Starinar LXVII

Arheolo{ki institut Beograd Kwiga LXVII/2017. Na koricama: Staklene posude sa nekropole u Jagodin mali (foto: @. Caji}, dokumentacija Narodnog muzeja, Ni{) Sur la couverture : La vaisselle en verre de la nécropole de Jagodin mala, Ni{ (photo: @. Caji}, documentation du Musée national Ni{) ARHEOLO[KI INSTITUT BEOGRAD INSTITUT ARCHÉOLOGIQUE BELGRADE UDK 902/904 (050) ISSN 0350-0241 ([tampano izd.) ISSN 2406-0739 (Online) © STARINAR LXVII/2017, 1–278, BEOGRAD 2017 INSTITUT ARCHÉOLOGIQUE BELGRADE STARI NAR Nouvelle série volume LXVII/2017 RÉDACTEUR Miomir KORA], directeur de l’Institut archéologique COMITÉ DE RÉDACTION Miloje VASI], Institut archéologique, Belgrade Rastko VASI], Institut archéologique, Belgrade Noël DUVAL, Université Paris Sorbonne, Paris IV Bojan \URI], Université de Ljubljana, Faculté des Arts, Ljubljana Mirjana @IVOJINOVI], Académie serbe des sciences et des arts, Belgrade Vasil NIKOLOV, Institut archéologique national et Musée, Académie bulgare des sciences, Sofia Vujadin IVANI[EVI], Institut archéologique, Belgrade Dragana ANTONOVI], Institut archéologique, Belgrade Sne`ana GOLUBOVI], Institut archéologique, Belgrade Arthur BANKOFF, Brooklyn Collège, New York Natalia GONCHAROVA, Lomonosov, L’Université d’Etat de Moscou, Moscou Haskel GREENFIELD, L’Université de Mantitoba, Winnipeg BELGRADE 2017 ARHEOLO[KI INSTITUT BEOGRAD STARI NAR Nova serija kwiga LXVII/2017 UREDNIK Miomir KORA], direktor Arheolo{kog instituta REDAKCIONI ODBOR Miloje VASI], Arheolo{ki institut, Beograd Rastko VASI], Arheolo{ki institut, Beograd Noel DIVAL, Univerzitet Sorbona, Pariz Bojan \URI], Univerzitet u Qubqani, Filozofski fakultet, Qubqana Mirjana @IVOJINOVI], Srpska akademija nauka i umetnosti, Beograd Vasil NIKOLOV, Nacionalni arheolo{ki institut i muzej, Bugarska akademija nauka, Sofija Vujadin IVANI[EVI], Arheolo{ki institut, Beograd Dragana ANTONOVI], Arheolo{ki institut, Beograd Sne`ana GOLUBOVI], Arheolo{ki institut, Beograd Artur BANKHOF, Bruklin kolex, Wujork Natalija GON^AROVA, Univerzitet Lomonosov, Moskva Haskel GRINFILD, Univeritet u Manitobi, Vinipeg BEOGRAD 2017 STARINAR Nova serija kwiga LXVII/2017 STARINAR Nouvelle série volume LXVII/2017 IZDAVA^ EDITEUR ARHEOLO[KI INSTITUT Kneza Mihaila 35/IV, 11000 Beograd, Srbija e-mail: institut@ai.ac.rs Tel. 381 11 2637191 INSTITUT ARCHÉOLOGIQUE Kneza Mihaila 35/IV, 11000 Belgrade, Serbie e-mail: institut@ai.ac.rs Tél. 381 11 2637191 SEKRETAR REDAKCIJE SECRÉTAIRE DE RÉDACTION Jelena AN\ELKOVI] GRA[AR, Arheolo{ki institut, Beograd Jelena AN\ELKOVI] GRA[AR, Institut archéologique, Belgrade LEKTOR ZA SRPSKI JEZIK LE LECTEUR POUR LA LANGUE SERBE Mirjana RADOVANOVI] Mirjana RADOVANOVI] LEKTOR ZA ENGLESKI JEZIK LECTEUR POUR LA LANGUE ANGLAIS Dejv KALKAT Dave CALCUTT GRAFI^KA OBRADA RÉALISATION GRAPHIQUE Danijela PARACKI i D_SIGN, Beograd Danijela PARACKI & D_SIGN, Belgrade [TAMPA IMPRIMEUR SAJNOS doo, Novi Sad SAJNOS doo, Novi Sad TIRA@ TIRAGE 400 primeraka 400 exemplaires SEKUNDARNA PUBLIKACIJA PUBLICATION SECONDAIRE COBISS COBISS ^asopis je objavqen uz finansijsku pomo} Ministarstva prosvete, nauke i tehnolo{kog razvoja Republike Srbije Ce périodique est publié avec le soutien du Ministère de l’éducation, de la science et du développement technologique de la République Serbie SADR@AJ – SOMMAIRE RASPRAVE – ETUDES Aleksandar KAPURAN New Contributions for the Early Iron Age Stratigraphy at the Site of Hisar in Leskovac (Sector I) . . . . . . . . . . . 9 Aleksandar KAPURAN Novi prilozi za stratigrafiju starijeg gvozdenog doba na lokalitetu Hisar u Leskovcu (Sektor I) . . . . . . . . . . . . 18 Marija M. SVILAR Searching for Late Neolithic Spinning Bowls in the Central Balkans . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21 Marija M. SVILAR Potraga za kasnoneolitskim „posudama za upredawe“ na centralnom Balkanu . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32 Aurel RUSTOIU Thracians – Illyrians – Celts. Cultural Connections in the Northern Balkans in the 4th –3rd Centuries BC . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33 Aurel RUSTOJU Tra~ani – Iliri – Kelti. Kulturne veze na severnom Balkanu u IV i III veku pre nove ere . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52 Mitja GU[TIN, Ivana POPOVI] Early Roman Hoards from Ma~vanska Mitrovica (?) Contribution to the Precious Silver Metal Working Cultural Koiné . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53 Mitja GU[TIN, Ivana POPOVI] Ranorimska ostava srebrnih predmeta iz Ma~vanske Mitrovice (?) Prilog prou~avawu kulturne koiné kroz izradu dragocenih srebrnih predmeta . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 74 Dragana Lj. SPASI]-\URI] Pinctada Margaritifera Box from Viminacium . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75 Dragana Q. SPASI]-\URI] Kutija Pinctada margaritifera iz Viminacijuma . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91 Florin-Gheorghe FODOREAN Listing Settlements and Distances: the Emona-Singidunum Road in Tabula Peutingeriana, Itinerarium Antonini and Itinerarium Burdigalense . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 95 Florin-George FODOREAN Spisak naseqa i rastojawa: Put Emona-Singidunum na Tabula Peutingeriana, Itinerarium Antonini i Itinerarium Burdigalense . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 108 Gordana JEREMI], Sne`ana GOLUBOVI], Slobodan DR^A Unpublished Glass Findings from the Eastern Necropolis of Naissus (Jagodin Mala, Ni{) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109 Gordana JEREMI], Sne`ana GOLUBOVI], Slobodan DR^A Neobjavqeni nalazi od stakla sa isto~ne nekropole Naisusa (Jagodin Mala, Ni{) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 124 Mirjana VOJVODA Coins of the Bithynian Mint of Nicaea from the Viminacium Necropolis of Pe}ine . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 131 Mirjana VOJVODA Novac bitinijske kovnice Nikeje sa viminacijumske nekropole Pe}ine . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 150 Nade`da GAVRILOVI] VITAS Leda and the Swan – New Marble Sculpture from Skelani (Municipium Malvesatium) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 151 Nade`da GAVRILOVI] VITAS Leda i labud – nova mermerna skulptura iz Skelana (Municipium Malvesatium) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 166 Bebina MILOVANOVI], Jelena AN\ELKOVI] GRA[AR Female Power That Protects: Examples of the Apotropaic and Decorative Functions of the Medusa in Roman Visual Culture from the Territory of the Central Balkans . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 167 Bebina MILOVANOVI], Jelena AN\ELKOVI] GRA[AR @enska mo} koja {titi: Primeri apotropejskog i dekorativnog karaktera Meduze u rimskoj vizuelnoj kulturi na prostoru centralnog Balkana . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 182 Ksenija \UKI], Dragana VULOVI], Nata{a MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI] The Case of the Pregnant Woman from the Medieval Site of “Preko Slatine” in Omoljica . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 183 Ksenija \UKI], Dragana VULOVI], Nata{a MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI] Slu~aj trudnice sa sredwovekovnog lokaliteta „Preko Slatine“ u Omoqici . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 195 Juraj BELAJ Annular Brooches from the 13th and 14th Century from Vojvodina . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 197 Juraj BELAJ Prstenasti bro{evi XIII. i XIV. stolje}a s podru~ja Vojvodine . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 217 @eljka [AJIN Lucius Septimius Petronianus and Tiberius Claudius Proculus Cornelianus: Two Protégés of Gnaeus Iulius Verus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 223 @eqka [AJIN Lucije Septimije Petronijan i Tiberije Klaudije Prokul Kornelijan: dva {ti}enika Gneja Julija Vera . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 239 KRITIKE I PRIKAZI – COMPTES RENDUS Rastko VASI] Bernhard Hänsel, Kristina Mihovili}, Biba Ter`an, MONKODONJA, Istra`ivanje protourbanog naselja bron~anog doba Istre, Knjiga 1. Iskopavanje i nalazi gra|evina Arheolo{ki muzej Istre, Pula 2015. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 241 Rastko VASI] Lüben Le÷akov, TIPOLOGIÝ I HRONOLOGIÝ NA BRONZOVITE VØRHOVITE ZA KOPIÝ OT KØSNATA BRONZOVA I NA^ALOTO NA RANNO@ELÝZNATA EPOHA V ÜGOIZTO^NA EVROPA, Sofiý 2015. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 242 Vojislav FILIPOVI] Rastko Vasi}, DIE LANZEN- UND PFEILSPITZEN IM ZENTRALBALKAN, Prähistorische Bronzefunde, Abteilung V, 8. Band, Franz Steiner-Verlag, Stuttgart 2015. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 244 Marija QU[TINA 50 JAHRE “PRÄHISTORISCHE BRONZEFUNDE”. BILANZ UND PERSPEKTIVEN, Prähistorische Bronzefunde, Abteilung XX, Band 14. Franz Steiner Verlag, Stuttgart 2016. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 245 Mirjana VOJVODA Bojana Bori}-Bre{kovi}, Adam Crnobrwa, OSTAVA SREBRNOG RIMSKOG NOVCA IZ RUDNI^KE OBLASTI METALLA TRICORNENSIA / A HOARD OF SILVER ROMAN COINS FROM THE MINING AREAS OF THE METALLA TRICORNENSIA. Belgrade 2015. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 247 Florin-Gheorghe FODOREAN Lukas Lemcke, IMPERIAL TRANSPORTATION AND COMMUNICATION FROM THE THIRD TO THE LATE FOURTH CENTURY: THE GOLDEN AGE OF THE CURSUS PUBLICUS, Collection Latomus, 353, Bruxelles 2016. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 249 Vesna BIKI] Anastassios Ch. Antonaras, ARTS, CRAFTS AND TRADES IN ANCIENT AND BYZANTINE THESSALONIKI. ARCHAEOLOGICAL, LITERARY AND EPIGRAPHIC EVIDENCE, Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseum: Mainz 2016. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 250 Milica RADI[I] Vladimir Sokol, MEDIEVAL JEWELRY AND BURIAL ASSEMBLAGES IN CROATIA: A STUDY OF GRAVES AND GRAVE GOODS, CA. 800 TO CA. 1450, Leiden–Boston: Brill 2016. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 253 IN MEMORIAM Milorad STOJI] Nikola Tasi} (1932–2017) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 259 Rastko VASI] Bernhard Hänsel (1937–2017) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 261 Ivana POPOVI] Miroslav Jeremi} (1943–2016) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 263 Ivana POPOVI] Neboj{a Bori} (1951–2017) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 266 Miomir KORA] @ivko Miki} (1946–2016) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 268 Dejan R. RADI^EVI] \or|e Jankovi} (1947–2016) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 269 Editorial Policy and Submission Instructions for the Starinar Journal . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 271 INFORMATION The inscription from Sremska Mitrovica discussed by A. Smirnov-Brki} and @. Petkovi}, The Tombstone of Cupbearer Marturius from Sirmium, Aevum 91/1, 2017, 195–205 was published for the first time in 2016 in the paper by I. Popovi}, S. Ferjan~i}, Cup-bearer of Constatius II and Early Christian Inscriptions from the Necropolis of St Synerotes in Sirmium, Starinar 66, 2016, 129–141. The first publication of this monument had not been quoted by the menthioned authors. OBAVE[TEWE Natpis iz Sremske Mitrovice analiziran u radu A. Smirnov-Brki} and @. Petkovi}, The Tombstone of Cupbearer Marturius from Sirmium, Aevum 91/1, 2017, 195–205 prvi put je objavqen 2016. godine u radu I. Popovi}, S. Ferjan~i}, Cup-bearer of Constatius II and Early Christian Inscriptions from the Necropolis of St Synerotes in Sirmium, Starinar 66, 2016, 129–141, {to pomenuti autori ne citiraju. UDC: 902.2(497.11)"1999/..." 903"637/638"(497.11) 903.4"637/638"(497.11) https://doi.org/10.2298/STA1767009K Original research article ALEKSANDAR KAPURAN, Institute of Archaeology Belgrade NEW CONTRIBUTIONS FOR THE EARLY IRON AGE STRATIGRAPHY AT THE SITE OF HISAR IN LESKOVAC (Sector I) e-mail: a.kapuran@gmail.com Abstract – Archaeological research at the site of Hisar in Leskovac began more than a decade ago and has initiated numerous papers on the relationship between the Mediana and Brnjica cultural groups and cultures that marked the transition from the Bronze to the Early Iron Age in the Central Balkans. This paper seeks to highlight and correct some of the key mistakes which have emerged in the stratigraphic interpretation of this multi-horizon site, and in such a way contribute to the better understanding of cultural movements at the transition from the 2nd to the 1st millennium BC. Key words – Bronze Age, transition from Bronze to Iron Age, Early Iron Age, black metallurgy, Turovi} pin. T wenty two years have passed since the first archaeological excavations at the site of Hisar in Leskovac, which produced several papers concerning the stratigraphic problems regarding different topics tied to the finds of material culture from prehistoric and historic periods discovered at this multi-horizon hill fort settlement. Without any doubt, it is an important site which, owing to its position at the rim of the Leskovac valley between the courses of the Jablanica and Veternica rivers, was suitable for continued settlement from the Bronze Age until the 19th century AD, or until the end of the Ottoman domination, which is clearly reflected in its own name, Hisar. After the initial phase of excavations, initiated in 1994, a new excavation project was conducted by Dr Milorad Stoji} from the Archaeological Institute starting from 1999. After four short campaigns (from 1999 until 2005), the largest areas were excavated over se- veral months in 2006, when course of the excavations were parallel in Sectors I and III (hilltop plateau) (Fig. 1).1 Some of the finds belong to the Neolithic and Eneolithic, but the cultural stratigraphy is represented by the Late Bronze Age (Brnjica culture Br C/D Ha A1), 1 The site of Hisar was first mentioned by Miloje M. Vasi}, and the first surveys were conducted by M. Gara{anin, while the first systematic excavations in 1994 were conducted by the National Museum in Leskovac and the Archaeological Institute, with the hilltop plateau excavated on that occasion, which is dominant above present day Leskovac; Bogdanovi}, Joci} and Popovi} 1995. After that, smaller scale excavations were conducted on the eastern side of the hill, in September 1999, which took place in Sector I, in the road section on the mid point of the eastern slope. Later excavations followed in 2002, 2003 and 2005 over the area of Sector I; Stoji} 2006. The last excavations were conducted in winter, towards the end of 2007, but only over the area of Sector III, and were also small scale. The article rusults from the project: Archaeology of Serbia: Cultural identity, integrational factors, technological processes and the role of the Central Balkans in the development of Europian prehistory (No. 177020), funded by the Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development of the Republic of Serbia. 9 Manuscript received 14th December 2016, accepted 10th May 2017 Aleksandar KAPURAN New Contributions for the Early Iron Age Stratigraphy at the Site of Hisar in Leskovac (Sector I) (9–20) Fig. 1. Hisar site with sectors and investigated space Sl. 1. Lokalitet Hisar sa sektorima i istra`enim povr{inama Iron Age I (Ha A2–B2) and Iron Age III (6th and 5th centuries BC), Late Antiquity and Middle Age periods.2 Prior to the excavations at Hisar, there were an incomparably larger number of known Brnjica group necropoleis, contrary to the markedly low numbers of known settlements, of which only Mediana stands out, so that the existing pottery typology was primarily based upon the finds from burial contexts. Little was known about other, utilitarian pottery. The only secure analogies were offered by the publications of M. Gara{anin about Mediana,3 the unpublished PhD dissertation of M. Lazi} from 1996, and the publications of A. Bulatovi} regarding research in the Ju`na Morava river basin.4 The aim of this paper is to underline serious mistakes in the interpretation of finds from the Early Iron Age at Hisar, which were, primarily, as a result of ignoring the influence of natural and anthropogenic processes, such are erosion, the consequences of bombing during the Second World War, as well as insufficient knowledge of prehistoric metallurgy. By ignoring these 10 parameters it is inevitable that some wrong conclusions were drawn about the cultural stratigraphy of Sector I, from excavations in Trench 1/99 (1999), to 2006 (trenches I and II in Sector I) (Fig. 1). These mistakes were made by the author of this paper during the interpretation of results from the 1999 campaign,5 by ignoring the fact that statistics point to a high percentage of mixed pottery finds with characteristics of Early Brnjica and Late Belegi{ II–Gava cultures in the same contexts, or, in all 4 cultural horizons, which were clearly defined in section A–B.6 Evidence 2 Bulatovi}, Jovi} 2010, 200; Stoji} 2006; Stoji} 2009; Bulatovi} 2009; Stoji} 2011; Kapuran 2009, 94–118; Kapuran 2009a. 3 Gara{anin 1996. 4 Bulatovi} 1999/2000; Bulatovi} 2009. 5 Trench 1/99, measuring 4 x 4 m, was dug into the steep slope above the road in Sector I. Stoji} 2001, 60; Kapuran, Stoji} 2001. 6 Stoji} 2001, 60. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Aleksandar KAPURAN New Contributions for the Early Iron Age Stratigraphy at the Site of Hisar in Leskovac (Sector I) (9–20) for the mixed stratigraphy is indicated not only by percentages in the given tables of diagnostic finds but, as later research would conclude, in several structures (undisturbed units and pottery finds) which were identifiable within the cultural layers in trenches I and II, of Sector I from 2006. By analysing pottery finds from trench 1/99, in his paper from 2001, A. Kapuran overlooked the fact that strata I – IV could also have emerged as a result of the intense effect of erosion processes which move from the higher points of Hisar Hill (plateau, Sector III), bearing in mind that the trench was opened on the mid point of the steepest slope on the eastern side of the site (Fig. 1).7 The almost equal quantitative relationship between the Brnjica and Belegi{ II–Gava groups, based on the statistics of bowl type 4 representation, beaker and urn types 3, 4, 5 and 6, best attest to the sedimentation being due to erosion processes.8 This oversight also became obvious in 2006, when large scale excavations were conducted in trench I (area of 25 x 8 m), II and the “Road” trench in Sector I.9 A. Bulatovi} and S. Jovi}, in the monograph “Leskovac”, present certain finds of diagnostic pottery from the cultural horizon in Sector I, as well as at Structures 3 and 14, which show that there is no clear boundary between the finds of the Ha A2/B1 and B1/B2 periods. There are even examples in isolated cases where structures with earlier finds are stratigraphically situated above structures characteristic of younger cultural horizons. The only exceptions are the closed units of dug in dwellings and shallow pits which belong to the end of the Early Iron Age.10 This research shows that one of the rare stratigraphically securely defined structures is the already mentioned Structure 14, in which, one next to another, an iron axe (a flat axe with “wings”) and a hollow cast bronze socked-axe were found, which date to the Ha B/B2, or the 9th century BC, at the earliest.11 The 2006 excavations in Sector I led to the discovery of one above-ground dwelling structure (designated as Structure 44+17/06) (Fig. 2) which is, based on pottery finds from its floor, dated to the Ha A2–B1, as previously stated by Bulatovi} and Jovi}.12 In a small depression dug into the soil bed (Structure 33/06) (Fig. 2), or a levelled house floor, pottery of the older Brnjica phase from the end of Bronze Age (Pl. II/1–4) was discovered together with Iron Age pottery from the Ha A2–B1 (Pl. II/5–9). A group of pottery was found on the southern rim of the preserved house floor (Structure 29) where, among mixed finds of Brnjica (Pl. I/1–4) and channelled pottery (Pl. I/5–12) in the 11 VIIIth excavation level, a conical bowl decorated with sloped channels typical of the 11th and 10th centuries BC, according to Bulatovi} (Fig. 2), was also found in situ.13 Such a channelled bowl, which was laying on its base, represents a terminus anti quem for the start of the settlement in Sector I. Concerning Sector III at the upper Hisar plateau, it is without doubt that an older settlement with dug-in dwellings across that area, the closed units of which contained exclusively early Brnjica pottery, which is best illustrated in Structure 11 (dug-in dwelling).14 If we analyse the stratigraphy of the Early Iron Age in Sector I, it is important to look back at one, blandly stated, controversial find, a Turovi} pin, which is described as “the oldest evidence of iron ore metallurgy” in archaeological literature.15 In a paper published in 2002, M. Stoji} stated that the Turovi} pin was discovered “at the bottom of the trench 1/99 section”, according to the statement from [}epan Turovi}, who brought this artefact to the Museum.16 In his next paper it is then stated that the same artefact comes from “a layer for which relative chronology is securely defined (or that there are no observable dug-ins from younger horizons)”, and is dated to the 13th or 12th century BC,17 but later dates the same artefacts to the 14th century BC.18 It is not reliable to treat finds brought to the Museum in the same regard as those from secure archaeological contexts, irrespective of who found and 7 Kapuran 2001, 95; Stoji} 2001, 60. Kapuran 2001, T. 1; 2; 4; 5. 9 A. Kapuran conducted field excavations at this part of the site, under the direction of Dr M. Stoji}. 10 Stoji} 2009, 176. 11 Bulatovi}, Kapuran 2013, 114–115. 12 Bulatovi}, Jovi} 2000, 200. 13 Bulatovi} 2010, Tabela 5/IIb. Structure 29 was situated within the above-ground dwelling 44+17/06 which A. Kapuran attributed to the Bronze Age, without a complete insight of the pottery material, and guided by the previously accepted statement that the oldest horizon in Sector I is represented by the Late Bronze Age. Kapuran 2009, 108–111, sl. 47. 14 Kapuran 2009, 116, Sl. 59, 60. 15 The artefact has the form of a pin (measurements h=0.645 m and r=0.021 m) made from wrought iron with a very small, almost negligible, percentage of admixtures, having an irregular biconical head with a rectangular cross-section. The body of the pin has a circular cross-section, except one segment below the head (or at the neck) which has a rectangular cross-section. 16 Stoji} 2002, 6. 17 Stoji} 2002, 235. 18 Stoji} 2011, 13–14. 8 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Aleksandar KAPURAN New Contributions for the Early Iron Age Stratigraphy at the Site of Hisar in Leskovac (Sector I) (9–20) Fig. 2. Sector I, thrench 1/2006, detail with Object No. 29 and remains of the house flore Sl. 2. Sektor I, sonda 1/2006, detaq sa Objektom 29 i podnica ku}e 12 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Aleksandar KAPURAN New Contributions for the Early Iron Age Stratigraphy at the Site of Hisar in Leskovac (Sector I) (9–20) brought them, especially considering that [. Turovi} volunteered at the site during the 1999 campaign.19 During 2003 and 2005, M. Stoji} focuses further archaeological excavations on the area where the pin was allegedly “discovered” (Fig. 1/Trench 2005). The results of these excavations from 2006, are represented by photos of the bases of “metallurgic” furnaces (from the end of the Bronze Age) and metal slag, and also mentions various pounders, which could have had the function of preparing the iron ore for further smelting processes.20 The very fact that the furnace bases are surrounded with metal slag is not evidence enough to confirm the installations were for ore smelting, because of the greater influence of erosion in this sector. In photos 8 and 9 in the same paper,21 in front of the “metallurgic furnaces”, at the lower levels, there are no observable pits or tailings, into which hot slag and the remains of burning would have been deposed, as an inevitable by product of ore smelting. The statement that the metallurgic furnaces had calotte shaped roofs raises further confusion,22 and we can say it is the only case of this kind of furnace from prehistory, since the only previously known form is that of an angled cylinder with an open top, which Tylecot and Pleiner illustrate with numerous publications concerning prehistoric metallurgy.23 The author of the research presents photos of iron finds, which he states were discovered on the base of a “furnace with a calotte roof”, but they are typologicaly uncertain and could belong to other, possibly younger cultures, the presence of which is attested to in Sector I (house floors from the early Byzantine period, and pits and kilns from the Middle Ages).24 We are also lacking key information about the precise location of these furnaces, their absolute heights and at least one technical drawing of the situation in which they were found. We also consider that, in order to draw any conclusions regarding prehistoric iron (black) metallurgy, a key point to consider is the physical and chemical analysis of slags. The find of “iron cake” represented in photo 5a has no defined archaeological context, and was discovered using a metal detector just below the soil bed in the area of the “Road” trench, which is some 50 m from the discovered furnaces.25 The relative chronology of these metallurgic structures, as with the entire horizon (Bronze Age 14th–13th century BC), is illustrated by the author with a fragment of painted “Mycenaean” pottery, after which he publishes the same pottery fragment as a find from the 5th century BC, or from the end of the Early Iron Age.26 13 As a result of everything stated here we can assume that the “reputation that [}epan Turovi} enjoys in the National Museum in Leskovac”, cannot be a reason to accept his statements unreservedly. The physical and chemical analysis to which the Turovi} pin was exposed, and the EDXRF method,27 also cannot represent a valid argument on its own that this is a unique case of early iron metallurgy in the Central Balkans. The analogies that Stoji} offers,28 only have similarities with the Turovi} pin in their length, but it should be taken into account that they come from clear contexts, the tumulus in Borovsko and Maravi} at Glasinac (Fig. 4/1,2),29 or the bronze hoards on the territory of Slovakia30 and Hungary.31 They are all made from bronze and mostly decorated with incisions (although there are also undecorated examples). The pins from Glasinac and Slovakia have decorated heads and circular section expansions on the neck, while the Turovi} pin has a head and an expansion of a rectangular shape. Concerning the analogies with Iglarevo,32 it can be openly stated that they do not have anything to do with the Turovi} pin, but exclusively with pins found at the necropolis in Donja Brnjica (Fig. 4/3,4). Maybe the origin of the Turovi} pin should be sought in the Ottoman period in the Central Balkans since, according to its length, material and method of smithing, it is most similar to dervish needles, with 19 From a conversation with members of the archaeological team, [. Turovi} could, in those circumstances, ascertain what kinds of finds have value for the study of the Early Iron Age. However, the greatest doubt is cast by the fact that, after the end of excavations, [. Turovi} conducted illegal excavations on his own in the same trench which was previously back-filled, in which he, according to his statement, found the needle. During 2006 another, almost identical iron pin appeared, for which the other discoverer says that it was discovered several km from Hisar; Stoji} 2006: 107, Fig. 7. 20 Stoji} 2006, 108. 21 Stoji} 2006, Figs. 8 and 9; In photo 5a, a piece of slag of semi spherical cross-section and large measurements can be observed. 22 Stoji} 2006, 107. 23 Tylecot 1987; Pleiner 2000, Fig. 33. 24 Stoji} 2006, 107, Fig. 3–5. 25 Stoji} 2006, Fig. 5a. 26 Stoji} 2009, 178: Fig. 29. 27 Stoji} 2002, 6. 28 Stoji} 2011, 14. 29 Benac i ^ovi} 1956, T. XXVII/9, 21; XXXI/2, 20; XXVIII/5. 30 Ríhovskú 1983, 6/80–85. 31 Movotna 180, T. 24/568–678; T. 24–25; T. 35/707, 714–715. 32 Quci 1998, 171/1–3. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Aleksandar KAPURAN New Contributions for the Early Iron Age Stratigraphy at the Site of Hisar in Leskovac (Sector I) (9–20) 0 b 4 cm a c Fig. 3. a) Turovi} needle (drawing by M. Savkovi}); b–c) Illustrations of the dervish rituals Sl. 3. a) Turovi}eva igla (crtao M. Savkovi}); b–c) ilustracije dervi{kih rituala 1 2 3 4 Fig. 4. 1, 2) Glasinac (drawings by H. Wolfart); 3, 4) Iglarevo (photo by V. Popovi}) Sl. 4. 1, 2) Glasinac (crtala H. Volfart); 3, 4) Iglarevo (fotografije V. Popovi}) 14 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Aleksandar KAPURAN New Contributions for the Early Iron Age Stratigraphy at the Site of Hisar in Leskovac (Sector I) (9–20) which members of this order pierced themselves during ritual trances (Fig. 3/b–c). The smithing technique, as a process in which almost all the oxygen is removed, which prevents corrosion (and reduces the risk of blood poisoning), favours this assumption. We can observe a similar technique on the find of an iron pin of large measurements discovered in Pazari{te, a northern suburb of the Ottoman fortified town of Svrljig.33 Finally, we can conclude that in Sector I of Hisar in Leskovac there are no structures from the older Brnjica culture of the Late Bronze Age and that there are is secure evidence regarding iron metallurgy from the 14th century BC, or prehistory in general.34 Additionally, the Turovi} needle should not be used as evidence of early iron metallurgy. On the other hand, numerous finds point to metallurgy from historical epochs, which do not diminish the importance of this multi-horizon site in the history of the Central Balkans. Translated by Mirjana Vukmanovi} Starinar is an Open Access Journal. All articles can be downloaded free of charge and used in accordance with the licence Creative Commons – Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 3.0 Serbia (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/rs/). ^asopis Starinar je dostupan u re`imu otvorenog pristupa. ^lanci objavqeni u ~asopisu mogu se besplatno preuzeti sa sajta ~asopisa i koristiti u skladu sa licencom Creative Commons – Autorstvo-Nekomercijalno-Bez prerada 3.0 Srbija (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/rs/). 33 Petrovi}, Filipovi} i Milojevi} 2012, Fig. 13; S. Milojevi} included this pin, about 1 m long, in the homeland collection of Svrljig, as inventory number 1190. If it is, in any case, true that the Turovi} pin was found in Trench 1/99, we have to stress that this area was a suburb of the Ottoman fort situated in Sector III at Hisar. 34 Stoji} 2008, 80. 15 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Aleksandar KAPURAN New Contributions for the Early Iron Age Stratigraphy at the Site of Hisar in Leskovac (Sector I) (9–20) BIBLIOGRAPHY: Bogdanovi}, Joci}, Popovi} 1995 – I. Bogdanovi}, M. Joci}, P. Popovi}, Sonda`na istra`ivawa lokaliteta Hisar (Leskovac). Leskova~ki zbornik XXXV, 1995, 13–24 (I. Bogdanovi}, M. Joci}, P. Popovi}, Sonda`na istra`ivanja lokaliteta Hisar (Leskovac), Leskova~ki zbornik XXXV, 1995, 13–24). Bulatovi} 1999/2000 – A. Bulatovi}, Nalazi{ta brwi~ke kulturne grupe u Vrawsko-bujanova~koj i Pre{evskoj kotlini (Summary: Finds from the Brnjica Cultural Group in the Vranje–Bujanovac and Pre{evo basin) Glasnik srpskog arheolo{kog dru{tva 15–16, 1999/2000, 23–42 (A. Bulatovi}, Nalazi{ta brnji~ke kulturne grupe u Vranjsko–bujanova~koj i Pre{evskoj kotlini, Glasnik srpskog arheolo{kog dru{tva 15–16, 1999/2000, 23–42). during exploring campaign in 2006) Leskova~ki zbornik XLVII, 2008, 7–28 (A. Kapuran, Nalazi okresanog kamena sa lokaliteta „Hisar“ u Leskovcu, otkriveni tokom istra`iva~ke kampanje 2006. godine, Leskova~ki zbornik XLVII, 2008, 7–28). Kapuran 2009 – A. Kapuran, Arhitektura iz poznog bronzanog i starijeg gvozdenog doba u basenu Ju`ne Morave, Beograd 2009, (A. Kapuran, Late Bronze and Early Iron Age architecture in the Ju`na Morava region, Belgrade 2009; A. Kapuran, Arhitektura iz poznog bronzanog i starijeg gvozdenog doba u basenu Ju`ne Morave, Beograd 2009). Bulatovi} 2009 – A. Bulatovi}, South Morava Basin in the transitional period from the Bronze to the Iron Age (Rezime: Basen Ju`ne Morave u prelaznom periodu iz bronzanog u gvozdeno doba) Starinar LVII (2007) 2009, 57–82. Kapuran 2009a – A. Kapuran, Ostaci praistorijske arhitekture otkriveni na lokalitetu Hisar u Leskovcu (Summary: Remain of Prehistoric architecture found on site Hisar in Leskovac) Leskova~ki zbornik XLIX, 2009, 197–218 (A. Kapuran, Ostaci praistorijske arhitekture otkriveni na lokalitetu Hisar u Leskovcu, Leskova~ki zbornik XLIX, 2009, 197–218). Bulatovi}, Jovi} 2010 – A. Bulatovi}, S. Jovi}, Leskovac, Kulturna stratigrafija praistorijskih lokaliteta u leskova~koj regiji, Beograd–Leskovac 2010, (Bulatovi}, Jovi}) Leskovac Cultural stratigraphy of Prehistoric Sites in the Leskovac Region, Belgrade–Leskovac 2010 (A. Bulatovi}, S. Jovi}, Leskovac, Kulturna stratigrafija praistorijskih lokaliteta u leskova~koj regiji, Beograd– Leskovac 2010). Kapuran, Stoji}, 2001 – A. Kapuran, M. Stoji}, Keramika brwi~ke kulturne grupe sa lokaliteta Hisar – jugoisto~na padina u Leskovcu(Summary: Brnjica Cultural Grup cerramics from the Hisar-Southeast slope Site in Leskovac) Leskova~ki zbornik XLI, 2009, 95–145 (A. Kapuran, M. Stoji}, Keramika brnji~ke kulturne grupe sa lokaliteta Hisar – jugoisto~na padina u Leskovcu, Leskova~ki zbornik XLI, 2009, 95–145). Bulatovi}, Kapuran 2013 – A. Bulatovi}, A. Kapuran, Naseqe iz ranog gvozdenog doba na lokalitetu Crkvi{te u Davidovcu kod Vrawa (Summary: Early iron Age at the site Crkvi{te near Vranje) Glasnik srpskog arheolo{kog dru{tva 29, 2010, 101–124 (A. Bulatovi}, A. Kapuran, Naselje iz ranog gvozdenog doba na lokalitetu Crkvi{te u Davidovcu kod Vranja, Glasnik srpskog arheolo{kog dru{tva 29, 2010, 101–124). Petrovi}, Filipovi}, Milivojevi} 2012 – V. Petrovi}, V. Filipovi} & S. Milivojevi}, La région de Svrljig en Serbie Orijentale-Préhistorie, antiquite et Moyen Âge, Beograd 2012. Gara{anin 1996 – M. Gara{anin, Die kulturelle und chronologische Stellung der Mediana-Gruppe, in: The Yugoslav Danube basin and the neighbouring regions in the 2nd millennium B.C., (ed.) N. Tasi}, Beograd–Vr{ac 1996: 201–218. Joci}, Peri}, Stoji} 1999 – M. Joci}, S. Peri}, M. Stoji}, Keramika iz stambenog objekta sa lokaliteta Hisar u Leskovcu (Summary: House dwelling ceramics from Hisar site at Leskovac). Leskova~ki zbornik XXXIX, 1999, 27–40 (M. Joci}, S. Peri}, M. Stoji}, Keramika iz stambenog objekta sa lokaliteta Hisar u Leskovcu, Leskova~ki zbornik XXXIX, 1999, 27–40). Kapuran 2008 – A. Kapuran, Nalazi okresanog kamena sa lokaliteta „Hisar“ u Leskovcu, otkriveni tokom istra`iva~ke kampawe 2006. godine (Summary: (Antique) Lapidary artefacts of the site „Hisar“ in Leskovac discovered 16 Stoji} 2001 – M. Stoji}, Brwi~ka kulturna grupa u basenu Ju`ne Morave (Summary: Brnjica Cultural Grupe in the South Morava Basin) Leskova~ki zbornik XLI, 2001, 15–94 (M. Stoji}, Brnji~ka kulturna grupa u basenu Ju`ne Morave, Leskova~ki zbornik XLI, 2001, 15–94). Stoji} 2002 – M. Stoji}, Gvozdeni predmet u obliku igle sa lokaliteta Hisar u Leskovcu, Turovi}eva igla (Iron find in shape of the needle from Hisar site in Leskovac, Turovi}eva needle) Leskova~ki zbornik XLII, 2002, 5–10 (M. Stoji}, Gvozdeni predmet u obliku igle sa lokaliteta Hisar u Leskovcu, Turovi}eva igla, Leskova~ki zbornik XLII, 2002, 5–10). Stoji} 2002 – M. Stoji}, Najstariji nalazi gvozdenih predmeta u Srbiji, Godi{njak XXXII, 2002, 235–240. Stoji} 2003 – M. Stoji}, Basen Ju`ne Morave i P~inje u vreme razvoja brnji~ke kulturne grupe (Summary: Basin of the South Morava and the P~inja at the time of the Development of the Brnjica Culture) Pirajhme–Pyraichmes 2, 2003, 119–142. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Aleksandar KAPURAN New Contributions for the Early Iron Age Stratigraphy at the Site of Hisar in Leskovac (Sector I) (9–20) Stoji} 2004 – M. Stoji}, Novi nalazi sa praistorijskih lokaliteta u okolini Leskovca (Summary: new finds from the Prehistoric sites in the surroundings of Leskovac) Starinar LIII–LIV, (2003–2004) 2004, 193–215. M. Stoji}, Novi nalazi sa praistorijskih lokaliteta u okolini Leskovca, Starinar LIII–LIV, (2003–2004) 2004, 193–215 (M. Stoji}, Novi nalazi sa praistorijskih lokaliteta u okolini Leskovca, Starinar LIII–LIV, (2003–2004) 2004, 193–215). Stoji} 2006 – M. Stoji}, Ferrours metallurgy centar of the Brnjica Cultural Grup (14th–13th Centuries BC) at the Hisar Site in Leskovac. Metalurgija – Journal of Mettalurgy – MjoM, Volum 12, 2006, 105–110. Stoji} 2008 – M. Stoji}, Regional characteristic of the Brnjica Cultural group (Rezime: Regionalne karakteristike brwi~ke kulturne grupe) Starinar LVI, (2006) 2008, 73–84. 17 Stoji} 2009 – M. Stoji}, Hisar in Leskovac at the end of the Early Iron Age, (Rezime: starije gvozdeno doba na lokalitetu Hisar u Leskovcu) Starinar LVII, (2007) 2009, 175–189. Stoji} 2011 – M. Stoji}, Odnos sredweg Podunavqa i basena Ju`ne Morave u gvozdeno doba I (pribli`no 1350–1100 godine pre n.e.) na osnovu metalnih nalaza sa lokaliteta Hisar u Leskovcu (Summary: Relations – Middle Danube Basen and the South Morava river during the Iron Age I (APP. 1350–1100 BC) basis on the metal artifact from the site Hisar, Leskovac) Leskova~ki zbornik LI, 2011, 9–30 (M. Stoji}, Odnos srednjeg Podunavlja i basena Ju`ne Morave u gvozdeno doba I (pribli`no 1350–1100 godine pre n.e.) na osnovu metalnih nalaza sa lokaliteta Hisar u Leskovcu, Leskova~ki zbornik LI, 2011, 9–30). STARINAR LXVII/2017 Aleksandar KAPURAN New Contributions for the Early Iron Age Stratigraphy at the Site of Hisar in Leskovac (Sector I) (9–20) Rezime: ALEKSANDAR KAPURAN, Arheolo{ki institut, Beograd NOVI PRILOZI ZA STRATIGRAFIJU STARIJEG GVOZDENOG DOBA NA LOKALITETU HISAR U LESKOVCU (Sektor I) Kqu~ne re~i. – bronzano doba, prelazni period iz bronzanog u gvozdeno doba, starije gvozdeno doba, crna metalurgija, Turovi}eva igla. Posle vi{e od dve decenije istra`ivawa na lokalitetu Hisar u Leskovcu pokazala se potreba za revizijom nekih zakqu~aka kao i gledi{ta na kulturnu stratigrafiju ovog vi{eslojnog lokaliteta na kome je konstatovano naseqe iz poznog bronzanog doba (brwi~ka kulturna grupa Br C/D Ha A1), gvozdenog doba I (Ha A2–B2) i gvozdenog doba III (VI–V vek pre n. e.), kasne antike i sredweg veka. Ciq ovoga rada jeste da se uka`e na ozbiqne gre{ke koje su u prvom redu nastale usled prenebregavawa uticaja raznih faktora – prirodnih i antropogenih procesa, erozija, posledica bombardovawa iz II sv. rata, kao i nedovoqnog poznavawa tehnologije praistorijske metalurgije – koji su doveli do niza pogre{nih zakqu~aka o kulturnoj stratigrafiji na Sektoru I, i to po~ev{i od istra`ivawa iz 1999. godine pa do onih iz 2006. (sl. 1). Po~etni~ke gre{ke u interpretaciji rezultata iz kampawe 1999. godine na~inio je autor ovoga rada stoga {to nije obratio pa`wu na ~iwenicu da postoji visok procenat pome{anih nalaza kerami~ke produkcije sa karakteristikama i brwi~ke i Belegi{ II–Gava kulture u istim kontekstima, odnosno u sva 4 kulturna horizonta, koji su se prili~no jasno ocrtavali na profilu A–B. Analiziraju}i u svom radu iz 2001. godine kerami~ke nalaze iz sonde 1/99, A. Kapuran nije uzeo u obzir ~iwenicu da su stratumi I–IV mogli nastati i dejstvom intenzivnih erozionih procesa koji idu iz pravca vi{ih kota brda Hisar (platoa Sektora III), budu}i da se sonda nalazila na sredi{wem delu najstrmije padine sa isto~ne strane lokaliteta (sl. 1). Ova gre{ka postala je o~igledna tek 2006. godine, kada su preduzeta obimna istra`ivawa sondi I (povr{ine 25 m h 8 m) i II te sonde Put na Sektoru I. Istra`ivawa iz 2006. godine pokazala su da jedini siguran i stratigrafski definisan objekat iz starijih horizonata predstavqa Objekat 14, u kome su se, jedna pored druge, nalazile sekira od gvo`|a (tip pqosnate sekire sa krilcima) i {upqa bronzana sekira kelt, koja se datuje najranije u Ha B/B2, odnosno u 9. vek pre n. e. Istra`ivawa na Sektoru I iz 2006. godine dovela su do otkri}a nadzemnog stambenog objekta (ozna~enog kao Obj. 44+17/06) (sl. 2) koji, prema nalazima keramike na wegovoj osnovi, pripada Ha A2–B1 – kao {to su prethodno konstatovali Bulatovi} i Jovi}. U mawoj depresiji u zdravici (Objekat 33/06) (sl. 2), koja je ujedno predstavqala gaznu povr{inu u ku}i, u istom kontekstu otkrivena je keramika starije faze Brwice sa kraja bronzanog doba (T. II/1–4) i gvozdenog doba Ha A2–B1 (T. II/5–9). Na ju`nom delu poda ku}e nalazila se grupa keramike (Objekat 29) i u woj je, me|u izme{anim nalazima brwi~ke (T. I/1–4) i kanelovane 18 keramike (T. I/5–12), u VIII o. s. in situ otkrivena koni~na zdela ukra{ena kosim kanelurama karakteristi~nim za XI i X vek pre n. e. – prema Bulatovi}u (sl. 2). Kontroverzni nalaz Turovi}eve igle, kao primer „najstarije metalurgije gvo`|a”, tako|e treba kriti~ki i u realnom svetlu sagledati i pritom uzeti u obzir navedene gre{ke. U radu iz 2002. godine M. Stoji} navodi da je Turovi}eva igla otkrivena „u dnu profila sonde 1/99” – prema navodima [}epana Turovi}a, koji je ovaj predmet doneo u Muzej. Ve} u slede}em radu navodi se da isti predmet poti~e „iz sloja ~ija je relativna hronologija pouzdano utvr|ena (tj. nema vidqivih ukopavawa iz mla|ih horizonata)”, i datuje se „u XIII ili XII vek pre n. e.”, da bi u slede}em radu isti predmet bio datovan u XIV vek pre n. e. Tokom 2003. i 2005. godine, arheolo{ka istra`ivawa bila su fokusirana na prostor oko mesta gde je igla navodno „prona|ena” (sl. 1/sonda 2005). Kao rezultati tih istra`ivawa prezentovane su u radu iz 2006. godine fotografije sa osnovama „metalur{kih” pe}i (sa kraja bronzanog doba), zatim metali~ne {qake, kao i brojni rastira~i koji mogu da se koriste u fazi pripreme rude gvo`|a za daqi proces topqewa. Zabunu izaziva i tvrdwa da metalur{ke pe}i poseduju kalotu, {to je neuobi~ajen, a mo`emo re}i i jedinstven slu~aj za topioni~arske pe}i iz praistorije, budu}i da je do sada poznata jedino forma zako{enog cilindra bez kalote, {to Tylecot i Pleiner ilustruju u radovima vezanim za praistorijsku metalurgiju. Kao nalazi od gvo`|a prikazano je nekoliko predmeta koji su se tako|e nalazili na podnicama pe}i sa kalotom, ali oni tipolo{ki mogu pripadati i drugim, hronolo{ki mla|im kulturama na Sektoru I. Tako|e, ostali smo uskra}eni za kqu~ne informacije o preciznijoj ubikaciji ovih objekata, o nadmorskim visinama, za fotografije zate~ene situacije ili za neki tehni~ki crte`. Smatramo da bi za zakqu~ak da je u pitawu praistorijska metalurgija gvo`|a potrebno izvr{iti fizi~ko-hemijske analize {qaka, od kojih ina~e komad predstavqen na fotografiji 5a nema precizno definisan arheolo{ki kontekst i na|en je veoma blizu zdravice na prostoru sonde Put, oko 50 m daqe od navedenih pe}i. Mo`da poreklo Turovi}eve gvozdene igle treba tra`iti u periodu turske dominacije na centralnom Balkanu, budu}i da prema dimenzijama, materijalu i tehnici kovawa najvi{e sli~nosti pokazuje sa dervi{kim iglama kojima su se pripadnici dervi{kog reda probadali u ritualnom transu. U prilog ovoj tvrdwi mo`emo navesti nalaz gvozdene igle velikih dimenzija na|ene na prostoru opustelog naseqa Pazari{te, u severnom podgra|u turskog utvr|ewa Svrqig-grad. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Aleksandar KAPURAN New Contributions for the Early Iron Age Stratigraphy at the Site of Hisar in Leskovac (Sector I) (9–20) 1 2 3 5 4 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 Plate I – Object No. 29: 1–4) Early Brnjica type cerramic; 5–12) Ha A2–B1 cerramic finds (drawings by M. Stoji}) Tabla I – Objekat 29: 1–4) Keramika starije faze brwi~ke grupe; 5–12) Keramika Ha A2–B1 perioda (crtala M. Stoji}) 19 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Aleksandar KAPURAN New Contributions for the Early Iron Age Stratigraphy at the Site of Hisar in Leskovac (Sector I) (9–20) 1 2 3 4 6 5 7 8 9 Plate II – Object No. 33: 1–4) Early Brnjica type cerramic; 5–9) Ha A2–B1 cerramic finds (drawings by M. Stoji}) Tabla II – Objekat 33: 1–4) Keramika starije faze brwi~ke grupe; 5–9) Keramika Ha A2–B1 perioda (crtala M. Stoji}) 20 STARINAR LXVII/2017 UDC: 903.04"634"(497.11) 903.23:738"634"(497.11) https://doi.org/10.2298/STA1767021S Original research article MARIJA M. SVILAR, Institute of Archaeology Belgrade SEARCHING FOR LATE NEOLITHIC SPINNING BOWLS IN THE CENTRAL BALKANS e-mail: marijasvilar@yahoo.com Abstract – Over the past twenty years, research on textile has received increasing attention in archaeology worldwide, providing new insights into one of the most important crafts in human history. In contrast, activities related to spinning and weaving in the Late Neolithic settlements in the Central Balkans have only be treated with cursory attention, which has resulted in nothing more than a set of general assumptions in archaeological literature. Though some progress has recently been made, investigations of textile in prehistoric contexts are still far from their full potential. The quest for spinning bowls in ceramic assemblages constitutes an important part of the given research, providing new evidence on the production of both textiles and pottery. Therefore, the focus of this paper is on the available evidence for those activities related to textile production in the Late Neolithic, primarily to spinning, with special emphasis on the earliest occurrence of spinning bowls in the Central Balkans i.e. the technology of wetting and tightening plant fibres in ceramic vessels. Key words – Textile, fibres, spinning, spinning bowls, weaving, ceramic vessels, Late Neolithic, Central Balkans. prominent institutions on textile research – CTR,2 at the Saxo Institute, University of Copenhagen, in 2005, which resulted in a great number of conferences, workshops, monographs and papers and, recently, in the establishment of the first Department for Textile Archaeology in the world in 2015, again at the Saxo Institute, University of Copenhagen. Today, the production of textile, an object of both utilitarian and symbolic significance and each step of its chaîne-opératoire is highly regarded as one of the most important crafts in human history, closely related to agriculture, animal husbandry and the cultivation of plants, which is able to, more than any other archaeological material, offer an intimate insight into the daily life of prehistoric people. Late Neolithic Textile Industry in Central Balkans: Picking up the Pieces Since textile is an extremely fragile organic material, which means it barely leaves any trace in the archaeological record, it was a neglected area of research for a long period of time. However, with the development of new methods and new questions arising, textile has been given a fresh opportunity to demonstrate its significance in archaeological investigations. Today, the research on textile addresses issues of technology, production and the distribution of textile and textile tools, along with the social and economic structure of prehistoric societies, using a multidisciplinary approach that integrates archaeobotanical and archaeozoological analyses, palaeoecological and geochemical investigations, experimental work and ethnographic knowledge gathered from all over the world.1 The growing interest led to the foundation of one of the most Cf. Andersson, Nosch 2003. Danish National Research Foundation’s Centre for Textile Research. 21 Manuscript received 31st December 2016, accepted 10th May 2017 1 2 Marija M. SVILAR Searching for Late Neolithic Spinning Bowls in the Central Balkans (21–32) However, when it comes to textile in the Late Neolithic in the Central Balkans, little has been written about the very process of spinning or weaving or the tools that were used. While it was assumed that the craft itself was “rich” and “developed” and even “wellknown”,3 there have actually been very few attempts to test these hypotheses on archaeological material.4 The fundamental problem for textile research in the Central Balkans is that the remains are invisible in the archaeological record and, at the same time, very little attention has been specifically devoted to the subject. The author has already stressed the underrepresentation of textile and textile tools from the Late Neolithic contexts in the Central Balkans, where the given critical summary of the relevant literature made clear that textile research has been overwhelmed by the above mentioned facts. A variety of clay, stone or bone tools were rather observed as single finds, not as the remains of specific past activity. 