: Peter Lang.
Hammer, Mitchell R., Milton J. Bennett, and Richard Wiseman. 2003. “Measuring
intercultural sensitivity: The intercultural development inventory.” International
Journal of Intercultural Relations 27 (4): 421–443.
33
Herring, Susan. 2015. “New frontiers in interactive multimodal communication.” In The
Routledge handbook of language and digital communication, edited by Alexandra
Georgapoulou and Teresa Spilioti, 398-402. London: Routledge.
Herring, Susan. 2017. “Discourse Pragmatics of Robot Mediated Communication.” IMPEC
seminar, March 24, 2017, ENS Lyon.
https://impec.sciencesconf.org/resource/page/id/35
Hogg Michael A, Dominic Abrams, Sabine Otten, and Steve Hinkle. 2004. “The Social
Identity Perspective.” Intergroup Relations, Self-Conception, and Small Groups 35
(3): 246 – 276.
Hughes, Joan E. (2010). “The multilingual Internet.” In In Telecollaboration 2.0: Language,
literacies and intercultural learning in the 21st century, edited by Sarah Guth and
Francesca Helm, 249-276. Bern: Peter Lang.
Kern, Richard. 2015. Language, literacy, and technology. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press.
McLuhan, M. 1962. “The Gutenberg Galaxy: The Making of Typographic Man.”
Toronto: University of Toronto Press.
Mahajan, Neha, Margaret A. Martinez, Natashya L. Gutierrez, Gil Diesendruck, Mahzarin R.
Banaji, and Laurie R. Santos. 2011. “The evolution of intergroup bias: Perceptions
and attitudes in rhesus macaques. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 100
(3): 387–405.
Navarrete, C. David, Robert Kurzban, Daniel M. T. Fessler, and Lee A. Kirkpatrick. 2004.
“Anxiety and intergroup bias: Terror management or coalitional psychology?” Group
Processes & Intergroup Relations 7 (4): 370–397.
Paveau, Marie-Anne. 2015. “L’intégrité des corpus natifs en ligne. Une écologie postdualiste
pour la théorie du discours. Les cahiers de praxématiques, Montpellier : Presses
34
universitaires de la Méditeranée, 2006-, Corpus sensibles, 65-90.
https://hal.inria.fr/hal-01185710/document
Stiegler, Bernard. 1996. Technics and Time, volume 1: The Fault of Epimetheus. Translated
by Richard Beardsworth and George Collins. Stanford, CA: Stanford University
Press.
Vertovec, Steven. 2007. “Super-diversity and its implications.” Ethnic and Racial Studies 30
(6): 1024-1054.
Wolcott, Harry F. 1995. The art of fieldwork. Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira Press.
Wolton, Dominique. 1999. Demain la francophonie. Paris: Flammarion.