5 Bearing all this in mind, the fact that we have to rely on indirect evidence does not mean that we cannot make the most of the information from the finds related to production of textile. Therefore, the starting premise in the new investigations on textile in the Central Balkans is that the tools used for the preparation and production of textile are much more common than previously thought.6 In order to put things into a more positive perspective, the identification of various textile tools is of major importance. B. Idvorean-Stefanovi} gave a detailed overview through ethnographic literature related to spinning and weaving practices in Serbia, showing how various tools and techniques have evolved over time.7 A recent contribution to the subject has been made with the analysis of prehistoric bone assemblages, which have demonstrated that, apart from sewing needles, a number of use-ware traces on various bone artefacts indicate the processing of organic materials, which therefore means they could be attributed to textile tools.8 In addition, it was shown that various stone tools could be identified among archaeological artefacts as well, like for example mallets for splitting and softening bast fibres.9 Likewise, archaeobotnical analyses have shown promising results. At the Late Neolithic sites of Vin~a–Belo Brdo, Opovo, Gomolava and Drenovac the presence of flax seeds have been identified10 which are considered to be one of the most important indicators for prehistoric textile production.11 Still, on the other hand, the presence of flax seeds can- 22 not be regarded as direct evidence for textile production due to flax’s twofold nature, but it certainly deserves further examination along with other archaeological data. For example, the morphometric analysis of flax seeds from the Late Neolithic wetland settlements in southeast Germany showed that different varieties of flax, for oil and for fibre, were grown in the Late Neolithic, demonstrating the importance of measuring archaeobotanical remains.12 However, when considering the largest category of finds related to textiles, namely spindle whorls and loom weights, little work has been done. Moreover, the difference between the two given tools is not always clear. The tendency has been to simply presume, based on rather superficial looks at these finds, to which category they can be attributed. Except for the analysis of an assemblage of loom weights from the site of Crkvine–Mali Borak,13 the variations in their size and weight were often not considered. The lack of quantitative analysis is a major problem when it comes to textile tools in the Central Balkans. Since it is evident that, without quantification and comparable data, we cannot further discuss this matter, it is of huge importance to examine technological and quantitative changes of spindle whorls and loom weights, as well as their deposition at the Late Neolithic settlements. A basic knowledge of textiles is necessary in order to understand the whole process, from the procurement of raw materials to the final production stage. Once again, only if we sum all available data related to spinning and weaving activities, can we gain a broader understanding of the relationship between textiles and Late Neolithic societies. 3 Cf. Bla`i}, Radmanovi} 2011, 131. Adowadio, Maslowski 1988; Tringham, Stefanovi} 1990; Curk 1997; Nin~i} 2011. 5 On the history of textile research in the Late Neolithic in the Central Balkans, see in detail Svilar 2016, in press. 6 Nin~i} 2016, 9; Svilar 2016, in press. 7 Idvorean-Stefanovi}, 2011. 8 Vitezovi} 2013. 9 Nin~i} 2016, 30. 10 Van Zeist 1978; Borojevi} 2006; 2010; Filipovi}, Obradovi} 2013; Peri} et al. 2015, 39. 11 The earliest evidence for flax use comes from the area of the Fertile Crescent and dates back to the 9th millennium BC. Cf. Karg 2011, 507. 12 Herbig, Maier 2011. 13 Nin~i} 2011. 4 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Marija M. SVILAR Searching for Late Neolithic Spinning Bowls in the Central Balkans (21–32) Interpreting Prehistoric Spinning Technology: Raw Materials and Tools Prehistoric textile production was particularly dependent on access to raw materials. Bearing in mind that the examination of woollen production requires a slightly different approach, primarily a detailed zooarchaeological analysis, while at the same time its introduction in Late Neolithic is still an open question,14 the predominance of plant fibres in the Late Neolithic contexts worldwide, on the other hand, allows us to place the focus of this paper mainly on the processing of plant fibres. Plant fibres for weaving were extracted from the stem or leaf of numerous plants, many of which are no longer used today. The most common were bast fibres: flax (Linum usitatissimum), hemp (Cannabis sativa) and nettle (Urtica dioica)15, while large numbers of species were used as colorants for dying or as pigments. Some authors emphasise that in Europe, there are over one hundred plant species that could have been used for dying and that almost every single plant could leave some trace on the fabric.16 In certain areas, there is even evidence of the simultaneous exploitation of the stems of wild growing plants together with cultivated ones.17 Based on all the above, it is evident that the number of plants used in textile production definitely exceeds the number of identified species, indicating a larger and more complex production process. However, judging by archaeobotanical remains, and considering that the majority of preserved Neolithic and Chalcolithic fabrics and textiles are linenmade, it is a common assumption that flax was the most frequently used plant fibre in the production of textile worldwide.18 Some scholars even believe that the cultivation and processing of flax represents the most significant turning point at the beginning of the Late Neolithic.19 In certain cases, the absence of flax seeds in the archaeological record, on the one hand, and the presence of linen fabrics on the other, confirmed that flax was woven and traded over long distances from as early as the 8th millennium BC.20 However, since flax seeds were also used for food and medicine,21 the archaeobotanical remains are not always the most reliable argument for the indication of textile production, they rather need to be studied in relation to the archaeological context and in comparison with other data. Nowadays, scholars are able to identify a myriad of natural raw fibres that could have been used for the production of textiles, but they all required some sort 23 of preparation by spinning, resulting in the transformation of usually short and brittle fibres into long thread by twisting the fibre around its longitudinal axis. In other words, all natural fibres, whether plant or animal, require preparation by spinning in order to produce a thread of adequate length, hardness and flexibility.22 Among all the stages in the preparation of fibres prior to weaving – with flax, for example, the harvesting, and threshing of seeds, retting the stems and dressing – spinning is the process that is by far the most time-consuming.23 Thus, spinning is an indispensable step in textile production and at the same time it can be regarded as one of the most essential achievements of prehistoric people. Unlike weaving, which requires some fixed structure and was, therefore, probably a prehistoric activity mainly conducted in the household, spinning could be practiced almost anywhere. This could be one of the reasons why, when studied in the archaeological record, the evidence of spinning is much less common in domestic areas. Spindle whorls, usually the only tools associated with this practice are, as a rule, far less numerous than loom weights.24 Moreover, loom weights and spindle whorls can rarely be found in the same context.25 The reason for such a deficiency partly lies in the fact that the practice of spinning could be conducted without the use of tools. Initially, the practice of spinning was carried out without any equipment, so-called thigh spinning, but this method was by far the most time-consuming and it was additionally very difficult to prevent the thread from becoming tangled. The whole process became easier and more efficient by minimising the hand motions with the use of the spindle, which simplified the processing of short fibres such as cotton or wool, 14 Becker et al. 2016. Cf. King 1978, 93. 16 Medovi} 2011, 113. 17 Bergfjord et al. 2012. 18 Grabund`ija, Russo 2016, 301. 19 Maier, Schlichtherle 2011, 567. 20 Fuller 2015; Karg 2011. 21 Karg 2011, 507. 22 Idvorean-Stefanovi} 2011, 220. 23 Maier, Schlichtherle 2011. 24 For example, at the Neolithic site of Akrotiri in Greece, 450 loom weights have been found in one structure, while at the same time only six spindle whorls, Tzachili 1990, 386. 25 Cf. Frangipane et al. 2009, 25. 15 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Marija M. SVILAR Searching for Late Neolithic Spinning Bowls in the Central Balkans (21–32) but was not suitable for spinning long bast fibres.26 The role of the distaff, another implement commonly used, was to hold the raw fibres during spinning. The rare finds of wooden shafts and distaffs in the Near East revealed that two techniques – “supported spinning” which allows the spinning of fine threads, usually from short fibre; and “drop spinning” – a more advance technique, suitable for making longer and more even yarn, were simultaneously practiced in the Late Chalcolithic.27 The next step in the evolution of the spinning process was to put some kind of weight on one end of a spindle in order to extend and accelerate its circular movement. Given the frequency of spindle whorls made of clay at prehistoric sites worldwide,28 it seems that they were probably used for this purpose over a long period of time. Since spindles, distaffs and shafts were probably made of some perishable materials like wood or reed that could not be preserved or are hard to identify in the archaeological record, spindle whorls are considered to be the oldest tools related to spinning. Although there are usually made of clay,29 it seems that a wide variety of materials was used for making spindle whorls: steatite, basalt, limestone, ivory30 or animal bones.31 The results of extensive experimental research conducted primarily by CRT have shown that, apart from the quality of the fibre, the choice of spinning tool was also of great importance, i.e. two major functional parameters that largely affect the yarn are weight and the diameter of the spindle whorl.32 For example, spinning with a whorl of a large diameter will cause the process to be longer and slower, resulting in softer and less twisted threads, while on the other hand, with those that have a smaller diameter will be fast and short, thus producing stronger and more twisted threads.33 In other words, to produce a thin thread one should use a light spindle, and a heavier spindle for thicker thread.34 For instance, whorls with a larger diameter are suitable for plant fibres, heavier ones for linen, lighter for wool, etc. Also, based on the perforation diameter along with the use-wear analysis it is possible to reconstruct the position of the whorl.35 Although spindle whorls can vary in size and weight, some ratios are quite uniform, suggesting that some kind of standardisation must have existed.36 Hence, since the appearance of spindle whorls is considered as an advance in the spinning process, some authors suggest that it might have represented a significant change in social organisation, since it suggests the accumulation or redistribution of textiles.37 Since spinning is 24 such a common activity in the societies who produce textile, it can represent a technological variable of major importance when discussing the daily activities of prehistoric artisans.38 Nonetheless, research on spinning has shown that its beginnings and development can be traced throughout prehistory, while the above described techniques and tools demonstrate the variety of options for this practice, implying a much higher level of complexity than previously thought. The Introduction of Spinning Bowls: the Case of Belovode The archaeological site of Belovode is located in the vicinity of Petrovac na Mlavi in Eastern Serbia. Recent fieldwork included a complete systematic surface survey, at which time the size of the settlement was estimated at 90 hectares.39 Its occupation is dated to between 5400 and 4600 BC, thus primarily associating it with the Vin~a culture group.40 However, a few pottery finds, although represented in small quantities, demonstrate the presence of elements associated with the Early Neolithic Star~evo group,41 the Late Chalcolithic Kostolac culture and the complex of Bubanj Hum I–Sãlcuþa–Krivodol,42 indicating the potential occupation of the given communities. Following the first excavation at the site, the settlement of Belovode was characterised as a Late Neo- 26 Tiedemann, Jakes 2006, 294, 304. Langgut et al. 2016, 974. 28 Cf. Becker et al. 2016, 114. 29 For the same purpose, perforated sherds of pottery could have been used. 30 Andersson et al. 2010, 163; Langgut et al. 2016, 976. 31 For example, in Bronze Age contexts at the site of Arslantepe, the majority of the whorls were made of bone, commonly of bos femur heads with a large diameter, which are naturally suitable for spinning a hard-spun thread, especially vegetal fibers. Frangipane et al. 2009, 6. 32 Andersson et al. 2008, 173; Andersson Strand et al. 2010, 165. 33 Barber 1991, 52–53; Andersson, Nosch 2003, 198; Idvorean-Stefanovi} 2011, 227. 34 Idvorean-Stefanovi} 2011, 227. 35 Frangipane et al. 2009, 7; Smith, Tzatchili 2012, 144. 36 Smith 2007, 230. 37 Tiedemann, Jakes 2006, 297. 38 Tiedemann, Jakes 2006, 305. 39 Miroslav Ko~i}, pers. comm. 40 Bori} 2009. 41 [qivar i dr. 2015. 42 Jasmina @ivkovi}, pers. comm. 27 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Marija M. SVILAR Searching for Late Neolithic Spinning Bowls in the Central Balkans (21–32) lithic centre for primary copper mining and metallurgy. This assumption was further supported by numerous malachite finds in the vicinity of another copper source in the mine of @drelo, some 10 km from Belovode, and with the additional contribution of the discovery of a few surface finds, like for example a ceramic mould for casting axes found at Belovode.43 Since the principal aim of the investigations at the site of Belovode was to validate the above-mentioned hypothesis, all other aspects of the site remained in the shadow of the surmised metallurgy. Therefore, it is not surprising that finds related to textile production were almost completely neglected or only superficially examined, which was unfortunately a common practice at most prehistoric sites in the Central Balkans. For a long period, it was assumed that, apart from spindle whorls, there was no corresponding evidence of spinning activities at the site of Belovode. The belief remained unshaken for years until recently when, with the discovery of two spinning tools in ceramic assemblages, it was proved to be completely wrong. The tools in question are two fragmented ceramic bowls with an inner handle on the bottom, found during previous excavations at the site.44 Since excavations at Belovode were mainly carried out in the southern part of the settlement, both trenches were situated in the same area and excavated in campaigns from 1997 to 2002. Judging by the stratigraphy of the settlement45 and the cultural layers where these objects were found, it is apparent that they belong to horizons from the Vin~a culture. The object collected from Trench No. 9 could be associated with a burnt structure discovered in cultural layers 2–3, thus correlating with the Vin~a D horizon. The structure probably represents remains from a Vin~a culture house but, since the upper layers are seriously disturbed by ploughing, the function of this structure has not yet been determined. On the other hand, the object from Trench No. 6 was collected from cultural layers 6–8, without the presence of architectural remains, and correlates with the Vin~a C horizon. What makes these finds unusual is not only the handle on the bottom of the vessel but the fact that handle has from three to six horizontal perforations: 1) Fragment of base with a diameter of 130 mm, a preserved height of 21 mm; the length of the handle is 81 mm and the wall thickness is 10 mm. The handle was horizontally perforated with 6 preserved holes, each with a diameter of 4–5 mm (Fig. 1). 2) Fragment of base with a diameter of 150 mm, a preserved height of 38 mm; the length of the handle is 25 72 mm and the wall thickness is 10 mm. The handle was horizontally perforated with 4 visible holes, each with a diameter of 4–5 mm (Fig. 2). With the exception of the spinning bowls from Plo~nik (Fig. 3–4)46 and one example from Kova~ke njive near Vranje,47 no comparable vessels have yet been reported in Late Neolithic contexts in the Central Balkans. Unfortunately, due to the high level of fragmentation of the given finds, we are currently unable to provide an extensive discussion on several of the properties of these vessels. However, we need to bear in mind that only by drawing all of the available data together will we be able to shed new light on the topic of prehistoric textile in the Central Balkans. Therefore, although numerous other aspects of Late Neolithic textiles could be examined and tested, the study presented here focuses on the activities related to spinning, the processing of plant fibres and the use of spinning bowls. Braun’s premise that ceramic vessels should be regarded as tools48 is considered to be one of the most important methodological breakthroughs in pottery studies, shifting the focus beyond endless typologies to the reconstruction of whole cycles of activities. The ceramic vessels we are dealing with here are generally termed “spinning bowls”,49 as it is assumed they were used in the process of spinning, primarily of plant fibres, since they are much easier to control in a moist condition. According to wall paintings in ancient Egypt and the Near East, they were used for so-called “wet spinning”, a practice in which usually two women simultaneously worked on wetting and tightening the fibres.50 This practice was widely spread across the Near East and in Mediterranean at the Late Bronze Age settlements of Tell el Ajjul and Tell Jerishe, and 43 [ljivar, Jacanovi} 1996; [ljivar et al. 2006; Radivojevi} et al. 2010. 44 The given spinning bowls were found during the recent processing of pottery from previous excavations on Belovode and Plo~nik, in the course of writing my PhD thesis. Since then, I have become extremely interested in textile technologies and their impact on Late Neolithic societies. 45 The chronology of the site was established by D. [ljivar. [ljivar et al. 2006, 251. 46 Svilar 2016, in press. 47 Vukovi} i dr. 2016, 176, fig. II/4. 48 Braun 1983. 49 First spinning bowl was found in Kahun in 1890, but it was not immediately linked with textile production. Cf. Maczinska 2012, 67. 50 Barber 1993; Idvorean-Stefanovi} 2011, 229. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Marija M. SVILAR Searching for Late Neolithic Spinning Bowls in the Central Balkans (21–32) Fig. 1 and 2. Fragmented ceramic vessel – “spinning bowl” from the site of Belovode (author A. \or|evi}) Sl. 1 i 2. Fragment kerami~ke posude – „spinning bowl” sa lokaliteta Belovode (autor: A. \or|evi}) Fig. 3 and 4. Fragmented ceramic vessel – “spinning bowl” from the site of Plo~nik (author S. @ivanovi}) Sl. 3 i 4. Fragment kerami~ke posude – „spinning bowl” sa lokaliteta Plo~nik (autor: S. @ivanovi}) 26 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Marija M. SVILAR Searching for Late Neolithic Spinning Bowls in the Central Balkans (21–32) more so in Iron Age contexts at the sites of Beth-Shean, Meggido, Tell Quasille and others.51 The earliest examples of spinning bowls from Egypt date to 12th dynasty, from the sites of Abu Ghalib and el-Lahun, while the largest number of finds has been found at Tell el-Amarna. Spinning bowls were also common at a number of Cretan sites during the 3rd millennium BC.52 However, closer territorial and chronological analogies come from south-eastern Europe, corresponding to the transition between the Early and Middle Chalcolithic. Spinning bowls of different sizes and shapes were found at the site of Djakovo in western Bulgaria, in the horizons that belong to the Dikili Tash–Slatino and Krivodol– Sãlcuþa–Bubanj Hum I, dated to around 4500 BC; at the site of Hotnitsa in the horizon that corresponds to the Gumenlniþa–Karanovo VI complex, and at the site of Chardako (Slatino) belonging to the Dikili Taº– Slatino horizons. Finally, a unique find of a spinning bowl was discovered at the necropolis of Krasne– Kolonia in Poland, in the Lublin–Volhynian context and dated to 4100–3650 BC. Considering the fact that these finds are much older than the Mediterranean ones, A. Chokadziev and T. Chmielewski hypothesise that the first occurrence of spinning bowls corresponds with the beginning of the Chalcolithic on the Balkan Peninsula.53 Although the majority of scholars agree that the ceramic vessels in question were used in the process of spinning, some terminological dilemmas have always been present. While searching for a suitable term that would correspond to the actual function of ceramic vessels with an inner handle on the bottom, E. Barber initially suggested the term “twisting/plying” bowls. Subsequently, she suggested the more appropriate term “fibre wetting bowls”, with her main argument being an ethnographical analogy from distant Japan, where similar vessels were still in use, mainly for wetting nettle fibres.54 Considering the fact that spinners all around the world practice the use of saliva for the same purpose, A. Chokadziev and T. Chmielewski partly disagree with this explanation. According to their point of view, such vessels should rather be regarded as so called “tension pots” whose main function was for making yarn that is more exquisite by simultaneously twisting multiple threads at a precise speed.55 Although I agree with the latter, their argument is only partly valid; bear in mind that the constant running of the thread through the mouth can cause bleeding and mouth sores56 and, thus, in cases where larger produc- 27 tion is involved, this practice could not have served as a long-term solution. Instead, with the use of ceramic vessels, the constant wetting of the fibres can been provided, while the inner handle at the bottom enabled drawing out and twisting, thus making longer and stronger yarn. Since spinning is a remarkably complex and time-consuming activity, there is no doubt that the use of these ceramic vessels could significantly facilitate and expedite the process. Unfortunately, at Late Neolithic sites in the Central Balkans, no complete vessel has yet been reported. With the exception of a spinning bowl from the Kova~ke njive, where it was possible to determin the total height and shape of the vessel, on all other examples only fragments of the bottom with the inner handle have been preserved and, consequently, little can be said about the overall shape, making it impossible to test the relevant variables of interest. Nevertheless, taking into account the observable morphological characteristics, the mentioned finds seem to be the best candidates for spinning bowls in Late Neolithic contexts. However, spinning bowls from the Central Balkans are somewhat different from the above-mentioned examples. The main characteristic that distinguishes examples from Belovode and Plo~nik from other similar vessels is the number of perforations on the handle. While the example from Kova~ke njive has only one strap handle, the vessels from Plo~nik have either one or two perforations, while the spinning bowls from Belovode have even four to six perforations on the inner handle (fig. 5a–b). Perhaps some parallels can be drawn from the territory of the Near East, from the examples from Tell el-Farkha with four holes on one loop.57 Apart from tightening the yarn, their function was to separate the threads as well. On the other hand, since the diameter of the perforations on the Belovode vessels are extremely small, another parallel can be drawn with vessels from Bulgaria and Poland. It has commonly been assumed that smaller perforations 51 Dothan 1963, 97; Chokhadziev 2000, 117; ^ohaxiev 2003, 18–19; Chmielewski 2009, 224. 52 Dothan 1963, 97; Chokhadziev 2000, 117; ^ohaxiev 2003, 18–19; Chmielewski 2009, 224. 53 Chokadziev 2000, 121, fig. 9.11; ^ohaxiev 2003, 18, fig. 3, 19, fig. 5–6; Chmielewski 2009, 224, fig. 2.1. 54 Barber 1993, 72–73. 55 Chmielewski 2009, 225. 56 Idvorean-Stefanovi} 2011. 57 Maczinska 2012, 66, fig. 1–3. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Marija M. SVILAR Searching for Late Neolithic Spinning Bowls in the Central Balkans (21–32) a b Fig. 5. Fragmented ceramic vessel – “spinning bowl” with horizontally perforated handle: a) with six holes; b) with 4 preserved holes; from the site of Belovode (author J. @ivkovi}) Sl. 5. Fragment kerami~ke posude – „spinning bowl”, sa horizontalnom dr{kom: a) sa {est perforacija; b) sa ~etiri o~uvane perforacije; sa lokaliteta Belovode (autor:J. @ivkovi}) served for making yarn more compact by constantly pressing it while it was passed through.58 Additionally, one possible explanation of this phenomenon could be that there was more than one person involved in the spinning process. Judging by the morphological characteristics of the finds, it seems that the primary aspects of these vessels was their openness, which provided easier access to the content and the inner handle on the bottom, through which the yarn could be passed. Since a few examples from south-eastern Europe have additional horizontally perforated handles as the largest protrusion of the body and extremely low stability, it is assumed that they must have been suspended during the working process,59 a possibility that cannot be excluded in the case of examples from the Central Balkans. When discussing vessels’ shape and morphology, it is crucial to determinate whether all the vessels with internal handles should be classified as spinning bowls? Could it be that some vessels with similar morphological characteristics served different functions? For example, among the Aztecs in Prehispanic Mesoamerica, ceramic vessels called spinning bowls, though slightly different in shape and with no inner handles, principally served to support the spindle in them during the process of spinning cotton fibres.60 28 Hence, from all the above, it is evident that there are a variety of ceramic vessels called spinning bowls, and although they might have some similar morphological characteristics, they probably had a different function in the given process, thus implying that there were many forms of spinning with the use of ceramic vessels. The differences in the shape and size of these finds suggest that they were manufactured in different sizes for specific uses, probably for the processing of different kind of fibres. In order to further discuss Late Neolithic spinning bowls in the Central Balkans, a revision of ceramic assemblages is desperately needed. It is of great importance to determinate whether objects possibly interpreted as lids might instead be reinterpreted in a spinning context. Additionally, future research should focus on the identification of possible wear traces, the presence of abrasion around perforated handles and on the interior of the base. In conclusion, if the invention of spinning bowls represents an improvement in the spinning practice, 58 59 60 Chmielwski 2009, 225. ^ohaxiev 2003, 18, fig. 4, Chmielwski 2009, 226. Smith, Hirth 1988, 350. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Marija M. SVILAR Searching for Late Neolithic Spinning Bowls in the Central Balkans (21–32) does it likewise indicate a significant change in textile technology at the end of the Neolithic, and what is its significance in the broader socio-economic context? Conclusion When discussing the economy of Late Neolithic societies, earlier scholars rarely paid much attention to textile production; it was rather regarded as a minor domestic activity practiced by prehistoric women in their leisure time. However, since it has been proved that spinning was an indispensable step in making textiles and that every operation in this dynamic process had to be carefully planned and organised, can we therefore dare to assume that maybe there was no work of greater importance than the production of textiles for women at the time? How valuable was textile in the Late Neolithic? Was it already an item of exchange? Is it possible that high volume and specialised production occurred as early as the end of the Neolithic? There is no doubt that data related to spinning and weaving will boost our knowledge of the Late Neolithic societies in the Central Balkans, their social life, the way they utilised their environment and the basics of their economy. Therefore, in order to answer some of the above-mentioned questions, we need to expand our knowledge, primarily through ethnographic data about the craft itself. Judging by the quality of spindle whorls and spinning bowls, we must assume a higher level of spinning and weaving technology and maybe the presence of skilled artisans. As for the low frequency of late finds in ceramic assemblages, I contend that they were not immediately recognised and scholars were not aware of their importance. The scarcity of direct textile evidence and the poor documentation of textile tools must not be taken as an invincible obstacle. Given the nature of the archaeological record, it is clear that even if we had complete knowledge of these processes, our conclusions would still be uncertain. However, despite the lack of certainty, the results presented here show that there is a range of secondary evidence at Late Neolithic settlements in the Central Balkans and that by studying each of them we can undoubtedly raise some important questions. Although it is entirely plausible that textile production during the Late Neolithic was highly developed, in order to support such a claim we need to study and discuss all available evidence that can be related to textiles. Translated by the Author Starinar is an Open Access Journal. All articles can be downloaded free of charge and used in accordance with the licence Creative Commons – Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 3.0 Serbia (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/rs/). ^asopis Starinar je dostupan u re`imu otvorenog pristupa. ^lanci objavqeni u ~asopisu mogu se besplatno preuzeti sa sajta ~asopisa i koristiti u skladu sa licencom Creative Commons – Autorstvo-Nekomercijalno-Bez prerada 3.0 Srbija (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/rs/). 29 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Marija M. SVILAR Searching for Late Neolithic Spinning Bowls in the Central Balkans (21–32) BIBLIOGRAPHY: Adovasio, Maslowski 1988 – J. M. Adovasio, R. F. Maslowski, Textile Impressions on Ceramic Vessels at Divostin, in: Divostin and the Neolithic of Central Serbia, (eds.) A. Mc Pherron and D. Srejovi} (eds.), Pittsburgh 1988, 345–358. Andersson, Nosch 2003 – E. Andersson, M-L. 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Barber, The Development of Cloth in the Neolithic and Bronze Ages with Special Reference to the Aegean. Princeton, New Jersey 1991. Becker et al. 2016 – C. Becker, N. Benecke, A. Grabund`ija, H. C. Küchelmann, S. Pollock, W. Schier, C. Schoch, I. Schrakamp, B. Schütt & M. Schumacher, The Textile Revolution. Research into the Origin and Spread of Wool Production between the Near East and Central Europe, ETopoi: Journal for Ancient Studies, Special Volume 6, 2016, 102–151. Bergfjord et al. 2012 – C. Bergfjord, U. Mannering, K. M. Frei, M. Gleba, A. Bruselius-Scharff, I. Skals, J. Heinemeier, M.-L. Nosch, & B. Holst, Nettle as a distinct Bronze Age textile plant, Scientific Reports Vol. 2, No. 664. 2012, 1–4. Bla`i}, Radmanovi} 2011 – S. Bla`i}, D. Radmanovi}, Tegovi od astragala za tka~ki razboj, u: Gospodari gline i `ita, (ur.) M. Jovanovi}, Novi Sad 2011, 128–143. Bori} 2009 – D. Bori}, Absolute dating of metallurgical innovations in the Vin~a culture of the Balkans, in: T. L. 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Obradovi}, Archeobotany at Neolithic Sites in Serbia: A Critical Overwiev of the Methods and Results. in: Bioarheologija na Balkanu, bilans i perspektive, (ur.) Nata{a Miladinovi}-Radmilovi}, Selena Vitezovi}, Beograd – Sremska Mitrovica 2013, 25–54. Frangipane et al. 2009 – M. Frangipane, E. Andersson Strand, R. Laurito, S. Möller-Wiering, M.-L. Nosch, A. Rast-Eicher, & A. Wisti Lassen, Arslantepe, Malatya (Turkey): Texitiles, Tools and Imprints of Fabrics from the 4th to the 2nd Millenium BCE, Paleorient, vol. 35.1, 2009, 5–30. Fuller 2015 – D. Q. Fuller, Weaving together new Neolithic worlds: Pre-pottery flax production and textile trade in comparative perspective, Paper presented at the Conference First Textiles. The Beginnings of Textile Manufacture in Europe and the Mediterranean, May, 7th–8th 2015 in Copenhagen. Grabun`ija, Russo 2016 – A. Grabund`ija, E. 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Langgut et al. 2016 – D. Langgut, N. Yahalom-Mack, S. LevYadun, E. Kremer, M. Ullman, & U. Davidovich, The earliest Near Eastern wooden spinning implements, Antiquity 90, No. 52. 2016, 973–990. Maczinska 2012 – A. Maczinska, Were spinning bowls used in the Predynastic period? Finds from Tell el-Farkha, in: J. Kabacinski, M. Chlodincki, M. Kobusiewicz, “Prehistory of Northeastern Africa – New Ideas and Discoveries”, Studies in African Archaeology 11, Poznan, 2012, 65–75. Maier, Schlichtherle 2011 – U. Maier, H. Schlichtherle, Flax cultivation and textile production in Neolithic wetland settlements on Lake Constance and in Upper Swabia (south-west Germany), Vegetation History and Archaeobotany 20(6), 2011, 567–578. Medovi} 2011 – A. Medovi}, Vojvo|anska praistorija u jesenjim nijansama: bojenje biljnim materijalima, u: Gospodari gline i `ita, (ur.) M. Jovanovi}, Novi Sad 2011, 110–127. Nin~i} 2011 – O. Nin~i}, Tekstil na lokalitetu Crkvine, Kolubara, 5 2011, 181–193. (O. Nin~i}, Tekstil na lokalitetu Crkvine, Kolubara 5, 2011, 181–193.) Nin~i} 2016 – O. Nin~i}, Tekstil u praistoriji na tlu Srbije, neobjavljena doktorska disertacija, Univerzitet umetnosti u Beogradu 2016. Peri} et al. 2015 – O. Peri}, \. Obradovi}, & I. Stojanovi}. 2015, A new perspective on the Neolithic settlement and economic patterns in the Middle Morava Valey emerging from the renewed archaeological research, in: Kontaktzone Balkan. Beiträge des internationalen Kolloquiums Die Donau-Balkan-Region als Kontaktzonezwischen Ost-West und Nord-Süd, (ed.) G. von Bülow, Bonn 2015, 33–44. Radivojevi} et al. 2010 – M. Radivojevi}, T. Rehren, E. Pernicka, D. [ljivar, M. Brauns, & D. Bori}, Origins of extractive: new evidence from Europe, Journal of Archaeological Science 37, 2010, 2775–2787. Smith, Hirth 1988 – M. E. Smith, K. G. Hirth, The development of Prehispanic Cotton-Spinning Technology in Western Morelos, Mexico, Journal of Field Archaeology 15, 1988, 349–358. Smith 2007 – Loom Weights and Spindle Whorls at Apliki Karamallos, in: Joan DuPlat Taylor’s Excavations at the Late Bronze Age Mining Settlement at Apliki-Karamallos, Cyprus Part I, Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology 134.1, B. Kling, J. D. Muhley (eds.), Sävedalen 2007, 229–251. 31 Smith, Tzachili 2012 – J. S. Smith, I. Tzachili, Cloth in Crete and Cyprus, in: Parallel Lives: Ancient Island Societies in Crete and Cyprus, British School at Athens Studies 20, (eds.) G. Cadogan, M. Iacovou, J. Whitley, K. Kopaka, London 2012, 141–155. Svilar in press – M. Svilar, Proizvodnja tekstila u kasnom neolitu: posude za “kva{enje biljnih vlakana” sa lokaliteta Plo~nik, Arhaika 4, 2016, Beograd. [qivar, Jacanovi} 1996 – D. [qivar, D. Jacanovi}, Veliko Laole – Belovode, naseqe vin~anske kulture, Glasnik srpskog arheolo{kog dru{tva 12, 1996, 55–60. ([ljivar, Jacanovi} 1996 – D. [ljivar, D. Jacanovi}, Veliko Laole – Belovode, naselje vin~anske kulture, Glasnik srpskog arheolo{kog dru{tva 12, 1996, 55–60.) [ljivar et al. 2006 – D. [ljivar, D. Jacanovi}, & J. Kuzmanovi}Cvetkovi}, New contributions regarding the copper metallurgy in the Vin~a culture, in: Homage to Milutin Gara{anin, (eds.) N. Tasi}, C. Grozdanov, Belgrade 2006, 251–266. [qivar i dr. 2015 – D. [qivar, J. D. @ivkovi} & M. M. Svilar, Belovode, Sonda XV: Prilozi stratigrafiji vin~anske kulture, Zbornik narodnog muzeja XXII–1, 2015, 9–27. ([ljivar i dr. 2015 – D. [ljivar, J. D. @ivkovi} & M. M. Svilar, Belovode, Sonda XV: Prilozi stratigrafiji vin~anske kulture, Zbornik narodnog muzeja XXII–1, 2015, 9–27.) Tiedeman, Jakes 2006 – E. J. Tiedeman, K. A. Jakes, An Exploration of Prehistoric Spinning Technology: Spinning Efficiency and Technology Transition, Archaeometry 48.2, 2006, 293–307. Tringham, Stevanovi} 1990 – R. Tringham, M. Stevanovi}, Nonceramic Uses of Clay, in: Selevac, A Neolithic Village in Yugoslavia, R. Tringham and D. Krsti} (eds.), Los Angeles 1990, 328–388. Tzachili 1991 – I. Tzachili, All important yet elusive: Looking for evidence of Cloth – Making at Akrotiri, in: Thera and the Aegean World III vol. 1, (eds.) D. A. Hardy, C. G. Doumas, J. A. Sakellarakis, P. M. Warren, London 1990, 380–389. Van Zeist 1978 – W. Van Zeist, Ugljenisani biljni ostaci na vi{eslojnom nalazi{tu Gomolava, Rad vojvo|anskih muzeja 23/24, Novi Sad 1978, 5–18. Vitezovi} 2013 – S. Vitezovi}, Analiza praistorisjkih ko{tanih predmeta – neka metodolo{ka razmatranja, u: Bioarheologija na Balkanu. Bilans i perspective, (ur.) N. Miladinovi}-Radmilovi}, S. Vitezovi}, Beograd – Sremska Mitrovica 2013, 107–132. Vukovi} i dr. 2016 – J. Vukovi}, S. Vitezovi}, D. Milanovi}, Pavlovac – Kova~ke wive – neolitski horizonti, u: Arheolo{ka istra`ivawa na autoputu E75 (2011–2014), (ur.) S. Peri}, A. Bulatovi}, Beograd 2016, 167–204. (Vukovi} i dr. – J. Vukovi}, S. Vitezovi} & D. Milanovi}, Pavlovac – Kova~ke njive – neolitski horizonti, u: Arheolo{ka istra`ivanja na autoputu E75 (2011–2014), (ur.) S. Peri}, A. Bulatovi}, Beograd 2016, 167–204). STARINAR LXVII/2017 Marija M. SVILAR Searching for Late Neolithic Spinning Bowls in the Central Balkans (21–32) Rezime: MARIJA M. SVILAR, Arheolo{ki institut, Beograd POTRAGA ZA KASNONEOLITSKIM „POSUDAMA ZA UPREDAWE” NA CENTRALNOM BALKANU Kqu~ne re~i. – tekstil, vlakna, predewe, tkawe, posude za upredawe, kasni neolit, centralni Balkan. Iako se tehnologija izrade tekstila smatra jednim od veoma va`nih i ranih zanata, wegovo izu~avawe je doskoro bilo u potpunosti zanemareno, prvenstveno zbog toga {to tekstil ne ostavqa gotovo nikakav trag u arheolo{kom zapisu. Me|utim, u posledwe dve decenije pomenuta disciplina zabele`ila je neverovatan napredak u svetu, a ispostavilo se da upravo ovaj fragilan materijal mo`e da ponudi odgovore na neka od najva`nijih pitawa koja se ti~u qudske pro{losti. S druge strane, kada je re~ o izu~avawu tekstila u periodu kasnog neolita na prostoru centralnog Balkana, situacija je znatno druga~ija. Iako postojawe tekstilne industrije u datom periodu nikada nije dovo|eno u pitawe, tekstilne alatke poput tegova za razboj i pr{qenaka za vreteno krajwe su povr{not retirane i, {tavi{e, veoma retko publikovane, dok su aktivnosti poput predewa i tkawa, posmatrane kao prakse koje su iskqu~ivo obavqane u doma}instvu, bez {ireg zna~aja za dru{tveno-ekonomsku strukturu praistorijskih zajednica. 32 Nalaz kerami~kih posuda, tzv. spinning bowls, sa lokaliteta Belovode baca novo svetlo na proizvodwu tekstila na prostoru centralnog Balkana. Naime, analogije za pomenute posude mogu se na}i u bronzanodopskim i gvozdenodopskim kontekstima na {iroj teritoriji Bliskog istoka i Mediterana, kao i, u znatno mawoj meri, u eneolitskim kontekstima jugoisto~ne Evrope gde su se, najverovatnije, koristile u procesu upredawa–kva{ewa i zatezawa biqnih vlakana. Wihov zna~aj ogleda se u tome {to ozna~avaju izvestan tehnolo{ki napredak, odnosno sugeri{u postojawe znatno slo`enije tekstilne proizvodwe. Kerami~ke posude sa lokaliteta Belovode, zajedno sa primercima sa lokaliteta Plo~nik i Kova~ke wive, predstavqaju za sada jedine nalaze tzv. spinning bowls u kasnoneolitskim kontekstima i otvaraju niz pitawa na koje je mogu}e dobiti odgovor jedino detaqnom analizom svih mogu}ih podataka koji se mogu dovesti u vezu sa proizvodwom tekstila. STARINAR LXVII/2017 UDC: 903´1"(497-17)"-03/-02" 903.2"(497-17)"-03/-02" https://doi.org/10.2298/STA1767033R Original research article AUREL RUSTOIU, Institute of Archaeology and History of Art, Cluj–Napoca, Romania THRACIANS – ILLYRIANS – CELTS. CULTURAL CONNECTIONS IN THE NORTHERN BALKANS IN THE 4th–3rd CENTURIES BC e-mail: aurelrustoiu@yahoo.com Abstract – The result of the colonisation of the eastern and southern part of the Carpathian Basin by Celtic communities was the appearance of some new communities characterised by the cultural amalgamation of the newcomers with the indigenous populations, which led to the construction of new collective identities. At the same time, the “colonists” established different social, political or economic relationships with different indigenous populations from the Balkans. This article discusses the practices related to the cultural interactions between the aforementioned communities and the ways in which these connections can be identified through the analysis of material culture from the eastern and southern Carpathian Basin, and the northern and north-western Balkans. Key words – Thracians, Illyrians, Celts, Carpathian Basin, northern Balkans, Alexander the Great, La Tène culture, funerary customs. D uring the 4th century and at the beginning of the 3rd century BC, the Carpathian Basin witnessed an eastward and southward extension of the area inhabited by Celtic communities. Their advance was slow, in successive phases that lasted several generations, and can be noted in the distribution and chronology of the cemeteries from the mentioned area. One result of this colonisation is the appearance of some new communities characterised by the cultural amalgamation of the newcomers with the indigenous populations, which developed new ways of constructing and expressing their collective identities1. At the same time, the “colonists”2 established different social, political or economic relationships with different indigenous populations of the Balkans. This article discusses some practices that can be related to the cultural interactions between the aforementioned communities and the ways in which these connections can be identified through the analysis of material culture from the eastern and southern Carpathian Basin, and from the northern and north-western Balkans. In this case, 1 Rustoiu 2008, 65–98; 2014. Some recent studies have shown that a single “theory of colonialism” or “model of colonisation” cannot be drawn (see for example Dietler 2005, 54–5; Gosden 2004). At the same time the “colonisation” cannot be regarded as a simple movement from one territory to another, as it presumes a diverse range of interactions between the “colonists”, having their own personal and group identities and agendas, seeking to impose their own norms, habits and ideology, and the “colonised” who also have specific identities and are either exerting various forms of resistance, or are expressing a degree of openness towards integration into the newly built communal structures (Given 2004; for the eastern Carpathian Basin see Rustoiu 2014; Rustoiu, Berecki 2016). These diverse interactions contribute to the transformation of individual and group identities, leading to the creation of some new ones through cultural “hybridisation” and even through the re-invention of some traditions. 2 This work was supported by a grant of Ministry of Research and Innovation from Romania, CNCS – UEFISCDI, project number PN-III-P4ID-PCE-2016-0353, within PNCDI III. 33 Manuscript received 26th October 2016, accepted 10th May 2017 Aurel RUSTOIU Thracians – Illyrians – Celts. Cultural Connections in the Northern Balkans in the 4th–3rd Centuries BC (33–52) the terms “Thracians”, “Illyrians” and “Celts” have no ethnic meanings (native or modern), being instead used to identify different groups of populations from the north-eastern and north-western Balkans and the Carpathian Basin, which were named in this way by various ancient authors while writing about the respective regions3. A short socio-political overview of the regions in question First, it is important to identify the “actors” involved in this network of cultural exchanges in the 4th–3rd centuries BC. The communities from the northern and north-western Balkans seem to have largely evolved along the traditional lines of the Early Iron Age. Their social hierarchy and the appearance of aristocratic elites having a coherent identity and ideology are mostly visible in funerary contexts. Thus, aristocratic burials contain rich assemblages which were meant to reinforce the social status of the elites within the communities. In the central and north-western Balkans, tumulus burials containing rich inventories with several goods of Mediterranean origin had already appeared in the 7th–5th centuries BC, illustrating the integration of these local elites into a series of wider social and economic networks.4 Similar funerary contexts appeared slightly later in the regions occupied by Thracian populations from the northern and north-eastern Balkans. The deceased (men and women) were interred in structures including funerary chambers which were covered by large mounds. In some cases (Vraca, Sboryanovo, Agighiol, etc.) these constructions also had antechambers (some containing sacrificed horses) or annexes, and were built of stone blocks carved in the Greek technique by Greek masons5. The large majority of them were inspired by Macedonian funerary constructions, and the royal cemetery at Vergina is commonly considered to be a suitable analogy.6 Sometimes, Mediterranean ornaments and symbols were taken over, adapted and reinterpreted in the local manner. This is the case with the stone caryatids decorating one of the tumuli from Sboryanovo, which imitate Mediterranean prototypes in a “barbarised” style, or with the paintings showing the royal investiture on the walls of some funerary chambers from the same site.7 However, there is a significant variation in what concerns the quality of the masonry of the funerary monuments from the region in question. Thus, mostly those built to the north of the Danube (for example at Peretu or Zimnicea8) were built much simpler. On the one hand, 34 this variation reflects the different degree of access to the network of social and economic connections established between the local dynasts and the Greek environment, which provided Mediterranean goods and artisans. On the other hand, it points to the existence of an aristocratic hierarchy which was expressed in the funerary practice, among other things.9 Regarding the funerary inventories, from a functional point of view they include: a) weapons and military equipment; b) harness fittings; c) jewellery and costume accessories; d) metal (silver or bronze) and ceramic ware. The same categories of goods have also been found in hoards (many accidentally discovered, so some could in fact be funerary inventories belonging to some destroyed burials) or fortified settlements.10 The figurative art on certain metal artefacts (vessels, helmets, greaves, plaques etc.) or the paintings on the walls of some funerary chambers indicate the existence of a coherent ideological vocabulary which was specific to the aristocracy of the northern Balkans. This visual language combines and reinterprets stylistic and iconographic elements having various origins (Scythian, Achaemenid or Greek) in a specific and original manner.11 The typical iconographic themes consist of male riders usually involved in hunting scenes (of boars, bears or lions), male and female characters in ceremonial chariots, sacrifice scenes, winged female divinities in the mistress of animals pose, hierogamy scenes, fighting beasts, processions of real and fantastic beasts, mythical heroes (for example Herakles) etc. Accordingly, the entire funerary phenomenon of the 5th–3rd centuries BC from the northern Balkans illustrates a major differentiation between the ordinary members of the communities and the aristocratic elites which dominated the social-political, economic and religious life. These elites also had their own social 3 For the ancient authors’ perception of various populations from these regions and the construction of ancient “ethnonyms”, see Dzino, Domi} Kuni} 2012; for prior ethnic identifications, see for example Papazoglu 1978; Szabó 1992. 4 See Babi} 2002. 5 Tsetskhladze 1998. 6 Mãndescu 2010, 377–418. 7 ^i~ikova 1992; Fol et al. 1986. 8 Moscalu 1989; Alexandrescu 1980. 9 Babeº 1997, 232–233; Rustoiu, Berecki 2012, 169–170, Pl. 8. 10 Kull 1997; Sîrbu, Florea 2000; Mãndescu 2010, 377–418, with previous bibliography. 11 Alexandrescu 1983; 1984. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Aurel RUSTOIU Thracians – Illyrians – Celts. Cultural Connections in the Northern Balkans in the 4th–3rd Centuries BC (33–52) 1 2 Fig. 1. 1) Grave no. 17 from Remetea Mare (after Rustoiu, Ursuþiu 2013); 2) Funerary pottery from the Zimnicea cemetery (after Alexandrescu 1980). Different scales Sl. 1. 1) Grob br. 17, Remetea Mare (prema: Rustoiu, Ursuþiu 2013); 2) Grobna grn~arija, grobqe u Zimni~ei (prema: Alexandrescu 1980). Razli~ite razmere 35 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Aurel RUSTOIU Thracians – Illyrians – Celts. Cultural Connections in the Northern Balkans in the 4th–3rd Centuries BC (33–52) 2 4 5 1 3 6 2 1 3 Fig. 2. 1) Cremation grave no. 10 containing a rectangular timber structure from Fântânele–Dâmbu Popii in Transylvania (after Rustoiu 2008). Similar graves in Central-Eastern Europe: 2) Grave no. 734 from Ludas in Hungary (after Tankó, Tankó 2012); 3) Grave no. 448 from Malé Kosihy in Slovakia (after Bujna 1995) Sl. 2. 1) Grob sa kremacijom br. 10 sa pravougaonom drvenom konstrukcijom, Fantanele-Dambu Popi u Transilvaniji (prema: Rustoiu 2008). Sli~ni grobovi u centralno-isto~noj Evropi: 2) Grob br. 734, Luda{ u Ma|arskoj (prema: Tankó, Tankó 2012); 3) Grob br. 448, Male Kosihi u Slova~koj (prema: Bujna 1995) 36 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Aurel RUSTOIU Thracians – Illyrians – Celts. Cultural Connections in the Northern Balkans in the 4th–3rd Centuries BC (33–52) hierarchy, being oriented towards the cultural models of the Odrysian or Macedonian dynasts. In spite of these influences, the aristocracy of the northern Balkans constructed its own ideology which incorporated certain practices of heroisation, illustrated by the iconography and the funerary and commemorative rituals.12 Largely at the same time, many communities from the Carpathian Basin experienced a process of social reconfiguration and cultural hybridisation resulting from the cohabitation of the Celtic “colonists” with some of the local populations13. A series of funerary contexts could offer relevant examples regarding the nature of the interactions between these two main parties. However, the range of these interactions varied significantly from one community to another, so a general model that would be valid for the entire area of the Carpathian Basin cannot be defined14. Thus, the inclusion of local pottery in certain funerary rituals of the newcomers could suggest that some graves belonged to the locals integrated into the new communities established by the Celtic “colonists”. One good example is the cremation grave no. 17, in a lidded urn from the Remetea Mare cemetery in the Romanian Banat15 (Fig. 1/1). The funerary ritual, as well as the handmade pottery, has analogies in cemeteries from the Lower Danube region, for example at Zimnicea in southern Romania16 (Fig. 1/2). For this reason the grave might be ascribed to an indigenous individual, in spite of the fact that the costume accessories consist of LT items. Another case, this time coming from the Fântânele–Dâmbu Popii cemetery in Transylvania, offers a very different example. The cremation grave no. 10 contains a rectangular timber structure with two compartments (Fig. 2/1). The ceramic inventory consists exclusively of local handmade vessels17. However, certain elements of the funerary rite and ritual, including the timber structures found in some funerary pits, are also encountered in Late Iron Age cemeteries from the middle Danube region (see, for example, the cemeteries from Malé Kosihy in south-western Slovakia18 (Fig. 2/3) and Ludas in north-eastern Hungary)19 (Fig. 2/2). Thus, it can be said that the aforementioned grave from Fântânele more likely belonged to a colonist who was buried according to the funerary customs of his homeland. In spite of this cultural hybridisation, the elites of these new communities still preserved a specific identity brought over from the newcomers’ homeland, which continued to be expressed through a particular 37 visual code. The use of this code also implied the preservation of certain traditional funerary practices and visual symbols (for example weaponry or costume accessories) associated with the graves of warriors and also of women. For instance, the metal inventories of two graves from the Remetea Mare cemetery in the Romanian Banat – no. 9, containing weapons and no. 8, without weapons – (Fig. 3), point to the Central European origin of the deceased20. It can, therefore, be said that many cultural features of the regions in question were substantially modified after the arrival of the Celtic groups. The new communities that resulted from the amalgamation of the colonists with the local populations initiated new social contacts with the populations from the northern Balkans. The mechanisms of communication between these communities were complex and implied negotiations and agreements that must have taken various forms, being largely controlled by the respective elites21. Forms of distance interactions Amongst the mechanisms of communication are direct diplomatic contacts established between the leaders of different communities. These contacts regulated the relationships between these communities and also different aspects related to the pan-regional balance of power during large-scale military campaigns. The movement of armed groups across wide areas implied the crossing of some territories controlled by foreign communities, and frequently required access to supply sources or markets that could provide goods needed for the campaign. When these resources were not obtained through the force of arms, the access had to be regulated on the basis of some negotiated agreements22. In this context, it is relevant that during the major military campaigns of 280–278 BC against 12 See for example Sîrbu 2006, 24–25, 121–126. See for instance D`ino 2007; Potrebica, Dizdar 2012, 171; Rustoiu 2014. 14 Rustoiu 2008, 67–80; 2014. 15 Rustoiu, Ursuþiu 2013, 326, Fig. 12/1. 16 Alexandrescu 1980. 17 Rustoiu 2008, 77–78, Fig. 35; 2013, 6–7. 18 Bujna 1995. 19 Tankó, Tankó 2012. 20 Medeleþ ms.; Rustoiu 2008, 111, Fig. 56; 2012a, Pl. 8–9; Rustoiu, Egri 2011, 32–33, Fig. 10. 21 See further comments in Rustoiu 2012a. 22 Rustoiu 2006, 58; 2012a, 360–361. 13 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Aurel RUSTOIU Thracians – Illyrians – Celts. Cultural Connections in the Northern Balkans in the 4th–3rd Centuries BC (33–52) 1 9 1 13 10 2 11 3 6 14 12 4 7 15 19 16 5 8 17 18 2 Fig. 3. Graves no. 9 with weapons (1) and no. 8 without weapons (2) from Remetea Mare (after Medeleþ mss) Sl. 3. Grob br. 9 sa oru`jem (1) i br. 8 bez oru`ja (2), Remetea Mare (prema: Medeleþ mss) 38 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Aurel RUSTOIU Thracians – Illyrians – Celts. Cultural Connections in the Northern Balkans in the 4th–3rd Centuries BC (33–52) Macedonia and Greece the Celtic expeditionary forces advanced along the Morava and Vardar rivers. However, some settlements and commercial centres along the mentioned route, like the one at Kale–Kr{evica did not experience any violent destruction. This settlement, located in the upper basin of the Ju`na Morava River, was founded at the end of the 5th century and/or the beginning of the 4th century BC. Its end has been dated to the middle or the first half of the 3rd century BC23, or even to the first decades of the 3rd century BC24. P. Popovi} has noted that the latest dated coin from this site was issued by Demetrios Poliorketes, thus suggesting an end date of the settlement during the Celtic invasion in Greece, but there are no other arguments in favour of this hypothesis since many other artefacts can be dated later25. Furthermore, none of the coins from Kale Kr{evica come from clear stratigraphic contexts. Recently, M. Gu{tin and P. Kuzman have dated the settlement to the second half of the 4th century and the beginning of the 3rd century BC, connecting its end with the Celtic invasion. Their dating is exclusively based on numismatic and literary arguments (the few recovered coins cover the period between the reigns of Philip II and Demetrios Poliorketes; the settlement is a Macedonian emporium, so it was predictably a target for the invading Celts etc.), without taking into consideration the chronology of the entire archaeological inventory, which includes numerous Greek ceramic vessels, among other things26. The settlement at Kale–Kr{evica played an important role in the circulation of some Mediterranean products from Macedonia to the north, to the Celtic, indigenous environment of the southern Carpathian Basin and the middle Danube at the end of the 4th century and at the beginning or in the first half of the 3rd century BC. Thus, one cannot exclude the possibility that some social contacts between these communities could have been initiated earlier, in spite of the fact that LT finds seem to be absent from this horizon of the settlement. Regarding a series of settlements belonging to the same period and located on the Vardar, whose end was dated to the first decades of the 3rd centuries BC, it has been presumed that their destruction was caused by the Celtic invasion in Macedonia and Greece27. Nevertheless, other explanations could also be possible concerning both the final date of the aforementioned settlements and the cause of their abandonment. The supposed destruction of all of these important economic centres along the Morava–Vardar corridor by the contingents led by Brennus and Acichorius would 39 have caused numerous problems regarding supplying the expeditionary forces. Concerning the supposed destruction of some “Hellenised” indigenous settlements28 during the Celtic expeditions in the Balkans and Greece, as has been presumed in the case of Pistiros29 or Seuthopolis30, the analysis of archaeological inventories indicates a later date of their abandonment. This can be ascribed to the middle of the 3rd century BC or even later31. Their abandonment around the middle or in the second half of the 3rd century BC, as in the case of many fortified settlements from the northern Balkans or the north-western Pontic region32, could be more likely related to some important structural changes that affected the social organisation of these communities. The disappearance of these economic and social centres coincides with the cessation of some contemporaneous practices associated with them, for example the aristocratic tumulus burials with funerary chambers which contained spectacular inventories33. Accordingly, these observations more likely suggest that some agreements might have existed between the leaders of the expeditionary forces and those of the communities encountered alongside this route. These negotiations were always finalised with gift exchanges. Jewellery, luxurious costumes, metal vessels or horses with rich harnesses, sometimes accompanied by their stablemen, were commonly included, according to various ancient authors, in these exchanges (see for instance Xenophon VII.3.26–27 or Livy XLIII.5). The famous gold torque from Gorni Tsibar, decorated in the Vegetal Style and dated to around the middle or the second half of the 4th century BC (Fig. 4/1), was frequently interpreted as part of a gift exchange34. 23 Popovi} 2005, 145–160; 2006, 528. Popovi} 2007a; 2007b; Popovi}, Vrani} 2013, 309. 25 Popovi} 2007a, 415–416. 26 Gu{tin, Kuzman 2016, 316, 326–329. 27 Mitrevski 2011 with the bibliography; see also Gu{tin, Kuzman 2016. 28 For the supposed “Hellenisation” of the indigenous settlements see Vrani} 2014. 29 Bouzek 2005. 30 ^i~ikova 1984, 111; Bouzek 2006, 79 etc.; see the relevant bibliography in Emilov 2010, 77. 31 Regarding Seuthopolis and its final dating, see the comments in Emilov 2010, 75–79. 32 For the chronology of the sites from these regions see further comments in Mãndescu 2010. 33 Rustoiu 2002, 66. 34 Theodossiev 2005, 85–86; Emilov 2007, 58 etc. 24 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Aurel RUSTOIU Thracians – Illyrians – Celts. Cultural Connections in the Northern Balkans in the 4th–3rd Centuries BC (33–52) 1 2 Fig. 4. 1) Gold torque from Gorni Tsibar (photo Krassimir Georgiev); 2) Gold torque from grave no. 2 at Filottrano near Ancona (after Megaw 1970) Sl. 4. 1) Zlatne grivne, Gorwi Cibar (fotografija: Krasimira Georgijeva); 2) Zlatne grivne iz groba br. 2, Filotrano kod Ankone (prema: Megaw 1970) Vincent Megaw has noted that the origin of this object, found in north-western Bulgaria, must have been Western Europe or Italy. The gold torque from grave no. 2 at Filottrano near Ancona (Fig. 4/2), in a region inhabited by the Senones, is a close analogy35. Ruth and Vincent Megaw have noted that the Vegetal Style decoration of the piece from Gorni Tsibar is also encountered on ceramic vessels from the Carpathian Basin, for example at Alsópél in Hungary. However, an eastern origin of the torque from the north-western Bulgaria is less likely due to the morphology of the piece, the use of gold and the absence of any other analogy from the region36. Nevertheless, the Vegetal Style survived in the decorative repertoire of the pottery from the Carpathian Basin until the middle LT period. Amongst the arguments can be listed the beaker from a grave with a helmet, uncovered at Apahida in Transylvania37, as well as the bi-truncated vessel from a Celtic burial discovered at Moftinu Mic in north-western Romania38. The latter has an incised and stamped crescent-shaped decoration that is morphologically similar to the one on the ends of the torque from Gorni Tsibar. At the same time, pieces that resemble the artefact in question are less commonly encountered in the Carpathian Basin and are made of bronze39. Gold was very rarely used in the Carpathian Basin at the beginning of the early LT period, in spite of the rich resources from Transylvania. All these observations argue again for a western European origin, and not an eastern one, of the torque from Gorni Tsibar. The dating of these artefacts corresponds to the expedition of Alexander the Great to the Danube in 335 BC, which probably reached the mouth of the Morava. Vasile Pârvan, analysing ancient literary sources, once localised the expedition of Alexander the Great 40 against the Triballi and then against the Getae from the north of the Danube in northern Bulgaria and the Wallachian Plain eastward to the mouth of the Olt River. He located a poorly fortified Getic settlement conquered by the Macedonian king at Zimnicea, where a fortified settlement dated to the 4th–3rd centuries BC had already been identified. Along the same line, a similar identification could have been presumed for any other site dated to the same period and located on the lower course of the Argeº River40, a hypothesis that was subsequently adopted by numerous researchers41. Florin Medeleþ, also starting from literary sources, but taking into consideration the general historical context of the time of Philip II and Alexander the Great, certain ancient geographic and topographic particularities, and the problems related to the location and extension of the territories belonging to certain communities (like those of the Triballi, Getae, Scordisci etc.), convincingly demonstrated that the army of Alexander the Great reached the Danube near the mouth of the Morava. The island on which the Triballi took refuge is very probably the Ostrovo Island in Serbia, and the Getic fortified settlement was located on the left bank of the Danube in the southern Serbian Banat42. Alexandru Vulpe rejected this 35 Megaw 2004, 96; see also Megaw, Megaw 2001, 119–120; for the torque from Filottrano see Megaw 1970, 96–97, no. 128. 36 Megaw, Megaw 2001, 119–120. 37 Zirra 1976, 144, Fig. 11/8. 38 Németi 2012, 72–73, Pl. 1–2. 39 See Bujna 2005, 15–16, type BR-A3A-B, fig. 5. 40 Pârvan 1926, 46. 41 Vulpe 1966, 11, 19; 1988, 96; Daicoviciu 1972, 20; Turcu 1979, 22–23 etc. 42 Medeleþ 1982; German version in Medeleþ 2002. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Aurel RUSTOIU Thracians – Illyrians – Celts. Cultural Connections in the Northern Balkans in the 4th–3rd Centuries BC (33–52) hypothesis and proposed another location for the campaign, downstream at the Danube’s Iron Gates in Oltenia43. Although the arguments of A. Vulpe are less convincing, they reflect the abandonment of the “traditional” hypothesis placing the Macedonian military actions in northern Bulgaria and the Wallachian Plain. Moreover, Fanula Papazoglu has noted that the locations proposed over time for the region in which Alexander was active along the Danube cover the length of the river between the mouth of the Morava and the Danube Delta. She has opted for a location between the Isker and Timok44. V. Iliescu has also proposed a location of the events and of the island on which the Triballi took refuge, close to the Iron Gates45, an idea that was recently adopted by K. Nawotka. However, the latter author inexplicably locates the crossing of the Danube by Alexander’s army between Svishtov and Zimnicea46 (!?). Lastly, one has to note the relevant observations of Dyliana Boteva regarding the route followed by Alexander across the Balkans, also opting for a location of the events in the Iron Gates region47. The most convincing hypothesis is the one formulated by Medeleþ as it seems to largely reflect the historical and geographic information provided by ancient literary sources. Nevertheless, the opinions proposing a localisation of the expedition of Alexander the Great downstream at the Iron Gates need further debate, perhaps also taking into consideration archaeological evidence. On that occasion, alongside the emissaries of local populations seeking to meet the Macedonian king were also those of the Celts from the Adriatic or the Ionian Gulf, identified as the Italic Senones48, with whom Alexander concluded an alliance (Arrian I.4.6–8; Strabo VII.3.8–C 301). Nevertheless, the presence of the torque at Gorni Tsibar on the Danube’s bank could also be a coincidence. A series of connections established by the communities of the southern Carpathian Basin with the Italic Peninsula in the same period are also illustrated by other discoveries. This is the case of a bronze helmet, probably found together with a rigid necklace also made of bronze, in the surroundings of Haþeg in southwestern Transylvania49 (Fig. 5/2–3). Similar pieces are known from a series of cemeteries located in the surroundings of Ancona (Fig. 5/1), in a region inhabited by the Senones50. The presence of such finds in Late Iron Age burials from the southern Carpathian Basin is more likely the result of the occasional individual mobility (for 41 example that of a group of “negotiators”, although other forms of individual mobility could also be taken into consideration), than of some systematic distant contacts. Perhaps the presence of the gold torque at Gorni Tsibar can also be interpreted in the same manner. The material effect of negotiations finalised with gift exchanges can also sometimes be noted in the opposite direction, from the south to the north. For instance, a “Hellenistic” iron horse bit comes from a destroyed burial uncovered in the cemetery at Ciumeºti in north-western Romania (Fig. 6/2) first used in the first half of the 3rd century BC51. Similar horse bits have been found in graves usually dated to the 5th–4th centuries BC52, but such items also continued to be used later, as the funerary inventory of the Padea–Panaghiurski kolonii type from Viiaºu in Oltenia (Fig. 6/3) seems to suggest53. From a distribution point of view, one has to note their concentration in eastern Bulgaria54 (Fig. 6/1). The presence of this type of harness fitting in the Celtic cemetery from Ciumeºti in the eastern Carpathian Basin, where other types of horse bits were commonly used during this period55, may suggest that the warlike elites of the respective community had connections with communities from the Balkans. Perhaps horses wearing the harnesses specific to their original land were included among the gifts exchanged with these people living south of the Danube, as part of some unknown agreements. 43 Vulpe, Zahariade 1987, 98, 115, n. 27; Vulpe 2001, 458. Papazoglu 1978, 28–35. 45 Iliescu 1990 – non vidi. 46 Nawotka 2010, 97. 47 Boteva 2002, 29–30. For a synthesis of the problem in the Bulgarian historiography see Yordanov 1992. 48 See, for example, Kruta 2000, 240–241. Other researchers attempted to identify the origin of these “Adriatic” Celts by locating them in northern Italy, Pannonia and/or the Danube Basin, or in the north-western Balkans: Papazoglu 1978, 273–274; Zaninovi} 2001; Gu{tin 2002, 11–13. 49 Rusu 1969, 294; Ferencz 2007, 41–42. 50 Schaaff 1974, 188–189, Fig. 31/2, 32 – distribution map; Schaaff 1988, 317, Fig. 39/3, 40 – distribution map. 51 Bader 1984; Rustoiu 2008, 17; 2012b, 163. 52 Werner 1988, 34–36, type IV. 53 Berciu 1967, 86, 89, Fig. 5/1, 3 and Fig. 7. 54 The horse bit from Ciumeºti and the one recently discovered in a tumulus burial with a funerary chamber from Malomirovo/ Zlatinitsa (Agre 2011, 122–123, Fig. IV–24a–25) can be added to the repertoire of discoveries and the distribution map published by Werner (1988, 34–36, Pl. 68/B). 55 See Zirra 1981; Werner 1988. 44 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Aurel RUSTOIU Thracians – Illyrians – Celts. Cultural Connections in the Northern Balkans in the 4th–3rd Centuries BC (33–52) 2 1 3 Fig. 5. 1) Distribution map of the bronze helmets with mobile trefoil-shaped cheek-pieces (after Schaaff 1974; 1988); 2) Bronze torque from Haþeg (after Rusu 1969); 3) Bronze helmet from Haþeg (after Moreau 1958) Sl. 5. 1) Karta rasprostrawenosti bronzanih {lemova sa pomi~nim {titnicima za obraze u obliku trolista (prema: Schaaff 1974; 1988); 2) Bronzane grivne, Haceg (prema: Rusu 1969); 3) Bronzani {lem, Haceg (prema: Moreau 1958) 2 1 3 Fig. 6. 1) Distribution map of the Werner type IV iron horse bit (adapted and completed after Werner 1988); 2) Iron horse bit from Ciumeºti (after Bader 1984); 3) Iron horse bit from Viiaºu (after Berciu 1967). Sl. 6. 1) Karta rasprostrawenosti gvozdenog |ema tipa Verner IV (prilago|eno i kompletirano prema: Werner 1988); 2) Gvozdeni |em, ^ume{ti (prema: Bader 1984); 3) Gvozdeni |em, Vija{u (prema: Berciu 1967) 42 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Aurel RUSTOIU Thracians – Illyrians – Celts. Cultural Connections in the Northern Balkans in the 4th–3rd Centuries BC (33–52) 2 1 3 Fig. 7. 1–2) Iron helmet with a bronze bird of prey and Greek bronze greaves, from the burial of a Celtic chieftain at Ciumeºti (after Rustoiu 2008; 2012b); 3) Grave no. 9 at Ciumeºti containing a Mediterranean iron vessel (after Zirra 1967). Sl. 7. 1–2) Gvozdeni {lem sa bronzanom pticom grabqivicom i gr~ki bronzani {titnici za potkolenice iz groba keltskog vo|e, ^ume{ti (prema: Rustoiu 2008; 2012b); 3) Grob br. 9 sa mediteranskom gvozdenom posudom, ^ume{ti (prema: Zirra 1967) It should also be noted that from the same cemetery comes the famous funerary inventory containing a helmet and a pair of bronze greaves of Greek origin (Fig. 7/1–2), which must have belonged to a mercenary who fought somewhere in the eastern Mediterranean region56. Similar Mediterranean connections are also suggested by an iron ladle with a horizontal handle, which was discovered in another warrior grave from the Ciumeºti cemetery57 (Fig. 7/3). No analogies made of iron are known for this object, but a similar ladle made of silver was found in a grave from Chmyreva Mogila in the northern Pontic region58. Another quite regular modality of creating and maintaining an inter-community social network was to conclude matrimonial alliances. For example, Caesar (B.G. I.3; I.18; I.53) provides a series of relevant examples from Late Iron Age Gaul, in which various chieftains sought to conclude such alliances in order to increase their authority and prestige. Along the same lines, it has already been shown that the Late Iron Age grave from Teleºti in Oltenia (Fig. 8/3) and grave no. 3 from Remetea Mare in the Romanian Banat (Fig. 8/2) provide archaeological examples of such practices. The inventory of the grave from Teleºti, including a costume assemblage with metal fittings of the LT type (enamelled bronze belt, brooches and glass beads), indicates that the deceased 43 more likely came from the eastern Carpathian Basin and was buried in the cemetery of a Getic community from Oltenia. On the other hand, the original homeland of the woman from Remetea Mare must have been in the Illyrian or Thracian environment from the south of the Danube, due to the funerary rite of inhumation (in a cremation cemetery) and the presence of certain specific grave goods, like the bronze brooch of the “Thracian” type and the segment of a belt with astragals, which was reused as a pendant. However, she was buried in a Celtic cemetery in Banat59 (Fig. 8/1). In both cases, the careful preservation and displaying of the jewellery and costume accessories originating from their homeland indicate that these women enjoyed a privileged status in their adoptive communities, and that their origin was not hidden behind local costumes. At the same time, the non-local funerary rite and ritual indicate that these women must have been accompanied by a “suite” consisting of compatriots, who performed the mortuary ceremonies according to the prescriptions of their old homeland. Accordingly, a 56 57 58 59 Rustoiu 2006; 2008; 2012b, 159–171. Zirra 1967, 24–28, Fig. 11. Treister 2010, 11, Fig. 7/5. Rustoiu 2004–2005; 2008, 127–132; 2011, 166–168. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Aurel RUSTOIU Thracians – Illyrians – Celts. Cultural Connections in the Northern Balkans in the 4th–3rd Centuries BC (33–52) 1 2 3 Fig. 8. 1) Geographic location of the funerary discoveries from Remetea Mare and Teleºti; 2) Grave no. 3 from Remetea Mare; 3) Grave from Teleºti (all after Rustoiu 2004–2005; 2008 etc.) Sl. 8. 1) Geografska lokacija grobnih nalaza, Remetea Mare i Tele{ti; 2) Grob br. 3, Remetea Mare; 3) Grob, Tele{ti (sve prema: Rustoiu 2004–2005; 2008 itd) 44 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Aurel RUSTOIU Thracians – Illyrians – Celts. Cultural Connections in the Northern Balkans in the 4th–3rd Centuries BC (33–52) Fig. 9. Gold necklace and Pestrup type brooches from female grave no. 2/tumulus no. 2 at Seuthopolis (photos Krassimir Georgiev). Sl. 9. Bro{evi tipa Pestrup i zlatna ogrlica iz `enskog groba br. 2/tumula br. 2, Sevtopol (fotografije: Krasimira Georgijeva) matrimonial alliance must have implied the mobility of a larger number of individuals, even if only during the lifetime of the woman involved in this relationship. This type of mobility allowed the transmission of some specific practices, beliefs and ideologies from one community to another, alongside the circulation of several goods. Both the individual mobility and the inter-community connections very probably contributed to the increasing interest in certain LT jewellery, for example brooches of the Pestrup type, in the Thracian environment, some of them being very probably manufactured in workshops in the northern Balkans60. However, such accessories were integrated into the costume assemblages according to the norms of bodily ornamentation specific to the local communities. For example, the jewellery set from the female grave no. 2 / tumulus no. 2 at Seuthopolis contained, alongside two gold Pestrup type brooches, a necklace consisting of bi-truncated or filigree-decorated gold beads of the local type61 (Fig. 9) and two silver brooches of the “Thracian” type62. Furthermore, a similar process has also been noted in the case of Greek jewellery from the Thracian aristocratic environment. According to Milena Tonkova, the consumers from Thrace selected only Greek jewellery that corresponded to the symbolic language developed by the local aristocracy, so the decorative repertoire was different from that encountered in the Greek cities on the Black Sea coast63. 45 Lastly, artisans played an important role in the spread of certain technologies and types of jewellery and costume accessories. They were connected or even subordinated in one way or another to the dominant social group of each community. The latter were the main customers, seeking luxurious goods and also imposing fashion trends, symbolic meanings and even the functional characteristics of different decorative and utilitarian objects64. At the same time, the artisans were, in general, a quite mobile social category. Their 60 For the Pestrup type brooches in the northern Balkans see Anastassov 2006, 14, Fig. 4/5, 7 – distribution map; 2011, 229. 61 Similar beads, albeit made of silver, have also been discovered in a grave from Zimnicea, dated to the second half of the 4th century BC (Alexandrescu 1980, 31, no. 50, fig. 50/9–12) and in another grave from the LT cemetery at Remetea Mare in Banat, dated to the end of the 4th century and the beginning of the 3rd century BC (Rustoiu 2008, 115, Fig. 57/2). Furthermore, such pieces continued to be manufactured and used at the beginning of the 1st century BC, as their presence in the inventory of the hoard from Kovin in Serbia proves (Ra{ajski 1961, 23, no. 6, Pl. 1/3; Tasi} 1992, Pl. 12/42). 62 Dimitrov, ^i~ikova 1978, 52–53 apud Anastassov 2011, 234, fig. 23; Domaradski 1984, Pl. 33; Emilov 2010, 78 also notes that the mentioned brooches, as well as other examples from the region, are elements of some costumes that followed a Hellenistic manner of expressing status and group identity. 63 Tonkova 1994; 1997a; 1997b; 1999; 2000–2001. 64 For the exchange of “desirable goods” amongst these populations see Egri 2014. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Aurel RUSTOIU Thracians – Illyrians – Celts. Cultural Connections in the Northern Balkans in the 4th–3rd Centuries BC (33–52) Fig. 10. Gold artefacts from the hoard uncovered at Szárazd–Regöly and detail of a bead decorated to resemble a human head (after Kovács, Raczky 2000) Sl. 10. Zlatni artefakti iz ostave otkrivene u Sarazd-Regequ i detaq perle ukra{ene qudskim glavama (prema: Kovács, Raczky 2000) spatial mobility was mostly determined by the need to reach new customers who were able to place orders and provide raw materials. Also, the artisans systematically shared specific technological knowledge within the same family or group of specialists, and this valuable information was also transmitted from one generation to another through sets of specific and carefully maintained practices. A series of archaeological discoveries from the Carpathian Basin and the northern Balkans illustrates the artisans’ mobility, as well as the related processes of technological transfer. Some well-known examples are provided by the hoard from Szárazd–Regöly in Hungary, consisting of several gold objects (Fig. 10). Miklós Szabó has noted that the inventory includes both objects with morphological and technological similarities in the northern Balkans as early as the 5th–3rd centuries BC (tubular elements with filigree decoration and some types of beads with analogies, for example, at Mezek or Novi Pazar) and items manufactured according to the preferences of the continental Celts, like the wheel-shaped pieces or the beads decorated to resemble human heads65. 46 Conclusions Taking into consideration the aforementioned observations resulting from the analysis of archaeological evidence, it can be concluded that at least some of the communities from the eastern and southern Carpathian Basin and those from the northern Balkans developed a complex network of inter-community relationships that implied different practices and patterns of interaction at various social levels. These relationships influenced the material culture, the technological knowledge and the symbolic language of each of the involved parties. Among the mechanisms that facilitated these interactions were the negotiations and agreements concluded between the leaders of various communities, which were commonly accompanied by gift exchanges and/or matrimonial alliances. At the same time, other forms of individual mobility, for example those practiced by small groups of mercenaries, also played an important role in the transmis- 65 Szabó 1975, 152–155, Fig. 7, Pl. 7–10; 1991, 127, Fig. 1–2; 2006, 114–115, Fig. 20. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Aurel RUSTOIU Thracians – Illyrians – Celts. Cultural Connections in the Northern Balkans in the 4th–3rd Centuries BC (33–52) sion of some cultural elements from one region to another. However, in many cases foreign elements were reinterpreted and adapted according to the visual and symbolic codes specific to each community. This phenomenon can be noted, for example, in the case of some jewellery sets from the Thracian or the Illyrian environment, which integrated a series of elements of LT origin, or that of some costume assemblages from the Carpathian Basin which incorporated jewellery of southern origin. Lastly, the circulation of such objects and of technological features specific to their manufacturing in different cultural environments were facilitated by the spatial mobility of artisans originating either from the northern Balkans or the LT environment in the Carpathian Basin. Acknowledgements The author is grateful to Milena Tonkova for providing photographs of a series of finds from Bulgaria and for the very useful comments regarding the subject. Many thanks are also owed to Julij Emilov for helping with some bibliography and for the numerous useful comments, and to Athanasios Sideris for providing comprehensive information regarding a series of metal vessels. Lastly, other specialists who commented on the original paper presented in Sofia in 2013 – Maria ^i~ikova, Totko Stoyanov and Milo{ Jevti} – are also kindly acknowledged. Translated by Mariana Egri Starinar is an Open Access Journal. All articles can be downloaded free of charge and used in accordance with the licence Creative Commons – Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 3.0 Serbia (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/rs/). ^asopis Starinar je dostupan u re`imu otvorenog pristupa. ^lanci objavqeni u ~asopisu mogu se besplatno preuzeti sa sajta ~asopisa i koristiti u skladu sa licencom Creative Commons – Autorstvo-Nekomercijalno-Bez prerada 3.0 Srbija (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/rs/). 47 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Aurel RUSTOIU Thracians – Illyrians – Celts. Cultural Connections in the Northern Balkans in the 4th–3rd Centuries BC (33–52) BIBLIOGRAPHY: Agre 2011 – D. 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Zirra, Latènezeitlichen Trense in Rumänien, Hamburger Beitr. f. Arch. 8: 115–171. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Aurel RUSTOIU Thracians – Illyrians – Celts. Cultural Connections in the Northern Balkans in the 4th–3rd Centuries BC (33–52) Rezime: AUREL RUSTOJU, Institut arheologije i istorije umetnosti, Klu`–Napoka, Rumunija TRA^ANI – ILIRI – KELTI. KULTURNE VEZE NA SEVERNOM BALKANU U IV I III VEKU PRE NOVE ERE Kqu~ne re~i. – Tra~ani, Iliri, Kelti, Karpatski basen, severni Balkan, Aleksandar Veliki, latenska kultura, pogrebni obi~aji. Tokom IV i po~etkom III veka pre n.e. Karpatski basen bele`i pro{irewe oblasti u kojoj su `ivele keltske zajednice – na istok i na zapad. Rezultat tih naseqavawa bila je pojava nekih novih zajednica koje je karakterisalo kulturno stapawe doseqenika sa doma}im stanovni{tvom, {to je dovelo do stvarawa novog identiteta zajednica. Istovremeno, do{qaci su uspostavqali razli~ite odnose (dru{tvene, politi~ke, ekonomske itd.) sa susednim balkanskim stanovni{tvom. U ovom ~lanku govorimo o praksi u vezi s kulturnim interakcijama pomenutih zajednica, kao i o na~inima pomo}u kojih se ti odnosi mogu identifikovati putem analize materijalne kulture isto~ne i ju`ne oblasti Karpatskog basena, kao i severnog i severozapadnog Balkana. Ovi mehanizmi interakcije me|u zajednicama omogu}ili su stvarawe nekih slo`enih dru{tvenih mre`a koje su ure|ivale odnose izme|u raznih etni~kih i dru{tvenih grupa Karpatskog basena i severnog Balkana. Tu mo`emo pomenuti i pregovore i dogovore izme|u vo|a razli~itih za- 52 jednica, uz razmenu poklona i sklapawe brakova. Opticaj nekih artefakata, poput ~uvenih zlatnih grivni iz Gorweg Cibara, ili |ema sa severnog Balkana, na|enih u latenskom grobqu u ^ume{tiju, kao i neki pogrebni ostaci otkriveni na teritoriji Rumunije, mogu biti protuma~eni uzimawem u obzir pomenutih mehanizama. Istovremeno, zna~ajnu ulogu u prenosu pojedinih elemenata kulture iz jedne oblasti u drugu imalo je kretawe pojedinaca. Me|utim, tu|i elementi bivali su reinterpretirani i prilago|avani u skladu s vizuelnim i simboli~kim kodom specifi~nim za svaku zajednicu. Ovaj fenomen mo`e sezapaziti, na primer, u slu~aju odre|enih setova nakita iz tra~anske ili ilirske sredine koji sadr`e niz elemenata latenskog tipa, ili ode}e Karpatskog basena sa ju`wa~kim nakitom. Najzad, opticaj takvih predmeta i wihova proizvodwa u razli~itim kulturnim sredinama omogu}eni su kretawem i radom pojedinih zanatlija kako sa severa Balkana, tako i iz latenske sredine Karpatskog basena. STARINAR LXVII/2017 UDC: 904:739.1"652"(497.11) 902.2(497.11)"01" https://doi.org/10.2298/STA1767053G Original research article MITJA GU[TIN, Piran IVANA POPOVI], Institute of Archaeology, Belgrade EARLY ROMAN HOARD FROM MA^VANSKA MITROVICA (?) Contribution to the Precious Silver Metal Working Cultural Koiné e-mail: mitja.gustin@upr.si Abstract – In 2014, a group of silver objects was sold with the accompanying data “from Serbia, from the area of Ma~vanska Mitrovica”, which, based on their composition, belonged to a hoard of the Early Roman period. The hoard of silver objects contains a total of 21 pieces that can be divided into 10 different types: emblemata, belt plates, tubuli, torques, wire jewellery – a bracelet and rings, necklaces of the chain type, rings, pendants of lunula, rhomboidal and omega shape, bracelet and rings with pendants in the form of miniature axes. The composition of the silver objects in the Ma~vanska Mitrovica (?) hoard show surprising similarities with the rich hoards of silver jewellery of Bare, Tekija and the find from Radenkovi}–Crkvine and also with the distant hoard from Oltenia in the site of Rovinari (once Poiana, county Gorj). Therefore, we have named this group the Tekija – Bare hoards horizon, after two well-known most representative hoard-contents and their position in the middle of this geographical region. The last denarii from the Tekija and Bare hoards where minted at the end of AD 81, which allows the conclusion that these hoards, found near the military camps of Transdierna and Viminacium, were probably deposited in the years after AD 81, during the restless period of Roman-Dacian conflicts. In the Ma~vanska Mitrovica (?) hoard and the Radenkovi}–Crkvine find the monetary part did not exist, so the time of their depositing remains open. Key words – Early Roman period, Tekija – Bare hoards horizon, silver jewellery, cultural koiné. I n 2014, a group of silver objects was offered on the antiquities market which, based on their composition, belong to a hoard of the Roman period. The items were bought by a collector of Celtic heritage, Günther Steffan, from the salesman of these antiquities in two parts and at different times, with the accompanying data that they were “from Serbia, from the area of Ma~vanska Mitrovica”. In May 2016, the owner permitted the documentation of the hoard to be presented to archaeological experts, a fact for which we owe him our gratitude, not only in our name, but also in the name of all researchers of Roman imperial history in the area of the border of the Roman Moesia – Pannonia region. The completeness of this hoard (Fig. 2), although it seems that both parts are from the same find, is open to question. Today it is impossible to reconstruct the discovery circumstances and to reconstruct the hoard’s contents in its entirety. As we shall see from later analysis, a monetary part was usually added to this type of hoard, but in the case of the hoard from Ma~vanska Mitrovica (?) there is no longer any trace of it. The article results from the project: Romanisation, urbanisation and transformation of urban centres of civil, military and residential character in Roman provinces in the territory of Serbia (no. 177007), funded by the Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Developement of the Republic of Serbia. 53 Manuscript received 13th December 2016, accepted 10th May 2017 Mitja GU[TIN, Ivana POPOVI] Early Roman Hoards from Ma~vanska Mitrovica (?) (53–74) Fig. 1. The map of the northern part of Moesia and south Oltenia with indicated castrum fortifications and the locations of silver hoards deposited in the period after AD 81 (map by A. Prelo`nik) Sl. 1. Karta severnog dela Mezije i ju`ne Oltenije, sa ozna~enim kastrumima i ostavama srebrnog nakita i novca pohrawenim u periodu posle 81. godine (karta: A. Prelo`nik) Assuming that the hoard was discovered in the territory of the village of Ma~vanska Mitrovica, which belongs to the wider area of Sremska Mitrovica (antique Sirmium), it is also important to notice another hoard deposit with almost identical silver jewellery, probably from the same period. Not so far away, 10 km southwest of Ma~vanska Mitrovica, in the village Radenkovi}, at the site of Crkvine, a group of silver jewellery finds were discovered containing preserved fragments of an earring with a Hercules knot on the top, a lunula shaped pendant, a ring made of twisted silver wire with overlapping ends attached to the main body by spiral coils, and a silver wire ring with overlapping ends attached to the main body by spiral coils with an attached miniature axe-pendant.1 The existence of this type of jewellery in the area is also confirmed by a silver wire ring of the same type with an attached axe-pendant, found in Batajnica, at the site of Klisine,2 in a suburb of Belgrade (Singidunum) on the border of the Lower Pannonia and Upper Moesia, about 60 km east of Ma~vanska Mitrovica. tionally rich hoards which contain silver and, rarely, gold jewellery are known in the Roman period. The older group of Roman period hoards are those from Tekija, Bare, Ma~vanska Mitrovica (?) and Radenkovi}–Crkvine, found on the right bank of Danube River and also those from Rovinari (once Poiana, in the county of Gorj) in Oltenia (Fig. 1).3 We named this group the Tekija – Bare hoards horizon, after two of the most well-known and representative hoard-contents, as well as their position in the middle of this geographical region. In the Tekija hoard only bracelets with overlapping and coiled ends, with or without pendants in the form of miniature axes, are registered. In Bare, besides these forms, there are also twisted torques, rhomboidal pendants, spiral rings and other forms of jewellery. As well as the jewellery in these hoards there also appears silver emblemata of cultic/symbolic design, with the exception of the hoard from Rovinari. Sometimes silver 1 Character of the Ma~vanska Mitrovica (?) hoard and the historical events contributing to the reason for their depositing On the territory of the Lower Danube and its wider hinterland chronologically different groups of excep- 54 Popovi} 2000, 19–18, Sl. 1–4. Kruni}, Igwatovi} 2016, 81, kat. 117. 3 The next, younger group in the same area (like the hoards from Juhor, Janja, Bela Reka near [abac, Dvorska, Nova Bo`urna, etc.) may be connected with the incursions of the northern barbarian tribes into the territory of the Roman Empire at the end of the 2nd and in the first half of the 3rd century (Popovi} 2010, 33–51). 2 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Mitja GU[TIN, Ivana POPOVI] Early Roman Hoards from Ma~vanska Mitrovica (?) (53–74) Fig. 2. The silver hoard from Ma~vanska Mitrovica (?) (photo M. Gu{tin) Sl. 2. Ostava srebrnih predmeta iz Ma~vanske Mitrovice (?) (fotografija: M. Gu{tin) vessels were also added into the hoards, along with emblemata made of thin silver plates and, as a rule, the hoard inventories were accompanied by numerous Roman silver coins. Besides the coins, the composition of these hoards is characterised by the presence of large silver jewellery with many similarities to the “Dacian silver era”, significant for the latest pre-Roman period in the area between the rivers Danube (Danubius), Morava (Margus), Târnava and Mureº (Marisus). Based on the very characteristic types of jewellery, the finds from Ma~vanska Mitrovica (?) are an evident part of this Tekija – Bare hoards horizon of hoards, found next to the military camps of Transdierna and Viminacium (Fig. 1). Most of these hoards also contained Roman coins, with the latest specimens being Domitian denarii from the end of AD 81.4 This tumultuous period, during which the RomanDacian conflicts of the last decades of the 1st century AD occurred in the wider area also confirms the monetary hoard of denarii from the camp Boljetin (Smorna) on the \erdap limes, whose latest mint is a denarius of Domitian, also from the end of AD 815, and coins with a last mint from the same period found further north in Oltenia, in the Rovinari hoard.6 55 The phenomenon of this group of hoards with quite identical contents is a very important discovery and it is a significant archaeological source for the detection of probable military events in the winter of 81/82, or in a later period. It suggests the existence of a group of Dacian warriors who were crossing the Danube and the Roman border of Upper Moesia in this period, which may have led to the burying of these extraordinary silver hoards. It remains surprising that there are no other archaeological traces of these events as of yet and that these incursions have not been mentioned in ancient written sources. The composition and stylistic-typological analysis of the Ma~vanska Mitrovica (?) hoard The hoard of silver objects contents, today totalling 21 pieces, can be divided into 10 different types, 4 Tekija: Mano-Zisi 1957; Popovi} P. 1975, 97–107; Bare: Popovi}, Bori}-Bre{kovi}, 1994. 5 Popovi} P. 1987, 5–24. 6 Spanu 2012, 185, 202 (87 AD), 239 (81 AD), Pl. 103–105. According to the first publication of the hoard, the last denarii are dated to 81 AD (clarification A. Rustoiu, cf. Nicolãescu-Plopºor 1941, 215. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Mitja GU[TIN, Ivana POPOVI] Early Roman Hoards from Ma~vanska Mitrovica (?) (53–74) Fig. 3. 1–2) Emblemata, 3–5) belt plates, M = 1 : 1 Sl. 3. 1–2) Embleme, 3–5) pojasne plo~ice, M = 1 : 1 containing, in the case of the rings, based on their dimensions, various subdivisions. As can be seen from the catalogue list, it contains various jewellery and decorative, cultic symbols. The following catalogue presents the stylistic-typological and chronological analysis of the individual objects. Emblemata Two rectangular silver emblemata made of thin silver sheet (3.4 x 4.7 cm) were hanging on a small bronze loop, which suggests they were a part of a necklace or collier. The plates were decorated with hammered, embossed lines and points, and have a representation of a schematised figure of a female barbarian deity, her hair in two plaits (Fig. 3, 1–2). The four damaged emblemata in the Bare hoard have similar motifs; most probably, the female figure hammered on one of these silver icons represents the Thraco-Dacian goddess Bendis.7 On the other hand, on the silver emblemata from the Tekija hoard we can 56 clearly recognise the Oriental interpretation of Hellenistic-Roman deities.8 The representations of the female deity with the same hairstyle on the silver phalerae from a hoard found at Lupu, not far from Alba Iulia, and the figures on the belt from Sãliºteia, confirms the existence of the traditional pre-Roman female deities, later probably transformed into the official Roman goddesses.9 Belt-plates Three silver belt-plates made from thin silver plates, folded on the shorter ends (4.8 x 3.2 cm). They are decorated with hammered embossed lines, circles and dots as composite solar ornaments and, in one case, supplemented by a lunula motif (Fig. 3, 3–5). 7 8 9 Popovi}, Bori}-Bre{kovi} 1994, 33, 70, cat. no. 32–35. Mano-Zisi 1957, 32–43, no 33–39, 50–59, 115–126. Spanu 2012, 11, Pl. 111; 2013. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Mitja GU[TIN, Ivana POPOVI] Early Roman Hoards from Ma~vanska Mitrovica (?) (53–74) The decorations of the belt plates are very characteristic; their embossed ornamentation can be stylistically traced back to the Late Iron Age of the 1st century BC, as for example on the bronze or silver thin sheet of the belt-buckles of the Laminci type (Fig. 9). These belt-buckles were very popular in the Dacian area (the east Carpathian buckles to the Bastarnian attire, the southern Carpathian to the Geto-Dacian attire), but also in the western Balkans from the Sava and Danube areas (Illyrian and Celtic-Scordisci attire). The main decorative elements, e. g. garlands along the top and bottom edge of the buckle-plates, are surprisingly similar and appear across the area. Another frequent decorative element are hammered circles of various sizes, some more pronounced, arranged individually or in a blooming pattern. The third recognisable decorative element is the metope, separated by narrow or wide vertical bands. They appear in approximately half of the examples, again with no connection to any specific form or region. Sometimes the lines are missing, but garlands have a similar visual effect. Alongside the belt-buckles and fibulae from grave contexts, we find a surprising number of examples from settlement layers – often as typical female attire. This demonstrates the existence of a spiritually and materially coherent koiné from south-west Pannonia to the hinterland of the Black Sea in the last phase of the Late Iron Age (Fig. 9). A broad classification of units with belt-buckles demonstrates two typologically linked chronological groups. The older, classical Late La Tène, group belongs to the second half of the 1st century BC and is attested f.e. in relevant graves and settlement layers from Beograd–Karaburma and Beograd–Rospi ^uprija, @idovar, Hrtkovci–Gomolava, Craiva, Sigiºoara, and Popeºti in Transylvania. The younger group is attested f.e. by grave 180 from Novo Mesto, graves from ^urug–Detelina and one from Slatinska Reka, which already partly coincide with the developed Romanised environment of the first half of 1st century AD.10 The wide distribution area is a consequence of intense cultural and economic contacts between Dacian and eastern Celtic communities, and even with far distant Illyrian-Pannonian tribes. The belt buckle, as the most obvious detail of female attire, shows particularly strong ties between one or two generations of developed Late Iron Age inhabitants of the Danube Plain, Transylvania, the Wallachian Plain, as well as Moldavia. We can assume that the workshops who decorated the belt plates from the Ma~vanska Mitrovica (?) hoard were 57 descendants of the masters who produced the traditional decoration on the latest belt-buckles of the Laminci type. Similar decoration to that on the belt plates from Ma~vanska Mitrovica (?) can also be observed on a small sized applique (2.3 x 2.3 cm), decorated with circles and dots supplemented by a lunula motif, in the century later hoard of Nova Bo`urna.11 Tubuli Three cylindrical silver objects in the form of large tubuli (length 9.4 cm, diam. 1.2 cm), perforated to hang on one ring (link) each with pulled-over and spiral ends (diam. 2.7 cm) on which there was a pendant in the shape of a miniature axe (2.2 cm high). Two bodies are decorated with hammered lines; the third with small buckles, pointed lines and circles. Each of them has two bronze nails through the thin silver metal sheet to attach it to an organic (leather, wooden or bone) stick (Fig. 4). Two objects of the same form with rings hung on both sides, but without the miniature axes, are known from the Bare hoard12. Because of the single hung ring, as evidenced by the Bare examples where the tubuli had rings on both ends, the stick had to be specially formed. We have no satisfactory explanation regarding the reconstruction and function of these objects at this time. It has to be mentioned, that we have, from the end of the Iron Age or the beginning of the early Roman period, in a corresponding grave from Donji Laminci, a small ring with pulled-over and spiral ends hanging on a fragmented bronze conical tubuli decorated with linear incisions13 that may have had a similar function as the cylindrical objects from Bare and Ma~vanska Mitrovica (?). Torques Three fine torques made of thin silver wire with a square cross-section have ends in the form of small loops (Fig. 5). The inner surfaces of two of them possess smooth sides, while the middle of one of them is decorated with three small thin lines, incised interchangeably into bands, first to the left, then to the right (diam. 10 to 10.4 cm). 10 Gu{tin 2011 (with typology, chronology, distribution map and relevant literature on the belt plates of the Laminci type). 11 Popovi} 1994, 233, cat. no. 101. 12 Ibid., cat. no. 16–17; Popovi} 2011, 187, Fig. 16. 13 Truhelka 1901, 25, Sl. 25. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Mitja GU[TIN, Ivana POPOVI] Early Roman Hoards from Ma~vanska Mitrovica (?) (53–74) Fig. 4. Tubuli, M = 1 : 1 Sl. 4. Tubulusi, M = 1 : 1 Silver torques, especially those made of twisted wire, were known from the wider area of the preRoman period. They remain an important part of attire in the Iberian Peninsula, in the hinterland of Caput Adriae and in Dacia; on a larger scale they were in use on the eastern edge of the Roman Empire until the1st and 2nd centuries AD. The custom of wearing torques, generally by the Celts, can be noted in the La Tène period. The classic example is the famous sculpture of the Dying Gaul from the temple of Pergamon (Asia Minor). In the Late Iron Age period they appear in women’s attire of the tribes on the edges of the Celtic World and in hoards, where they have a special value. In the period of the Roman Empire, torques were often dedicated to heroes and god statuettes, a scan be observed f.e. in numerous bronze statuettes of Mercury 58 and other gods, which were decorated with a small, valuable torque, even as late as the 2nd–3rd century AD, known primarily from Gaul and Britain – where they appear to represent an indigenous substrate within the Roman pantheon.14 Our specimens (Fig. 5) are, in their form and decoration, outstanding. They did not belong to the standard repertoire of the rich and various jewellery of the “Dacian silver era”, characterised by twisted torques. The Bare hoard contains one torque made of round silver undecorated wire, with its ends in the form of small loops. On this specimen were strung 23 rings of various diameter, thus it looks like a rich composite necklace.15 14 15 Gu{tin 2009 (with relevant literature). Popovi}, Bori}-Bre{kovi} 1994, cat. no. 6, fig. 8. 1; T. VI. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Mitja GU[TIN, Ivana POPOVI] Early Roman Hoards from Ma~vanska Mitrovica (?) (53–74) Fig. 5. Torques, M = 1 : 2 Sl. 5. Torkvesi, M = 1 : 2 In the early Roman times, the open-ended torques made of plain silver wire were still in use by the Romanised autochthonous population in upper Moesia, judging, for example, by those from grave nos. 476, 722 and 3572 at the Viminacium necropolis, dated to the 2nd and the beginning of the 3rd century16, and on specimens from the Juhor hoard, with overlapping ends attached to the main body by spiral coils and enriched with different pendants, some of them in a triangular shape very similar to the axe-pendants.17 Wire ring jewellery with overlapped and spirally twisted ends with coils A large group in the women’s attire jewellery forms is comprised of different sizes of silver wire rings with overlapped ends attached to the main body by spiral coils(Figs. 5; 6). They were made by different 59 forms of wire with a circular cross-section, sometimes very fragile, most simply round. A luxury variant was made from large wire with a square cross-section. They were produced mostly from silver, but also from bronze and rarely from gold. The overlapped ends were attached to the main body by twisted ends with differing numbers of coils. On bracelets, this system allowed for the sliding of the coils, to a certain extent, to adjust the diameter of the adornment. Such rings of various sizes were in use as bracelets, rings, hoops, as finger rings and as earrings; they were, for centuries, also popularly grouped in sets as necklaces, as belt chains or as secondary decoration. 16 17 Zotovi} 1956, 162. Popovi} 2002, cat. no. 3–4. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Mitja GU[TIN, Ivana POPOVI] Early Roman Hoards from Ma~vanska Mitrovica (?) (53–74) The detail of the spiral twisted part could end on both sides in the form of only a few or up to ten coils, sometimes even more, covering a good part of the ring. Between both coils are usually two smooth wires, which are sometimes twisted. One of the well distributed variants of this type of bracelet has a Hercules node in the middle of the overlapped ends. On one of the specific earring form from Bu|anovci, the tops are made with overlapping ends attached to the main body by spiral coils, similar to all the rings and bracelets of this type.18 As jewellery they are well known in the Late Hellenistic period and especially in the last century BC, with continuity in early Roman imperial contexts. They were popular from the Black Sea coast in the territory of the Dacians, but also well distributed by tribes such as the Liburni (Nin/Asseria), and Japodi (Gorica, Jezerine, Ribi}). Additionally, they occur on the north coast of the Italic peninsula and in the hinterland of the Gulf de Lyon and further into Iberia. We also note their distribution north of the Alps and beyond. The silver bracelets (together with different smaller rings or in combination with breast colliers and belt chains) with mostly simple wire with a round cross section and overlapped ends attached to the main body by coils are, in the west, well at tested in pre-RomanIberia in graves and silver treasures from at least 180 BC, as in the hoard from Tivisa, and are mostly represented in the hoards from 105–90 BC from Salvacañete, Penhagarcia, Capsanes and a little later from Santisteban del Puerto19. These types of bracelets and rings can be observed in the pre-Roman Dacian territory from the 80s BC and later, dated in this period with silver coins, from the hoards of Clipiceºti (83 BC t.p.q.) and Bãlãneºti (76 BC t.p.q.) and in the younger period with the hoards from Cerbãl (43 BC t.p.q.), ªeica Micã (28 BC t.p.q.) and Remetea Mare (15 BC t.p.q.).20 The distribution of bracelets and different smaller rings with overlapped ends attached to the main body by spiral coils canals be seen on numerous sites south of the Danube Valley in today’s Bulgaria and on the other side towards Panonnia and the middle Danubian region, and the western Balkan territory, mostly in early imperial contexts of the 1st half of the 1st century AD.21 Hoards such as those from Bare, Tekija, Ma~vanska Mitrovica (?) and Radenkovi}–Crkvine show the popularity of these rings during the transition to the 2nd century AD and later, with the rings with overlapping 60 ends attached to the main body by spiral coils on small amulet-statuettes of Harpokrates from Trier and L’Escala (Ampurias).22 Necklaces (and belts) of a chain type The necklace (Fig. 6. 1) was made using smaller rings with a round cross-section wire and with overlapping and spirally twisted ends. The rings are interlaced (loop-in-loop as a chain let) and, in two cases, there are composite clamps with four spirals well decorated with zig-zag lines, dotted lines and circles. Hanging from the rings are three pendants in the form of lunulae with a small ivy leaf in the middle (preserved length 17.7 cm, diam. of rings 3 cm). The other necklace (Fig. 6, 2) was made with smaller rings possessing around cross-section wire and with overlapping and spirally coiled ends of a smaller size. The rings were connected to each other with simple undecorated clamps (preserved length 16 cm, diam. of rings 2.2 cm). The simple chain (Fig. 6, 2) with simple, small, undecorated clamps correspond in construction to the 18 Popovi} 1994, 217, 218, cat. 76–78. The grave from Bu|anovci contained a small (12 x 6 cm) iron jewellery box, decorated with silver and gold incisions, a silver bracelet decorated with filigree, granulation and email, three silver pendants on top with overlapped ends with spiral coils and part of a silver fibula. The inventory of this grave, dated to the 1st–2nd century, represents the burial of a woman who belonged to the local élite. 19 Raddatz 1969, 53, 170, Taf. 69, 3; 51, 10; 97, 4; 32, 4; 1, 4–6; 66, 1, 3. 20 Bracelets f. e. Aiud, Brad, Cerbãl, Coada Malului, Coldãu, Hetiur, Petriº, Poiana (jud. Galaþi), Poiana/Rovinari, Popeºti, Rãcãtãu, Sãliºte, Sãrmãºag, Senereuº, ªeica Micã, ªimleu Silvaniei (Rustoiu 1996, 124, 192, 193); Balaneºti, Clipiceºti, Colþeºti, Poºaga de Sus, Poiana-Movila Hãrtop, Remetea Mare, Gliganu de Jois, Sãliºtea, Senereuº, Slimnic, ªãrmãºag (Spanu 2012, 57, 60, 61, 71, 143, Fig. 12, 2. 5; 20; 21; 23, 2. 1, 2. 2; Pl. 36, 3; 94; 97, 6; 100, 9b; 101, 3; 109, 2–5; 130, 2–4; 134, 2; 143, 2–3 ); Hunedoara-Grãdina Castelulul (Sirbu et al. 2007, Fig. 13, 21). Cf. Spanu 2012, 143, Fig. 48. 21 F. e. Bulgaria: Ar~ar, Bazaurt, ^omakovci, Radomir, Svi{tov, Suhindol and Nikolaevo; Middle Danube area: Beograd–Rospi ^uprija, Tata, Zalahosszúfalu, Szalaska (Popovi} 1994, 90; Tonkova 2011, 192, 193, 196–198) and on the southern border of Pannonia in the area between Ptuj and Celje (Budja 1979, T. 5. 9–19; Mihovili} 1979, 225, 226, T 1, 10–12; Isteni} 2000, T. 26, 1; 73; 6; 152, 5; 174, 1; 175, 8); Western Balkans: Bugojno, [ipovo, Posu{je, Bukovica, Gorica, Ribi}, Sisak (Ko{~evi} 1991, 25, 26, sl. 88–92, T. III, 38–40) and in the hinterland of Caput Adriae – the cites of Tr`i{~e pri Dolenji vasi (Deschmann 1888, 115; NMS R 1804 note by D. Bo`i~), Donji Zemon and Volarje pri @irjeh (Baudek 2005, T. 6; 7, 1). 22 Artefacts, AML-4007 with literature. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Mitja GU[TIN, Ivana POPOVI] Early Roman Hoards from Ma~vanska Mitrovica (?) (53–74) Fig. 6. Chain type necklaces, M = 1 : 1 Sl. 6. Lan~ane ogrlice, M = 1 : 1 fairly numerous belt-chains, where the rings are connected with large wide clamps or small twisted chains. Such belt-chains are known from the pre-Roman hoards of Clipiceºti and Fântânele and chains from the same period from Altimir, Tiliºca and Transilvania.23 The long duration of this form is shown with a similar type of chain from the hoard from Recaº dated with coins to the middle of the 3rd century.24 The necklace-chain from the Ma~vanska Mitrovica (?) hoard seems to be unique in its size, decoration of the clamps and the form of pendants with lunalae in combination with the rhomboidal ivy leafs (Fig. 6, 1). The combination of the lunula and ivy leaf pendants on the same piece (Fig. 6, 1; 8, 3) is rare on silver jewellery from the Balkan–Pannonian region, although 61 both of these pendant types were frequently hung separately on different silver chains. On one silver chain from the National Museum in Belgrade25 and on the one torque from grave 722 of the Viminacium necropolis,26 both of which are dated to the end of the 2nd and the beginning of the 3rd century, pendants of a lunula and ivy leaf shape where hung on the same piece of jewellery, but as separate pendants (see also comments in cat. no. 7). 23 24 25 26 Spanu 2012, 71, 72, Fig. 21, 1–3, Pl. 29, 2; 43; 155, 5–11. Horedt 1973, 137. Popovi} 2004, 247, cat. no. 132. Zotovi} 1995, 157–158, Abb. 17: 18. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Mitja GU[TIN, Ivana POPOVI] Early Roman Hoards from Ma~vanska Mitrovica (?) (53–74) Fig. 7. 1) Bracelet, 2–5) rings, M = 1 : 1 Sl. 7. 1) Narukvice, 2–5) alke, M = 1 : 1 62 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Mitja GU[TIN, Ivana POPOVI] Early Roman Hoards from Ma~vanska Mitrovica (?) (53–74) Bracelet One bracelet made of wire with a square cross-section and overlapping and spirally twisted ends, each with ten coils; diameter 8. 6 cm (Fig. 7, 1). The type of bracelet made from large silver wire with a square cross section presented in the Ma~vanska Mitrovica (?) hoard are also known as silver bracelets or as smaller rings of various dimensions. They are represented in more examples in the hoard from Bare,27 in silver and gold from Tekija (one with numerous miniature tools on it),28 from Radenkovi}–Crkvine29 and from Rovinari.30 These very precisely made silver variants of bracelets with a square cross section and overlapping and spirally twisted ends can be seen in a wider area to the northwest, like f.e. in Sisak (Segestica/Siscia),31 and even much further to the west, at Volarje pri @irjah on Carst in the hinterland of Caput Adriae. In the craftsman’s grave no. 15, a silver bracelet decorated with three small rings of the same type was found. The grave is dated from a coin of Claudius to the first half to the middle of 1st century AD. In female grave no. 14 from the same necropolis there is, besides a fibula, also a so-called Dacian cup and a thinner example of this type of ring.32 Rings The silver rings with overlapping ends attached to the main body by spiral coils in pairs of various diameters from 3.5 to 5 cm, are a significant part of the hoard (Fig. 7, 2–5). On the larger rings is hung a smaller one (diam. 2. 2 cm). On the rings, as on the tubuli (cat. no. 3), a pendant in the form of miniature axe was hung (comments in cat. no. 8). The numerous small rings of various sizes with overlapping and spirally coiled ends have the same construction, form and chronological period as the bracelets. We find them as different individual jewellery objects but also hungon bracelets, on tubuli or various types of adornments, as in the case of the example from Zadar, where a small ring is also attached on the head of a pin.33 This type of rings have a very long duration, they can even be seen in the migration period. 6 Pendants of aminiature axe shape Four silver pendants in the form of miniature axes (height 2 to 2. 3 cm) were hung separately on rings and three of them were hung on tubuli (Fig. 8, 1). The strengthened haft of the axe is well represented, as is 63 the form and blade of the axe. The pendants are decorated only on one side, which may be oriented to the left or the right, with circles in the middle and on all three corners, which are connected with a line in a motif of spruce twigs. The small axe pendants were associated with the Celtic tribes, in the grave inventories of the Late Iron Age period34 and also in the Roman world.35 Later they had a strong apotropaic meaning and were added to various jewellery items, especially rings with overlapping and spirally wrapped ends (earrings, bracelets, chains) and even on tubuli. This type of amulet in silver, bronze, iron and even ceramic was popular in the second half of the 1st century BC on both sides of the Carpathian Mountains and were also widely spread in the 1st century AD (Fig. 10).36 In the discussed group, the Tekija – Bare hoards horizon, the presence of axe amulets on bracelets and rings was obligatory. In this period, the axe pendants were present in settlements, in hoards and in grave inventories. We can trace them on both sides of the Carpathian arc in a wide area of the Lower Danubian Valley to the confluence with the Sava, but several other silver rings with axe pendants were also found far to west in the hinterland of the Gulf of Kvarner (Fig. 10).37 The long duration of this type of amulet is 27 Popovi}, Bori}-Bre{kovi} 1994, cat. no. 7–9, T. IV, V. Popovi} 1994, 188–191, cat. no. 32–35, 38. 29 Popovi} 2000, 12–13, Sl. 3–4. 30 Spanu 2012, Pl. 104: 1, 2; small rings of the same square cross-section: Pl. 104: 3–13. 31 Leitner 1984, Taf. 5: 8; Ko{~evi} 1991, T. II: 37. 32 Bavdek 2005, 241, 242, T. 6–8. 33 Ko{~evi} 1991, sl. 1: 11. 34 Dürrnberg, Bern-Engehalbinsel, Bouy, Voie-de-Vadenay (Artefacts AML-3003). 35 Martin-Kilcher 2008, 228, Abb. 10. 2. 36 Rustoiu 1996, 124, tipul 4b, fig. 90; Spanu 2012, 69; Tonkova 2011, 192–193, fig. 5. 1; Ruseva-Slokoska 1991, 25, 131, cat. no. 7. 37 List of amulets in the form of axe pendants (fig. 10) completed after Rustoiu 1996, 124, tipul 4b, fig. 90 and also after the new information obtained by A. Rustoiu: 1 Prijavorje, Donji Zemon, grave – 1 silver specimen (Gigante 1934–35, 170, information D. Bo`i~); 2 Stari grad nad Uncem, settlement – 1 bronze specimen (NMS P 27982, information B. Laharnar), 3 Radenkovi}–Crkvine hoard – 1 silver specimen (Popovi}, 2002, 12–13, sl. 4); 4 Ma~vanska Mitrovica (?), hoard – 7 silver specimens (fig. 1); 5 Batajnica– Klisina – 1 silver specimen (Kruni}, Igwatovi} 2016, 153, cat. 117; 6 Bare, treasure – 2 silver specimens; 7 Tekija, treasure – 3 silver and1 gold specimen, fixed on a gold ring; 8 Museum Timiºoara 28 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Mitja GU[TIN, Ivana POPOVI] Early Roman Hoards from Ma~vanska Mitrovica (?) (53–74) well documented in the hoard from Recaº,38 and the practice of using tool amulets (axes, wedge, pin, spade, bar, etc.),39 as with the rings with overlapping and spirally coiled ends, is also present in the migration period. In the Tekija hoard, the richest one of this period, the axe pendant was attached, together with other miniature tools, to a large silver bracelet, made with rectangular cross section wire, with overlapping and spirally wrapped ends. Another similarly worked axe pendant was fixed on the gold ring in the space between the spiral coils, and was made from filigree wire. The exceptional use of gold and filigree techniques shows the strong tradition of Hellenistic Black Sea goldsmithing and the duration of the toreutic style of this period on the objects made in later workshops. Pendants of a lunula form The simple moon form of silver lunula has bronze clamps on the top, on the left and right of it are stamped half-moon motifs ending with circles, and on the ends of the crescent are small balls (Fig. 8, 2, wide 3.3 cm). The second type of lunula is shaped in the form of a wide half-moon with a small rhomboidal ivy leaf pendant inside (Fig. 8, 3). The clamps are silver and, like all other parts of the pendant, ornamented with pointed lines. On the lunula is incised the motif of a wide zigzag line made with pointed lines, and in the middle of the ivy leaf is a circle. The ends of the crescent and the ivy leaf have small balls attached (wide 3.2 to 3.6 cm). Bronze clamps in the hoard inventory are identifiable only on the simple lunula amulet (Fig. 8, 2) and on both emblematae (Fig. 3). This small detail brings us to the possibility that these three objects were made by the same workshop and could have hung on the same collier. Pendants of the lunula type or crescent shape pendants are known since the Hellenistic period, when they were particularly widely distributed in southern Italy and on the Black Sea coast, from where they very quickly spread across the Danube Valley.40 Simple pendants of lunulae types, like that from Ma~vanska Mitrovica (?) (Fig. 8, 2), are not known in pre-Roman jewellery in the Balkan-Pannonian region. The closest analogies from the Roman Period are known from Radenkovi}–Crkvine41 and Guberevac, at the sites of Pruten and Gomilice42 (2nd century), but, concerning finds from the 4th and the first half of the 5th century, from the necropolises of Be{ka43 and [trbci 64 near \akovo,44 pendants of the same shape were popular in these areas from the Late Roman period. Different types of lunula pendant are the five silver gilded belt pendants from the Tekija hoard45 and the specimen from Hunedoare–Sânpetru.46 In the BalkanPannonian region the silver lunula shaped pendants hungon chains are sometimes evident with other specimens of jewellery of the autochthonous style, as with the specimens from Kutina near Ni{ and Szalacka, dated to the end of the 2nd or the first half – middle of the 3rd century.47 The gold lunula from Dubravica (Margum), hung on a gold chain, is dated in the 2nd century,48 but the long chronology of these pendants is confirmed by the specimen also hung on the gold chain, belonging to the find of a set of jewellery from the 2nd decade of the 4th century, found in the crypt of the mausoleum in [arkamen.49 This lunula was decorated by granulation, like the much earlier silver specimen from Radenkovi}– Crkvine. (Pongratz collection with objects from Djerdap, Serbian banks of the Danube) – 2 silver specimens; 9 Ar~ar (Ratiaria), isolated – 1 silver specimen; 10 Radomir – 1 silver specimen (Ruseva-Slokoska 1991, 131, cat. no. 7); 11 ^omakovci, hoard – 1 silver specimen (Tonkova 2011, 192–193, fig. 5. 1); 12 Bazaurt, treasure – 5 silver specimens; 13 Vetren (Aque Calidae) – 1 silver and 1 lead specimen (RusevaSlokoska 1991, 209, 210, cat. no. 290, 292); 14 Divici, jud. Caraº– Severin, settlement – 1 iron specimen; 15 Recaº, jud. Timiº, treasure – 1 silver specimen; 16 Moigrad, jud. Sãlaj, settlement – 1 bronze specimen; 17 ªaeº, jud. Mureº, treasure – 1 silver specimen; 18 Poiana, jud. Gorj (today incorporated into the town of Rovinari), treasure – 1 silver specimen; 19 Bucureºti–Tei, settlement – 1 bronze specimen; 20 Crãsani, jud. Ialomiþa, settlement – 1 ceramic specimen; 21 Poiana, jud. Galaþi, settlement – 6 bronze specimens; 22 Rãcãtãu, jud. Bacãu, settlement – 10 silver, bronze and iron specimens; 23 Brad, jud. Bacãu, settlement – 5 bronze and 1 iron specimen. Based on the fact that the location of the silver axe pendant from Baranja is not precisely known (Kiss 1972, T. I: 3), this specimen is not mapped. 38 Horedt 1973, 137. 39 Popovi} 1994, cat. no. 32; Kiss 1972, 120, 121, T. I, 3. 40 Cf. p. e. Beccati 1955, T. CXLVII, 322; Marshall 1911 (1969), no. 2921–2922; Popovi} 1996, 41–42, 137–138. 41 Popovi} 2000, 12, Sl. 2. 42 Popovi} 1996, cat. no. 130, 131. 43 DautovaRu{evqan 1995, 245, T. I, 13–16; Marijanski Manojlovi} 1987, 64, T. 9, 3/1; 36, 59/2, 60/4; 42, 77/1. 44 Migotti, Lelekovi} 2013, 250, T. X, 3–4; XXVII, 4 with a series of analogies from a wider area. 45 Popovi} 1994, 274, cat. no. 176. 46 Sirbu et al. 2007, Fig. 18. 1. 47 Popovi} 2004, 39–62; 2004 b, 133–146; 1996 b, 41–42, 137–138; 2013, 541–556. 48 Popovi} 1996, cat. no. 102. 49 Popovi} 2005, 60–62, cat. no. 3. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Mitja GU[TIN, Ivana POPOVI] Early Roman Hoards from Ma~vanska Mitrovica (?) (53–74) Fig. 8. 1) Axe amulets, 2–3) pendants in the form of lunula, 4) rhomboidal pendant, 5) omega shaped pendant, M = 1 : 1 Sl. 8. 1) Amuleti u obliku minijaturne sekire, 2–3) privesci u obliku lunule, 4) romboidni privezak, 5) omega privezak, M = 1 : 1 Rhomboidal long pendant One rhomboidal, i. e. shield-like, pendant with an expressed loop on the top (Fig. 8, 4, high 5.5 cm), ornamented with incised motifs: spruce twig, circles and points in a line. There is no exact parallel to the slim pendant from Ma~vanska Mitrovica (?). Four larger, rhomboidal wide belt pendants with incised ornaments resembling a spruce twig, circles and points are known from the hoards at Bare50 and eight from Rovinari;51 to this type of pendant may also belong one fragment from Sighiºoara.52 The ornaments of the pendant from Ma~vanska Mitrovica (?) and those belt pendants of a large extended rhomboidal type are executed in a very similar manner to the ornaments of fibulae with large thin rhomboidal plate bows, as seen in the specimens from the Cadea and ªaeº hoards, dated to the pre-Roman period.53 65 Connecting pendant in omega form The slim, 5.3 cm wide, connecting pendant is made of twisted silver wire in a waving omega form, with narrowed and pointed ends representing a very simplified bird/snake (?) head (Fig. 8, 5). A very similar form of connecting pendant is known from Kru{evica, where three silver specimens, 3.7 cm long, were found in a grave from the first half of the 5th century BC.54 Regarding these omega shaped 50 Popovi}, Bori}-Bre{kovi} 1994, cat. no. 21–24. Spanu 2012, 68, fig. 18. 2, 5; Pl. 105. 52 The fragment from Sighiºoara is more probably a part of a rhomboidal pendant and not an axe amulet as was proposed by Spanu 2012, 69, Pl. 132/7); cf. Horedt, Seraphin 1971, Fig. 64/8 (note obtained by A. Rustoiu). 53 Spanu 2012, Pl. 14. 1–3; 140. 3. 54 Cvjeti}anin 1994, 158, cat. no. 13. 51 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Mitja GU[TIN, Ivana POPOVI] Early Roman Hoards from Ma~vanska Mitrovica (?) (53–74) objects, we should point out the discussion of Daniela Agre, who has presented some silver examples from ^ikovoto, tumulus 1. Some bronze specimens from Jablanica, tumulus 1, found with two fibulae from the region of Etropole in Thrace and a mound from Histria on the Black Sea coast, and a detail from a Greek vase with women’s head attire, dated to the 6th century BC, with numerous parallels in the wider region.55 From a later context, we should mention two fragmented silver connecting pendants fashioned in an omega form with their ends formed into the head of snake, from Kraj~inovi}i, Slana Voda dated to the last centuries BC,56 and a grave published on the internet without details of the site to which it belongs, dated to Augustan’s period, with complete jewellery consisting of silver objects such as fibulae, bracelets and other rings. The fibulae were connected with the help of waved connecting pendants with small birds’ head son their ends.57 The presented omega pendants are surprisingly similar to both ends of a silver bracelet from ^eljusnica.58 The roots of silver jewellery craft in the area of Upper Moesia In different periods of a large part of prehistory, the area along the left and right bank of the Lower Danube often showed a cultural unity – a specific well recognised cultural koiné. In the pre-Roman period, the large Danube (Istroj / Dånuvius / Donaris / Danubius) Rivers served as a link and communication route for the populations who lived in the wide Danube basin of ancient Moesia, such as the Celtic Scordisci, the Illyrian Tribali, Autariati, etc., and the tribes of Thracians and Dacians in the hinterland of the Black Sea (Euxine) coast and the Peonians and Macedonians living in the Vardar (Axios) Valley. However, the effect of this cultural koiné was also felt further to the west and the north with strong contact with the river valleys of the Drina (Drinus), Sava (Savus) and Tisa (Pathissos) and the tribes living in Transdanubia.59 In the metalwork of the Panonian-Balkan area, silver, as a precious and popular metal in the Late Iron Age period of the 2nd and 1st centuries BC, was widespread in the form of a variety of products. Already indicated, with the help of a series of different archaeological silver objects (torques, bracelets, rings, belt-buckles), by K. Horedt, M. Gu{tin and, finally, by B. Kull, is the long distance connections of similar silver goods from the western hinterland of the Black Sea to the Balkans, and further to Italy and the Iberian Peninsula and vice versa. In these connections it is possible to recognise 66 the ethnic background and the existing trade, mining and cult and a clearly recognisable cultural koine of forms and ornaments.60 For the Scordisci,61 on the banks of the confluence of the rivers Sava and Danube, the highlight of their developmental characteristics is the production of large, smooth silver jewellery formed mostly of Middle La Tène shapes (fibulae of the Jarak type).62 Conversely, in nearby pre-Roman Dacia, the silver products of knotted and shield fibulae formed in Middle La Tène shapes were made from large, thin sheet metal, decorated with punching and engraving. Also furnished with the same decoration were the large simply formed bows of fibulae in Late La Tène shapes. Forms such as torques and spiral bracelets with decorated end plates were produced from heavy silver wire. In both areas of the Dacian and Scordisci territory, belt-buckles of the Laminici type were well distributed and confirm these strong connections.63 The embossed ornamentation and the defined spectrum of motifs, executed on numerous thin bronze or silver metal sheets which covered the iron base, shows its uniformity in all areas of distribution, even if they were the products of various workshops (Fig. 9). These objects of women’s attire were popular in the period of the 55 Agre 2001, 50, 51. Zotovi} 1985, T. XXXV, 4, 5 57 Artefacts BRC-3524. 58 Tonkova 2011, 189–192, Fig. 1b. 59 For the historical background see Papazoglu 1969. 60 Horedt 1973; Gu{tin 1991; 2011; Kull 2002. 61 Todorovi} 1974; Bo`i~ 1981; Gu{tin 1984; Jovanovi} 1987; Tasi} 1991. 62 Jevti} 2006, 94–104; for fibulae types in Dacia see Rustoiu 1997. 63 List of the belt-buckles of the Laminci type: 1 Novo mesto– Beletov vrt, 2 Sisak–Kolpa, Sisak–kod silosa, 3 Donji Laminci, 4 Breza, 5 Folkuºová, 6 Nyergesújfalu, 7 Törökszentmiklós, 8 ^urug, 9 Dalj, 10 Sotin–Zmajevac, 11 Gradina na Bosutu kod Va{ice–Kablarovac, 12 »Syrmia« (vicinity of Sremska Mitrovica), 13 Jarak, 14 Hrtkovci–Gomolava, Hrtkovci–Vukoder, 15 Beograd–Karaburma, Beograd–Rospi ]uprija, 16 @idovar–Ore{ac, 17 Ram–Lederata, 18 Divici, 19 Ostrovul ªimian, 20 Mala Vrbica–Ajmana, 21 U{}e Slatinske reke, 22 Gruia, 23 Zgorigrad, 24 Altimir, 25 Tarnava, 26 Cãciulãteºti, 27 Dobreºti, 28 Orlea, 29 Popeºti, 30 Chirnogi, 31 Vlãdiceasca, 32 Piscu Crãsani, 33 Pietroasele–Gruiu Dãrii, 34 Cârlomãneºti, 35 Grãdiºtea, 36 Poiana, 37 Cetãþeni, 38 Ocniþa, 39 Luncani–Piatra Roºie, 40 Hunedoara–Grãdina Castelului, 41 Simeria, 42 Ardeu, 43 ªura Micã, 44 Bratei, 45 Sighiºoara–Wietenberg, 46 Bernadea, 47 Cãpâlna, 48 Craiva–Piatra Craivii, 49 Marca, 50 Moigrad, 51 Beclean, 52 Poieneºti, 53 Boroseºti, 54 Luka{evka, 55 Dolinjani, 56 Otver`i~i, 57 Apatin? 56 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Mitja GU[TIN, Ivana POPOVI] Early Roman Hoards from Ma~vanska Mitrovica (?) (53–74) Fig. 9. Distribution of belt-buckles of the Laminci type. See note 63 (after Gu{tin 2011, fig. 6, completed after Babeº, 1983, Rustoiu 1996; map by A. Prelo`nik) Sl. 9. Karta rasprostrawenosti pojasnih kop~i tipa Laminci. Videti referencu 63 (prema: Babeº 1983, Rustoiu 1996, Gu{tin 2011; karta: A. Prelo`nik) second half of the1st century BC and at the beginning of the 1st century AD. Three exceptional silver jewellery hoards discovered in the north of the Scordiscian territory were: Hrtkovci/Gomolava, Kovin and @idovar, close to the border with Dacia, buried in the 1st century BC.64 They are, judging by the variety of objects present, and most of the forms in their inventories, with the exception of the Jarak fibulae type, largely very different objects to the Dacian hoards inventories from the same period. The small hoard from Kovin65 contained a pair of spiral bracelets terminating with snake heads, a bracelet with overlapping and spirally twisted ends with coils, a folding razor, tubuli, foil pendants and a pair of Jarak type fibulae. The exceptionally rich hoard inventory from the settlement of @idovar, intensely analysed by M. Jevti}, 67 contains foil pendants with a large variety of forms, finger rings, tubuli, small loops, silver foil and amber beads, an amulet made from a bear tooth, two folding razors, decorative tubules, chains of intertwined wire, two pixidae, a mirror and fibulae of the Jarak type.66 It corresponds in some forms to the hoard, with jewellery such as fibulae of a middle La Tene shape, beads of a bird shape, anthropomorphic and amphorae shaped foil pendants, small loops and tubuli, from Hrtkovci, a village close to the Late Iron Age settlement of Gomolava.67 64 Jevti} 2006, 168 proposed the middle of the 1st century BC for the deposition of the @idovar hoard. 65 Ra{ajski 1961, 7–22. 66 Jevti} 2006. 67 Dautova-Ru{evljan, Jevti} 2008, 291–307. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Mitja GU[TIN, Ivana POPOVI] Early Roman Hoards from Ma~vanska Mitrovica (?) (53–74) Fig. 10. Distribution of miniature axe pendant amulets. See note 37 (map by A. Prelo`nik) Sl. 10. Karta rasprostrawenosti amuleta u obliku minijaturne sekire. Videti referencu 37 (karta: A. Prelo`nik) These hoards, based on the types and decoration of the jewellery, should belong in the same period and are important for the historical interpretation as well as for the cultural interpretation of their content. With the fibulae of the Jarak type we can observe in the hoard of @idovar, as in the hoard of Kovin, a strong Scordiscian identity in the form of fibulae production; in contrast, the waved fingerings of the settled type have to be connected with identical forms well distributed in this period in the central Celtic World. Extraordinary jewellery pieces such as tubuli and pixidae, and perhaps also the so-called composite pendants, with small granules, decorated with filigree and granulation, interlaced filigree threads and settings for glass paste or red stone, on the pixidae, are, by the execution of the ornaments, connected with traditional Late Classical workshops of the 4th century and trade with the west coast of the Black Sea or the southern Balkans.68 Numerous and differently formed pendants and beads were made using double-pressed thin silver foil produced by hammering and pressing into a matrix is a world-wide craftsmen’s technique of the period. However, there are no appropriate analogies to determinate 68 the origin of these products. These numerous and exceptional parts of jewellery, and likely extraordinary looking necklaces, could have been produced by special order for the Celtic community in the area of Kovin –Gomolava–@idovar, in a prominent Scordiscian workshop, or by craftsmen in the western Balkan or preRoman Dacian workshops.69 The famous treasure of Szàrazd–Regöly with gold and silver jewellery buried in the heart of Transdanubia,70 offers the best parallels to the distant hoard inventories of southern Banat, 500 km to the south-east. The gold part, with tubuli decorated with interlaced filigree threads and various round beds with filigree and granulation seems to be at least two centuries older; the silver part with small human mask beads made using double-pressed thin silver sheets, longitudinal amber bead sand chains of intertwined wire cor- 68 Jevti} 2006, Map 4. Also to be added, Tremnik by Negotino (Gu{tin-Kuzman 2016, 316–322 with preceding literature). 69 Rustoiu 2002. 70 Jevti} 2006, 102 with relevant literature. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Mitja GU[TIN, Ivana POPOVI] Early Roman Hoards from Ma~vanska Mitrovica (?) (53–74) responds to the Gomolava–Kovin–@idovar jewellery and could to have the same craftsman’s metalworking provenience. Simple products like the typical handmade rough ceramic forms with simple decoration and especially small so called “dacian cups” (lamps)71, both well represented as local products in the second half of the 1st century BC and even later penetrated from the Dacian area into the society of the Scordisci and even to the broader neighboring tribes also. In this period, the ordinary ceramic tradition in particular offers the possibility for recognising the connections between the eastern Celtic and Illyrian tribes with Dacia’s communities, who may have lived for a period of time in the area between the Tisa and the Danube. Strabo clearly states that the Tribali, and later the Moesians, lived primarily here, in the area across the Morava River beyond the land of the Scordisci (The Celts who lived intermingled with Illyrians and Thracians).72 The last phase of the so-called horizon of Dacian silver object hoards ended in around 25 AD;73 but some traditional jewellery shapes continued to be produced for a few more decades, when old/new workshops appeared as a normal consequence of the Roman conquests of the territories on the right bank of the Danube, in the region of Upper Moesia. Some adornments, such as the amulets in the form of miniature axes and bracelets with overlapping and spirally coiled ends, which were widely distributed in pre-Roman Dacia and Thracia, had a long lasting use into the middle of the 3rd century, or even the 4th century.74 At the end of this chapter the presence of various types of Roman bronze ware – world-wide spread products often presented in the grave inventories and settlement layers of the 1st century BC has to be mentioned. These products, as well as other objects of Roman craftsmen or traders, well represented in the Tekija – Bare hoards horizon, had a significant influence on the resurgence of local traditional or imported Late Hellenistic silver jewellery in the 1st century AD. The silver hoards of Domitian’s time (81–96) To understand the contents of the Ma~vanska Mitrovica (?) hoard, we would like to briefly again present the important hoards of the same period from the neighbouring areas. The Tekija hoard contains: jewellery (large silver bracelets with spirally twisted overlapped ends and with, or without, pendants in the form of miniature axes, other tools and a human hand), a gold ring executed by 69 filigree and granulation, with overlapping and spirally twisted ends, between which there is a miniature axe, jewellery from the Roman artistic circle (gold earrings in the form of a joined semi-calotte, gold rings with the head in the form of a plate with engraved palmettos), a silver parade-belt of Roman provenance, silver buttons, a silver lunula shaped pendant, silver vessels from Campanian workshops (a simpulum and two paterae on which there are later added rings, with a miniature axe hanging on one of them), silver spoons and a pin of Roman provenance, an emblemata made of silver tin, with cultic contents and of Eastern Mediterranean origin, and 111 Roman republican and imperial denarii, t.p.q. 81 AD. The Bare hoard contains: silver jewellery (twisted torques with different endings, large bracelets with overlapping and spirally wrapped ends with, or without, pendants in the form of a miniature axe, rings with overlapped and spirally wrapped ends, rings which, between the spiral coils, have a Hercules knot, rhomboidal pendants decorated by engraving and punching, a spirally twisted ring with widened ends, decorated by engraving and punching in the form of a stylised palmetto, twisted bracelets whose endings are executed in the form of the head and tail of a snake, a cylindrical plate with composite punched ornament), a silver bracelet with a widened front section, on which there is an oval bed for a stone or piece of glass paste, a silver bracelet whose hoop ends with a snake-head holding the hinge connected to a gold-plated central medallion with representations of deities from the Eastern Mediterranean cultural circle, circular bronze plates covered with silver, with punched ornament on the front side, two early Roman fibulae (of kräftig profilierte Fibeln type) with a pronounced profile and button-like thickenings on the bow, deformed silver emblemata, of which one has a hammered barbarised representation of a female deity, and 279 republican and imperial denarii, t.p.q. 81 AD. 71 Dizdar 2001, 47, 90, 91. Strab. VII, 3, 8. 73 Horedt 1973, 191 (the last phase of the horizon of the Dacian hoards has been dated, in general, to the period of 25 BC – 25 AD). 74 Augst, Kaiseraugst (Martin-Kilcher 2008, Taf. 12, 217–222; 22, 587; 23, 600–610; 66, 2795; 74, 2926; 81, 210). 75 See the inventory of the rich Bazaraut silver hoard from the hinterland of the Black Sea, with Hadrian’s coins (117–138 AD) in which we have similar rings with overlapped and spirally twisted ends with coils and five axe pendants (Ruseva-Slokoska 1991, Pl. I). 72 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Mitja GU[TIN, Ivana POPOVI] Early Roman Hoards from Ma~vanska Mitrovica (?) (53–74) The inventory of the Rovinari hoard in Oltenia had similar contents, consisting of silver: two twisted torques, two rings with triangular knob ends, two bracelets of a large square cross section and with overlapped and spirally coiled ends, twelve rings with overlapped and spirally coiled ends (one with a miniature axe, one with a small simple ring), eight rhomboidal belt pendants, one spear pendant, a small decorated metal sheet, fragments of a ceramic vessel, an amber pearl, a glass pearl, and 15 roman republican and 13 imperial denarii, t.p.q. 81 AD. The composition of silver objects in the Ma~vanska Mitrovica (?) hoard show close similarities with the above described hoards of silver jewellery and also with the Radenkovi}–Crkvine hoard, described at the beginning of this article. The use of pendants of miniature axes in Upper Moesia seems to be as a result of influences from the Dacian cultural areaof the 1st century BC together with other silver jewellery forms whose roots were in the goldsmiths’ knowledge and traditions from the Hellenistic centres on the Black Sea coast. The jewellery from the above listed hoards, worn by the autochthonous élites in the 2nd half of the1st century AD, together with the numerous finds of richly executed silver jewellery in the Balkan–Pannonian region from the period of the late 2nd century BC, confirms the presence in Upper Moesia of well-formed local goldsmith workshops where identical jewellery was manufactured. These were traditional pre-Roman centres of metal manufactures and demonstrate the cultural impulses in the past from the Dacian cultural area to the region of the Scordisci and Tribali, which brings us from the earliest period of Roman rule in the region of Moesia to a wider cultural koiné, presented with the decoration executed using punching and engraving and objects such asp. e. the emblemata, belt plate decorations, ring jewellery with overlapped and spirally twisted ends with coils, necklaces of the chain type, and axe-pendants. The existence of emblemata with representations of Hellenistic-Oriental deities in Tekija, i. e. the local adaptations of these objects in Bare and Ma~vanska Mitrovica (?), the composite bracelets of East Mediterranean origin in the Bare hoard and the copies of Hellenistic goldsmiths’ techniques and motifs also point to the presence of strong cultural influences, which came to the Upper Moesia region through the Lower Danube valley, from the centres of precious metalworking on the Black Sea coast, or through the Vardar Valley from the workshops of the Macedonian-Greek world. The hoard inventories of the Tekija–Bare horizon, situated between the sites of Radnekovi} and Rovinari, belong to the élite of the period. Thesevaluable objects could have belonged to local individuals of the highest rank or important representatives in these societies. They may, possibly, have also belonged to the local shrines. In any case, they were, based on the numismatic data, hidden in same period, with the last denarii from the Tekija, Bare, Rovinari and Boljetin numismatic hoards minted at the end of AD 81. The hoards near the military camps of Transdierna and Viminacium, and probably those around Sirmium and of Rovinari as well (Fig. 1), were deposited in the period after 81 AD. Could this have been as a result of the unsettled period in Upper Moesia and the conflicts between the Romans and Dacians, p. e. a note in the sources described Domitian’s wars with the Dacians in the 9th decade of the 1st century AD, or does some other explanation exist for their burial? As in the Ma~vanska Mitrovica (?) and Radenkovi}–Crkvine finds, the monetary part of the hoard does not exist, likewise the date of their depositing in the Tekija–Bare horizon is not certain. The similarity of the objects suggests the same period of burial, but the geographical location of both hoards in Srem permits us also to consider other possibilities. Later movements during Trajan’s wars with the Dacian’s (AD 101–106) or later should not to be exclude.75 Ma~vanska Mitrovica and Sremska Mitrovica (Sirmium) are situated on the banks of the river Sava, opposite one another, and the Roman army, travelling by the Sava river to the wars with the Dacians, must have passed by this region. Translated by the authors Starinar is an Open Access Journal. All articles can be downloaded free of charge and used in accordance with the licence Creative Commons – Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 3.0 Serbia (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/rs/). ^asopis Starinar je dostupan u re`imu otvorenog pristupa. ^lanci objavqeni u ~asopisu mogu se besplatno preuzeti sa sajta ~asopisa i koristiti u skladu sa licencom Creative Commons – Autorstvo-Nekomercijalno-Bez prerada 3.0 Srbija (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/rs/). 70 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Mitja GU[TIN, Ivana POPOVI] Early Roman Hoards from Ma~vanska Mitrovica (?) (53–74) BIBLIOGRAPHY: Agre 2001 – D. Agre, Trakiçski nakiti ot raçona na Etropole (V–IV v. pr. Hr.), Arheoéoáiý 42, 2001, 48–56 (D. Agre, Trakiïski nakiti ot raïona na Etropole (V–IV v. pr. Hr.), Arheologiia 42, 2001, 48–56). Baudek 2005 – A. Baudek, Rimsko `arno grobi{~e Volarije pri @irjah na Krasu, Arheolo{ki vestnik 56, 2005, 235–262. Bo`i~ 1981 – D. 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STARINAR LXVII/2017 Mitja GU[TIN, Ivana POPOVI] Early Roman Hoards from Ma~vanska Mitrovica (?) (53–74) Rezime: MITJA GU[TIN, Piran IVANA POPOVI], Arheolo{ki institut, Beograd RANORIMSKA OSTAVA SREBRNIH PREDMETA IZ MA^VANSKE MITROVICE (?) Prilog prou~avawu kulturne koiné kroz izradu dragocenih srebrnih predmeta Kqu~ne re~i. – ranorimski period, horizont ostava Tekija–Bare, srebrni nakit, kulturna koiné. Na tr`i{tu antikviteta u Gracu/Austriji pojavila se 2014. godine grupa srebrnih predmeta za koju je kupcu, kolekcionaru keltskih predmeta, re~eno da poti~e iz Srbije, najverovatnije iz okoline Ma~vanske Mitrovice. Kupac je 2016. godine dozvolio fotografisawe i arheolo{ku analizu nalaza (sl. 2). Konstatovano je da se nalaz sastoji od 21 predmeta, nastalih na samom kraju I ili u prvim godinama II veka, i da pripada grupi ostava pohrawenih za vreme rimskoda~kih ratova (sl. 1). U wegov sastav ulazili su: dve embleme od srebrnog lima (sl. 3, 1–2), tri pojasne plo~ice (sl. 3, 3–5), tri tubulusa ukra{ena iskucanim ornamentima, sa oka~enim alkama sa spiralno namotanim krajevima o koje su bili oka~eni privesci u obliku minijaturnih sekira (sl. 4), tri torkvesa (sl. 5), dve ogrlice u vidu lanaca, sastavqenih od alki sa spiralno namotanim krajevima, od kojih su se na jednoj nalazili lunulasti privesci, kombinovani sa onim u obliku br{qanovog lista (sl. 6, 1–2; 8, 3), jedna narukvica sa spiralno obmotanim krajevima (sl. 7, 1), dva mawa i dva ve}a prstena-alke, sa spiralno obmotanim krajevima i oka~enim privescima u formi minijaturne sekire (sl. 7, 2–5), kao i jedan lunulasti (sl. 8, 2), jedan romboidni (sl. 8, 4) i jedan omega privezak (sl. 8, 5). Ukupno sedam privezaka u formi minijaturnih sekira tesno povezuju nalaz iz Ma~vanske Mitrovice (?) sa nakitom iz posledweg horizonta da~kih ostava srebrnih predmeta, datovanog u period od 25. g. pre n. e. do 25. g. n. e., mada je upotreba tih privezaka, zastupqenih i u nalazu iz Ro{tija u Transilvaniji, potvr|ena i tokom sredine III veka (sl. 10). Ukoliko nalaz o kome je re~ poti~e iz okoline Ma~vanske Mitrovice, va`no je napomenuti da je na oko 10 km jugozapadno od tog mesta, u selu Radenkovi}, na lokalitetu 74 Crkvine otkriven nalaz srebrnog nakita koji je sadr`avao jednu alku sa spiralno namotanim krajevima, na koju je bila nanizana minijaturna sekira, kao i jedan lunulasti privezak. Pored ovog nakita, nalaz o kome je re~ svoje najboqe analogije nalazi u ostavama srebrnih predmeta iz mesta Bare, u blizini logora Viminacium, i iz Tekije, kod logora Transdierna. Monetarni delovi ovih ostava datuju wihovo pohrawivawe u kraj 81/po~etak 82. godine. Srodan nalaz iz mesta Rovinari u Transilvaniji mogao je, tako|e, biti sakriven u to vreme, tokom turbulentnih doga|aja za vreme Domicijanovih ratova sa Da~anima. Kako u nalazu iz Ma~vanske Mitrovice (?) novac nije zastupqen, vreme wegovog pohrawivawa nije pouzdano datovano u ovaj period, pogotovo zbog ~iwenice da su se sukobi na obalama Dunava nastavili i tokom Trajanovih da~kih ratova (101–106). U svakom slu~aju, mo`e se zakqu~iti da nalaz sadr`i ukrase ~iji su oblici u razli~itim periodima dolazili iz gr~kog kulturnog kruga, bilo dolinom Drine (omega privesci), bilo iz crnomorskih radionica, posredstvom Da~ana (alke i narukvice sa spiralno namotanim krajevima, privesci u formi minijaturnih sekira). Pojasne plo~ice mogu sedovesti u vezu sa onima koje su kori{}ene u izradi pojaseva tipa Laminci, datovanih u I vek pre. n. e., a zastupqenih u no{wi Bastarna, Dako-Geta, ali i ilirsko-keltske populacije naseqene u dolinama Morave i Save (sl. 9). Svi predmeti iz nalaza u Ma~vanskoj Mitrovici (?) bili su prilago|eni potrebama i ukusu lokalne plemenske elite, a sastav ostave pokazuje da su zanatlije i trgovci iz razli~itih balkansko-panonskih regija me|u sobom odr`avali tesne kontakte, stvaraju}i jednu vrstu kulturne koiné. STARINAR LXVII/2017 UDC: 04:726.821"652"(497.11) 904:393.9"652"(497.11) 904:645.5"652"(497.11) https://doi.org/10.2298/STA1767075S Original research article DRAGANA LJ. SPASI]-\URI], National Museum Po`arevac PINCTADA MARGARITIFERA BOX FROM VIMINACIUM e-mail: antinoj@mts.rs Abstract – A Pinctada margaritifera box was unearthed at Viminacium in 1985, at the site of Pe}ine, in a grave containing cremated remains. It was made from the shell of a pearl oyster (Pinctada margaritifera), an exotic clam whose habitat is tropical seas: the Indo-Pacific region, the Persian Gulf, and the Red Sea. Based on the grave type and a coin found in it, the box has been dated to the second half of the first and the first half of the second century AD. Morphologically and functionally, it represents a rare find in the territory of present-day Serbia and, together with the finds from Aquincum and Savaria, it is also a rare find of P. margaritiferae in the Central Balkans. It is a high-prestige item, indicative of contacts between Viminacium and the Near East, i.e. the area of present-day Israel, Jordan and Syria, where the workshops producing Pinctada boxes are alleged to have been. This text discusses the geographic-historical and, in particular, functional aspects of the P. margaritifera box as a symbol of Venus and a cultic prop in initiation rites. Key words – Aphrodite/Venus, initiation, Cyprus, lustration, shell, pars pro toto, Pinctada margaritifera, Viminacium, clam. A large shells of exquisite beauty (Pinctada, Tridacna squamosa and T. maxima, Aspatharia rubens, Cypraea annulus, Cypraea tigris, Tectus dentatus and Nerita) in settlements, residential buildings, graves and sanctuaries in the Mediterranean (Cyprus) and the Middle East (Egypt, Libya, Jordan, Iran, Iraq, Israel) confirm their cosmetic or cultic function.5 significant place among the rich archaeological finds from the Viminacium necropoleis is held by shells of marine molluscs (Bivalvia) and snails (Gastropoda), which are more numerous than those of freshwater species.1 This archaeological material represents a valuable testimony not only to both the day-to-day and spiritual life of the population of Viminacium, but to the city’s dynamic intercultural connections locally and further afield.2 Individually or in larger numbers, the shells cover a broad chronological range in various funerary forms and contexts. Generally, they are more frequent in the graves of women and children, which is a characteristic shared with necropoleis in other provinces.3 The funerary role of the shells has been interpreted in diverse ways, e.g. that they were food remains, personal effects of the deceased, receptacles for cosmetics or jewellery, status symbols, or that they carried a more complex, cultic meaning.4 The discoveries of 1 In the course of my work on this subject, I was greatly assisted by Dr David S. Reese of The Field Museum, Chicago, and Prof. Demetrios Michaelides of the University of Cyprus, to both of whom I am happy to extend my gratitude here. 2 Trubitt 2003: 243, 244; Carter 2005: 190–197, 201–203; Spasi}-\uri} 2015a: 51. 3 Kovács 2008:152–445; Stroszeck 2012: 52–62; Spasi}\uri} 2015b: 268–273. 4 Jackson 1917: 123–140; Reese 1988: 35–41, Fig. 1; Kovács 2008: 9–18; Michaelides 1995: 212; Stroszeck 2012: 67–71; Spasi}\uri} 2015b: 272, 273. 75 Manuscript received 19th December 2016, accepted 10th May 2017 Dragana Lj. SPASI]-\URI] Pinctada Margaritifera Box from Viminacium (75–93) Fig. 1. Parts of a balsamarium, Viminacium, Grave G1-1026 Fig. 2. a, b) Bronze coin, 1st c. AD, Viminacium, Grave G1-1026 Sl. 1. Delovi balsamarija, grob G1-1026 Sl. 2. a, b) Bronzani novac, I vek (?), grob G1-1026 a An important contribution to the interpretation of the symbolism of shells in Roman graves has been made by Prof. A. Jovanovi}, who is of the opinion that they are reduced manifestations of essential sacral contents related to the Funerary Venus (Venus Funeraria).6 Functional interpretations are significantly harder and more complex in the case of edible clams and snails whose shells are aesthetically prominent, e.g. Charonia sequenze, Triton and Pecten jacobaeus.7 A contribution to this subject has been made by analyses of a shell from a Viminacium grave, which, by its function as well as its symbolic potential and beauty, represents a rarity in the territory of Serbia. It is a find of a valve of a seashell, field inventory number C-11209 (03/3919), unearthed at the site of Pe}ine in 1985, in a layered grave with cremated remains (G1-1026).8 The grave was, for the most part, destroyed by subsequent burials.9 Two burnt balsamaria of bluish glass, field inventory number C-11207, were found in the south-eastern corner of the first layer. The surviving parts of either item (the ring-shaped, thickened rim and the narrow, cylindrical neck) do not lend themselves to precise typological identification (Fig. 1). A bronze coin, field inventory number C-11208, was discovered in the north-western corner of the second layer. It bears a damaged portrait on the left side of the obverse, whereas a standing figure can be made out on the reverse. It has been identified as a 1st century as coin (Fig. 2a–b).10 Based on this coin find, the burial in Grave G1-1026 has been broadly dated to the second half of the 1st or the first half of the 2nd century AD. 76 b The shell valve was discovered in the central part of the western wall of the grave pit. Preserved in the upper part of the valve, close to its right-hand edge, is an elongated fastener made from two layers of thin bronze plate. One end of the fastener is tapered and the other is incised in the shape of a triangle. It is 17 mm long and 1–3 mm wide and affixed to the valve with two small rivets. At the opposite end is a perforation of 2 mm in diameter. The valve is roughly circular, measuring 15 cm in diameter and has a maximum depth/ height of 2.3 cm at the umbo. The thickness of the valve varies from 1.5 to 17 mm. It is smooth on the outside, without flutings, and is beige in colour. Its surface has a pearl-like shimmer with gold and pink hues. This high quality surface was produced by scraping and grinding the outer, “mineral” coating of the shell down to the nacreous layer, the so-called mother-of-pearl. The teeth and hollows along the dorsal edge of the valve (the hinge line) were also worked and smoothed. 5 Michaelides 1995: 212–214, note 10; Reese 1988: 35–39, Fig. 1; Reese 1995: 265–278; Reese 2008: 456–459, figs. 273, 274; that they may have been used as food is indicated by the shells of mollusks that were taken from the sea while still alive, cf. Ktalav 2015, 504–508. 6 Jovanovi} 2000: 13–15. 7 Michaelides 1995: 211, 212; Ktalav 2015: 505–509. 8 Spasi}-\uri} 2015a: 106,107, sl. 109. 9 Site of “Pecine” 1985, archaeological diary, page 2920, G 1 1026. 10 I am grateful to Dr M. Vojvoda for dating the coin. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Dragana Lj. SPASI]-\URI] Pinctada Margaritifera Box from Viminacium (75–93) a b Fig. 3. a, b) Half of a P. margaritifera box, Viminacium, Grave G1-1026 (photo by V. Ili}) Sl. 3. a, b) Polovina kutije P. margaritifera, Viminacijum, grob G1-1026 (foto: V. Ili}) After that, the valve was meticulously polished.11 There is a small amount of damage on the part opposite the umbo, where the valve is thinnest. The interior of the valve is completely coated with nacre, showing mechanical damage in the form of circular and dotted indentations. The surviving bronze fastener on the exterior of the valve suggests that this was part of a cosmetic box. The function of the small perforation at the opposite end is not clear. There may have been a safety mechanism there for closing the valve more tightly in order to prevent air from entering the box and spoiling the cosmetic preparation contained in it (Fig. 3a–b; Plate I). Judging from its state of preservation, this half of the box was carefully deposited in the grave pit, which was allowed to cool down together with the cremated remains, unlike the balsamarium and the coins, which were damaged by heat when the deceased was being cremated. Origin, diffusion and distribution In the quest for the origin of the Viminacium shell, the thick layer of nacre that enveloped the valve completely was a beacon that lit the way.12 Based on it and the shell’s morphological features, it was identified as the shell of a pearl oyster, Pinctada margaritifera, class Bivalvia (Lamellibranchiata), order Pterioida, and family Pteriidae. All the species of the Pteriidae family are characterised by a thick coat of nacre covering the interior of the shell, which makes them easily identifiable. P. margaritifera belongs to a small group of pearl oysters, with habitats in deeper waters (5–30 m) of tropical seas, such as the region of the Indo-Pacific (Austra- 77 lia, Papua New Guinea, Tahiti and Japan), the Persian Gulf and the Red Sea. They can grow to a size of 20–25 cm, sometimes even to as much as 30 cm. The shades of nacre, and thereby the colour of the pearl, depend on the geographic origin.13 The value of the shells comes from the fact that they are not found in the Mediterranean Sea and, for this reason, during prehistory and Antiquity, they were distributed from the Orient as the main source of nacre and pearls.14 The popularity of the shell in the Hellenistic and Roman periods is evident in numerous artisanal works, of both profane and sacred character. Various materials were used to produce diverse clam-shaped objects: vessels,15 toilet bottles,16 cosmetic boxes,17 parts of 11 Due to the working and removal of the dark colored external coarse layer of a knobby and fluted structure, it is not possible to establish whether this is the ventral or the dorsal part of the shell. 12 My gratitude on this occasion goes to Dr D. Reese and Prof. M. Vujovi} (Faculty of Philosophy, Belgrade, Department of Archaeology) for their assistance in determining the taxonomic status of the clam. 13 BMNH 1901: 34–36. fig. 28; Michaelides 1995: 215, 217, fig. 3; Láng 2006: 150,151. The lands around the Persian Gulf and the Red Sea have access to a major source of pearls produced by the species Margaritifera vulgaris. The most famous pearl oysters are those from the Torres Strait and off the coasts of the Malay Archipelago, followed by those from Mexico, Panama, and the Red and South Seas. The market name of P. margaritifera was “Egyptian shell” or “Alexandria shell”, cf. Kunz, Stevenson 1908: 65–70, 85–87, 89–91. 14 Michaelides 1995: 215. 15 Walters et al. 1921: 25–26, No 93, Fig. 35; De Simone, Verki 1979: 113, 115; Kent, Painter (Ed.) 1977: 46–49, No. 94. 16 Isings 1957: 109, form 91/c. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Dragana Lj. SPASI]-\URI] Pinctada Margaritifera Box from Viminacium (75–93) jewellery,18 lamps,19 architectural sculpture for tombstones,20 etc. A decisive influence on their production was exerted by objects made from unworked/worked shells, as in P. margaritifera box from Viminacium. The research of Dr David S. Reese and Prof. Demetrios Michaelides in Cyprus and other parts of the world has demonstrated that Pinctada and other exotic shells, regardless of whether they were used as receptacles, decorative and prestige, status-related or cultic objects, had a long history and impressive distribution throughout various cultural epochs.21 The earliest finds, most commonly of buttons and pendants made from the shells of P. margaritifera, date from the Neolithic period (BC 6000–5000), from the area of present-day Kuwait, Arabia, the Sinai Peninsula, and the Levantine coasts, the very areas of the clam’s natural habitat.22 The greatest concentration of the shells during prehistoric times has been recorded in the areas of the eastern Mediterranean and the Middle East, with several isolated finds also recorded in the Far East.23 Shells of the pearl oyster bearing cartouches from c. BC 3200 prove that they were also used in ancient Egypt.24 One type of ornament made from P. margaritifera was discovered in an Early Bronze Age grave in south-eastern Anatolia (Kurban Höyük), whilst another, from the same period, was found in Italy (Reggio Emilia).25 Finds from the Post-Archaean period in Cyprus confirm that the use of P. margaritifera shells, pearls and other expensive Oriental commodities rapidly increased following the Graeco-Persian wars.26 In the Hellenistic and Roman periods, the shells of P. margaritifera were also used in the decoration of furniture, production of buttons, etc.27 Pliny, Ptolemy and Strabo state that, in addition to pearls, the shells of the pearl oyster also represent important items of merchandise, a fact attested by numerous archaeological finds.28 Several such items from Egypt (Naukratis, Fayum) are known from the 1st, 2nd and 4th centuries AD,29 as well as several others from the Islamic period, found at Quseir-al-Qadim, an important port city on the coast of the Red Sea.30 2nd century finds have come from the area of Upper Zohar, near Jerusalem.31 Fourteen items from the Roman, Early Byzantine and Islamic periods have come from Jordan.32 Three of them are from graves: two are Roman, from the fort of al-Humayma, near Amman,33 and the third is an Early Byzantine fragment of P. margaritifera decorated with rosettes, from Aqaba.34 A Roman find has come from Nuzi, in present-day Iraq, and a P. margaritifera from Uruk-Warka has been dated to the Parthian-Sassanid 78 period.35 A shell found in a 3rd–4th century grave in Georgia (Mtskheta) is among some of the more exotic finds of the clam, as is the one from Kobadian in Bactria, which is indicative of strong trade relations with the Far East.36 As regards European finds, six fragments have come from Pompeii and one from Voghenza.37 The same type of shell from the 1st century BC/1st cen- 17 [ari} 1979–80: 146, kat. 36, T. II/4; Vomer-Gojkovi} 1996: 313, 314, t. 3/4, sl. 23; 318, kat. 42, grob 7/1988; Palavestra, Krsti} 2006: 377, kat. 630; Popovi} 2005: 381, fig. 8. 18 Strong 1966: 86, cat. 94, Plates XXXIII–XXXV; Walker, Bierbrier 1997: 41–42, No 15; Spasi}-\uri} 2015a: 207, kat. 206. 19 Kruni} 2011: 71, kat. 31, 344, kat. 372, kat 485. 20 Jovanovi} 2000: 12, 17; Mirkovi} 2003: 104, No 15; Dautova-Ru{evljan 1983: 58, T.7/6. 21 Reese 1991: 163, 172, 189; Reese 1995: 265–278; Reese 2008: 456–461; Michaelides 1995: 215, Fig. 1; Trubitt 2003: 243, 244. 22 Carter 2005: 143, 144, 162, Fig. 2; 190–197, Table 1; 201–203, Table 6. 23 Michaelides 1995: 219, Fig. 2. 24 Kunz, Stevenson 1908: 5, 6. 25 Reese 1991: 172; Láng 2006: 151, 152, note 10; Michaelides 1995: 219, 221, 222, Fig. 2. 26 Kunz, Stevenson 1908: 8–11; Michaelides 1995: 213; Carter 2005: 166–168; Reese 2008: 458. 27 Láng 2006: 152,153, fig. 6, Table I; Reese 2008: 456–459, Figs. 273, 274. Ancient civilisations were familiar with pearl oysters and pearls, but their knowledge of the process of pearl creation was all too meagre. Pliny the Elder mentions “fishing for” oysters, pointing out that the most highly valued pearls come from the Persian Gulf and Arabia and that collecting oysters on the Arabian coastlands is an important branch of the economy. Talking about pearls in his Historia Naturalis, Pliny states that they are produced by shellfish called pina, from dew or rain, with the help of sunlight when the shellfish emerge from the water. Similar ideas about how pearls are produced survived until as late as 1554, when the notion arose that a pearl was a product of “oyster sickness”. A new hypothesis, linking the creation of a pearl with the oyster’s reaction to a foreign body, was published in 1713, cf. Carter 2005: 143–155, 166–168, 178–182; Kunz, Stevenson 1908: 8–11, 85–87. 28 Kunz, Stevenson 1908: 90, 98; Carter 2005: 140–149, 158–182. 29 Reese 2008: 456, 458, Fig. 273/ 4. 30 Reese 2008: 457, 458. 31 Láng 2006: 152, 153. 32 Reese 2013: 345, 346. 33 Reese 2008: 456, 458, Fig. 273/3; Láng 2006: 152, 153, Table I. 34 I owe a debt of gratitude to Dr D. Reese for the information and a drawing of the shell. 35 Láng 2006: 152, 153, fig. 6. 36 Láng 2006: 152, 153, fig. 6; Michaelides 1995: 219. 37 Reese 1991: 172, 173, fig. 21 a, b; Michaelides 1995: 219; Reese 2008: 456–459; Fig. 273, 274; Láng 2006: 152, 153. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Dragana Lj. SPASI]-\URI] Pinctada Margaritifera Box from Viminacium (75–93) Fig. 4. Diffusion of P. margaritifera shells in the Roman Empire, modified map based on Láng 2006: 152, Fig. 6 Sl. 4. Rasprostrawenost P. margaritifera qu{tura u Rimskom carstvu, prera|ena karta, prema: Láng 2006, 152, Fig. 6 tury AD was discovered in the Ancient Agora in Athens.38 An important contribution to the corpus of shells of P. margaritifera in the Hellenistic and Roman Mediterranean is the discovery of an unworked valve of P. margaritifera in a grave with skeletal remains from the 1st century AD in the western necropolis in Thessaloniki.39 An unpublished P. margaritifera shell was discovered at present-day Szombathely (Savaria), in Hungary, in the course of test excavations at the sanctuary of Isis. 40 The largest number of P. margaritifera shells from the Hellenistic and Roman periods have come from Cyprus, where 39 shells had been found by 1993, for which reason Cyprus has been singled out as a strong distribution point on the East-West trade route, both in Antiquity and post-Antiquity.41 Most shells from Cyprus come from tombs at Nea Paphos and its surroundings, and also from other sites (Palaepaphos, 79 Souskiou, Marion, Evrychou, Larnaca, Limassol, Prastio, Amathous and Kourion). Interesting shells of unknown provenance are kept in the Cyprus Museum and there are also several in the British Museum.42 38 Michaelides 1995: 221; Reese 2008: 457, Fig. 274/7; Láng 2006: 152. 39 Ifantidis 2014: 14, figs. 3, 4. 40 Láng 2006: 155. 41 By 1984, only one P. margaritifera shell was extant. Since then, owing to excavations of tombs at Paphos, new finds have been made and the shells kept in museum storage have been identified, cf. Michaelides 1995: 214, 215, Fig. 1; Reese 1992: 123–127, Pl. XXVI/ 2; Reese 2008: 458, 459; Láng 2006: 152, note 13. 42 Michaelides 1995: 219, 221; Reese 1992: 12; Reese 2008: 458, 459. I am grateful to Dr David Reese for the information on and the photograph of the shell kept in the British Museum (Palaepaphos). STARINAR LXVII/2017 Dragana Lj. SPASI]-\URI] Pinctada Margaritifera Box from Viminacium (75–93) At present, the P. margaritifera box from Viminacium represents an only find in the territory of modernday Serbia and, together with the published shells, is one of only a small number of finds in Europe. It is possible that this fact does not reflect the real state of affairs, but rather a failure to identify the shells or a tendency for archaeologists to treat them as secondrate material. The P. margaritifera box from Viminacium is a unique item of exquisite beauty accentuated by its size, careful workmanship and the well preserved nacreous coating, the last-mentioned fact being extremely rare due to the fragility of the shell. A map showing the location of the extant finds of P. margaritifera from the Hellenistic and Roman periods reveals a striking absence of finds in the western Roman provinces (Fig. 4).43 The westernmost find, dated to the 1st century AD, comes from Pompeii.44 The range of P. margaritifera shells during prehistoric times and the Hellenistic and Roman periods in the areas of the clam’s natural habitat (the Indo-Pacific, the Persian Gulf and the Red Sea)45 points to the locations of workshops where the shells were worked and decorated. They are localised to the area of present-day Israel, Jordan and Syria, with the Syrian hinterland playing a major role. From these centres, the shells were distributed as exclusive merchandise to Egypt, Asia Minor, Greece and Etruria by way of trade routes, with Cyprus being the first and most important stop.46 The discoveries in the Roman Balkan provinces (at Aquincum, Savaria and Viminacium) point to the Danube as a possible trade route by which luxury goods were transported to the Danubian urban and military centres. Decoration and construction features Most Hellenistic and Roman shells of P. margaritifera have survived as fragments or single valves. They were commonly used undecorated, in which case the outer, dark brown layer was removed and the edges, that is to say the lateral teeth, whose purpose is to close the shell, smoothed. Such are the shells from Grave 214 at Amatus, from BC 600–475.47 Decoration is more common on early Hellenistic shells, with simple geometric or, less frequently, floral or zoomorphic motifs prevailing around the inner edge, whilst the central part of the shell is free of decoration. The motifs were most often executed in punched dots or slanted lines in one or two rows, as evident in the shells in the Cyprus Museum and from Kourion, or as combinations of slanted lines between holes.48 A some- 80 what more complex decoration with a motif of a double spiral is found on the shells from the Paphos tombs and the shell from Pompeii.49 The earlier mentioned shell from Aqaba, in Jordan, bearing a motif of a rosette executed using a divider calliper, also belongs to this group.50 Other shells exhibit certain variations, but of the same type of ornament.51 A small number of P. margaritifera shells are decorated with zoomorphic, floral or architectural motifs.52 The Aquincum shell belongs to this group.53 It is a fragment of a large shell (it measures 10.7 cm long and 6.6 cm high and is 2 mm thick) discovered in 1993 in a refuse pit of Building XXVI, better known as the Sanctuary of Diana. The inner, nacre coated side is decorated with depictions of running animals, executed in punched dots. Based on a wider context, it has been dated to the Severan period and identified as the property of newcomers from the East, most likely Syria.54 Much rarer is the ornament of a stylised bird’s head on the umbo or near the edge. Such decoration is found on shells of unknown provenance kept in the Cyprus Museum,55 on a shell from Fayum,56 as well as on a fragment from Palaepaphos, now in the British Museum, which is decorated with concentric circles and densely arranged punched dots on the inner edge.57 Particularly 43 Michaelides 1995: 216, Fig. 2, 219; Láng 2006: 151–153, Fig. 6, Table 1. 44 Michaelides 1995: 221, Fig. 16; Reese 2008: 459. 45 Michaelides 1995: 215, 216, Fig. 2, 219; Láng 2006: 152, Fig. 6; Reese 2008: 458, 459. 46 Michaelides 1995: 213, 219; Láng 2006: 154; Reese 2008: 456, 457, Figs. 273, 274. 47 Michaelides 1995: 219. 48 Michaelides 1995: 221, Figs. 10, 11. 49 Michaelides 1995: 218–222, Figs. 6, 7, 16. 50 Cf. footnote 32. 51 Michaelides 1995: 217, Figs. 4–7; 221, Figs. 10–11, 221, Figs. 6–7, Figs. 12–13; 14–15; Láng 2006: 153, 154, Table 1; geometric ornaments also appear in later finds, such as a Pinctada shell from Iran (Qasr-i abu Nasr), from 7th–8th c., cf. Reese 2008: 457, 458, Fig. 274/6. 52 Reese 2008: 459. 53 Láng 2006: 150, 151, Figs. 3, 4. 54 The entire figure of an animal (lion or panther?) and the rear part of another animal, also with a tail (deer?) have survived, whereas the animal in the lower left corner is presumed to be a fish, cf. Láng 2006: 149–151, Figs. 3, 4, 154–157; Zsidi 2004: 216, Abb. 20. 55 Michaelides 1995: 17, Figs. 8–9. 56 Reese 2008: 459. 57 See footnote 42. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Dragana Lj. SPASI]-\URI] Pinctada Margaritifera Box from Viminacium (75–93) beautiful is the completely preserved P. margaritifera box now in the Haifa Museum, in Israel, decorated with floral motifs (lotus flowers?) on the outside of both valves.58 A unique specimen of a P. margaritifera box was found at Salamis, in Cyprus, in 1877, now known only from a drawing. The box was formed from the shell, and fitted with a hinge mechanism. It was decorated with geometric and floral motifs on the outside, whereas on the inside there was the cursive inscription “Toilet box of Habros.”59 The inscription, which unambiguously indicates the function of the box, carries innuendos of eroticism, as it represents a carefully selected and sophisticated expression of affection for an unknown lady. In some specimens, the decoration has become shallower or has disappeared altogether over the course of time. Some shells are assumed to have been painted (e.g. the box from Salamis), but the paint has faded over time.60 A 3rd to 4th century shell from Mtskheta, in Georgia, bears a peculiar depiction of a building with two wings and of a bird (eagle?), in which researchers have recognised a Sassanid gymnasium.61 The rise of Christian and Islamic symbolism in the th 7 and 8th centuries led to reinterpretations of some of the symbols.62 The tradition of decorating P. margaritifera shells continued in later times, mostly in the Holy Land and predominantly for the purpose of producing souvenirs for pilgrims.63 In this period, Cyprus retained its role of a distribution centre. A substantial number of P. margaritifera shells were discovered in tombs in Cyprus (Kourion, Amathus, Nea Paphos, Palaepaphos), Amman, Mtskheta, Pompeii and Voghenza. Some of them were unearthed within settlements (Kobadian, Quesir-al-Quadim, Uruk-Warka, Jerusalem, Pompeii, Nuzi, Fayum), whereas several shells originated in houses at Paphos, Kourion and Athens.64 The morphologically and geographically closest analogy to the Viminacium specimen is the fragment of a P. margaritifera valve from Aquincum. However, the Viminacium valve is rather large and preserved in its entirety and was also worked in a different manner: the rough layers have been completely removed from the valve and, therefore, it consists entirely of nacre, whilst the outside of the Aquincum valve has not been worked at all and contains traces of marine parasites. Based on the context of the find within a complex of buildings identified as a sanctuary of Diana, the P. margaritifera shell from Aquincum is linked with the cult of the goddess.65 Constructionally and functionally and by their state of preservation and closing mechanism, i.e. a hinge and lock, the P. margaritifera box 81 from Salamis, in Cyprus, and the entirely preserved P. margaritifera box from Haifa, from an unknown site in Israel, are closest to the Viminacium box.66 In both cases, the hinge mechanism contains two identical fasteners affixed to the valves with rivets.67 The preserved part of the closing mechanism on the Viminacium halfbox contains a two-layer bronze plate fastener, damaged near the edge of the valve. Based on its similarities with the Salamis and Haifa boxes, it may be assumed that the Viminacium box contained a closing mechanism identical to theirs (Plate I, IIa–b, III, Fig. 5), the only difference being the position of the hinge on the valve. On the Haifa box, the hinge is at the end opposite the umbo, in the section where the valve is much thinner, whereas in the case of the Viminacium box the fastener/hinge is closer to the umbo, where the valve is much thicker, similar to that found on the Salamis box. For static-load reasons, the hinge was difficult to affix at the end opposite the umbo, as the shell is thinnest there (1.5 mm) and would probably have failed to withstand the weight of a mechanism that could secure the mobility of the thicker and therefore heavier end of the valve. We are of the opinion that these elements played a crucial role in affixing the hinges laterally, not far from the umbo, both in the case of the Salamis box and the one from Viminacium. Namely, the thickness of the shell at the selected section allows for safer drilling and provides a stable surface for the hinge mechanism, which was necessary for fixing the hinge in place tightly and 58 My gratitude for the photograph and information goes to Dr D. Reese, who is going to publish this box. 59 Michaelides 1995: 219; Láng 2006: 152, 155, Fig. 9. 60 Michaelides 1995: 219. 61 Michaelides 1995: 221, Fig. 17; Láng 2006: 153, 154, Fig. 7; Reese 2008: 459. 62 Michaelides 1995: 220, 221; Reese 2008: 457, 458, Fig. 274/6. 63 The most common are mother-of-pearl buckles intended for the eastern Mediterranean market, as well as large christening spoons distributed to Western Europe. Even though their decoration is richer and executed in relief in the nacreous layer, it is not overly different from Hellenistic and Roman decoration, cf. Michaelides 1995: 221, 223. 64 Michaelides 1995: 219; Láng 2006: 154; Reese 2008: 458. 65 E. Márity proposes that the disk-shaped shell adorned priestly robes. Another hypothesis holds that the shell was used as a water spoon in the said cult. However, the suppositions have been widely rejected and the opinion that the fragment of the shell is linked to the cult of Diana has prevailed, cf. Láng 2006: 149, 150, 155, note 36. 66 See footnote 58. 67 Michaelides 1995: 219; Láng 2006: 154,155 Fig. 9. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Dragana Lj. SPASI]-\URI] Pinctada Margaritifera Box from Viminacium (75–93) Fig. 5. Detail of P. margaritifera box with hinge mechanism, reconstruction (S. @ivanovi}) Fig. 6. P. margaritifera box, ideal reconstruction (S. @ivanovi}) Sl. 5. Detaq kutije sa {arnir mehanizmom, rekonstrukcija (S. @ivanovi}) Sl. 6. Kutija Pinctada margaritifera, idealna rekonstrukcija (S. @ivanovi}) for its functionality, for which purpose the two-layer bronze plate fastener was probably used. Only on the Haifa box is the hinge affixed to the thinner portion of the valve which, by all accounts, depended not only on the skill and experience of the artisan, but on the size of the shell as well. We assume that, for the purpose of closing the Viminacium box/shell more tightly, there was also an additional rivet on the opposite side. The proposed reconstruction (Plate III; Figs. 5, 6) is based on the similarities with the well preserved P. margaritifera 82 boxes from Salamis and Haifa and the structural properties of the shell as a hardy but brittle material.68 Since the shell consists of two symmetrical valves, it is difficult to decide whether the Viminacium valve/half-box was used as a receptacle or a lid.69 68 Láng 2006: 155, Fig. 9. Kunz, Stevenson 1908: 38–40, 68, 69, 72, 73; BMNH 1901: 34–36, fig. 28. 69 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Dragana Lj. SPASI]-\URI] Pinctada Margaritifera Box from Viminacium (75–93) Chronological determination and workshop identification The P. margaritifera box from Viminacium has been dated to the second half of the 1st or the first half of the 2nd century AD. Cremation as a funerary practice eliminates the possibility that the deceased woman was from the East and thereby that she had brought the box from there herself.70 It had been brought to Viminacium from a workshop in Syria, Jordan or Israel by way of a trade route or as spoils of war, and thereafter it was bought by or presented to the presumed female person buried in Grave G1-1026.71 There is plentiful epigraphic and archaeological evidence of populations from the East (Egypt, Syria) living in the territory of Viminacium, particularly from the end of the 2nd and the first half of the 3rd centuries AD, during the Severan period. The size of the Viminacium territory and the archaeological material from that period are indicative of the area’s economic stability and prosperity and its highly developed trade exchange with the East.72 However, archaeological evidence of trade exchange between Viminacium and the regions surrounding the Persian Gulf and the Red Sea in the 1st and early 2nd centuries AD is still scarce and we can currently classify it only as sporadic. It also includes the P. margaritifera box, which is indicative of trade contacts or other methods of exchange between Viminacium and the areas with workshops where exotic shells were worked. We must not neglect the economic background of military campaigns either, particularly of the Parthian Wars, which led to the activation of local markets, the establishment of trade links and regional exchange of commodities.73 The appearance of the P. margaritifera box as a prestige item creates the initial conditions for a more in depth analysis of exclusive objects and the tracing of trade communications and distribution mechanisms by which exclusive commodities were being brought from the Near and Middle east in the 1st and 2nd centuries AD.74 Functional and contextual analyses The function of P. Margaritifera shells has been the subject of numerous debates for a long time now. The views that they had a toilet/cosmetic function are the best substantiated ones and are supported not only by the discoveries of the P. margaritifera boxes at Salamis and Haifa, but also by traces of pigments, that is, some kind of cosmetic preparations, on the shells of Tridacna, an exotic species similar to P. margaritifera.75 How- 83 ever, this does not exclude their secondary purpose as receptacles for jewellery, game pieces and food, or as incrustations.76 D. Michaelidis believes that the cosmetic/toilet function of the boxes is further indicated by the distribution of decorations, which are limited to an outer and a rather narrow interior belt, with the deepest part of the shell being unembellished.77 However, even though this distribution of decoration is characteristic of most Cypriot specimens, the boxes from Salamis and Mtskheta and the P. margaritifera fragment from Aquincum, decorated on the inside of the valve, make this view rather suspect. The differences in the arrangement and motifs of the decoration probably represent stylistic characteristics of different workshop centres. The toilet/cosmetic purpose of P. margaritifera shells/ boxes is attested in written sources. In his Naturalis Historia (IX, 54, 109), Pliny the Elder mentions that the shells of pearl oysters are used as receptacles for cosmetics “…cohaerenties videmus in conchis hac dote unguenta circumferentibus.”78 An artistic illustration of Pliny’s words and evidence of the sacral function of P. margaritifera shells/boxes is found in the fresco, the Aldobrandini Wedding, from the Esquiline Hill in Rome (c. BC 20). It is believed that the depiction of the ritual of preparations of the bride is key to resolving the issue of the function of P. margaritifera boxes/ receptacles. The fresco depicts Venus comforting an 70 Jovanovi} 1984: 126–129. Anthropological analyses of the cremated remains have not been carried out. 72 Influences of the Orient are manifest in grave shapes, funerary rituals (mummification methods, remains of flowers and fruit in the graves), and grave goods of eastern Mediterranean origins, cf. Spasi}-\uri} 2015: 51–53. Similarly to Aquincum, the existence of a Syrian diaspora and a class of affluent newcomers from the East has also been established at Viminacium, cf. Mirkovi} 1968: 69. 73 Important in this respect are the 1st century military campaigns in the East, as well as the arrival of eastern auxiliaries (cohorts I Antiochensium, I Cisipadensium, I Thracum Syriaca), and, in particular, the participation of the Legio VII Claudia in Trajan’s Parthian Wars, in AD 113–114, cf. Mirkovi} 1968: 25–33, 59. 74 More massive arrivals of populations from the East and the formation of the Syrian diaspora at Viminacium have been dated to the Severan period, cf. Mirkovi} 1968: 69. 75 The shells of Tridacna bippopus from the Philippines are still used as luxurious receptacles for various kinds of soap, cf. Michaelides 1995: 212, 213; Láng 2006: 154, Fig. 9. 76 Michaelides 1995: 212, 213. 77 Mishaelides 1995: 212. 78 Láng 2006: 154, note 29. 71 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Dragana Lj. SPASI]-\URI] Pinctada Margaritifera Box from Viminacium (75–93) Fig. 7. Detail of the “Aldobrandini Wedding” (borrowed from Zajder 1976: 28). Sl. 7. Detaq freske „Aldobradinska svadba” (prema: Zajder 1976, 28) anxious bride, with her companion Suada/Peitho, a goddess of persuasion, pouring oil to be used in the course of bathing/purifying the bride from a flask into a shell (Fig. 7).79 The formal characteristics of the shell/receptacle in Suada/Peitho’s hand are suggestive of the earlier mentioned Tridacna shell, which originates from the areas of the Persian Gulf and the Red Sea. Its connection with other female deities is confirmed by discoveries in the temple of Aphrodite at Amathus, the temple of Hera on Samos and the temple of Athens at Lindos.80 The apparently idyllic scene is permeated with the bride’s fear, which Venus is trying to dispel and transform. A wedding as a rite of passage plays an important social role in the shift from the status of a girl to that of a woman, and the roles of Venus and the clam shell are emphasised in the act of initiation. The presence of Venus ensures fertility and beauty, with certain traditional aspects of the goddess being particularly highlighted.81 The oil poured from a balsamarium into a shell assumes magical properties when it comes into contact with the nacreous surface, which is indicative of its lustral function during the initiation of the bride. We believe this is the only logical explanation of the intentional pleonasm in the depiction, where two different receptacles are used for the same cosmetic preparation. 84 The scene in the Aldobrandini Wedding, together with other works of arts and crafts, strongly highlights the Aphrodite/Venus/clam union and its cultic importance in the Graeco-Roman profane and sacral life.82 Mythological depictions in art and literature influenced funerary rites to some extent, as is evident in the decoration of tombstones or sarcophagi.83 However, they can be seldom identified in funerary rites, because they most commonly feature as grave goods used to support the notion of the continued existence and protection of the deceased. Some of the finds in Viminacium graves confirm that this influence cannot be completely ruled out and that it is manifested in its reduced form in individual objects/symbols, as is also the P. margaritifera box. Inevitable in this case is the dilemma: is it a matter of conscious ritual manifestations of more educated layers of society or simply of an accidental overlap between artistic and funerary contents. We believe that Grave G1-1026 and the P. margaritifera box manifest a certain connection between art and funerary practices. Among other things, it is of importance to the understanding of the visually rich artistic depictions of Venus with a clam shell, among which the Aldobrandini Wedding stands out by virtue of its complexity. The parallelism between this depiction and the funerary context of the P. margaritifera box affirms the connection of shells-receptacles with rites of passage/initiations.84 79 Zajder 1976: 12, 28, 29. Mishaelides 1995: 212, 213; Reese 1995: 268. 81 Different forms of content and fertility are predominant, i.e. properties arising from the complex competences of Aphrodite Erycina, in whom Semitic elements were fused with Greek concepts. She was attended by sacred prostitutes, whereas sheaves of grain and doves linked her to the Cypriot goddesses of the East. Ovid calls on “immoral” women (vulgares puellae) of the capital city to ask Venus, while offering incense between mint, myrtle and flower wreaths, to grant them beauty, popular favour, lovemaking skills, pleasure and words adequate for the games they are most skillful at. For this reason her sanctuary was outside the city, extra pomerium, so that it may “not be in the way of contaminating the matrons and youth with the influence of lust.” In Rome, thereafter, in memory of the victory on Mount Eryx, the victorious aspect of Venus became predominant. cf. Dimezil 1997: 326, 327, 362–364, 412, 413; Schmidt 2004: 84. 82 Nappo 1998: 48, 49, fig. 49; Miles, Norwich 1997: 59, 60, 123; De Simone, Verki 1979: 88, 92. 83 On the symbolisation of mythological concepts in Roman funerary art, cf. Pilipovi} 2007: 19–24. 84 On the similarities between wedding and funerary rites, as well as the ritual elements common to both, cf. Pilipovi} 2007: 28, 29, 32, 33, 36, 40. 80 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Dragana Lj. SPASI]-\URI] Pinctada Margaritifera Box from Viminacium (75–93) As a funerary reflection of the said depiction of wedding preparations, the P. margaritifera from Grave G1-1026, sophisticatedly, through the idea of pars pro toto, compensates for the cultic functions of the Funerary Venus (Venus Funeraria), whose symbolic presence in the graves of girls and unmarried women was pointed out by Prof. Aleksandar Jovanovi}.85 In addition to clam shells, the Viminacium necropoleis also contained terracotta Venuses and mirrors with scenes from the cult of Venus as symbolic expressions of the goddess’ cultic-protective powers.86 Existing analyses have indicated that, in addition to their profane purpose, worked/unworked shells of P. margaritifera and other exotic species also had a sacral function.87 Shells of marine clams, including that of P. margaritifera from the sanctuary of Isis at Savaria, are also suggestive of their sacral function, even though it has been pointed out that unworked shells could also be receptacles for skin, hair and clothes care prescriptions. There is still the dilemma, however, whether these were symbolic personal offerings, items necessary for performing the purification ritual, or items used by a priest of the cult of Demeter.88 The connection of the clam shell with this goddess is evident in a 1st century relief from Ostia: looming over an upper-body depiction of a priestess of Magna Mater is a shell with an inscription underneath.89 Its cultic connection with other goddesses has already been mentioned in relation to the discovery of Tridacna shells.90 The P. margaritifera shell fragment from Aquincum is connected to the cult of Diana, but it has been pointed out that the significance of boxes made from P. margaritifera shells and their contents in the rite of purification comes from the cultic function of Venus.91 The above contexts indicate that the finds of Tridacna and P. margaritifera shells at Cyrene, Savaria and Aquincum could be explained by their lustral function in the rite of the purification/bathing of the statue of the goddess and the initiation of her followers.92 The strong connection between the clam shell and Aphrodite/Venus, further strengthened by the numerous finds in Cyprus, supports the opinion that boxes made from P. margaritifera shells represent cultic symbols of Venus. Exceptionally important in this respect is the recently discovered P. margaritifera shell bearing a depiction of Aphrodite in the area of the Red Sea.93 As symbols of social status or exclusive personal property, P. margaritifera boxes played an important role in funerary cults, but their funerary function does not exclude their profane use.94 Their connection in the 85 Venus-shell cultic union is a result of the biological and chemical properties of P. margaritifera and other exotic pearl producing species. Due to its biological and chemical properties, P. margaritifera was used in traditional medicine by the oldest civilizations of the Far East and India. According to numerous beliefs, the shell and pearls ensure prosperity and long life, whilst the clam shell itself symbolises longevity and represents a cure-all that protects from all evil. Ancient Chinese and Hindu writings and Oriental literature mention pearls as the main ingredient of numerous elixirs.95 In Antiquity, pearls were used for medicinal purposes, that is, for skin beautification and cleansing the body of toxins, particularly in Oriental lands.96 Due to their medicinal properties, and those of 85 Jovanovi} 2000: 13–18. Outstanding among these is the terracotta figurine of Venus, from Grave G-3500 at the site of Pe}ine, C-10600 (03/3747); it was deposited at the outer side of the upper arm, with its top part turned towards the head of the deceased, cf. Spasi}-\uri} 2015a: 103, 104, kat. 73. 87 Two shells of the Cypraea tigris snail have been found in the sanctuary of Demeter and Persephone at Cyrene, in Libya, cf. Reese 1988: 37, 38. 88 Láng 2006: 154,155, note 27. 89 Laberia Felicia/ sacerdos maxima/ matris deum magnae Idaeae, cf. Mucznik 1999: 66, 67, Fig. 4. Grave stelae shaped like shells indicate the protection and heroisation of the deceased, cf. Jovanovi} 2000: 12. 90 See footnotes 75 and 80. 91 Láng 2006: 154,155. 92 On the ritual bathing of Venus on her holiday, cf. Dimezil 1997: 363, 364; Schmidt 2004: 84. 93 Michaelides 1995: 212; Láng 2006: 155, note 31. 94 Michaelides 1995: 211–213; Láng 2006: 155. 95 Jackson 1917: 101–104. 96 These beliefs among the ancient Hindu go back to the 3rd millennium BC. According to Narahari, a physician of Kashmir (c. 1240), the pearl cures diseases of the eyes, is an antidote to poisons and increases strength and general health. At the start of the Christian era, pearl powder was used for therapeutic purposes. The range of its curative power is broad: it cures ague, indigestion and haemorrhaging, but it is also an aphrodisiac, tonic and an important ingredient of prescriptions used in curing impotence, heart disease, etc. Pearl powder, or pearl oyster shell powder, was mixed with lemon juice and used for washing the face. Arab physicians used it to treat melancholy and hemorrhaging and believed that the pearl, while still in its shell, could cure leprosy. Pearl powder was also used as dentifrice, to strengthen the gums, and to treat skin diseases. Pearls also featured in medieval medicine and magic. Francis Bacon (1561–1626) mentioned pearls among medicines for the prolongation of life, cf. Kunz, Stevenson 1908: 301–307. Today, pearl powder is rather popular in the pharmaceutical and cosmetic industries, being used in prescriptions for skin regeneration, as an ingredient in 86 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Dragana Lj. SPASI]-\URI] Pinctada Margaritifera Box from Viminacium (75–93) the shells in which they grow, pearls were also put into drinks.97 The generative and biological and chemical properties of the pearl oyster that provide health, vitality and beauty were crucial for the creation of its mythological links to Aphrodite/Venus. Conclusion Existing archaeological finds are indicative of the cultic symbolism of exotic clam shells. In order to resolve the issue of the profane and sacral functions of the P. margaritifera box from Viminacium, we believe that the cultic background of the Aldobrandini Wedding and the synthesis of the organic chemical, generative and iatric properties of the pearl oyster belong to the cultic domain of Venus. Moreover, the inner, nacreous layer is of the greatest significance and is attributed with strong regenerative and magical properties that, together with Venus, provide girls and young women not only with passion, skills of seduction, prospective love and fertility in marriage, but also with eternal beauty and youth. Therefore, the shell of the pearl oyster represents an important initiation and lustration prop, primarily linked to Venus and, as indicated by some archaeological finds, to the cults of other goddesses. It is evident that the sacral competences of Venus and iatric functions of P. margaritifera and other exotic clam shells are complementary, for which reason the latter became essential elements/symbols in rites of passage.98 Just as the cultic and initiation-related powers of Venus and the shell work together and complement each other in a wedding preparation ceremony, so the ambivalent function of the P. margaritifera box is manifest in the burial rites performed for the deceased woman from Grave G1-1026 as a sublimated symbol of Venus, whose indirect presence in the grave is indicated by the idea of pars pro toto. In the funerary context, the P. margaritifera box and its contents, besides serving a practical purpose during the rituals of bathing and preparing the body for cremation or inhumation, probably also had a symbolic role, that is, to carry the soul of the deceased over waves to the Isles of the Blessed in the Ocean of Immortality. Specifically, in the example of the burial in Grave G1-1026, the religious and philosophical concept of a new beginning and existence is materialised and symbolised through the complex iatric and significative potentials of the pearl oyster/box.99 Having summarised the finds from temples and graves and bearing in mind the scene from the Aldo- 86 brandini Wedding, as well as a wide range of medicinal and symbolic properties, we may conclude that the practical and initiative, lustral functions of P. margaritifera boxes are closely intertwined, particularly in rites of passage as radical and dramatic changes in life. For these reasons, it is difficult to draw a clear line between their profane and cultic-symbolic functions.100 In view of the inscription of Habros in the box from Salamis, as well as the scene from the Aldobrandini Wedding, the shell box can be regarded as a symbol of love and death. The view that P. margaritifera boxes are initiation props and symbolic of status changes is close to the interpretation of A. Jovanovi} that the clam shells in the graves of young girls and unmarried women are symbols of the Funerary Venus. The powerful generative and regenerative properties of the shell box suggest the presence of Venus and compensate for the wedding ceremony/change of status that the person did not live to experience, thus symbolically restoring the broken life and cosmic cycles.101 Significant in this respect is the metaphysical idea of pain, from which comes the greatest natur- certain hypnotics and to boost the immune system, and, particularly, as the major supplement for treating osteoporosis, as calcium of biological origins is introduced into the body. Chemically, pearls are of mineral origin and contain over 30 minerals required by the human body. In recent years, the so-called “windowpane oyster” (Placuna placenta) has been used for the production of face powder, cf. Dong-Zi Shao et al. 2010: 133–135, 140–143/ //journal.scconline. org/pdf/cc2010/…/p00133-p00145.pdf accessed 12/16/2016; www. bisermaska.com/assets/documents/tajna-bisernog-praha.pdf. accessed 12/9/2016; www.politika.rs/scc/clanak/52706/Biser-unanocesticama accessed 12/14/2016; https://www.translate.com/ albanian/biser-pearlnano-biserni-prah-u…/24162056/ accessed 12/14/2016. 97 The most commonly mentioned pearl is the one with which Cleopatra enriched Antony’s wine, cf. Kunz and Stevenson 1908: 308–315. 98 Some of the iatric and soteriological competences of Venus originated in the funerary aspects of Libitina, cf. Jovanovi} 2000: 16. 99 A notion of the world of the dead that prevails in prose epitaphs and funerary art, cf. Pilipovi} 2007: 23. 100 The literature underscores the similarities between wedding and burial rites, both those between individual cultic stages and the utilisation of mandatory props. The similarities are particularly striking if the bride or groom dies after the start of the wedding preparations or during the wedding. In that case, the wedding ceremony turns into its opposite, cf. Pilipovi} 2007: 28, 29, 32, 33, 36, 40. These views are also confirmed by contemporary ritual practices and the custom known as the Black Wedding, cf. \oki} 1998: 146–153. 101 Jovanovi} 2000: 17, 18. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Dragana Lj. SPASI]-\URI] Pinctada Margaritifera Box from Viminacium (75–93) al perfection – the pearl, and for which reason Pinctada species and other exotic clam shells were of particular importance in the practical and spiritual life of a number of civilisations.102 The analysis of the P. margaritifera box and its funerary context in Grave G1-1026 and the supposition that it had an important lustral function during initiation in the rite of passage confirm the opinion of Professor A. Jovanovi}, who surmised that this funerary material contained infinite depths of the transcendent. Physically and factually, the P. margaritifera box from Viminacium symbolises and integrates the depths of the warm seas wherein its nacreous beauty matured, the likely religious affiliation of the deceased woman and her social status, as well as both direct and indirect relationships between Viminacium and the areas of present-day Israel, Syria and Jordan in the 1st and the first half of the 2nd century AD. As a manifestation of the idea of pars pro toto in Grave G1-1026, it is a materialisation and strong symbolisation of the rite of initiation and the visual mythological narrative known from Roman painting. On the metaphysical plane, the P. margaritifera box is a symbol of Venus and an initiative, lustral prop of pearly shine and iatric powers. During a rite of passage and a change of status, together with its cosmetic contents enriched with nacre, as a divine essence, it ensures the beauty and immortal youth of girls/women. In the funerary context, it returns the deceased women to the mainstream of love, where they will be united with Venus or another goddess of fertility and resurrection. Materially and spiritually, it is evidence not only of the closeness between wedding and burial rites, but of a link between certain artistic representations and funerary practices, wherein objects of a strong and sophisticated symbolism, such as the Pinctada margaritifera box, are encountered.103 The analyses of the P. margaritifera box from Viminacium and the views expressed do not provide finite answers, but rather represent a contribution to the understanding of the symbolic character of this type of object in Roman profane and sacral life. Translated by Ivan Dela~ Starinar is an Open Access Journal. All articles can be downloaded free of charge and used in accordance with the licence Creative Commons – Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 3.0 Serbia (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/rs/). ^asopis Starinar je dostupan u re`imu otvorenog pristupa. ^lanci objavqeni u ~asopisu mogu se besplatno preuzeti sa sajta ~asopisa i koristiti u skladu sa licencom Creative Commons – Autorstvo-Nekomercijalno-Bez prerada 3.0 Srbija (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/rs/). 102 The symbolic value of the clam shell is different in different cultures. Generally, due to its similarities to the vulva, the shell integrates lunar and water principles (life, regeneration, love, marriage, fertility), and, on the metaphysical plane, the pearl, as a child of life and a natural perfection, symbolises a transformation of pain/suffering into crystallised light and beauty, for which reason it is also a symbol of initiation. The idea of pearly purity is found in many religions: in the Hindu civilisation, the pearl is regarded as the most appropriate wedding present, in the Greek civilisation, it is linked with conjugal love, whereas in the Roman civilisation it is dedicated to Venus. In Christianity, the pearl symbolises purity, innocence, baptism and salvation. Around AD 850, the Archbishop of Mainz stated that “the pearl signifies hope of the kingdom of heaven or charity and the sweetness of celestial life.” In Western civilisation, the pearl as a gift represents an ill omen and symbolises tears that will be shed in the married life. Due to the belief that it is created when lightning penetrates a clam shell, the pearl became a symbol of crystallised light, cf. Kunz, Stevenson 1908: 308–315; Kuper 1978: 14, 167. 103 On mythological representations in Roman funerary art and their symbolisation, cf. Pilipovi} 2007: 19–24. 87 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Dragana Lj. SPASI]-\URI] Pinctada Margaritifera Box from Viminacium (75–93) BIBLIOGRAPHY: BMNH 1901 – Guide to the Shell and Starfish Galleries (Mollusca, Polyzoa, Brehiopoda, Tunicata, Echinoderma and Worms), British Museum (Natural History), Department of Zoology, London 1901. Carter 2005 – R. Carter, The History and Prehistory of Pearling in the Persian Gulf, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient (JESHNO), Vol. 48, Nº 2, Laiden–Brill 2005, 139–209. Dautova-Ru{evljan 1983 – V. Dautova-Ru{evljan, Rimska kamena plastika u jugoslovenskom delu provincije Donje Panonije, Dissertationes et Monographiae, Tome XXV, Vojvo|anski muzej, Novi Sad, 1983. De Simone, Verki, 1979 – A. De Simone, \. Verki, Pompeja i weni muzeji, biblioteka Muzeji sveta 24, Beograd 1979 (A. De Simone, \. Verki, Pompeja i njeni muzeji, biblioteka Muzeji sveta 24, Beograd 1979.) Dimezil 1997 – @. Dimezil, Drevna rimska religija, Izdava~ka ku}a Zorana Stojanovi}a, Sremski Karlovci – Novi Sad 1997. 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Ifantidis 2014 – F. Ifantidis, A decorated Pinctada margaritifera shell from ancient Thessaloniki, Greece, Instrumentum 40, Bulletin du Groupe de travail européen sur l’ artisanat et les productions manufacturées de l’ Antiquite à l’époque moderne, Musées de Chauvigny, Chauvigny, déc. 2014, 13–15. Michaelides 1995 – D. Michaelides, Cuprus and the Persian Gulf in the Hellenistic and Roman Periods: The Case of Pinctada margaritifera, in: Cyprus and the Sea, Proceedings of the International Symposium, Nicosia, 25–26 september 1993 (ed.) V. Karageorghis, D. Michaelides), Nicosia, 211–226. Jackson 1917 – J. W. Jackson, Shells as Evidence of the Migrations of Early Culture, Publications of the University of Manchester, Ethnological Series No. II, Manchester University Press, Manchester 1917. Miles, Norwich 1997 – Ch. J. Miles, J. J. Norwich, Love in the Ancient World, London, Weidenfeld & Nicolson, London 1997. Jovanovi} 1984 – A. 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Karageorghis, O. Picard, C. Tytgat, V.A.G. Leventis Foundation, Nicosia 1992, 123–141. Reese 1995 – D. S. Reese, Marine Invertebrates and Other Shells from Jerusalem (Sites A, C and L), in: Excavations by K.M. Kenyon in Jerusalem 1961–1967 IV, (ed.) I. Eshel, K. Prag, British Academy Monographs in Archaeology No. 6, The British School of Archaeology in Jerusalem, Oxford 1995, 265–278. Reese 2008 – D. S. Reese, Shells from Jerusalem: Sites B, D, E, J, S and V. in:, Excavations by K.M. Kenyon in Jerusalem 1961–1967 V, Discoveries in Hellenistic to Ottoman Jerusalem. Centenary volume, Kathleen M. Kenyon 1906–1978, (ed.) K. Prag, Levant Supplementary Series 7, Council for British Research in the Levant and Oxbow Books, Oxford 2008, 455–466. Reese 2013 – D. S. Reese, Invertebrate Remains from Humayma Fielsd C124, F102, B100 and C101, in: Humayma 89 Excavation Project 2. Nabataean Campground and Necropolis, Byzantine Churches and Early Islamic Domestic Structures, (ed.) J. P. Oleson, R. Schick, American Schools of Oriental research Archaeological Reports No. 18, American Schools of Oriental Research, Boston 2013, 344–351. Schmidt 2004 – J. Schmidt, Roman mythology, Grange Books, Rochester 2004. Spasi}-\uri}, 2015a – D. Spasi}-\uri}, Grad Viminacijum, Po`arevac, Narodni muzej Po`arevac, Po`arevac 2015 (D. Spasi}-\uri}, Grad Viminacium, Narodni muzej Po`arevac, Po`arevac 2015). Spasi}-\uri} 2015b – D. Spasi}-\uri}, Zna~aj i funkcija qu{tura pu`eva Cypraea Tigris i C. Pantherina u rimskim grobovima u Gorwoj Meziji, (Summary: Meaning and Function of Shells of Cypraea tigris and C. Pantherina Snails in Roman Graves in Upper Moesia), Zbornik Narodnog muzeja XXII–1, Beograd 2015, 259–277 (D. Spasi}-\uri}, Zna~aj i funkcija lju{tura pu`eva Cypraea tigris i C. Pantherina u rimskim grobovima u Gornjoj Meziji, Zbornik Narodnog muzeja XXII–1, Beograd 2015, 259–277). Strong 1966 – D. E. Strong, Catalogue of the Carved Amber in the Department of Greek and Roman Antiquities, The Trustees of the Britush Museum, London 1966. Stroszeck 2012 – J. Stroszeck, Grave Gifts in Child Burials in the Athenian Kerameikos: The Evidence of Sea Shells, In: L’enfant et la mort dans l’Antiquite? III: Le matériel associé aux tombes d’enfants: Actes de la table ronde internationale organisée à la Maison Méditerranéenne des Sciences de l’Homme (MMSH) d’Aix-en-Provence, 20–22 janvier 2011, (A. Hermary and C. Dubois, eds.), Arles cedex : éditions errance, Centre camille Jullian, 57–75. [ari} 1979/80 – M. [ari}, Rimski grob u Topuskom (Zusammenfassung: Das Römische grab aus Topusko), Vjesnik Arheolo{kog muzeja u Zagrebu, 3. serija – sv. XII–XIII, Zagreb 1979/80, 25–149. Trubitt 2003 – M. B. D. Trubitt, The Production and Exange of Marine Shell Prestige Goods, Journal of Archaeological Research, Vol. 11, No 3, Henderson State University, Arkadelphia, Arkansas 2003, 243–277. Vomer-Gojkovi} 1996 – M. Vomer-Gojkovi}, Rimski jantarni predmeti s Ptuja (Zusammenfassung: Römische bernsteinfunde aus Ptuj), Arheolo{ki Vestnik 47, Ljubljana 1996, 307–323. Walker, Bierbrier 1997 – S. Walker, M. Bierbrier, Ancient Faces. Mummy Portraits from Roman Egypt, The Trustees of the British Museum, London 1997. Walters et al. 1921 – H. B. Walters, M.A., F.S.A., O.B.E., Catalogue of the Silver Plate (Greek, Etruscan and Roman) in the British Museum, British Museum, Printed by Order of the Trustees, London 1921. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Dragana Lj. SPASI]-\URI] Pinctada Margaritifera Box from Viminacium (75–93) Zajder 1976 – R. Zajder, Rimsko slikarstvo, Jugoslovenska revija, Beograd 1976. Zotovi} 1986 – Q. Zotovi}, Ju`ne nekropole Viminacija i pogrebni obredi, Viminacivm 1, Zbornik radova Narodnog muzeja u Po`arevcu, Po`arevac 1986, 41–60. (Lj. Zotovi}, Ju`ne nekropole Viminacija i pogrebni obredi, Viminacium 1, Zbornik radova Narodnog muzeja u Po`arevcu, Po`arevac 1986, 41–60.) 90 Zotovi}, Jordovi} 1990 – Q. Zotovi}, ^. Jordovi}, Viminacium 1, Nekropola Vi{e grobaqa, Beograd 1990 (Lj. Zotovi}, ^. Jordovi}, Viminacium 1, Nekropola Vi{e grobalja, Beograd 1990). Zsidi 2004 – P. Zsidi, Aquincum, Ergebnisse der topographischen und siedlungshistorischen Rofschungen in den Jahren 1969–1999* in: The Autonomous Towns of Noricum and Pannonia, Pannonia II, Situla 42 (ed.) M. [a{el Kos, P. Sherrer, Ljubljana 2004, 209–230. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Dragana Lj. SPASI]-\URI] Pinctada Margaritifera Box from Viminacium (75–93) Rezime: DRAGANA Q. SPASI]-\URI], Narodni muzej Po`arevac KUTIJA PINCTADA MARGARITIFERA IZ VIMINACIJUMA Kqu~ne re~i. – Afrodita – Venera, inicijacija, Kipar, lustracija, qu{tura, pars pro toto, Pinctada margaritifera, Viminacijum, {koqka. Tokom istra`ivawa Viminacijuma 1985. godine na lokalitetu Pe}ine otkriven je grob sa kremacijom, G1-1026, u kojem je na|ena polovina kozmeti~ke kutije. Izra|ena je od qu{ture P. margaritifera, egzoti~ne vrste ~ija se stani{ta nalaze u regionu Indo-Pacifika, Persijskog zaliva i Crvenog mora. Na osnovu grobne forme i novca, kutija je opredeqena u drugu polovinu I i prvu polovinu II veka, a sahrana pokojnika/ce u prvu polovinu II veka. U morfolo{kom i funkcionalnom smislu, kutija P. Margaritifera iz Viminacijuma predstavqa raritet u Srbiji, a zajedno sa primercima iz Akvinkuma i Savarije i redak nalaz na teritoriji centralnog Balkana. U konstruktivnom i funkcionalnom smislu, viminacijumskom primerku bliske su P. margaritifera kutije iz Salamisa na Kipru i nepublikovan primerak iz Muzeja u Haifi. Natpis „toaletna kutija od Habrosa”, na unutra{woj strani kutije iz Salamisa, potvr|uje wihovu toaletno-kozmeti~ku funkciju. Osim toga, tragovi pigmenata – kozmeti~kog preparata na qu{turama Tridacna, kao i navodi Plinija Mla|eg dokazuju da su prirodne qu{ture egzoti~nih {koqki primarno kori{}ene kao kozmeti~ki recipijenti, {to ne iskqu~uje wihovu sekundarnu svrhu za ~uvawe figura za igru, nakita i sl. Presti`ni kozmeti~ki recipijenti od qu{tura egzoti~nih {koqki poslu`ili su u helenisti~korimskom periodu kao model za izradu luksuznih posuda u obliku {koqke od bronze, srebra ili }ilibara. Osim prakti~ne funkcije, qu{ture P. margaritifera ili Tridacna imale su i va`nu kultnu funkciju – scena pripreme neveste za ven~awe na fresci „Aldobradinska svadba” ilustruje kultni zna~aj zajednice Venera/{koqka u inicijacijskom obredu. Na osnovu biolo{ko-hemijskih i ijatri~kih svojstava qu{tura i bisera, izneta je pretpostavka o inicijacijskoj, 91 lustrativnoj funkciji kutija P. margaritifera i wihovog kozmeti~kog sadr`aja u obredima prelaza/promene statusa. U funeralnom kontekstu, kutija P. Margaritifera i wen sadr`aj, osim prakti~ne primene tokom rituala kupawa i pripreme tela za kremaciju ili sahranu, imali su sna`nu simboli~ku ulogu – da du{u pokojnice preko talasa prenesu do Ostrva bla`enih u Okeanu besmrtnosti. Na konkretnom planu, u slu~aju groba G1-1026, religiozno-filozofski koncept novog po~etka i trajawa dobija svoju jasnu materijalizaciju i simbolizaciju preko slo`enih ijatri~kih i signifikativnih potencijala biserne {koqke. Kao funeralni refleks rituala ven~awa sa freske „Aldobradinska svadba”, polovina kutije P. margaritifera iz groba G1-1026, kroz ideju pars pro toto, sublimirano kompenzuje kultne funkcije Zagrobne Venere (Venus Funeraria), na ~ije je simboli~no prisustvo u grobovima devoj~ica i devojaka ukazao prof. A. Jovanovi}. Materijalno i duhovno, ona dokazuje bliskost izme|u obreda ven~awa i posmrtnog rituala, ali i vezu pojedinih umetni~kih predstava i funeralne prakse u kojoj se sre}u pojedini predmeti sna`ne i sofisticirane simbolike, kakva je i kutija P. Margaritifera. Primerak iz Viminacijuma predstavqa ekskluzivni objekat koji ukazuje na direktne ili indirektne kontakte Viminacijuma, krajem I i po~etkom II veka, sa Bliskim istokom, tj. regionima dana{weg Izraela, Jordana i Sirije, gde su pretpostavqene radionice za wihovu izradu. Kremacija kao grobni ritual iskqu~uje isto~no poreklo pokojnice, te stoga i kutiju kao neposredno vlasni{tvo doneto iz postojbine. Ona je trgova~kim putem ili kao ratni plen doneta u Viminacijum, a potom je, kupovinom ili kao poklon, postala vlasni{tvo, verovatno, `enske osobe sahrawene u G1-1026. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Dragana Lj. SPASI]-\URI] Pinctada Margaritifera Box from Viminacium (75–93) Plate I – Half of a P. margaritifera box, Viminacium, Grave G1-1026; (drawing by S. @ivanovi}). Tabla I – Polovina kutije Pinctada margaritifera, Viminacijum, grob G1-1026 (crte`: S. @ivanovi}) a b Plate II – a, b) Hinge mechanism, reconstruction (drawing by S. @ivanovi}). Tabla II – a, b) [arnir mehanizam, rekonstrukcija (crte`: S. @ivanovi}) 92 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Dragana Lj. SPASI]-\URI] Pinctada Margaritifera Box from Viminacium (75–93) Plate III – P. margaritifera box, reconstruction (drawing by S. @ivanovi}). Tabla III – Kutija Pinctada margaritifera, rekonstrukcija (crte`: S. @ivanovi}) 93 STARINAR LXVII/2017 UDC: 904:625.7(398) 912.43(398) 930.2:625.7 https://doi.org/10.2298/STA1767095F Original research article FLORIN-GHEORGHE FODOREAN, Babeº-Bolyai University Cluj–Napoca, Faculty of History and Philosophy, Department of Ancient History and Archaeology LISTING SETTLEMENTS AND DISTANCES: THE EMONA–SINGIDUNUM ROAD IN TABULA PEUTINGERIANA, ITINERARIUM ANTONINI AND ITINERARIUM BURDIGALENSE e-mail: fodorean_f@yahoo.com Abstract – Our contribution is focused on the analysis and interpretation of several pieces of historical data regarding the Emona–Singidunum road along the Drava River, from three important ancient documents: Itinerarium Burdigalense sive Hierosolymitanum, Tabula Peutingeriana and Itinerarium Antonini. The key question of this study is: can the Bordeaux itinerary bring more light to the question of the sources of these ancient documents? If so, which method should be used to prove this? Therefore, we decided to compare data from the Peutinger map and the Antonine itinerary with those contained in the Bordeaux itinerary, by discussing a sector of the Aquileia–Viminacium road, more precisely, the route between Emona and Siscia. The objective was to see if there are resemblances or differences between these documents. After this comparative analysis of the three ancient sources, we reached some general conclusions and observations concerning these documents. The most important observation is that the structure of the Bordeaux itinerary along the Emona–Singidunum route reveals a careful planning of the main Roman road infrastructure during the 4th century A.D. (corresponding to the reorganisation of the official state transport, cursus publicus) and before this time. Why did the pilgrim choose the Emona–Poetovio–Sirmium–Singidunum road (along the Drava River), which measures 398 miles, instead of the Emona–Siscia–Sirmium–Singidunum road, along the Sava River, which is shorter (approximately 340 miles)? We suppose the answer is based on the full understanding of the infrastructure along the Drava River. This road could provide better travelling conditions for those officials who travelled using cursus publicus. However, we think the answer is based on another important issue. Using the official transportation system, the pilgrim chose the ‘official’ road. Key words – the Peutinger map, the Antonine itinerary, the Bordeaux itinerary, the Roman Emona–Singidunum road, mansiones, mutationes, civitates, cursus publicus. The road from Aquileia to Viminacium: strategy of the connection between Italy and the Balkan provinces In various circumstances, scholars have outlined the strategic importance of roads and the mastery of the Roman engineers in the process of the projection and construction of routes across the entire Empire1. To assure the political, economic and strategic unity of the Roman Empire, the Romans succeeded in creating a vast network of paved roads, covering all areas, that was so dense that during Trajan’s time more than 55,000 Roman miles of roads were built across the 1 See, for example, some essential contributions: Chevallier 1997; Rathmann 2003; Klee 2011; Fodorean 2013. The article results from the project: Dacia, Pannonia and Moesia in Roman itineraries. A comparative study. This project was implemented for a period of one year (01.01.2011 – 31.12.2011) at the University of Erfurt (Germany) and it was financially sustained by the Fritz Thyssen Stiftung (postdoctoral research scholarship). Details: https://www.uni-erfurt.de/geschichte/antike/forschung/itinerare/. 95 Manuscript received 7th December 2016, accepted 10th May 2017 Florin-Gheorghe FODOREAN Listing Settlements and Distances: the Emona-Singidunum Road in Tabula Peutingeriana, Itinerarium Antonini… (95–108) Empire2. For centuries, the Roman domination was based on these roads. The road connecting Aquileia with Viminacium represented an important via militaris. It was built with a clear strategic role, to connect the northern part of Italy with the Balkan provinces. The road diagonally traverses the region from northern Italy, passing through the southern part of Pannonia, to connect with cities along the Danube River in Moesia Superior. Its importance and its status of a major axis of the Roman Empire were clearly highlighted in some important historical moments. One of these moments is the famous journey of an unknown official of the Roman Empire in A.D. 333, from Burdigala (present-day Bordeaux, France) to Jerusalem, known as Itinerarium Burdigalense sive Hierosolymitanum. Itineraria picta et adnotata: depicting and listing settlements and distances in the Roman Empire Since Miller’s first extensive publication of the Peutinger map in 1916,3 over a period of a century, scho- 96 lars have gradually debated some of the most important cartographic documents of the Roman world: 1. The 1st century A.D. Artemidorus Papyrus;4 2. The socalled ‘stadiasmus provincae Lyciae’;5 3. The Amiens Patera, listing stations along Hadrian’s Wall;6 4. the Rudge Cup, discovered in 1725 at Rudge, near Froxfield, in Wiltshire, also listing stations along Hadrian’s Wall; 5. Epigraphical lists of settlements and distances, discovered in Allichamps, Autun, Junglinster, and Fedj-Souioud (Africa);7 6. The famous Forma Urbis Romae, the only scale map surviving from Roman times, dating from Septimius Severus’ reign;8 7. the 3rd century A.D. shield from Dura Europos;9 8. the Vicarello 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Von Hagen 1978. Miller 1916. Gallazzi et al. 2008. ªahin 1994, 130–135. Breeze (ed.) 2012. Brodersen 2001, 7–21. Carettoni et al. (eds) 1960. Online: http://formaurbis.stanford. edu/. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Florin-Gheorghe FODOREAN Listing Settlements and Distances: the Emona-Singidunum Road in Tabula Peutingeriana, Itinerarium Antonini… (95–108) Fig. 1. The Emona–Singidunum road in Singidunum, in the Tabula Peutingeriana, the Itinerarium Antonini and the Itinerarium Burdigalense Sl. 1. Put Emona–Singidunum u Singidunumu, na Tabula Peutingeriana, Itinerarium Antonini i Itinerarium Burdigalense goblets, also known as the Vases Apollinaires, from the 4th century A.D.;10 9. the Antonine itinerary;11 and 10. the Peutinger map.12 Except for the Forma Urbis Romae, which is a scale map, all the other documents above highlight the same fact. Even though they had the knowledge to produce large scale maps, the Romans preferred the easiest possible solution, i.e. the creation of painted and written itineraries. Simply put, as Brodersen resumed in 2001, the Romans were interested in how to get from point A to point B.13 This concept lead to the creation of painted and written itineraries, which recorded the settlements and distances in Roman miles along the main roads. Only one document eluded the historians’ attention. This is the so-called Itinerarium Brudigalense. 97 Itinerarium Burdigalense sive Hierosolymitanum. A short overview Dated to A.D. 333, the document is a list of the settlements and distances written by an anonymous traveller who actually planned and executed a long journey from Burdigala (Bordeaux, France) to Jerusalem.14 Copied between the 8th and 10th centuries, the 9 Rebuffat 1986, 85–105; Arnaud 1988, 151–161; Arnaud 1989, 373–389; Arnaud 1989a, 9–29. 10 CIL XI, 3281–3284; Schmidt 2011, 71–86. 11 Cuntz 1929; Arnaud 1993, 33–49; Löhberg 2006 (2 vol.). 12 Fodorean 2016, 41–43. 13 Brodersen 2001, 19. 14 Elsner 2000, 181–195. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Florin-Gheorghe FODOREAN Listing Settlements and Distances: the Emona-Singidunum Road in Tabula Peutingeriana, Itinerarium Antonini… (95–108) text survived only in four manuscripts.15 One should be aware that of these four manuscripts, two list only the sector covering the province of Judeea, and another one provides no data regarding the return journey. Apparently, the Bordeaux itinerary seems to have been compiled in the same tradition as the other itineraries of the Roman world. Still, this document is consistently different from the others, not in terms of its methodological composition, but in terms of its data: It is the only written itinerary surviving from Antiquity which actually shows a clear distinction between the following categories of settlements: 1. Civitates; 2. Mansiones (places where official travellers using cursus publicus could spend the night); 3. Mutationes (places used for changing horses); 4. Vici; 5. Castella (fortresses) and 6. Palatium (e.g. 581.7: ad palatium Dafne). The majority of scholars who have written about this document have correctly noticed the resemblance of the Bordeaux itinerary with other itineraries of the Roman world. In our opinion, however, due to its outstanding level of precision when listing all these categories of settlements, the Bordeaux itinerary represents a unique document. The Bordeaux itinerary represents, with great accuracy, the concept of planning and registering a journey, using a complete set of data consisting of settlements, cities, overnight stopping points, and places to change horses, using all the facilities related to roads and the cursus publicus. Even if it resembles Itinerarium Burdigalense, the Antonine itinerary does not provide such accuracy regarding certain routes. Its compiler did not provide such a clear distinction between the categories of settlements recorded along the Roman roads, as the traveller from A.D. 333 did. Regarding this aspect, Pascaul Arnaud mentioned: “Il est tout à fait significatif que le compilateur de l’Itinéraire Antonin ait choisi, de propos délibéré, de retirer des listes de toponymes toutes les mutationes, pour autant que sa source lui permettait de les reconnaître, comme le montre la comparaison avec l’Itinéraire de Bordeaux et avec la Table de Peutinger”.16 We suggest that one must clearly distinguish between the purpose, character and sources of each document in question, e.g. the Peutinger map, the Antonine itinerary and the Bordeaux itinerary. The first two should be perceived as documents recording all the major roads of the Roman Empire, while the Bordeaux itinerary actually reflects the route chosen by a traveller who planned and fulfilled his journey during the 4th century A.D. 98 The key question of our study is: Can the Bordeaux itinerary shed more light on the problem of the sources of these ancient documents? If so, which method should be used to prove this? Therefore, we decided to compare data from the Peutinger map and the Antonine itinerary with those contained in the Bordeaux itinerary, by discussing a sector of the Aquileia–Viminacium road, more precisely the route between Emona and Siscia. The objective was to see if there are similarities or differences between these documents. The road along the Drava River from Emona to Taurunum, in the Peutinger map The settlements and distances along this road are: Emona – VIIII – river crossing (Fl. [ - ? - ])17 – Savo Fl. – Adpublicanos – VI – Adrante – XXXVII – Celeia (vignette, ‘double tower’ type, symbol Aa1, segment grid 4A2) – XVIII – Ragandone – XVIII – Petavione (vignette) – X – Remista – X – Aqua viva – XI – Populos – VIII – Botivo – VIIII – Sonista – XII – Piretis – XI – Luntulis – VIII – Iovia – X – Sirotis – X – Bolentio – X – Marinianis – VIIII – Seronis – X – Berebis – VIIII – Iovallio – VIIII – Mursa minor – X – Mursa maior (vignette, ‘double tower’ type, symbol Ac1, segment grid 5A218) – XII – Ad Labores Pont Ulcae – X – vignette, ‘double tower’ type, symbol Aa1, segment grid 5A3, no name, possibly Vinkovci, 15 Geyer, Cuntz 1965, 1–26; also Cuntz 1929 and Talbert 2010, Appendix 9, 271–286. 16 Arnaud 1998, 209. 17 River no. 27A. http://www.cambridge.org/us/talbert/talbert database/TPPlace3361.html. 18 http://www.cambridge.org/us/talbert/talbertdatabase/ TPPlace1652.html. 19 http://www.cambridge.org/us/talbert/talbertdatabase/ TPPlace1587.html. 20 http://www.cambridge.org/us/talbert/talbertdatabase/ TPPlace1591.html. 21 http://www.cambridge.org/us/talbert/talbertdatabase/ TPPlace1653.html. 22 http://www.cambridge.org/us/talbert/talbertdatabase/ TPPlace1654.html. 23 Löhberg 2006, 136–137, road VI: ‘Balkan, Kleinasien, Levante, Ägypten. F. 3. 3. Etappe: Von Aquileia bis Sirmium (401 Meilen = 594 km). Stra{e durch Slowenien und entlang der Drau [785 Meilen = 1163 km]’; see also Löhberg 2006, vol. II, map 20. 1. Emona, 1:1,000,000. 24 Gra~anin 2010, 21. 25 Schejbal 2004, 102. 26 The distance figure at Löhberg 2006, vol. I, 140 is erroneously written (20 miles instead of 18). STARINAR LXVII/2017 Florin-Gheorghe FODOREAN Listing Settlements and Distances: the Emona-Singidunum Road in Tabula Peutingeriana, Itinerarium Antonini… (95–108) Croatia (Roman Cibalae) – XI – Cansilena – XI – Ulmospaneta – XIII – Sirmium (vignette) – XVIII – Bassianis – VIII – idiminio – VIIII – Tauruno. The total distance registered on the Peutinger map, from Emona via Mursa to Taurunum, is 336 miles, i.e. 496.77 km. Along this road, 31 settlements are mentioned and 29 distance figures are provided. The frequency of these distances is: 6 (miles) – 1 (one time), 8 – 3, 9 – 6, 10 – 8, 11 – 4, 12 – 2, 13 – 1, 18 – 3, 37 – 1. Of these, 24 distance figures are recorded between the values of 8 to 16 miles. This means that 24 of the 29 figures, representing the average distance achievable in one day, amount to 82.75 % of the total given. In the case of the roads mentioned above, R. Talbert noticed some interesting cartographic details. From Emona, the route crosses the River Savus. The name Adpublicanos and the distance figure of VI, as well as the next one (Adrante XXXVII), were added after NORICO.19 A clear stop is marked between the words Aqua viva.20 The start of the stretch from Ad Labores Pont Ulcae is not marked.21 As Talbert noticed, it seems logical that the vignette between Ad Labores Pont Ulcae and Cansilena has no name because of the lack of space there.22 The Aquileia/Hennoma civitas road to Singiduno castra, in the Antonine itinerary The road is part of segment 123.8 – 132.1. This section of the Antonine itinerary lists six roads, all starting from Mediolanum. As shown by Arnaud, this very settlement is considered to be an important crossroads in this document. The Antonine itinerary states: 123.8 123.9 124.1 124.2 124.3 124.4 124.5 124.6 124.7 Ab Urbe Mediolanum CCCCXXXIII inde Aquileia CCLX inde Sirmium CCCCI inde Nicomedia DCCLXXXII inde Antiocia DCCLV inde Alexandria DCCCII inde in Aegypto Hiera Sicaminos usque DCCLXIII 433 260 401 782 755 802 763 Subsequently, the first road is listed.23 I have mentioned the toponyms exactly as listed in the Antonine itinerary, then the basic form, the current settlement, and the distance in Roman miles. 128.6 Aquileia civitas Aquileia Aquileia (Italy) XXXI 128.7 Fluvio Frigido Fluvius Frigidus Ajdov{~ina (Slovenia) XXXVI 129.1 Longatico mansio Longaticum mansio Logatec (Slo) XXII 129.2 Hennoma civitas Emona civitas Ljubljana (Slo) XVIII 129.3 Adrante mansio Atrans mansio Trojane (Slo) XXV 129.4 Caleia civitas Celeia civitas Celje (Slo) XXIIII 129.5 Ragundone Ragando Spodnje Gru{ovje (Slo) XVIII 129.6 Patavione civitas Poetovio civitas Ptuj (Slo) XVIII 130.1 Aqua Viva Aqua viva Petrijanec (Croatia) XX 130.2 Iovia hic Sinistra Iovia Ludbreg (Cro) XVIII Lentulis Virje24 XXXII 130.3 Lentulis (Cro) 130.4 Sirota Serota Tabori{te–Borova25 130.5 Marinianis Magniana Donji Mihojac (Cro) XX 130.6 Vereis Berebis/Vereis Podgajci Podravski (Cro) XXII 131.1 Mursa civitas Mursa civitas Osijek (Cro) XXVI (Cro) XXXI 131.2 Cibalas civitas Cibalae civitas Vinkovci (Cro) XXIII 131.3 Ulmos vicus Ulmos vicus Tovarnik (Cro) XXII 131.4 Sirmi civitas Sirmium civitas Sremska Mitrovica (Serbia) XXVI 131.5 Bassianis civitas Bassiana civitas Donji Petrovci (Se) XVIII26 131.6 Tauruno classis Taurunum Zemun (Se) XXX 132.1 Singiduno castra Singidunum castrum Beograd/Belgrade (Se) 99 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Florin-Gheorghe FODOREAN Listing Settlements and Distances: the Emona-Singidunum Road in Tabula Peutingeriana, Itinerarium Antonini… (95–108) Between Emona and Singidunum, the Antonine itinerary lists 18 place-names and 17 distance figures. The total distance, if summed up, amounts to 391 miles. The frequency of these distance figures is: 18 (miles) – 5 (times); 20 – 2; 22 – 2; 23 – 1; 24 – 1; 25 – 1; 26 – 2; 30 – 1; 31 – 1; 32 – 1. We will now compare the data provided by the Antonine itinerary and the Peutinger map with reference to this road. First, the length of the road differs: 336 miles on the Peutinger map and 391 miles in the Antonine itinerary. The Peutinger map depicts 31 settlements (including Emona and Taurunum), while the Antonine itinerary lists only 18. The distances are very different. Their comparison leads to an important conclusion: all the distance figures in the Antonine itinerary are higher in comparison to those on the Peutinger map. The Sirmium–Singidunum road sector in the Peutinger map and in the Antonine itinerary The difference between the precise data from the Peutinger map as compared to that from the Antonine itinerary is striking if the distances and settlements between Sirmium and Singidunum are analysed. The Peutinger map mentions Sirmium (vignette, ‘double tower’ type) – XVIII – Bassianis (Donji Petrovci) – VIII – idiminio – VIIII – Tauruno (vignette, ‘double tower’ type) – III – Confluentib(us) – I – Singiduno. The Antonine itinerary states: Comparative analysis of the Emona–Singidunum road in Tabula Peutingeriana, Itinerarium Antonini and the Itinerarium Burdigalense We grouped together all data available for this road from the three sources. This data is shown in Table 1. The Bordeaux itinerary records, from Emona to Singidunum, 38 settlements and 37 distance figures. Of these settlements, 9 are recorded as civitates (Emona, Celeia, Poetovione, Iovia, Mursa, Cibalis, Sirmium, Bassianis and Singiduno), 8 are recorded as mansiones (Hadrante, Ragindone, Aqua Viva, Lentolis, Serota, Maurianis, Vereis and Ulmo) and 21 are recorded as mutationes (Ad Quartodecimo, Ad Medias, Lotodos, Pultovia, Ramista, Populis, Sunista, Peritur, Cardono, Cocconis, Bolentia, Serena, Iovalia, Mersella, Leutuoano, Caelena, Spaneta, Vedulia, Fossis, Noviciani and Altina). Out of these 21 mutationes, only 10 are recorded in the Bordeaux itinerary: Ad Quartodecimo, Ad Medias, Lotodos, Pultovia, Cocconis, Spaneta, Vedulia, Fossis, Noviciani and Altina. The total distance recorded in the Bordeaux itinerary from Emona to Singidunum is 398 Roman miles. The frequency of these distances is: 8 (miles) – 6 (times); 9 – 6; 10 – 9; 11 – 3; 12 – 10; 13 – 3; 14 – 1. As one may observe, all 37 distance figures are between 8 to 16 miles, close to the normal iustum iter of 12 miles. More precisely for this case, 19 distance figures recorded represent values of 9 and 10 miles. 131.4 Sirmi civitas Sirmium civitas Sremska Mitrovica (Serbia) XXVI 131.5 Bassianis civitas Bassiana civitas Donji Petrovci (Se) XVIII 131.6 Tauruno classis Taurunum Zemun (Se) XXX 132.1 Singiduno castra Singidunum castrum Beograd/Belgrade (Se) Reading this data, we may observe several important differences: 1. The Peutinger map specifically depicts six settlements from Sirmium to Singidunum, while the Antonine itinerary lists only four. Idiminio and Confluentib (us) are missing. 2. On the Peutinger map, the total distance from Sirmium to Singidunum is 18 + 8 +9 + 3 + 1, i.e. 39 Roman miles. The Antonine itinerary mentions 26 + 18 + 30, i.e. 74 miles. Accordingly, there is a difference of 35 miles between the two sources. As usual, the Antonine itinerary provides higher values for the distances.27 100 The Peutinger map depicts, between Emona and Singiduno, a total distance of 340 Roman miles. The frequency of these distances is: 1 (mile) – 1 (time); 3 – 1; 6 – 1; 8 – 3; 9 – 6; 10 – 8; 11 – 4; 12 – 2; 13 – 1; 18 – 3; 37 – 1. Along this road, 34 settlements are mentioned with 31 distance figures. Out of these distances, 24 distance figures are recorded between the values of 8 to 16 miles. This means that 24 of the 31 figures, representing the average distance achievable in one day, amount to 77.41% of the total given. In comparison with the Bordeaux itinerary, the Peutinger map depicts 34 settlements. 28 settlements are recorded both in the Bordeaux itinerary and in the Peutinger map: STARINAR LXVII/2017 Florin-Gheorghe FODOREAN Listing Settlements and Distances: the Emona-Singidunum Road in Tabula Peutingeriana, Itinerarium Antonini… (95–108) 1. 560.7 civitas Emona (ItBurd) / Emona (TP); 2. 560.9 mansio Hadrante (ItBurd) / Adrante (TP); 3. 560.12 civitas Celeia / Celeia (‘double tower’ vignette) (TP); 4. 561.2 mansio Ragindone (ItBurd) / Ragandone (TP); 5. 561.4 civitas Poetovione (ItBurd) / Petavione (‘double tower’ vignette) (TP); 6. 561.7 mutatio Ramista (ItBurd) / Remista (TP); 7. 561.8 mansio Aqua Viva / Aqua viva (TP); 8. 561.9 mutatio Populis (ItBurd) / Populos (TP); 9. 561.10 civitas Iovia (ItBurd) / Botivo (TP); 10. 561.11 mutatio Sunista (ItBurd) / Sonista (TP); 11. 562.1 mutatio Peritur (ItBurd) / Piretis (TP); 12. 562.2 mansio Lentolis (ItBurd) / Luntulis (TP); 13. 562.3 mutatio Cardono (ItBurd) / Iovia (TP); 14. 562.5 mansio Serota (ItBurd) / Sirotis (TP); 15. 562.6 mutatio Bolentia (ItBurd) / Bolentio (TP); 16. 562.7 mansio Maurianis (ItBurd) / Marinianis (TP); 17. 562.9 mutatio Serena (ItBurd) / Seronis (TP); 18. 562.10 mansio Vereis (ItBurd) / Berebis (TP); 19. 562.11 mutatio Iovalia (ItBurd) / Iovallio (TP); 20. 562.12 mutatio Mersella (ItBurd) / Mursa Minor (TP); 21. 562.13 civitas Mursa (ItBurd) / Mursa maior (‘double tower’ vignette) (TP); 22. 563.1 mutatio Leutuoano (ItBurd) / Ad Labores Pont Ulcae (TP); 23. 563.2 civitas Cibalis (ItBurd) / ‘double tower’ vignette, no name, possibly Cibalae (TP); 24. 563.3 mutatio Caelena (ItBurd) / Cansilena (TP); 25. 563.4 mansio Ulmo (ItBurd) / Ulmospaneta (TP); 26. 563.7 civitas Sirmium (ItBurd) / Sirmium (‘double tower’ vignette) (TP) 27. 563.11 civitas Bassianis (ItBurd) / Bassianis (TP); 28. 563.14 civitas Singiduno (ItBurd) / Singiduno (‘double tower’ vignette). Of the 37 distance figures recorded in the Bordeaux itinerary and 31 distance figures recorded in the Peutinger map, 6 distance figures have the same value in both. The Antonine itinerary lists 18 settlements, 17 distance figures and a total distance of 391 Roman miles. The frequency of the distances is: 18 (miles) – 5 (times); 20 – 2; 22 – 2; 23 – 1; 24 – 1; 25 – 1; 26 – 2; 30 – 1; 31 – 1; 32 – 1. The values of the distance figures in the Antonine itinerary are much higher compared with those from the Bordeaux itinerary and the Peutinger map. Another important aspect is that the Antonine 101 itinerary mentions only mansiones and civitates. As Pascal Arnaud observed, mutationes are not recorded in the Antonine itinerary, at least not for this road section. Of all distance figures, none fit the values recorded in the Bordeaux itinerary and the Peutinger map. There is only one exception: from Ragundone to Patavione the Antonine itinerary records 18 miles, the same value as in the Peutinger map. This aspect supports our affirmation that the Antonine itinerary seems the most inaccurate ancient source in comparison with the others. Consequently, between Emona and Singidunum: 1. The Bordeaux itinerary records 38 settlements, 37 distance figures and a total distance of 398 Roman miles; 2. The Peutinger map depicts 34 settlements, 31 distance figures and a total distance of 340 Roman miles; 3. The Antonine itinerary lists 18 settlements, 17 distance figures and a total distance of 391 miles. The online database http://orbis.stanford.edu/ records, between Emona and Singidunum, a total distance of 515 kilometres, which represent 348.32 Roman miles. However, the database indicates the route Emona–Siscia–Sirmium–Singidunum in both versions, as the fastest and cheapest route. This is the road along the Sava River. Our road, the one along the Drava River (north of Sava), is, obviously, longer than the road along the Sava. In some cases, the distances do not fit. For example, from Emona to Adrante, the Bordeaux itinerary records 14 + 10 = 24 Roman miles, while the Peutinger 27 Fodorean 2016. I have realised an in-depth analysis of all the settlements and distances recorded in the Peutinger map and in the Antonine itinerary for three provinces: Pannonia, Dacia and Moesia. The Peutinger map depicts, for these three provinces, a total distance of 3,952 miles, a total number of 256 settlements, and a total number of 243 distance figures (see Fodorean 2016, 145). Of these, 153 distance figures out of 243 have between 8 to 16 miles in value, representing 62.962 %. The most frequent distances recorded in all the provinces are: 12 miles – recorded in 32 cases; 9 miles – recorded in 22 cases; 10 miles – recorded in 21 cases; 14 miles – recorded in 20 cases; 13 miles – recorded in 17 cases; 16 miles – recorded in 13 cases; 11 miles – recorded in 12 cases; 8 miles – recorded in 10 cases. In total, the Antonine itinerary lists, in Pannonia and Moesia, 184 distance figures, 4,191 miles, and 196 settlements. Out of 126 distance figures mentioned in Pannonia, 80 have values from 20 miles to 30 miles. The most frequent distances recorded in all the provinces in the Antonine itinerary are: 18 miles – recorded in 21 cases; 30 miles – recorded in 20 cases; 24 miles – recorded in 18 cases; 25 miles – recorded in 16 cases; 12 miles – recorded in 13 cases; 26 miles – recorded in 11 cases; 22 miles – recorded in 9 cases; 16 miles – recorded in 9 cases; 20 miles – recorded in 8 cases (Fodorean 2016, 147). STARINAR LXVII/2017 Florin-Gheorghe FODOREAN Listing Settlements and Distances: the Emona-Singidunum Road in Tabula Peutingeriana, Itinerarium Antonini… (95–108) Itinerarium Burdigalense Distance 560.7 civitas Emona XIIII (14) Emona river crossing (Fl. [ - ? - ])2 Savo Fl. X (10) Adpublicanos XIII (13) Adrante 560.8 mutatio Ad Quartodecimo 560.9 mansio Hadrante 560.10 fines Italiae et Norci 560.11 mutatio Ad Medias 561.2 mansio Ragindone 561.3 mutatio Pultovia XIII (13) XIII (13) XII (12) XII (12) XII (12) 561.4 civitas Poetovione XII (12) 560.12 civitas Celeia 561.1 mutatio Lotodos 561.5 transis Pontem, intras Pannoniam 561.6 Inferiorem 561.7 mutatio Ramista Tabula Peutingeriana Distance Itinerarium Antonini VIIII (9) 129,2 Hennoma civitas XVIII (18) 130,1 Aqua Viva XX (20) Formin (Slo11) Petrijanec (Croatia)12 Vara`din (Cro)13 130,2 Iovia hic Sinistra XVIII (18) Ludbreg (Cro)14 VIIII (9) Botivo VIIII (9) 561.11 mutatio Sunista 562.1 mutatio Peritur 562.2 mansio Lentolis VIIII (9) XII (12) XII (12) Luntulis XII (12) XI (11) VIII (8) 562.3 mutatio Cardono X (10) Iovia X (10) 562.4 mutatio Cocconis XII (12) - 562.5 mansio Serota 562.6 mutatio Bolentia X (10) Sirotis Bolentio X (10) VIIII (9) Marinianis X (10) X (10) VIIII (9) 562.10 mansio Vereis 562.11 mutatio Iovalia 562.12 mutatio Mersella VIII (8) X (10) VIII (8) VIII (8) X (10) VIIII (9) VIIII (9) X (10) 562.13 civitas Mursa X (10) 563.1 mutatio Leutuoano XII (12) 563.2 civitas Cibalis XII (12) 563.3 mutatio Caelena 563.4 mansio Ulmo 563.5 mutatio Spaneta 563.6 mutatio Vedulia XI (11) XI (11) X (10) VIII (8) 563.7 civitas Sirmium VIII (8) 563.8 Fit ab Aquileia Sirmium usque milia CCCCXII (412) 563.9 mansiones XVII, mutationes XXXVIIII (17/39) 563.10 mutatio Fossis VIIII (9) X (10) 563.11 civitas Bassianis 563.12 mutatio Noviciani XII (12) 563.13 mutatio Altina XI (11) 563.14 civitas Singiduno VIII (8) Seronis Berebis Iovallio Mursa minor Mursa maior (‘double tower’ vignette) Ad Labores Pont Ulcae ‘double tower’ vignette, no name, possibly Cibalae Cansilena Lo~ica pri [empetru (Slo)6 XXIIII (24) Celje (Slo)7 Stranice (Slo)8 XVIII (18) Spodnje Gru{ovje (Slo) Stra`gojnca (Slo)9 X (10) XI (11) VIII (8) 561.10 civitas Iovia 562.7 mansio Maurianis 562.8 intras Pannoniam Superiorem 562.9 mutatio Serena 129,5 Ragundone Groblje pri Meng{u (Slo)3 Lukovica (Slo)4 Trojane (Slo)5 Ptuj (Slo)10 VIIII (9) VIIII (9) X (10) Sonista Piretis 129,4 Caleia civitas Ljubljana (Slo)1 129,6 Patavione civitas XVIII (18) 561.8 mansio Aqua Viva 561.9 mutatio Populis Aqua viva Populos Modern location VI (6) XXXVII (37) 129,3 Adrante mansio XXV (25) Celeia (‘double tower’ vignette) XVIII (18) XVIII (18) Ragandone Petavione X (10) (‘double tower’ vignette) Remista Distance XII (12) 130,5 Marinianis Kunovec Breg (Cro)15 Draganovec (Cro)16 XXXII (32) Virje (Cro)17 Gradina (or Prugovac) (Cro)18 [pi{i} Bukovica (Cro)19 XXXI (31) Tabori{te-Borova (Cro)20 Ore{ac (Cro)21 XX (20) Donji Miholjac (Cro)22 130,6 Vereis XXII (22) 131,1 Mursa civitas XXVI (26) 130,3 Lentulis 130,4 Sirota Viljevo near Na{ice (Cro)23 Podgajci (Cro)24 Valpovo (Cro)25 Petrijevci (Cro)26 Osijek (Cro)27 Bobota (Cro)28 X (10) XI (11) 131,2 Cibalas civitas XXIII (23) Vinkovci (Cro)29 XI (11) XIII (13) 131,3 Ulmos vicus XXII (22) Orolik (Cro)30 Tovarnik (Cro)31 XVIII (18) 131,4 Sirmi civitas XXVI (26) Sremska Mitrovica (Serbia)32 Bassianis VIII (8) 131,5 Bassianis civitas XVIII (18) Donji Petrovci (Se) idiminio Tauruno (‘double tower’ vignette) Confluentib (us) Singiduno (‘double tower’ vignette) VIIII (9) Ulmospaneta Sirmium (‘double tower’ vignette) III (3) Vojka? (Stara Pazova) (Se)33 131,6 Tauruno classis XXX (30) Zemun (Se)34 Novi Beograd? (Se)35 I (1) 132,1 Singiduno castra Beograd/Belgrade (Se)36 Table 1. Comparative analysis of the Emona–Singidunum road in the Tabula Peutingeriana, the Itinerarium Antonini and the Itinerarium Burdigalense Tabela 1. Komparativna analiza puta Emona–Singidunum na Tabula Peutingeriana, Itinerarium Antonini i Itinerarium Burdigalense 102 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Florin-Gheorghe FODOREAN Listing Settlements and Distances: the Emona-Singidunum Road in Tabula Peutingeriana, Itinerarium Antonini… (95–108) map depicts 9 + 6 = 15 Roman miles. The Antonine itinerary lists only two settlements in this sector and one distance, of 18 Roman miles. On this section of the road, the Antonine itinerary is the only document which does not mention any intermediate stops. The Bordeaux itinerary records the mutation Ad Quartodecimo, while the Peutinger map depicts some natural features, such as a river crossing (Fl. [ - ? - ]) and Savo fl. Apart from the Bordeaux itinerary, only the Peutinger map depicts the settlement of Adpublicanos. From Adrante to Poetovio, the Bordeaux itinerary lists seven settlements and a total distance of 75 Roman miles. The Peutinger map records, between Adrante and Poetovio, four settlements and a total distance of 73 Roman miles. The Antonine itinerary lists, between Adrante mansio and Patavione civitas, four settlements, the same as in the Peutinger map (Adrante mansio, Caleia civitas, Ragundone and Patavione civitas) and a total distance of 67 Roman miles. While the Peutinger map and the Antonine itinerary list the same settlements, the Bordeaux itinerary records another three mutationes (Ad Medias, Lotodos and Pultovia). From Poetovio to Mursa, the Bordeaux itinerary records 18 settlements and a total distance of 167 Roman miles. The Peutinger map records 17 settlements and a total distance of 156 Roman miles, close to the value recorded in the Bordeaux itinerary. The Antonine itinerary records eight settlements and a total distance of 161 miles. One should notice that in this section the Antonine itinerary records only the mansiones (Aqua Viva, Lentulis, Sirota, Marinianis, and Vereis) and the civitas Iovia. What is interesting is the fact that, starting from Poetovio, when the road reaches the province of Pannonia Inferior (the Bordeaux itinerary mentions ‘561.5 transis Pontem, intras Pannoniam 561.6 Inferiorem’), the Peutinger map records, with one exception (mutation Cocconis), all the mutationes mentioned in the Bordeaux itinerary: Ramista, Populis, Sunista, Peritur, Cardono and Bolentia. In the other sections discussed above, from Emona to Poetovio, the Peutinger map fails to depict any mutationes mentioned in the Bordeaux itinerary: Ad Quartodecimo, Ad Medias, Lotodos and Pultovia. From Mursa to Sirmium, the Bordeaux itinerary records eight settlements, seven distance figures, and a total distance of 74 miles. The Peutinger map records six settlements, five distance figures and a total distance of 57 miles. The Antonine itinerary records four settlements, three distance figures and a total distance of 71 miles. In this section the Antonine itinerary records 103 only the mansiones: in fact, only Ulmos vicus is listed (Ulmospaneta in TP). Out of four mutationes in the Bordeaux itinerary along this sector (Leutuoano, Caelena, Spaneta and Vedulia), only two of them are also depicted in the Peutinger map (Ad Labores Pont Ulcae and Cansilena). The road from Sirmium to Singidunum follows a different route in the Bordeaux itinerary. While the Peutinger map and the Antonine itinerary both record a route from Sirmium via Bassianis and Taurunum to Singidunum, the Bordeaux itinerary lists a road which, from Bassianis, follows another route, mentioning two mutationes, Noviciani and Altina, not recorded in the other sources. Final remarks After this comparative analysis of three ancient sources, I reached some general conclusions and observations concerning these documents: 1. The structure of the Bordeaux itinerary along the Emona–Singidunum route reveals a careful planning of the main Roman road infrastructure during the 4th century A.D. (corresponding to the reorganisation of the official state transport, the cursus publicus) and before this time. As noted above, along a total distance of 398 miles, the pilgrim from 333 A.D. recorded 38 settlements. Map 1 reveals the arrangement of the civitates, mansiones and mutationes along this route: a. From civitas Emona to civitas Celeia (50 miles in ItBurd), the traveller recorded one mansio (Hadrante) and two mutationes (Ad Quartodecimo and Ad Medias); b. From civitas Celeia to civitas Poetovione (49 miles), one mansio (Ragindone) and two mutationes (Lotodos and Pultovia) are recorded; c. From Poetovio to Iovia (40 miles), there is the same ratio: one mansio (Aqua Viva) and two mutationes (Ramista and Populis); d. From civitas Iovia to civitas Mursa (127 miles), the pilgrim recorded four mansiones (Lentolis, Serota, Maurianis and Vereis) and eight mutationes (Sunista, Peritur, Cardono, Cocconis, Bolentia, Serena, Iovalia and Mersella); e. From civitas Mursa to civitas Cibalis (22 miles), because of the short distance, only one mutatio (Leutuoano) is recorded; f. From civitas Cibalis to civitas Sirmium (52 miles in ItBurd), one mansio (Ulmo) and three mutationes (Caelena, Spaneta and Vedulia) are recorded; g. From civitas Sirmium to civitas Bassianis (17 miles), one mutatio (Fossis) is recorded; h. From civitas Bassianis to civitas Singiduno (33 miles) two mutationes (Noviciani and Altina) are recorded. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Florin-Gheorghe FODOREAN Listing Settlements and Distances: the Emona-Singidunum Road in Tabula Peutingeriana, Itinerarium Antonini… (95–108) Out of 38 settlements listed in the Bordeaux itinerary from Emona to Singidunum, 9 of them are recorded as cities, 8 are listed as mansiones and 21 (representing 55.26%) are mutationes. I have calculated a theoretical average distance between the settlements, dividing the number of Roman miles from one civitas to another by the number of road segments delimited by the stopping points recorded. The results are: a. From Emona to Celeia the average distance is 50 (miles) ÷4 (segments, corresponding to three stopping points) = 12.5 miles; b. From Celeia to Poetovio the average distance is 49÷4 = 12.25 miles; c. From Poetovio to Iovia the average distance is 40÷4 = 10 miles; d. From Iovia to Mursa, the average distance is 127÷13 = 9.76 miles; e. From Mursa to Cibalis, the average distance is 22÷2 = 11 miles; f. From Cibalis to Sirmium, the average distance is 52÷5 = 10.4 miles; g. From Sirmium to Bassianis, the average distance is 17÷2 = 8.5 miles; h. From Bassianis to Singiduno, the average distance is 33÷3 = 11 miles. The theoretical average distance from Emona to Singidunum can be calculated by dividing the total distance, 398 miles, by the number of the segments recorded, 39 (there are 38 settlements listed). The result is 398÷39 = 10.20 miles. 2. The old belief that mansiones and mutationes were located at different distances is incorrect. The average distance between the settlements recorded in the Bordeaux itinerary is 8 to 14 miles. What the Bordeaux itinerary reflects, at least for the Emona–Singidunum sector, is a perfectly arranged system of main stopping points, the mansiones, which provided better conditions for the traveller. In between these points, a dense network of mutationes served for the changing of the traction animals. However, the ratio between these points is not two mansiones for six to eight mutationes, as stated before.28 Along the longest sector of this route, between civitas Iovia and civitas Mursa, the Bordeaux itinerary records four mansiones and eight mutationes. Between civitas Emona and civitas Celeia there is one mansio recorded and two mutationes. The same is true for the sectors Celeia–Poetovio and Poetovio–Iovia. Therefore, the ratio seems to be different: 1/2, e.g. one mansio for two mutationes (or 1/3, as in the case of the Cibalis–Sirmium sector). 3. Why did the pilgrim choose the Emona–Poetovio–Sirmium–Singidunum road (along the Drava River), which measures 398 miles, instead of the Emona –Siscia–Sirmium–Singidunum road, along the Sava River, which is shorter (approximately 340 miles)? I 104 suppose the answer is based on a perfect understanding of the infrastructure along the Drava River. This road could provide better travelling conditions for those officials who travelled using the cursus publicus. However, I think the answer is based on another important issue. Using the official transportation system, the pilgrim chose the ‘official’ road. It is along this road that the Romans edified so many mansiones and mutationes. The other road, Emona–Siscia–Sirmium–Tauruno, along the river Sava, is depicted in the Peutinger map with the following settlements and distances:29 Emona (vignette, ‘double tower’ type, symbol Ab1, segment grid 4a1) – XVIII – Aceruone – XIIII – Adprotoriu (Praetorium Latobicorum) (vignette, ‘double tower’ type, symbol Ab19) – XVI – Crucio – XVI – Novioduni – X – Romula – XIIII – Quadrata – XIIII – Adfines – XX – Siscia (vignette, ‘double tower’ type, symbol Ab1, segment grid 4a5) – no distance figure; river crossing30 – Ad Pretorium (vignette, symbol C10, segment grid 4A5)31 – XXX – Servttio (vignette, symbol C11, segment grid 5A1)32 – XXIII – Urbate – XXXIII – Marsonie – no distance figure, river crossing33 – Adbasante – XX – Saldis – river crossing34 – XVIII – Drinum fl. – XVIII – river crossing35 – Sirmium (vignette, ‘double tower’ type, symbol Aa1, segment grid 5a4) – XVIII – Bassianis – VIII – idiminio – VIIII – Tauruno (vignette, ‘double tower’ type, symbol Aa7, segment grid 5A5).36 28 Daremberg, Saglio (eds) 1916, tome 1.2 (C), s.v. cursus publicus, 1645: “En effet les stationes ou mansiones étaient disposées sur des routes principales et placées à la distance d’un jour de marche. Dans ces lieux de séjour, on relevait les postillons, les voitures et les bêtes de trait, pour en prendre d’autres le lendemain, tandis que dans les simples relais, mutationes, l’on ne changeait que d’attelage. Il est avéré que dans les itinéraires du second siècle, on en vint à compter le chemin d’une mansio à une autre; leur distance dépendait sans doute des circonstances locale et du terrain, tandis que les mutationes ou relais se trouvaient, dans les contrées habitées, à environ cinq milles romains et, dans les autres, à huit ou neuf milles environ (de 12 à 22 kilomètres); il y avait entre deux mansiones de six à huit relais, mutationes. Dans les grands voyages on compte par prima, secunda mansio”. 29 Details in: Fodorean 2017 (forthcoming). 30 Colapis fl. http://www.cambridge.org/us/talbert/talbertdatabase/TPPlace3559.html. 31 http://www.cambridge.org/us/talbert/talbertdatabase/ TPPlace1610.html. 32 http://www.cambridge.org/us/talbert/talbertdatabase/ TPPlace1660.html. 33 No. 27a, Savus River. 34 No. 27a, Savus River. 35 No. 27a, Savus River. 36 http://www.cambridge.org/us/talbert/talbertdatabase/ TPPlace1646.html. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Florin-Gheorghe FODOREAN Listing Settlements and Distances: the Emona-Singidunum Road in Tabula Peutingeriana, Itinerarium Antonini… (95–108) From Emona to Taurunum, the Peutinger map recorded a total distance of 309 miles, i.e. 456.85 km. Along this road, 19 settlements are mentioned and 17 distance figures. This road was a very important strategic and economic route.37 Aquileia, Emona38 and Siscia39 were the most important settlements during Augustus’ reign. Therefore, both these roads, along the Drava and the Sava Rivers, were key arteries of Pannonia. Analysing the stopping points and the distances, the Emona/ Singidunum road along the Drava River provided a better travelling infrastructure during the 4th century A.D. Such a road was probably recorded in the pilgrim’s travel permit (evectio). This document contained, as compulsory elements: 1. The name of the emperor; 2. The end date; 3. The name of the province governor; 4. The names of the travellers; 5. Their social status (dignitas); 6. The date of issue of the permit; 7. The period during which the permit could be used.40 Furthermore, to sum up, a travel permit should also mention the stations and distances of the itineraries covered by the travellers. 4. As shown above, the Antonine itinerary seems a chaotic compilation created at the end of the 3rd and the beginning of the 4th century A.D. Still, our comparison revealed one important aspect: the creator of this document consciously and intentionally eliminated all the mutationes. Maybe that is why Dacia is not listed in the Antonine itinerary. This raises an important question: Was the creator of the Antonine itinerary aware enough to select the information using variegated criteria, such as the fact that Dacia was no longer a Roman province during the 4th century A.D.? One might assume this, since he had the capacity and the knowledge to remove all the mutationes from the itinerary. 5. The Bordeaux itinerary represents, in fact, the story of one journey: a topographical story, and a very accurate one at that. In other words, the accuracy of recording all the settlements (mansiones, mutationes, stationes, civitates) reflects that this document is the result of a journey, performed physically by a traveller aiming to record these settlements. However, one should not forget that using the official transport system of the Roman Empire, the so-called cursus publicus, such a traveller needed a travel permit (evectio) and a travel plan, a route. In this document he had all these settlements listed. For our discussion, what really matters is the fact that the Bordeaux itinerary provides the most accurate data regarding the stopping points along this route. 6. If such an assumption seems plausible, another observation can be made regarding the accuracy of the Peutinger map: it is, by far, more accurate in comparison to the Antonine itinerary. 7. The Emona–Poetovio–Singidunum road, along the Drava River, provided a solid transportation infrastructure, necessary for safe travel. Translated by the author Starinar is an Open Access Journal. All articles can be downloaded free of charge and used in accordance with the licence Creative Commons – Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 3.0 Serbia (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/rs/). ^asopis Starinar je dostupan u re`imu otvorenog pristupa. ^lanci objavqeni u ~asopisu mogu se besplatno preuzeti sa sajta ~asopisa i koristiti u skladu sa licencom Creative Commons – Autorstvo-Nekomercijalno-Bez prerada 3.0 Srbija (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/rs/). 37 A detailed topographical and archaeological description of this road, including the analysis of data from the Peutinger map at Bojanovski 1984, 145–265. 38 About Emona: Gaspari 2010; Gaspari 2014; [a{el Kos 2002, 373–382; [a{el Kos 2012, 79–104. 39 Loli} 2003, 131–152. 40 Di Paola 1999, 65. General data about cursus publicus: Black 1995; Kolb 2000; Kolb 2001, 95–105; Kolb 2002, 67–76; Kolb 2014, 649–670; Lemcke 2016. 105 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Florin-Gheorghe FODOREAN Listing Settlements and Distances: the Emona-Singidunum Road in Tabula Peutingeriana, Itinerarium Antonini… (95–108) BIBLIOGRAPHY: Arnaud 1988 – P. Arnaud, Observations sur l’original du fragment de carte du pseudo-bouclier de Doura–Europos. Revue des études anciennes 90, 1–2, Paris, 1988, 151–161. Elsner 2000 – J. Elsner, The Itinerarium Burdigalense: Politics and Salvation in the Geography of Constantine’s Empire. The Journal of Roman Studies 90, 2000, 181–195. Arnaud 1989 – P. Arnaud, Une deuxième lecture du bouclier de Doura–Europos. Comptes rendus de l’Académie des inscriptions et belles-lettres 133, 2, 1989, 373–389. Fodorean 2013 – F. Fodorean, The Topography and the Landscape of Roman Dacia. British Archaeological Reports (BAR), International Series 2501, Oxford 2013. Arnaud 1989a – P. 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D. 476), Nottingham, July 4–7, 2001, ed. by L. de Blois, J. Rich, Amsterdam 2002, 67–76. Kolb 2014 – A. Kolb, Communications and Mobility in the Roman Empire. In C. Bruun, J. Edmondson (eds.), Oxford Handbook of Roman Epigraphy, Oxford 2014, 649–670. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Florin-Gheorghe FODOREAN Listing Settlements and Distances: the Emona-Singidunum Road in Tabula Peutingeriana, Itinerarium Antonini… (95–108) Laurence 2011 – R. Laurence, The Roads of Roman Italy: Mobility and Cultural Change, Routledge 2011. [a{el Kos 2002 – M. [a{el Kos, The boundary stone between Aquileia and Emona. Arheolo{ki Vestnik 53, 2002, 373–382. Loli} 2003 – T. Loli}, Colonia Flavia Siscia. In: M. [a{el Kos, P. Scherrer (eds.), The Autonomous Towns of Noricumand Pannonia I, Situla 41, Ljubljana 2003, 131–152. [a{el Kos 2012 – M. [a{el Kos, Colonia Iulia Emona – the genesis of the Roman city (Colonia Iulia Emona – nastanek rimskega mesta). Arheolo{ki vestnik, 63, 2012, 79–104. Lemcke 2016 – L. Lemcke, Imperial Transportation and Communication from the Third to the Late Fourth Century: The Golden Age of the cursus publicus, Collection Latomus, 353, Bruxelles 2016. Schejbal 2004 – B. Schejbal, Municipium Iasorum. M. [a{el Kos, P. Scherrer (eds.), The autonomous towns of Noricum and Pannonia. Pannonia II / Die autonomen Städte in Noricum und Pannonien: Pannonia I, Situla 42, Ljubljana 2004, 99–130. Löhberg 2006 – B. Löhberg, Das ‘Itinerarium provinciarum Antonini Augusti’. Ein kaiserzeitliches Stra¼enverzeichnis des Römischen Reiches. Überlieferung, Strecken, Kommentare, Karten, Berlin 2006 (2 vol.). Miller 1916 – K. Miller, Itineraria romana. Römische reisewege an der hand der Tabula Peutingeriana dargestellt, Stuttgart 1916. Rathmann 2003 – M. Rathmann, Untersuchungen zu den Reichsstra{en in den westlichen Provinzen des Imperium Romanum, Mainz 2003. Schmidt 2011 – M.G. Schmidt, A Gadibus Romam. Myth and Reality of an Ancient Route. Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 54, 2, 2011, 71–86. ªahin 1994 – S. ªahin, Ein Vorbericht über den Stadiasmus Provinciae Lyciae in Patara. Lykia 1, 1994, 130–135. Talbert 2010 – R. Talbert, Rome’s World: the Peutinger Map Reconsidered, Cambridge University Press, 2010. Von Hagen 1978 – V. W. Von Hagen, Le grande strade di Roma nel mondo, Rome 1978. Rebuffat 1986 – R. Rebuffat, Le bouclier de Doura. Syria 63, 1–2, Paris, 1986, 85–105. 107 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Florin-Gheorghe FODOREAN Listing Settlements and Distances: the Emona-Singidunum Road in Tabula Peutingeriana, Itinerarium Antonini… (95–108) Rezime: FLORIN-GEORGE FODOREAN, Univerzitet Babe{-Boqaj, Klu`–Napoka, Fakultet istorije i filozofije, Odeqewe anti~ke istorije i arheologije SPISAK NASEQA I RASTOJAWA: PUT EMONA–SINGIDUNUM NA TABULA PEUTINGERIANA, ITINERARIUM ANTONINI I ITINERARIUM BURDIGALENSE Kqu~ne re~i. – Pojtingerova tabla, Antoninov itinerar, Jerusalimski itinerar, rimski put Emona–Singidunum, mansiones, mutationes, civitates, cursus publicus. Na{ prilog je usredsre|en na analizu i tuma~ewe nekoliko istorijskih podataka u vezi sa putem Emona–Singidunum du` Drave, a koji se nalaze u tri zna~ajna anti~ka dokumenta: Itinerarium Burdigalense sive Hierosolymitanum, Tabula Peutingeriana i Itinerarium Antonini. Kqu~no pitawe ove studije jeste pitawe da li Jerusalimski itinerar mo`e baciti vi{e svetlosti na problem izvora ovih anti~kih dokumenata i, ako mo`e, koji metod treba odabrati da se to i doka`e? Stoga smo odlu~ili da uporedimo podatke iz Pojtingerove table i Antoninovog itinerara sa onima koji se nalaze u Jerusalimskom itineraru, razmatraju}i deo puta Akvileja–Viminacijum, ta~nije deonicu izme|u Emone i Siscije. Ciq nam je bio da vidimo ima li sli~nosti i razlika me|utim dokumentima. Nakon uporedne analize navedena tri anti~ka izvora do{li smo do nekih op{tih zapa- 108 `awa u vezi s wima. Najva`nije je da struktura Jerusalimskog itinerara du` puta Emona–Singidunum otkriva bri`qivo planirawe infrastrukture glavnih rimskih puteva u IV veku na{e ere ({to odgovara reorganizaciji slu`benog dr`avnog transporta, cursus publicus), a i pre toga. Za{to je hodo~asnik odabrao put Emona–Petovion–Sirmijum– Singidunum du` Drave, dug 398 rimskih miqa, umesto puta Emona–Siscija–Sirmijum–Singidunum du` Save, koji je kra}i (oko 340 miqa)? Pretpostavqamo da se odgovor nalazi u savr{enom poznavawu infrastrukture du` reke Drave. Ovaj put mogao je da obezbedi boqe uslove putovawa slu`benicima koji su koristili cursus publicus. Me|utim, mi smatramo da postoji jo{ jedan va`an razlog za takvu odluku: koristiv{i slu`beni sistem transporta, hodo~asnik je izabrao „slu`beni” put. STARINAR LXVII/2017 UDC: 904:748"652"(497.11) 904:726.8(497.11)"03/06" 069:748"652"(497.11) https://doi.org/10.2298/STA1767109J Original research article GORDANA JEREMI], Institute of Archaeology, Belgrade SNE@ANA GOLUBOVI], Institute of Archaeology, Belgrade SLOBODAN DR^A, Ni{ UNPUBLISHED GLASS FINDINGS FROM THE EASTERN NECROPOLIS OF NAISSUS (JAGODIN MALA, NI[) e-mail: gjeremic@ai.ac.rs Abstract – In the period from 1952–1967, during the systematic archaeological excavations of the area of the eastern necropolis of Naissus, in the modern day city quarter of Jagodin Mala, in Ni{, a large number of glass objects was found. A representative portion of the findings was published in various publications, while the other findings, which belong to the study collection of the National Museum in Ni{, have not been the subject of any separate study. These are new kinds of findings, such as glass lamps, window panes and tesserae, and the collection also includes the familiar, standard repertoire of glass vessels of the Late Antiquity period. The findings come from the grave units, the cemetery basilica with its crypt, and the archaeological layers from the area of the necropolis in Jagodin Mala. Besides the typological-chronological, as well as the topographic analysis, the paper also presents a complete image of the glass objects from the area of the necropolis, used in the burial and liturgical practices of the population of Naissus in Late Antiquity. Key words – Late Antiquity, Jagodin Mala, Naissus–Ni{, necropolis, basilica, glass vessels, glass objects. T he archaeological excavations of the eastern city necropolis of Naissus (Ni{, SRB) (Fig. 1) were carried out, with short interruptions, by the Institute of Archaeology in Belgrade and its associates, during the period from 1952 to 1967.1 To date, over 365 graves, as well as four cemeterial churches have been discovered in the course of the research (Fig. 2).2 The necropolis, built along the road to Ratiaria (Archar, BG), to the east of the rampart of the Late Antique city, was active from the 4th (the time of Constantine I) until the end of the 6th and the first decades of the 7th century.3 Within that chronological span, churches were also erected on the territory of the necropolis, to meet the requirements of the funerary rites and burials of eminent church, civilian or regal (?) figures. This was period of significant socio-economic changes in Naissus, followed by periodical rises and falls, and a period which brought about the definite establishment of the influence and power of the Christian organisation.4 The glass objects, found during the excavation of this necropolis, and which are located in the study collection of the National Museum in Ni{, have not been studied in depth so far, but due to the importance and diversity of the material, we believe that they deserve the attention of the academic community. This paper The article results from the projects: Romanisation, urbanisation and transformation of urban centres of civil, military and residential character in Roman provinces in the territory of Serbia (no. 177007) and IRS – Viminacium, roman city and military legion camp – research of material and non-material of inhabitants by using the modern technologies of remote detection, geophysics, GIS, digitalization and 3D visualization (no. 47018), funded by the Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Developement of the Republic of Serbia. 109 Manuscript received 30th December 2016, accepted 10th May 2017 Gordana JEREMI], Sne`ana GOLUBOVI], Slobodan DR^A Unpublished Glass Findings from the Eastern Necropolis of Naissus (Jagodin Mala, Ni{) (109–130) Fig. 1. Late Antique provinces in the Central Balkans with the location of Naissus (Stamenkovi} 2012, 19, map 2) Sl. 1. Kasnoanti~ke provincije na Centralnom Balkanu, sa polo`ajem Naisusa (Stamenkovi} 2012, 19, karta 2) 110 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Gordana JEREMI], Sne`ana GOLUBOVI], Slobodan DR^A Unpublished Glass Findings from the Eastern Necropolis of Naissus (Jagodin Mala, Ni{) (109–130) Fig. 2. Location of the Jagodin Mala necropolis (A. Vukojevi}, documentation of the project): red lines – excavated areas; 1. the basilica with a crypt Sl. 2. Situacioni plan nekropole u Jagodin mali (A. Vukojevi}, dokumentacija Projekta): crvene linije – istra`ivana oblast; 1. bazilika sa kriptom includes all the groups of glass findings, which, in the area of the necropolis, appear in various contexts: as grave goods (vessels), as a part of personal jewellery (pearls or strings of beads), or as objects for lighting, glazing and decoration of church complexes (lamps, window glass, mosaic tesserae). These findings, together with the published materials (Fig. 3),5 provide an insight into the diversity and quality of the glass objects, which were used in funerary or sacral contexts at the eastern city necropolis of Naissus in the Late Antiquity period. Bowls The study collection of the National Museum in Ni{ is represented by seven hemispherical bowls and a shallower container (T. II, cat. 1–7). Based on its manufacture technique, a dip-mould blown ‘honeycomb’ bowl (cat. 1) stands out significantly among the mostly undecorated, free blown examples (cat. 2–7). The contexts of the findings of this type of vessels are different: two bowls were found in graves (cat. 3, 7), one was a part of the inventory of an accidentally discovered tomb in no. 63 Ratka Pavlo- 111 vi}a Street (cat. 2),6 while the other examples come from the archaeological layers or the 20th century rubble from the opened trenches. The dip-mould blown bowl (cat. 1) was registered in the vicinity of the basilica with a crypt on Nikola Tesla Boulevard (Isings form 107a; Ru`i} 1994 tip 1 Excavations of the necropolis were also carried out on several occasions before World War II, by the associates of the Museums Society in Ni{ (Or{i} Slaveti} 1934, 303–305, sl. 1–7. The important finds from that research are included in the catalog of the exhibition Jagodin Mala 2014, passim). Excavations of the necropolis, of a rescue character, were carried out during the past few decades by the Institute for the Protection of Cultural Monuments Ni{, in collaboration with the experts from the Institute of Archaeology in Belgrade and the National Museum Ni{ Cf. Jeremi} 2013. 2 Or{i} Slaveti} 1934, 304, fig. 1; Zotovi} 1961, 171–175; Zotovi}, Petrovi} 1968; Jeremi} 2013, 127–129. 3 The upper chronological limit of the necropolis was dated to the first decades of 7th century by the findings of the money of emperor Heraclius from October 613 AD from one of the barrelvaulted tombs, cf. Popovi} 1975, 494, fig. 14, note 3. 4 Petrovi} 1979, 39–41; Jagodin Mala 2014, 52–58. 5 Ru`i} 1994; Dr~a 2000; Jagodin Mala 2014. 6 Modern day Knja`eva~ka Street. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Gordana JEREMI], Sne`ana GOLUBOVI], Slobodan DR^A Unpublished Glass Findings from the Eastern Necropolis of Naissus (Jagodin Mala, Ni{) (109–130) Fig. 3. Glass vessels from the necropolis in Jagodin Mala (photo @. Caji}, documentation of the National Museum, Ni{) Sl. 3. Staklene posude sa nekropole u Jagodin mali (foto: @. Caji}, dokumentacija Narodnog muzeja, Ni{) VII/10b; Lazar tip 3.10.3). It has its parallel in the specimen from the grave with a brick and tegulae construction from Gradsko Polje in Ni{, which belongs to the necropolis formed along the road to Viminacium (the modern village of Kostolac), and about 800 m to the northwest of the basilica with a crypt. In the grave, next to the head of the deceased, an olive green glazed ceramic jug, a set of playing tokens and a beaker made of greenish glass ornamented with vertical ribs and shallow hexagonal indentations were laid as grave goods.7 Specimens decorated with a ribbing motif are encountered in the grave inventory and in the layers of the last third of the 4th and the first decades of the 5th century in Pannonia, as cone-shaped or hemispherical specimens made of olive green or yellowish-green glass.8 According to the analogies, the specimen from Jagodin Mala could be dated to the period of the middle of the 4th – middle of the 5th century, and it could probably be connected to an earlier layer of burial in the area around the basilica with a crypt. It could also 112 have been a part of the grave inventory of a vaulted tomb inside the basilica or a grave unit in its immediate vicinity.9 The hemispherical bowls, made using the technique of free blowing, do not represent a common finding at the necropolis in Jagodin Mala (Isings form 96, 107; Ru`i} tip VII/10b). Besides the six specimens from the study collection that we present in this paper, the research carried out so far has registered another speci- 7 Ajdi} 1975, 35; Jovanovi} 1977, 132–133; Dr~a 2000, 211, 218, kat. 4. 8 Barkóczi 1988, Kat. 140–142, 165–166. 9 The construction of the basilica with a crypt is placed within the time span of the 5th –6th century (Mano-Zisi, Jovanovi} 1952, 367; Zotovi}, Petrovi} 1968, 16; Milo{evi} 2004, 121–140), while the vaulted tomb in the southern part of the basilica, as well as the finding of the lead sarcophagus with emperors’ busts, more closely dated to the Theodosian epoch (Buschhausen, Buschhausen 1991, 51–53), would belong to the period of the 4th – first half of the 5th century. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Gordana JEREMI], Sne`ana GOLUBOVI], Slobodan DR^A Unpublished Glass Findings from the Eastern Necropolis of Naissus (Jagodin Mala, Ni{) (109–130) men of this shape of vessel, found in the vicinity of the largest barrel-vaulted tomb discovered to date (northsouth oriented).10 The specimen is dated to the second half of the 4th century.11 The closest parallels for this type of bowl, either undecorated or with applied dark blue blobs, can be found in the vicinity of Naissus, within the complex of the villa with a peristyle with balneum12 and in the trench with architectural remains13 in the south-eastern part of the Late Antique settlement of Mediana.14 Both findings belong to the younger horizons of Mediana, from the time of Constantine I to the middle of the 5th century.15 A fragment of the rim of a bowl (cat. 3) was found in a grave by the feet of the deceased and can be roughly dated to the 4th and the first half of the 5th century, while a greenish glass fragment (cat. 7) was found in the area of the decedent’s chest, together with parts of the rims of two pots, of coarse fabric, which are also dated to the 4th and the first half of the 5th century.16 The fragment of a bowl’s rim with thicker walls made of greenish glass (cat. 5), found in the area of the crypt, was registered together with ceramic findings from the end of the 3rd and early 4th century (unpublished), and could also be related to the older horizon of burials which preceded the erection of the complex with the Christian basilica with a crypt. The finding of a fragment of a bowl rim of similar characteristics (cat. 6) would also belong to this horizon, while a fragment of a rim of a bowl (cat. 4) could only be roughly dated to the period of the 4th–6th century, due to the unreliable stratigraphy in the researched part of the crypt area. Beakers The beakers from the study collection of the National Museum in Ni{ are represented by five conical specimens (T. III, cat. 8–12).17 Conical beakers are not numerous among the vessels of the study collection of the National Museum in Ni{. The findings in question are five fragments, out of which three are parts of the rim with the body (cat. 8–10) and two are parts of a bottom and foot, which can be classified as belonging to this type of vessel with great certainty (cat. 11, 12). In the garden of Engleski dom, in the central part of the necropolis, near the brick-built grave (or a tomb), a rim fragment made of yellowish glass with shallow ribbed walls was found (cat. 8) (Isings form 106; Ru`i} tip VII/12). The finding probably belongs to a grave unit. It is a kind of beaker characteristic of the second half of the 4th and the first half of the 5th century, found 113 at a large number of sites in the area of Roman provinces in the territory of Serbia.18 A random finding from Jagodin Mala, made of colourless glass with two wider horizontal incisions,19 also belongs to this type and to this chronological span. The findings of the rims of two beakers (cat. 9, 10) from the surface layers of the trench excavated in 1967 may belong to the type of stemmed beakers encountered at Late Antique and Early Byzantine sites and could have been used as lamps.20 According to their shape and technological characteristics, the specimens from Jagodin Mala are most similar to those from Gradina, on Mt Jelica, from the 6th century.21 The finding of the bottom of a ring-shaped foot of a vessel made of yellowish glass (cat. 12) also belongs to a stratigraphically unreliable unit.22 This type of container and vessel base is typical of beakers of a funnel shaped or ring-shaped thickened rim and conical container (Isings form 109c). It represents a very common 10 Jagodin Mala 2014, 118, cat. 107. Inside the tomb, which has been researched through multiple campaigns, a relatively large quantity of movable material was registered (Jagodin Mala 2014, cat. 7 (five rings), 63 (a bead)), among which the finding of a amphora from the second half of the 4th century, a bowl-shaped lamp from the 4th – the first half of the 5th century, and also coins of Constantine I from the years 317–318 and 321 to Valentinian I from the years 364–367, especially stand out (Jagodin Mala 2014, cat. 154, 172, 178–179, 185). 12 Squares II D 369, 374/1962. 13 Trench no. 190/1961. 14 Dr~a 2000, 210–211, 218, kat. 1–2, 5, 5a. 15 Vasi} 2005, 169, 172–173; Vasi} 2013, 99. 16 Cvjeti~anin 2016, 72–73, tip 4b. 17 The terms were taken from the general bibliography and previously published works: Ru`i} 1994, Dr~a 2000, Lazar 2003, Ignatiadou, Antonaras 2011. 18 Ru`i} 1994, 50–52, cat. 968–1014. 19 Dr~a 2000, 218, cat. 6, fig. 6; Jagodin Mala 2014, 119, cat. 108. 20 Barkóczi 1988, 107–109, Kat. 172–181 (early forms of the 3rd century AD); Gavrilovi} 1988, 90–92, tip IV/1, IV/3B; ^olakova 2009, 267, T. VI, 2–6; Stern 2001, 270–271, Kat. 172–174. 21 Gavrilovi} 1988, T. 1/7; 2/4–7. The documentation from the research in 1967 is missing from the institutions which carried out the excavations and protection, in Belgrade and Ni{. In the published report of the research, it is known only that the excavations were carried out in the northern and eastern part of the necropolis, and we presume that they were also carried out around the basilica with a crypt itself, which was conserved that year (Zotovi}, Petrovi} i Petrovi} 1967, 115–116). 22 The fragment was discovered with the recent ceramics Cf. Lj. Zotovi}, Arheolo{ka iskopavanja anti~ke nekropole u Ni{u 1962. god., Documentation of the Institute of Archaeology, Belgrade, 56. 11 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Gordana JEREMI], Sne`ana GOLUBOVI], Slobodan DR^A Unpublished Glass Findings from the Eastern Necropolis of Naissus (Jagodin Mala, Ni{) (109–130) finding at Late Antique sites of the second half of the 4th and the first half of the 5th century in the territory of Serbia.23 The fragment of a conical foot and ring-shaped outer rim (cat. 11) most likely belongs to a stemmed goblet with a rounded container. In Jagodin Mala, another entirely preserved specimen of this type of vessel was found during the excavations of the Ni{ Museum, in 1954, the records of which were published.24 This is a type of vessel characteristic of layers of the 5th and 6th century and registered at a series of early Byzantine sites in the area of the limes (^ezava– Novae, Saldum, Kostol–Pontes, Mora Vagei) and on the mainland (Gamzigrad–Romuliana, Gra~anica– Ulpiana, Cari~in Grad–Iustiniana Prima).25 Toilet bottles Seven toilet bottles (T. II–III, cat. 13–19) come from the study collection of the National Museum in Ni{ (unguentaria, balsamaria). They are manufactured using the free blowing technique, out of colourless, whitish, light blue, yellowish and greenish glass. Among them, specimens with a square container with indentations (cat. 13–15) (Ru`i} tip III/10a) and specimens with a spherical container, with a shorter or longer cylindrical neck (cat. 16–19) (Ru`i} tip III/7e) can be differentiated. All the specimens were found next to the deceased inside the graves and tombs in Jagodin Mala. In three cases, we are dealing with children’s funerals, in grave constructions made of bricks (T. I).26 The skeletal remains of these deceased are very poorly preserved, and have no other grave goods except for the balsamaria (cat. 13, 14, 16). In one case, it is a brick-built grave in which two decedents are inhumed (Fig. 4),27 also with balsamaria as the only grave good (cat. 15). All the graves are West-East oriented, and the skeletal remains of the deceased from the double grave indicate adult persons. In the case of the grave in which several deceased are buried,28 next to the head of one of them the remains of as many as three balsamaria were found.29 Toilet bottles with a square container with indentations (cat. 13–15) are registered at the necropolis in ten more cases, which makes them one of the more frequent forms of findings in Jagodin Mala.30 According to the circumstances of the findings, they belong mostly to the second half of the 4th and last until the middle of the 5th century, and have been found at the necropolis of St. Sinerotes in Sirmium (site 26), the necropolis in Be{ka and inside the camp and settlement in ^ezava–Novae and Kostol–Pontes.31 114 The bottles with a spherical container also belong to the period of the 4th century (cat. 16–18), of which 21 more specimens were found in Jagodin Mala, with variations in shape of the rim, neck and the container.32 This shape of vessel is characteristic of the period from the second half of the 4th to the middle of the 5th century, and is most frequently encountered at necropolises. Specimens are registered in Kolovrat, Sirmium, Vojka, Singidunum and Romuliana,33 as well as in the Hungarian part of Pannonia, at the necropolises of Intercisa, Ságvár and Brigetio.34 Bottles Among the material of the study collection from the necropolis of Naissus in Jagodin Mala, there are also five bottle fragments (T. III–IV, cat. 20–24). They are spherical bottles (cat. 20–23), with a flared rim and a longer cylindrical neck, made of glass from yellowish to green colour (Isings form 101, Barkóczi 1988, Typ 118; Ru`i} 1994, tip I/4b). These types of bottles enjoyed special popularity in the Late Antiquity period, from the time of Constantine I (306–337).35 According to the more precisely dated grave units from Pannonia, the specimens are mostly present in the graves of the period from 340 to 380, and predominantly made of green, greenish or white glass, while olive green bottles are predominant by the end of the 4th and at the beginning of the 5th century.36 Besides these unpublished findings, bottles are represented by five more specimens at the necropolis in 23 Ru`i} 1994, tip XII/12a, 50, cat. 959–967; Mediana, unpublished. 24 The documentation from these excavations is also missing. In the more recent literature, the vessel was dated to the 6th century according to its form (Jagodin Mala 2014, 120, cat. 110, with older literature). 25 Ru`i} 1994, tip XII/13, 52–53, kat. 1049–1125; Jeremi} 2009, 151, cat. 442–443; 2012, 288, Fig. 6, 33–34. 26 Graves no. E-22/1960; E-26/1960; D-28/1960. 27 Grave no. O-93/1961. 28 Grave no. M-79/1961. 29 Unfortunately, the grave report was lost, so there is no more specific data about the grave and the deceased. 30 Jagodin Mala 2014, 136–141, cat. 143–152. 31 [aranovi}-Svetek 1986, 65, cat. 120–125; Ru`i} 1994, 33, cat. 456–476. 32 Jagodin Mala 2014, 126–131, cat. 122–142. 33 Ru`i} 1994, 29–30, cat. 369–371, 381, 393–396. 34 Barkóczi 1988, 118–120, Typ 90, Kat. 215–223. 35 Barkóczi 1988, 137. 36 Barkóczi 1988, 137–140. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Gordana JEREMI], Sne`ana GOLUBOVI], Slobodan DR^A Unpublished Glass Findings from the Eastern Necropolis of Naissus (Jagodin Mala, Ni{) (109–130) Fig. 4. Grave with a construction of bricks II O–93, 1961 (photo-documentation of Institute of Archaeology) Fig. 5–6. Examples of laying a bottle next to the deceased: Graves II L-50 (fig. 5) and II L-59 (fig. 6), 1961 (photo documentation of the Institute of Archaeology, featuring N. Bori}) Sl. 4. Zidani grob II O-93, 1961 (foto-dokumentacija Arheolo{kog instituta) Sl. 5–6. Primeri polagawa boca pored pokojnika: grobovi II L-50 (sl. 5) i II L-59 (sl. 6), 1961 (foto-dokumentacija Arheolo{kog instituta, obrada: N. Bori}) Jagodin Mala.37 They are vessels of about 14 cm in height, made of glass of various colours, usually with the body decorated with dip-mould blown ribbing, the favourite motif by the end of the 4th and at the beginning of the 5th century.38 This type of bottle used to be laid, just like the unguentaria, next to the deceased, in the graves as well as in barrel-vaulted tombs (Fig. 5–6). Jugs A smaller number of fragments of jugs are located in the study collection from the excavations of the necropolis in Jagodin Mala (T. V, cat. 25–26). The finding in question is one of a fragment of a funnel-shaped rim with a part of a handle and a band-shaped handle of the vessel, which most likely belonged to a jug. The findings come from layers from the area of the basilica with a crypt (cat. 25) and the necropolis (cat. 26), so the interpretation of these findings in funerary or sacral practices is made difficult because of the unreliable units they belong to. The fragment of funnel-shaped rim with a part of a handle (cat. 25) most likely belongs to the type of jugs with ovoid containers, characteristic of the Late 115 Antiquity period, from the end of the 2nd to the middle of the 5th century (Isings form 120a; Ru`i} 1994, tip II/5).39 A jug which is 20.5 cm high, made of greenish glass and with the body adorned with oblique ribbing, found during the excavation of the graves in Jagodin Mala in 1954, belongs to this type.40 Lamps The lamps from the area of the necropolis in Jagodin Mala have not been published so far. In the course of the excavations carried out to date, numerous fragments belonging to this type of vessel were registered, discovered in the zone of the basilica with a crypt (T. VI, cat. 27–29). The specimens in question are those with bell-shaped containers and the bottom in the shape of a teardrop, predominantly made of yellowish glass. 37 38 39 40 Dr~a 2000, 218, cat. 9–13. Jagodin Mala 2014, 120–121, cat. 111–113. Ru`i} 1994, 18, kat. 97–106. Jagodin Mala 2014, 123, cat. 117. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Gordana JEREMI], Sne`ana GOLUBOVI], Slobodan DR^A Unpublished Glass Findings from the Eastern Necropolis of Naissus (Jagodin Mala, Ni{) (109–130) The lamps made of glass are placed within the Late Antiquity or Early Byzantine context, most often inside church structures, and sometimes they appear at necropolises too. They were used for the lighting of the tombs during memorial services dedicated to the deceased or to martyrs, or they were left as votive gifts.41 The bellshaped lamps with a teardrop-shaped bottom are most frequently found in the Early Byzantine layers of the 5th–6th century at sites in the provinces of the territory of Serbia.42 In the territory of Naissus, fragments of lamps of this type are registered in the Early Byzantine horizon within the building with an octagon at Gradsko Polje (the excavation of 2016, unpublished), which was assumed to have served as a palatium in the Late Antiquity period.43 Beads Beads (T. VI, cat. 30–32), cylindrical and spherical, made of glass or gold, were found in a grave with a simple inhumation (cat. 30), about 100 m to the west of the basilica with a crypt. The two remaining findings of beads are from the disordered layers in the area surrounding the basilica with a crypt (cat. 31, 32), so they can be roughly placed within a wider chronological span of the 4th–6th century. Beads, as parts of necklaces or pendants on earrings, represent a relatively frequent element of jewellery in female and children’s grave units in Jagodin Mala.44 The largest number of the recorded beads is made of glass, in various shapes (conical, spherical, joint-shaped and polygonal), while in a smaller number they are made of gold leaf, amber, or, less frequently, semi-precious stones, usually combined with glass beads, achieving the effect of diverseness and an imitation of precious materials that were less available to the different social strata of Naissus in the Late Antiquity period. Window glass The excavations on the territory of Jagodin Mala have recorded several fragments of window glass (cat. 33–37). The findings in question belong to the complex of the basilica with a crypt (5th–6th century). The small number of discovered fragments does not allow for the reconstruction of window panes, and yet, these findings unequivocally indicate that probably both structures, the basilica and the crypt, had glazed windows in their upper zones. These are panels made of glass in the shades of yellow and green, the window panes being 2–3 mm thick and, in one case, a part of a flat rim was registered. 116 The use of window glass was recorded in numerous church structures of the period between the 4th and the 6th century in the Roman provinces in the territory of Serbia: in Brangovi}, Kladen~i{te, Cari~in Grad, Gradina on Jelica, Nebeske Stolice and other complexes.45 The window glass findings in question are of inconsistent quality and morphological-technological characteristics. The tradition of window glazing was also confirmed in the structures in Naissus and the nearby Mediana during the Late Antiquity, especially during the 4th–5th century (the building with an octagon in Gradsko Polje, Ni{ and multiple structures at Mediana). Mosaic tesserae The basilica with a crypt on Nikola Tesla Boulevard had rich interior decoration, which included mosaic pavements and fresco-painted walls, out of which only individual tesserae or fresco fragments have been preserved.46 The data concerning the look, position and size of the floor mosaic and possible mosaic wall decoration are, unfortunately, missing since, at the moment of the discovery, the complex had already been badly damaged, even in the lower zones. We have learnt about the mosaic decoration as a result of the findings of a large number of red, dark blue, grey and whitish tesserae made of marble and stone (study collection of the National Museum in Ni{). Among the tesserae, a couple of specimens made of glass were discovered, their dimensions being 0.7 x 0.7 and 1.1 x 1.1 cm (cat. 38). These findings come from the layer at the west side of the west wall of the basilica, but they probably adorned the floor of the central nave of this structure. The glass tesserae were mostly used for finer details (figural, floral, and zoomorphic) of the floor mosaics or minutely detailed works on wall mosaics (opus musivum). The use of glass tiles was ascertained on the floor and wall mosaics in neighbouring Mediana,47 but in this case there is certainly no continuity of the local mosaic workshop, considering the chronological gap of at least one century. 41 Uboldi 1995, 94, 96–97. Ru`i} 1994, tip XII/2, 55–56, kat. 1149–1189; Metzger, Duval 2010, 419, fig. V, 56, a; Kri`anac 2015, 347, Fig. 5/84–100. 43 ^er{kov, Jeremi}, Vitezovi} 2016, 104–105, with older literature. 44 Jagodin Mala 2014, 87–94, cat. 53–67. 45 Pecikoza 2016, 329–340; Kri`anac 2016, 271–282. 46 Jagodin Mala 2014, 152, cat. 174–175. 47 Jeremi} 2010, 138–139. 42 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Gordana JEREMI], Sne`ana GOLUBOVI], Slobodan DR^A Unpublished Glass Findings from the Eastern Necropolis of Naissus (Jagodin Mala, Ni{) (109–130) Discussion and conclusion The glass material from the National Museum in Ni{ (study collection and the inventories), which comes from the excavations at the eastern necropolis of Naissus in the modern-day city district of Jagodin Mala, represents a significant collection of glass findings from the period of the Late Antiquity and gives a good insight into the repertoire, technological achievements and the use of this group of findings in the final periods of the development of Naissus in Late Antiquity. The necropolis, established along the main road to Ratiaria, used to occupy a considerable area of land, the borders of which were determined by the excavations, which point to an area of about 800 x 350 m.48 Although the graves do not overlap, the research of this necropolis clearly defined two horizons of burials, which also correspond to certain historical and socioeconomic changes in the very city of Naissus. The graves and tombs erected during the 4th and the first half of the 5th century belong to the first period. These are the findings of monumental grave architecture which, in the territory of Naissus in previous periods, had not been recorded, either by archaeological excavations or by random findings. Family mausoleums were erected along the main road and probably in the vicinity of church buildings.49 The custom of laying glass vessels next to the deceased is recorded in both brick-built graves and simple inhumation burials, or next to the deceased buried in cist graves, and they certainly represent a consistent burial practice. The vessels were laid either next to the head or by the feet of the deceased. Laying glass vessels into the graves of the Late Antiquity period has its roots in an earlier Roman practice of offering a liquid sacrifice to the decedents – a libation.50 Different shapes of glass vessels probably had different roles in burial customs, during the funeral. Next to most of the deceased, glass unguentaria were found, or, as their equivalent, a smaller bottle. Vessels like these probably contained a measure of liquid content for the decedent.51 There has been no analysis of the contents of the unguentaria from Jagodin Mala, but we assume that they couldn’t have been significantly different from the contents of containers in Italy or in the northern provinces in which the remains of scented oils, musk, sesame and almond oil and amber powder were registered.52 Beakers, as the containers for drinking liquids, in which a liquid did not necessarily have to be laid in the grave, probably used to be put in graves together with 117 ceramic or glass jugs as a part of the grave set with which, symbolically, liquid was taken. A good example of a beaker used as a part of a set, and not a vessel in which liquid was laid in the grave, was given by a grave finding from 2012, from the area of the Benetton factory, in the south-eastern part of the necropolis. Namely, in a simple inhumation grave a grey fired jug with a beaker that was placed on it upside down was found.53 In the first burial horizon, decedents were often laid in graves with rich personal jewellery and equipment, and among the jewellery, bracelets or necklaces made of beads are predominant, in most cases made of glass of various colours.54 The period in which the burials were carried out in the first horizon in Jagodin Mala corresponds to one of the most prosperous periods in the history of Naissus. The city, according to written sources and archaeological evidence, was thriving in the Late Antiquity, from the beginning of the 4th century.55 Two emperors were born in Naissus, Constantine I and Constantius III, and it is known from sources that Constantine significantly influenced the visual identity of the city and initiated notable construction works.56 Naissus is an important seat in which the rulers of the 4th and 5th century often resided, passed acts, and had an organised court 48 Jagodin Mala 2014, 17. With the excavations carried out so far, out of the four registered cemetery churches, one was dated to the Constantinian epoch, according to the findings of a copper coin of Constantine I. The unreliability of the data from the research in 1933–1934, when the remains of the foundations of a structure with a semicircular wall on the west end were unearthed, do not allow for the interpretation of this structure as a church (Or{i} Slaveti} 1934, fig. 4), but rather opens the possibility of a different interpretation, that it might have been a Late Antique mausoleum with a dome (Jeremi}, Filipovi} 2016, 1746). 50 Zotovi} 1975, 48. 51 During the excavations in 1954 in the area of the “Ratko Pavlovi}” factory, a glass jug with remains of a liquid was found in one barrel-vaulted tomb, which the researchers assumed to represent the remains of the original content, and which the laboratory analyses showed to be just pure water. However, water could have been collected in the vessel over the course of time, and not represent its original content. Cf. Haevernick 1965, 118–120. The findings from the tomb with two deceased buried in oak coffins, contained, apart from the above mentioned glass jug, another jug made of glass and a ceramic amphora, dated to the 4th century (Jagodin Mala 2014, cat. 115, 117, 153). 52 Verzár-Bass, 1998, 170. 53 Jagodin Mala 2014, cat. 109, 159. 54 Jagodin Mala 2014, 87–94, cat. 53–55, 57–66. 55 Petrovi} 1979, 39–47. 56 Petrovi} 1979, 39–40. 49 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Gordana JEREMI], Sne`ana GOLUBOVI], Slobodan DR^A Unpublished Glass Findings from the Eastern Necropolis of Naissus (Jagodin Mala, Ni{) (109–130) with workshops for the production of objects made of noble metals, in which valuable objects given as rewards, largitio, to those who deserved them were produced.57 The presence of the emperor, the court and court’s craftsmen in Naissus certainly represented a model and inspiration to the population and probably provided a powerful momentum to the development of economic activity, both on a wide and smaller scale (the development of the public fabrica, smaller factories or private workshops – officinae), where objects used in the burial practice at the necropolis in Jagodin Mala could have been created. A higher standard of living of the citizens, or a display of the desired, but possibly not real status, was reflected in the burial rites through the rich and abundant inventory of the graves and tombs, among which the glass material has an important place.58 The decline of the economy and the standard of living in Naissus can be traced throughout the first decades of the 5th century, and would culminate in the invasions of the Huns in 441 and 447, when a large portion of the population perished and numerous buildings were destroyed or damaged.59 During this period, the church organisation becomes increasingly important, and its strengthening can best be traced through the intense construction activity and developed production of objects for liturgical purposes or through the equipping of churches with artisanal and art works and objects. This rise can best be seen in the example of early Christian cemetery churches in Jagodin Mala, which are the best researched ones in Naissus and which, in spite of the evident decline of the city population and, therefore, the number of individual and collective burials, were erected in several places on the necropolis during the period of the 5th and 6th century.60 This could as a result of the fact that most of the cult activities connected to the rites after the burial, which previously used to be performed next to the graves, were displaced in the Early Byzantine period and moved to the cemetery churches.61 Glass had multiple uses in the furnishing of cemetery churches. Out of all the recorded structures from the area of the necropolis, in the Museum in Ni{ today there are objects from the complex of the basilica with a crypt in Nikola Tesla Boulevard. From the archaeological material we can see that the craftsmen, the mosaic makers (tessellarii, musivarii), used glass tesserae to decorate the interior of this complex, either for the elaborate wall compositions or those on the floors, of which, unfortunately, nothing but the tesserae remained. The structure also had glazed windows of an unknown shape and glass lamps set into metal polycandela – 118 chandeliers, which made it possible to attend services and vigils in the evening hours, or lighted the underground chambers or the spaces that could not be reached by daylight. The number of glass findings of this period is very scarce and it is very difficult to link it to any grave unit. A stemmed goblet, entirely preserved,62 which, by its morphological and technological properties, corresponds to this chronological stratum, as well as a fragment of the base of a vessel of the same kind (cat. 11), are found outside the defined grave units and they cannot be attributed to a set for offering liquid grave gifts with any degree of certainty. The vessels like these could sometimes have had a different purpose – they could have been used as lamps. The scarceness of the rest of the grave inventory or, in most cases, its absence, in the graves of the second half of the 5th and 6th century, leads to the assumption that in this period a certain discontinuity or a change in burial customs of the population of Early Byzantine Naissus occurred, where the new generations neglected, or abandoned altogether, certain old, pagan practices. Acknowledgments This work would not have been possible without the help in obtaining the literature provided by the DAAD foundation (Fachliteraturprogramm für Alumni), and the study visits to Frankfurt in 2010 (Römisch-Germanische Kommission des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts), Rome in 2013 (Deutsches Archäologisches Institut Rom), and professional development scholarships in Halle (Martin-Luther-Halle-Wittenberg Universität 1999–2000) and Munich (Institut für Vor- und Frühgeschichte und Provinzialrömische Archäologie, Ludwig-Maximilian-Universität, 2001–2002). The authors owe special thanks to the collaborators on producing the documentation: Irena Ran|el, Aleksandar Kapuran (drawings), Zoran Radosavljevi}, Neboj{a Bori} and @eljko Caji} (photography) and Aleksandar Vukojevi} (orthophoto map of the necropolis). Translated by Jelena Miti} 57 Dr~a 1983, 10; Popovi} 1997, 134–138; Vasi} 2008, 12–21. Jeremi}, ^er{kov, Vulovi} 2014, 99–101. 59 Petrovi} 1979, 40–41. 60 Or{i} Slaveti} 1934, 304, fig. 1; Jeremi}, Filipovi} 2016, 1746–1747. 61 Zotovi} 1975, 50; Rebillard 2012, 134–146. 62 Jagodin Mala 2014, cat. 110. 58 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Gordana JEREMI], Sne`ana GOLUBOVI], Slobodan DR^A Unpublished Glass Findings from the Eastern Necropolis of Naissus (Jagodin Mala, Ni{) (109–130) CATALOGUE 1. Sector I/1962, Martirium (Square C5), depth 0.78 m, field inv. No. 30 diameter of the rim 7.8 cm Funnel-shaped rim and semi-spherical container with vertical incisions on a bowl made of yellowish-green glass. 2. Tomb in Ratka Pavlovi}a Street no. 63, random finding diameter of the rim 9.0 cm Part of a circular, funnel-shaped rim, of a vessel made of yellowish glass. 3. Trench II-D/1960, grave below the wall, depth 0.96 m (0.20 m SE of the right foot) diameter of the rim 9.5 cm Fragment of funnel-shaped rim of a bowl vessel made of greenish glass. 4. Sector I/1962, Martirium, square B4 (east of wall I), depth 0.46 m diameter of the rim 10.8 cm Fragment of a mildly funnel-shaped rim and semi-spherical container of a vessel made of light greenish glass. 5. Sector I/1962, Martirium, square B4 (south of wall III and north of grave 7), depth 0.87 m, under the layer with lime diameter of the rim 8.5 cm Funnel-shaped rim and semi-spherical container of a vessel made of greenish glass, with thicker walls. 9. Trench H/1967, depth 0.20 m diameter of the rim 7.0 cm Fragment of a plain rim and conical container of a vessel made of yellowish-green glass, with thinner walls. 10. Trench H/1967, depth 0.20 m diameter of the rim 7.0 cm Fragment of an inverted and ring-shaped rim of a vessel made of yellowish glass. 11. Trench H/1967, depth 1.15 m bottom diameter 4.2 cm Fragment of a conical foot, ring-shaped rim of a vessel made of yellowish glass. 12. Sector I/1962, Martirium, square D2, depth 0.82 m bottom diameter 3.2 cm Part of a conical container and flat bottom on a ringshaped foot of a vessel made of yellowish-green glass. 13. Grave II E-22/1960, field inv. No. 5 rim diameter 1.7 cm, height 6.7 cm, bottom diameter 2.8 cm Ring-shaped rim, cylindrical neck, shoulder, squareshaped body with four indentations and concave bottom of a vessel made of thin colourless glass. 14. Grave II E-26/1960, field inv. No. 9 rim diameter 2.6 cm, bottom diameter 3.4 cm Ring-shaped rim, cylindrical neck, part of the shoulder and slightly concave bottom of a vessel made of thin colourless glass. 6. Sector I/1962, Martirium, square B5, depth 0.46 m diameter of the rim 10.0 cm Funnel-shaped rim and semi-spherical container of a vessel made of olive green glass, with thicker walls. 15. Grave II O-93/1961, field inv. No. 55 rim diameter 3.2 cm, bottom diameter 4.0 cm Ring-shaped rim, short funnel-shaped neck, shoulder and round conical bottom of a vessel made of greenish glass. 7. Trench I-B/1962, grave 3 diameter of the rim 7.0 cm Fragment of funnel-shaped rim and semi-spherical container of a smaller vessel made of greenish glass. 16. Grave II D-28/1960, field inv. No. 9 rim diameter 2.1 cm, bottom diameter 3.2 cm Ring-shaped rim, cylindrical neck, shoulder and round conical bottom of a vessel made of thin colourless glass. 8. Trench II-D/1957, depth 1.10 m diameter of the rim 10.5 cm Fragment of a mildly funnel-shaped rim of a beaker made of translucent yellowish glass. There is a shallow, wider fluting on the outer side below the rim and on the body. 17. Tomb II M-79/1961, by the head of the northern skeleton (from NW corner 0.15 m to the south and 0.35 m to the east), depth 1.37 m rim diameter 2,4 cm, bottom diameter 2,8 cm Fragment of a ring-shaped rim and slightly funnelshaped neck, part of the shoulder and round, slightly 119 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Gordana JEREMI], Sne`ana GOLUBOVI], Slobodan DR^A Unpublished Glass Findings from the Eastern Necropolis of Naissus (Jagodin Mala, Ni{) (109–130) concave bottom of a toilet bottle made of light blue glass. 18. Tomb II M-79/1961, by the head of the northern skeleton (from NW corner 0.25 m to the south and 0.43 m to the east), depth 1.37 m rim diameter 2.0 cm Fragment of a ring-shaped rim and part of the neck of a toilet bottle made of light yellowish glass. 19. Tomb II M-79/1961, by the head of the northern skeleton height 7.5 cm Fragmented spindle-shaped toilet bottle, slightly widened across the middle, narrowing towards the bottom, made of whitish glass. 20. Sector II/1962, grave below the foundations of the Dom srednjo{kolske omladine (boarding school) in Kosovke devojke street no. 6 South wall, west of the entrance rim diameter 5.8 cm Flared rim and cylindrical neck of a vessel made of greenish glass. On the outer side below the rim there is a moulded band. 21. (a finding from the tomb together with previous cat. No. 20) Fragment of ring-shaped and wider funnel-shaped inverted rim and shoulder of a vessel made of yellowish glass. On the outer side below the rim there is a moulded band. 22. Sector II, sewage units in Kosovke devojke street, Block 13, tomb II 13-2, depth 2.20 m bottom diameter 5.4–5.8 cm Cylindrical neck, spherical body and concave bottom of a bottle made of green glass. 23. Sector II/1962, grave below the foundations of the Dom srednjo{kolske omladine (boarding school) in Kosovke devojke street no. 6 South wall – west of the entrance height 7.0 cm Cylindrical neck and a part of the shoulder of a larger vessel made of yellowish-green glass. 24. Sector II/1962, grave below the foundations of the Dom srednjo{kolske omladine (boarding school) in Kosovke devojke street no. 6 120 South wall – west of the entrance bottom diameter 5.8 cm Slightly concave bottom on a ring-shaped hollow foot of a vessel made of greenish glass. 25. Trench I-D/1962, depth 0.30 m rim diameter 4.0 cm Circular, funnel-shaped rim of a vessel made of greenish glass. Below the rim on the outer side a band-shaped, double-folded handle is applied. 26. Trench II-A/1961, profile A–D width 2.3 cm Fragment of a band-shaped handle with three vertical flutings preserves made of greenish-bluish glass. 27. Trench I-A/1962, depth 2.10 m, field inv. No. 16, 17 Fragment of a slightly ring-shaped rim, spherical container and teardrop-shaped bottom of a vessel made of yellowish glass. 28. Sector I/1962, Martirium, square D3, depth 0.97 m Part of a container and teardrop-shaped bottom of a vessel made of yellowish glass. 29. Sector I/1962, Basilica Trench on the outside of wall I, a finding from the extension above grave 4 Part of a container and teardrop-shaped bottom of a vessel made of yellowish glass. 30. Grave I E-13/1962, depth 2.00 m, field inv. No. 91 gold, glass Four larger and nine smaller beads made of green glass, seven smaller specimens made of red glass and one cylindrical bead made of gold leaf. 31. Trench I A/1962, depth 1.63 m, field inv. No. 14 dimensions: 1.8 x 0.6 cm Spindle-shaped bead made of black glass, with circular, vertical perforation across the middle. 32. Sector I/1962, Martirium, square D3, depth 0.91 m dimensions: 1.0 x 0.7 cm Larger blue glass bead. 33. Sector I/1962, Martirium, square B4, depth 1.22 m thickness 0.2–0.3 cm Two fragments of smooth light green window glass. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Gordana JEREMI], Sne`ana GOLUBOVI], Slobodan DR^A Unpublished Glass Findings from the Eastern Necropolis of Naissus (Jagodin Mala, Ni{) (109–130) 34. Sector I/1962, Martirium, square B5, depth 0.70 m thickness 0.2 cm Fragment of the edge of light greenish window glass. 35. Sector I/1962, Martirium, squares D2–D3, depth 1.20 m In the layer below the wooden beam and rammed earth wall of III pilasters thickness 0.3–0.4 cm Three fragments of smooth greenish window glass. 36. Sector I/1962, Martirium, square D4, depth 0.42 m thickness 0.2–0.3 cm Several fragments of smooth yellowish-green window glass. 37. Sector I/1962, Martirium, square D5, depth 0.84 m thickness 0.2 cm Two fragments of smooth yellowish window glass. 38. Sector I/1962, Martirium, square C5, depth 1.08 m, between wall 6 and east side of wall IIb dimensions: 0.7 x 0.7 cm and 1.1 x 1.1 cm Yellowish glass tesserae. Starinar is an Open Access Journal. All articles can be downloaded free of charge and used in accordance with the licence Creative Commons – Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 3.0 Serbia (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/rs/). ^asopis Starinar je dostupan u re`imu otvorenog pristupa. ^lanci objavqeni u ~asopisu mogu se besplatno preuzeti sa sajta ~asopisa i koristiti u skladu sa licencom Creative Commons – Autorstvo-Nekomercijalno-Bez prerada 3.0 Srbija (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/rs/). 121 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Gordana JEREMI], Sne`ana GOLUBOVI], Slobodan DR^A Unpublished Glass Findings from the Eastern Necropolis of Naissus (Jagodin Mala, Ni{) (109–130) BIBLIOGRAPHY: Ajdi} 1975 – R. Ajdi}, Anti~ke nekropole u Ni{u, Ni{ki zbornik 1, 1975, 33–45. Barkóczi 1988 – L. 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Vasi}, Mediana – domaine impérial ou bien privé?. In: Römische Städte und Festungen an der Donau, Akten der regionalen Konferenz, organisiert von A. von Humboldt–Stiftung, Beograd 16–19 Oktober 2003, M. Mirkovi} (Hrsg.), Beograd, 167–176. Vasi} 2008 – M. Vasi}, Prolasci i boravci rimskih imperatora u Ni{u krajem III i u IV veku, Naissus I, 2008, 7–23. Vasi} 2013 – M. Vasi}, Cities and imperial villae in Roman provinces in the territory of present day Serbia, in: Constantine the Great and the Edict of Milan 313. The birth of Christianity in the Roman Provinces on the Soil of Serbia, eds. I. Popovi}, B. Bori} Bre{kovi}, Archaeological Monographs 22, Belgrade: National Museum in Belgrade, 76–101. Verzár-Bass 1998 – M. Verzár-Bass, Grab und Grabsitte in Aquileia – mit einem Beitrag von Flaviana Oriolo, In: Bestattungssitte und kulturelle Identität: Grabanlagen u Grabbeigaben der frühen römischen Kaiserzeit in Italien und den Nordwest–Provinzen (Kolloquium in Xanten vom 16. bis 18. Februar 1995, “Römische Gräber des 1. Jhr. n Chr. in Italien und den Nordwestprovinzen”), Xantener Berichte 7, Köln 1998, 143–179. Zotovi} 1961 – Lj. Zotovi}, Izve{taj sa iskopavanja kasnoanti~ke nekropole u Ni{u. In: Limes u Jugoslaviji I. Zbornik radova sa simposiuma o limesu 1960. godine, Societas achaeologica Iugoslaviae, M. Grbi} (ed.), Beograd 1961, 171–175. Zotovi} 1975 – Lj. Zotovi}, Pogrebni ritual i shvatanje zagrobnog `ivota u svetu kasnoanti~ke nekropole Naisa, Ni{ki zbornik 1, 1975, 46–51. Stern 2001 – E. M. Stern, Römisches, byzantinisches und frühmittelalterliches Glas. 10 v. Chr. – 700 n. Chr. Sammlung Ernesto Wolf, Hatje Cantz Verlag, Ostfildern-Ruit 2001. Zotovi}, Petrovi} 1968 – Lj. Zotovi}, N. Petrovi}, Nekropola. Narodni muzej 1933–1968, Ni{ 1968. [aranovi}–Svetek 1986 – V. [aranovi}–Svetek, Anti~ko staklo u jugoslovenskom delu provincije Donje Panonije, Muzej Vojvodine, Novi Sad 1986. Zotovi}, Petrovi} i Petrovi} 1967 – Lj. Zotovi}, N. Petrovi} i P. Petrovi}, Ni{, Jagodin mala – kasnoanti~ka nekropola, Arheolo{ki pregled 9, 1967, 115–116. 123 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Gordana JEREMI], Sne`ana GOLUBOVI], Slobodan DR^A Unpublished Glass Findings from the Eastern Necropolis of Naissus (Jagodin Mala, Ni{) (109–130) Rezime: GORDANA JEREMI], Arheolo{ki institut, Beograd SNE@ANA GOLUBOVI], Arheolo{ki institut, Beograd SLOBODAN DR^A, Ni{ NEOBJAVQENI NALAZI OD STAKLA SA ISTO^NE NEKROPOLE NAISUSA (JAGODIN MALA, NI[) Kqu~ne re~i. – kasna antika, Jagodin mala, Naissus – Ni{, nekropola, bazilika, staklene posude, predmeti od stakla. Sistematskim arheolo{kim istra`ivawima najve}e gradske nekropole kasnoanti~kog Naisusa (Naissus, Ni{), koje je tokom 1952–1967. godine sprovodio Arheolo{ki institut iz Beograda sa saradnicima, u gradskoj ~etvrti Jagodin mali utvr|eni su brojni grobni oblici, raznovrstan arheolo{ki materijal, a u ve}em obimu ispitan je i najzna~ajniji kompleks grobqanske bazilike sa pripadaju}om kriptom. Iskopavawima su utvr|ene granice prostirawa nekropole, koja se formirala isto~no od kasnoanti~kih bedema grada, du` magistralnog puta za Racijariju (Ratiaria – Ar~ar), na desnoj obali Ni{ave. Ovim radovima odre|ene su hronolo{ke granice nekropole – sahrawivawe u Jagodin mali vr{eno je u kontinuitetu od vremena Konstantina I pa sve do kraja VI, odnosno prvih decenija VII veka. Na nekropoli se jasno izdvajaju dva horizonta sahrawivawa, i to IV – prva polovina V veka i sredina V – VI/po~etak VII veka, kod kojih se javqaju razlike u grobnim oblicima i pogrebnoj praksi. Na nekropoli u Jagodin mali zabele`eni su tokom istra`ivawa relativno brojni pokretni nalazi, me|u kojima se naro~ito izdvajaju nalazi od stakla. Deo staklenog materijala, koji je ~inio glavni inventar Narodnog muzeja u Ni{u, bio je predmet prou~avawa (Ru`i} 1994; Dr~a 2000; Jagodin mala, 2014), dok studijski materijal nije posebno razmatran. Namera istra`iva~a bila je da se uradi tipolo{ka, topografska i funkcionalna analiza ove vrste materijala i da se predstave nove, do sada nepublikovane vrste nalaza, kao {to su lampe, mozai~ke tesere i prozorska okna, a potom da se ovaj materijal sagleda u {irem kontekstu staklenih nalaza sa nekropole. Me|u staklenim materijalom iz studijske zbirke Narodnog muzeja u Ni{u javqaju se zdele kao hemisferi~ne posude izra|ene u kalupu (kat. 1) ili izra|ene tehnikom slobodnog duvawa (kat. 2–7). Na|ene su u grobovima ili grobnicama (kat. 2, 3, 7), ili poti~u iz slojeva sa prostora nekropole. Svi primerci pripadaju starijem horizontu sahrawivawa iz IV i prve polovine V veka. Pehari (kat. 8–12) iz studijske zbirke pripadaju {irem hronolo{kom okviru IV–VI veka i vezuju se za standardne forme koje se sre}u na brojnim nalazi{tima centralnobalkanske oblasti. Po brojnosti, me|u staklenim posudama iz Jagodin male izdvajaju se toaletne boce (unguentaria, balsamaria) (kat. 124 13–19), izra|ene kao posude ~etvrtastog recipijenta sa udubqewima ili primerci du`eg ili kra}eg cilindri~nog vrata i sferi~nog recipijenta, koje su polagane pored glave ili nogu pokojnika. Obe vrste posuda vezuju se za stariji horizont sahrawivawa na nekropoli – horizont IV i prve polovine V veka. Ovom hronolo{kom okviru pripadaju i relativno malobrojne boce (kat. 20–24), kr~azi (kat. 25–26) i nalazi delova nakita – perle (kat. 30–32). Iz kompleksa bazilike sa kriptom na Bulevaru Nikole Tesle, iz mla|eg sloja V–VI veka poti~u nalazi staklenih lampi koji pripadaju tipu zvonolikih primeraka sa dnom u obliku kapqice (kat. 27–29), a koji su se postavqali u metalne polijeleje – polikandela. Bazilika je imala zastakqena prozorska okna, o ~emu svedo~e nalazi fragmenata prozorskog stakla (kat. 33–37), dok o luksuznoj dekoraciji gra|evine svedo~e nalazi malog broja staklenih tesera (kat. 38), koje su mogle biti kori{}ene za dekoraciju zidnih povr{ina ili komplikovanijih figuralnih prikaza na podnim mozaicima. Period u kom su vr{ene sahrane u prvom horizontu IV i prve polovine V veka u Jagodin mali odgovara jednom od najprosperitetnijih razdobqa u istoriji Naisusa, sude}i prema pisanim izvorima i arheolo{kim tragovima. Vi{i standard ili predstavqawe pri`eqkivanog statusa ogleda se u pogrebnom ritusu kod ove populacije u bogatom i brojnom inventaru grobova i grobnica, me|u kojima stakleni materijal ima zna~ajno mesto. Opadawe privrede i `ivotnog standarda u Naisusu kulminiralo je u vreme najezde Huna 441. i 447. godine, kada je do{lo do stradawa velikog dela populacije i do uni{tewa ili o{te}ewa brojnih gra|evina. Od tog perioda na zna~aju dobija crkvena organizacija, ~ije se ja~awe mo`e pratiti kroz intenzivnu graditeqsku delatnost i razvijenu proizvodwu predmeta za liturgijske potrebe ili kroz opremawe crkava zanatskim i umetni~kim radovima i predmetima. Iako je u periodu V i VI veka evidentno smawewe gradske populacije u Naisusu, a samim tim i broja individualnih i kolektivnih sahrana, na vi{e mesta na nekropoli u Jagodin mali podignute su crkve, u kojima je mogao biti obavqan ve}i broj kultnih radwi vezanih za pogrebne obrede. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Gordana JEREMI], Sne`ana GOLUBOVI], Slobodan DR^A Unpublished Glass Findings from the Eastern Necropolis of Naissus (Jagodin Mala, Ni{) (109–130) Plate I – Grave II E–22, 1960; Grave II E–26, 1960; Grave II D–28, 1960 (drawing V. Generalski, documentation of the Institute of Archaeology) Tabla I – Grob II E–22, 1960; grob II E–26, 1960; grob II D–28, 1960 (crte`: V. Generalski, dokumentacija Arheolo{kog instituta) 125 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Gordana JEREMI], Sne`ana GOLUBOVI], Slobodan DR^A Unpublished Glass Findings from the Eastern Necropolis of Naissus (Jagodin Mala, Ni{) (109–130) 0 1 2 3 4 5 cm Plate II – Glass vessels: 1–7) hemispherical bowls Tabla II – Staklene posude: 1–7) hemisferi~ne zdele 126 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Gordana JEREMI], Sne`ana GOLUBOVI], Slobodan DR^A Unpublished Glass Findings from the Eastern Necropolis of Naissus (Jagodin Mala, Ni{) (109–130) 0 1 2 3 4 5 cm Plate III – Glass vessels: 8–12) conical beakers; 13–15) toilet bottles Tabla III – Staklene posude: 8–12) koni~ni pehari; 13–15) toaletne boce 127 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Gordana JEREMI], Sne`ana GOLUBOVI], Slobodan DR^A Unpublished Glass Findings from the Eastern Necropolis of Naissus (Jagodin Mala, Ni{) (109–130) 0 1 2 3 4 5 cm Plate IV – Glass vessels: 16–19) toilet bottles; 20–21) bottles Tabla IV – Staklene posude: 16–19) toaletne boce; 20–21) boce 128 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Gordana JEREMI], Sne`ana GOLUBOVI], Slobodan DR^A Unpublished Glass Findings from the Eastern Necropolis of Naissus (Jagodin Mala, Ni{) (109–130) 0 1 2 3 4 5 cm Plate V – Glass vessels: 22–24) bottles; 25–26) jugs Tabla V – Staklene posude: 22–24) boce; 25–26) kr~azi 129 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Gordana JEREMI], Sne`ana GOLUBOVI], Slobodan DR^A Unpublished Glass Findings from the Eastern Necropolis of Naissus (Jagodin Mala, Ni{) (109–130) 0 1 2 3 4 5 cm Plate VI – Glass vessels: 27–29) lamps; Jewellery: 30–32) beads Tabla VI – Staklene posude: 27–29) lampe; nakit: 30–32) perle 130 STARINAR LXVII/2017 UDC: 904:737.14.032(37)"02" 904:726.821"652"(497.11) 902.01(497) https://doi.org/10.2298/STA1767131V Original research article MIRJANA VOJVODA, Institute of Archaeology, Belgrade COINS OF THE BITHYNIAN MINT OF NICAEA FROM THE VIMINACIUM NECROPOLIS OF PE]INE e-mail: mirjana.vojvoda@gmail.com Abstract – During the large-scale archaeological rescue investigations of the southern necropolises of Viminacium, at one of them, Pe}ine, 170 specimens of coins of the Bithynian mint of Nicaea were discovered. Of these specimens, 83 were found in the graves, and 87 in the layer at the necropolis. The largest number of them belongs to the emissions of Severus Alexander and Gordian III. Compared to the necropolis of Vi{e grobalja, where 290 specimens of Nicaean coinage were found, the finds from the necropolis of Pe}ine appear in a smaller percentage. Key words – Roman provincial coinage, Nicaea, Viminacium, Pe}ine. D ue to the construction works on the Kostolac 2 Thermal Power Station, in the area of the southern necropolises of Viminacium, largescale archaeological rescue investigations were carried out, beginning in 1977. Within this area, nine necropolises have been identified, of which five belong to the period of the Roman reign.1 The two oldest ones are Pe}ine and Vi{e grobalja, established in the middle of the 1st century and in use until the middle of the 3rd century. At the necropolis of Pe}ine, 170 specimens in total from the Bithynian mint of Nicaea were registered, which comprises 4.70% of the total number of coins discovered in the course of the survey (3.613).2 This represents a great discrepancy in comparison to the neighbouring necropolis of Vi{e grobalja, where this percentage is much higher and amounts to 10.59%.3 Of the 170 specimens from the necropolis of Pe}ine, 83 (48.82%) were found in the graves and 87 (51.18%) 1 The oldest necropolis is Celtic, and it is followed by the Roman necropolises: Vi{e grobalja, Burdelj and the three necropolises at the site of Pe}ine. The Gepid and Ostrogothic necropolises belong to the Migration Period, while the youngest, smaller medieval necropolis was dated to the period of the 12th–14th century. cf. Zotovi} 1986, 41, n. 4; 54–55; Zotovi} i Jordovi} 1990, 2. 2 Over the course of time, a certain number of specimens were lost. The coins which it was possible to process (3.613 specimens) are, for the most part, not conserved, which makes determination difficult. Apart from the well and sufficiently preserved specimens, the finds contain a certain number of specimens of imperial and provincial coinage which was possible to be classified only by the century, and a smaller number of those that are damaged or fragmented to the degree that it was impossible to classify them according to centuries. I kindly thank my colleague Dragana Spasi}-\uri} from the National Museum in Po`arevac for the materials made available to me. 3 At the necropolis of Vi{e grobalja, a total of 3.161 specimens of coins were discovered. In the above mentioned enumeration of 2005 it was also registered that certain specimens were lost or destroyed during the process of conservation, so the total of the The study results from the project: IRS – Viminacium, roman city and military legion camp – research of material and non-material culture of inhabitants by using the modern technologies of remote detection, geophysics, GIS, digitalization and 3D visualization (no. 47018) – Ministry of Education and Science of the Republic of Serbia. 131 Manuscript received 10th October 2016, accepted 10th May 2017 Mirjana VOJVODA Coins of the Bithynian Mint of Nicaea from the Viminacium Necropolis of Pe}ine (131–150) in the layer at the necropolis, which mostly come from individual or collective sacrificial areas formed above the graves. In this kind of comparison, an additional difference between the two necropolises is noticed. Namely, at the necropolis of Vi{e grobalja, a percentually smaller presence of Nicaean coins in the graves is registered (22.41%), in comparison to the same finds from the layer (77.59%). This data alone points to a great dissimilarity in the presence of certain kinds of coins at the necropolises of Viminacium, and therefore requires a detailed analysis and comparison. Manifold circumstances coincided in the Balkan and Danube river basin provinces in the first half of the 3rd century that caused a mass emergence of Nicaean bronze coins into circulation. This was especially noticeable during the third and fourth decade, i.e. in the period of the rule of Severus Alexander and Gordian III. The Nicaean issues appear sporadically in these areas until the rule of Caracalla, since when they are present in a somewhat larger scope, and the situation is similar with the specimens of Elagabalus and the female family members. The issues of Severus A. and Gordian III represent the majority of the finds, which is confirmed by the finds of Nicaean coins from the territory of Serbia published so far: the collection of the Belgrade City Museum (159 specimens),4 the finds from the necropolis of Vi{e grobalja (290 spec.),5 the collection of the National Library Vuk Karad`i} from Veliko Gradi{te (15 spec.),6 the collection of the National Museum in [abac (44 spec.),7 and the collection of the Museum of Srem (21).8Apart from these collections, Nicaean coins have not been published in our country so far, except for a couple of cases in which they appear as accompanying material on the archaeological excavations, reconnoitring, or as a part of a private collection, represented by one or two specimens.9 According to our findings, a certain larger number of specimens of Nicaean coinage is located in almost every museum in Serbia, as well as in the neighbouring countries, but remain unpublished.10 The appearance of a large amount of Nicaean coins in circulation in the Balkan and Danube river basin provinces was influenced, on one hand, by the lack of bronze coins of a small denomination of the senate issues in circulation. This was probably the main reason for the opening of the mint for provincial money in Viminacium and later also in Sarmizegetusa (Dacia).11 It has been observed that after the year 239 and the beginning of operation of the mint in Viminacium, the Nicaean issues almost disappeared from circulation in the 132 territory of Moesia Superior and Pannonia Inferior, where, obviously, the problem of the lack of small bronze coins was most prominent. It is interesting to preserved and processed specimens is 2.736. Out of this number, 290 specimens belong to the provincial mint of Nicaea; cf. Vojvoda 2013, 155–196; Vojvoda, Mr|i} 2015, 13–17. 4 Caracalla (11), J. Domna (1), J. Maesa (1), Severus A. (94), J. Mamaea (5), Maximus (1), Gordian III (44), Tranquillina (2); cf. Crnobrwa 1981, 5–23. 5 Antoninus Pius (1), Caracalla (6), Elagabalus (5), J. Paula (1), Severus A. (195), J. Mamaea (6), Maximus (1), Gordian III (38), Tranquillina (1), H. Etruscilla (1); cf. Vojvoda 2011: 243–256; Vojvoda 2013, 155–196; Vojvoda, Mr|i} 2015, 13–17, cat. 2160–2449. 6 Severus A. (15); cf. Ivanovi} 2009: 361–369. 7 Severus A. (14), J. Mamaea (2), Gordian III (28); cf. Vojvoda, Petrovi} 2011, 283–307. 8 Severus A. (13), Gordian III (6), unknown (2); cf. Vojvoda, Jesreti} 2012, 117–134. 9 Oma{ni~ka reka, 1 spec.: Gordian III, Sezem~a, 1 spec.: Gordian III, cf. Ra{kovi} 1998: 78, kat. 3, 100, kat. 1; Bovan, 2 spec.: Severus A., type of military ensigns 1 and 5, cf. Ra{kovi} 1998a: 192, kat. 20–21; Klisinaand Pustara (Batajnica), 4 spec.: Caracalla (1), Severus A. (3), cf. Crnobrwa, ^eleketi} 1995: 131, kat. 7, 9–10; idem 1998: 234, kat. 4; Svetinje (Kostolac), 2 spec. unspecified, cf. Ivani{evi}: 1988: 61, kat. 13–14; Tekija, 1 spec.: Gordian III, cf. Jovanovi} 2004: 61, cat. 27; Mediana, 1 spec.: Julia Mamaea, cf. Jankovi}-Mihald`i} 2008: 52, kat. 113; Cari~in grad, 1 spec.: Severus Alexander (?), cf. Popovi}: 1980: 123, kat. 2; Vrnja~ka banja, 40 spec.: Severus A. (17 + 1 incus), Gordian III (4), unspecified (18) + 3 spec.: Severus A. (2), Gordian III (1), cf. Saria 1925: 163; idem 1926: 199–200; Crnobrwa 1987: 71–72, kat. 12–14; Bori}-Bre{kovi} 2011: 419, n. 46; Ravna, 2 spec.: Elagabalus (?), Severus A. (?), cf. Petkovi}, Ru`i} 2005: 115, kat. 1–2; Gomolava, 1 spec.: Gordian III, cf. Dautova-Ru{evqan 1984: 62, kat. 31; Brest-Be{ka, 2 spec.: Severus A., cf. Dautova-Ru{evqan 1989: 89; Idimum (Medve|a), 1 spec.: Severus A. (?) but the specimen in question is the one with Victoria on the reverse, not with military ensigns, cf. Vasi}, Milo{evi} 2000: 179, kat. 97; collection of Belgrade City Museum (recent acquisitions, coming from 13 sites) (99 spec.): Caracalla (1), Severus A. (57), J. Mamaea (2), Maximinus I (1), Maximus (1), Gordian III (35); cf. Crnobrwa 2011, 309–318. 10 National Museum in Belgrade (348 spec.), National Museum in Vranje (1), Heritage collection Svrljig (7), Heritage Museum in Jagodina (2), National Museum in Kragujevac (2), City Museum of Vr{ac (2), Military Museum, Belgrade (2), Bulgaria (different museums) (143), Romania (different museums) (22), Hungary (Hungarian National Museum) (98), Croatia (Archaeological Museum in Zagreb) (237), National Museum of Slovenia (12), National Museum of Bosnia and Herzegovina (69). I would like to extend my sincerest thanks to my colleagues Bojana Bori}-Bre{kovi}, Goran Mitrovi}, Slavi{a Milivojevi}, Dalibor Nevidek, Smiljana Dodi}, Marija [ari}, Ljiljana Baki}, Alenka Mi{kec, Tomislav Bili}, Miroslav Na|, Evgenij Paunov, Ana Mari}, Istvan Vida and Lajos Juchas for the kindly shared information. 11 Bori}-Bre{kovi} 1976: 8, n. 2; On the problem of locating the mint PROVINCIA DACIA with the listed literature; cf. Crnobrwa 1993, 17–19. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Mirjana VOJVODA Coins of the Bithynian Mint of Nicaea from the Viminacium Necropolis of Pe}ine (131–150) note that at the Viminacium necropolis of Vi{e grobalja the provincial coinage from the mints of Asia Minor, Thrace, Moesia Inferior and Macedonia was present, to a lesser extent, until the end of the rule of Caracalla. Afterwards, the coins of the Bithynian mints of Nicaea, Nicomedia and Iuliopolis appeared in a high percentage, until the rule of Gordian III, when their role in the circulation of coins was taken over by the Viminacium mint. The opening of the mint in Viminacium and the beginning of the circulation of its coins was immediately reflected in the decreased inflow of the coins of Gordian III from the Nicaean mint.12 Another interesting occurrence is related to the Macedonian mints, which supplied Moesia Superior with coins to a certain extent during the first two centuries.13 The mint in Stobi was closed during the rule of Caracalla,14 exactly at the time when a larger amount of Nicaean coins appeared in circulation in Moesia. Almost simultaneously, during the time of Elagabalus, and especially Severus Alexander and Gordian III, considerable issues of autonomous coins were minted in Macedonia (Macedonian Koinon),15 which clearly had no significant share of the circulation in the territory of Moesia in this period, unlike the Nicaean coins.16 On the other hand, the highest concentration of Nicaean coins around Viminacium and along the Danubian Limes in general is related to the movement of military troops. During their departure to or return from the eastern battlefields, Septimius Severus, Caracalla, Gordian III and Severus Alexander stayed in Viminacium. On these occasions, Viminacium also hosted the army that followed the emperors, as well as the vexillations of the legion VII Claudia that took part in these wars.17 The increased movement of the army along the Danubian Limes and the road that led from Viminacium to Naissus and further across Thrace to the Bosphorus during the first half of the 3rd century influenced the significant frequency of the coins from Bithynia. The highest concentration of the finds of coins from Nicaea is related to the river basin of the Danube (Veliko Gradi{te, Viminacium, Belgrade, Zemun, Batajnica, Ugrinovci, Vojka, Novi Banovci, Surduk, Be{ka, Opatovac near Sotin, Vukovar, and Osijek)18 which points to the importance of this riverside road not only for trade, but also for the needs of the army.19 Out of the 170 specimens of Nicaean coinage from the necropolis of Pe}ine, two specimens of Caracalla are the oldest (cat. 1–2). One of them has a reverse motif of Zeus on the throne, and the other one of a rider on an elephant (fig. 2). The issues of Elagabalus come next, 133 represented by two specimens, of which the first one was minted for the emperor himself and has military ensigns as a reverse motif (cat. 3),20 while the other belongs to the Caesarian issues of Severus Alexander (cat. 4) with a reverse motif of Athena. The issues of Severus Alexander are the most numerous (83 spec.), most of which belong to Severus Alexander himself (cat. 5–82) and six to Julia Mamaea (cat. 83–88). The specimens with a longer obverse legend inscription of M AVP CEVH AΛEΞANΔPOC AVG are represented by six specimens, all with reverse types 12 The processing of the coins from the Viminacium necropolis of Pe}ine is in progress, but we expect approximately the same percentual ratios as at the necropolis of Vi{e grobalja. 13 Bori}-Bre{kovi} 2011, 420–426. 14 Bori}-Bre{kovi} 2011, 415, ref. 3. 15 Kos 1998: 225. 16 A small number of specimens of autonomous Macedonian coinage from this period was registered at the necropolises of Viminacium. 17 Mirkovi} 1968, 70, ref. 115–117. 18 V. Gradi{te, Viminacium, Belgrade, Zemun, Batajnica, Novi Banovci, Surduk and Vukovar, cf. Crnobrwa 1981: 6, table 1; only for V. Gradi{te, cf. Ivanovi} 2009: 361–369; besides the 4 specimens from the collection of the Belgrade City Museum, 119 Nicaean specimens (from Caracalla to Gordian III) originate from the territory of Novi Banovci and are located in the Archaeological Museum in Zagreb, cf. Brun{mid 1907: 16. in the same work, Brun{mid notes that there are 239 more specimens of Nicaea (mostly Severus A. and Gordian III), out of which 179 are known to have originated from 12 sites in Slavonia 179, cf. idem 1907: 16, ref. 4. According to the information obtained from my colleague Tomislav Bili} from the Archaeological Museum in Zagreb in 2015, there are 133 specimens of Nicaean coinage from Novi Banovci in their collection. Apart from that, there are numerous finds from the territory of: Surduk (34), Dobanovci (1), Bano{tor (2), Sremska Mitrovica (7), Stari Slankamen (2), Novi Slankamen (1), Hrtkovci (1), Kostolac (3), Sotin (24), Vinkovci (8), Osijek (18) and Otapovci (1). I extend my kindest gratitude to my colleague Tomislav Bili} for sharing the information. 18 spec. of Nicaean coinage originate from Osijek (Caracalla 1, Elagabalus 2, Severus A. 11, Julia Mamaea 1, Gordian III (3), cf. Celestin 1904: 24, cat. 1–18; Brun{mid 1907: 15–16, ref. 5, which matches the latest information obtained from Tomislav Bili}; for Vojka, Batajnica, and Zemun, cf. Crnobrwa 2011, 312–314; for Viminacium, cf. Vojvoda 2011: 247. 19 Active trade was carried out by waterway between the east and the west of the empire. In Viminacium, there is an epigraphically confirmed nauclerus, a ship owner. The inscription dates to the end of the 2nd or the beginning of the 3rd century; cf. Mirkovi} 1968, 142, ref. 67. 20 For the typology of the reverse motifs with military ensigns from the Nicaean mint, cf. Crnobrwa 1981, 6, Table 2; Vojvoda 2011, 246–247, Fig. 2–3; Vojvoda, Petrovi} 2011, 286, Fig. 1–4; Vojvoda, Brankovi} 2016, in press; for the analysis of the reverse types of Nicaean coins from the necropolis of Vi{e grobalja, cf. Vojvoda 2011, 248–253, Table 1. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Mirjana VOJVODA Coins of the Bithynian Mint of Nicaea from the Viminacium Necropolis of Pe}ine (131–150) of military insignia (types 1, 3, 5, 7, 8 and variant bc). The more numerous issues follow (16 spec.) with an obverse legend of M AVP CEV AΛEΞANΔPOC AVG and a reverse motif of military ensigns (types and variants1, 2, 3, 7 and 30a). On one specimen, the obverse legend M AVP CE AΛEΞANΔPOC AVG (type 2) is registered, and on two coins the legend M AVP C AΛEΞANΔPOC AVG (type 8, var. 7a). For the largest number of specimens (53), it was impossible to determine the type of the obverse legend, so they were classified only by the types of reverse representations. A specimen with a reverse motif of the agnostic urn with palms (cat. 30) stands out, while in all the others, only the motifs with military ensigns appear. Type 1 is present on the largest number of specimens (16 spec.), followed by type 7 (5), types 2 and 3 (with 3 spec. each), type 8 (2), types and variants 5, 6, 6b, 6c, 7a, and 18 (with 1 spec. each). On 14 specimens, it was impossible to determine the type of reverse representation, except that two belonged to the types with three ensigns and one to the type with four ensigns. Within type 30, the newly discovered variant 30a (cat. 26, fig. 1, 3) was identified. An over struck specimen (cat. 3, fig. 4) represents a curiosity. In the area of the Emperor’s bust, on the obverse, there is an overstrike which is impossible to identify. The overstrike of the reverse, N–E positioned in relation to the original issue, on which one military ensign is visible, also points to the fact that this, too, is Nicaean coinage. Out of the issues minted for Julia Mamaea, the one with the reverse motif of an agnostic urn with palms stands out (cat. 83), while the others have military ensigns for the motif (types 1, 2, 5) (cat. 84, fig. 5). From the Nicaean issues of Maximinus I, two specimens minted for Maximus are present at the necropolis of Pe}ine. Both belong to type 8 with military ensigns (cat. 89–90). On the reverse of one of them (cat.90, fig. 6), there is a countermark with a representation of Nike standing on the right side, which was recorded with one specimen in the catalogue of the British Museum.21 The numerous issues of Gordian III follow (67 spec.), of which 64 belong to the issuer himself (cat. 91–154) and three to Tranquillina (cat. 155–157). In the Nicaean issues of Gordian III, only one type of obverse legend is present – M ANT GORΔIANOC AVG. With the reverse motifs, only those with military ensigns are present, types: 1, 2, 3, 6, 8, 9, 15, 18 and 28, and variants: 2b, 6b, 12b, 22c, 22d, 24c, 27a and 28a, 28c. New variants are identified – 8c (cat. 108, fig. 1) and 28c, 134 present at the necropolis of Pe}ine with as many as five specimens (cat. 129–133, fig. 7). For 14 specimens, it was impossible to determine the type, but out of that number six belong to the types with three military ensigns, seven to the types with four, and one specimen was impossible to define as belonging to either of these groups. In three specimens minted for Tranquillina, type 8 (fig. 8) was registered, along with variants 6c and 7a. The Nicaean issues of Trajan Decius are represented by two specimens, of which one was minted for the issuer (cat. 158, fig. 9), and the other for Herennia Etruscilla (cat. 159, fig. 10). In both cases, it was impossible to accurately determine the reverse motif, except that it is a figure (?) standing on the left. 11 pieces belong to the group of undetermined specimens (cat. 160–170), for some of which it could be assumed, although with some caution, that they belong to the issues of Severus Alexander or Gordian III (5 pcs.). Among these specimens, the one with the inscription of NI/KAIE/ΩN in three rows on the reverse (cat. 160) stands out. The identical reverse motif, which undoubtedly belongs to the coinages of Severus Alexander, is registered in the Roman numismatic collection of the National Museum in Po`arevac.22 With each publishing of Nicaean coins, we get new types or variants of the reverse motifs with military ensigns, which completes the picture of multiple iconographic motifs on these coinages. On the other hand, this points to the necessity for further investigation in this direction and the publishing of as many of the known finds as possible. Nikola Crnobrnja was the first to point out the diversity of motifs with military ensigns of the Nicaean issues, identifying 28 reverse types.23 Thirty years after the pioneering work of Crnobrnja, I became personally interested in this topic and in the specimens of Nicaean coinage from the necropolis of Vi{e grobalja, and identified 4 additional types (29–32) and 25 type variants.24 At the same time, the article by Ilija Ivanovi} appeared, in which, for the 15 published specimens, one variant appears (7a).25 The publishing of the Nicaean issues from the site of Banovo 21 BMC Greek, 170, no. 114. The same countermark was registered, but the representation on the reverse is different. 22 Vojvoda, Brankovi} 2016 in press, sl. 73. 23 Crnobrwa 1981, 6, Table 2. 24 Vojvoda 2011, 246–247, fig. 2–3; Vojvoda 2013, 157–159. 25 Ivanovi} 2009, 364, cat. 9. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Mirjana VOJVODA Coins of the Bithynian Mint of Nicaea from the Viminacium Necropolis of Pe}ine (131–150) polje (the National Museum, in [abac) ensued, where, among 44 specimens, a further four new variants were identified within types 18, 27 and 28 (18a, 18b, 27a and 28b).26 Within the Roman numismatic collection of the National Museum in Po`arevac, 294 specimens of Nicaean issues are registered, from which a new type (33) and 6 variants (1a, 15d, 15e, 23b, 23c and 24b) were identified.27 Furthermore, we assume that the processing of the numismatic finds from the other necropolises of Viminacium and sites within the settlement, which would obviously yield the largest specimen of Nicaean coinages in Serbia, would resolve some doubts regarding the determination of certain reverse types.28 We should not, however, neglect the increasing number of registered motifs that do not belong to this category (deities, agnostic urn, rider on an elephant, etc.). The coins of the Bithynian mint of Nicaea are present in a significant proportion in the territory of Moesia Superior and, to a smaller degree, in the territory of Pannonia Inferior, from the end of the rule of Caracalla, and especially during the time of Severus Alexander. The opening of the mint for provincial money in Viminacium in 239, and afterwards in Dacia, influenced the decline in the presence and circulation of the Nicaean issues of Gordian III in the Balkan – Danube basin provinces. After that, a sudden absence of Nicaean money in circulation is evident in the territory of Moesia Superior and Pannonia Inferior, where, seemingly, the lack of coins was most prominent. To date, it has been observed that the highest concentration of the finds of Nicaean coins is related to Viminacium and the Danubian Limes, as well as to the Sava riverside road. The significant frequency of Bithynian coins was influenced by the increased passage of the army during the first half of the 3rd century along the Danubian Limes, as well as along the road that led from Viminacium to the Bosphorus. The finds of money from Viminacium, as the capital of Moesia Superior and an important military and trade centre in that part of the Danube basin, which, during the third and fourth decade of the 3rd century, was experiencing the culmination of its development, are certainly a good indicator of the circulation of coins both in its wider surroundings and in the greater part of the province itself. The rest of the necropolises of Viminacium should not be disregarded, as well as the finds that come from the military camp and settlement, in which a large number of Nicaean issues were registered. The publishing of these complete finds will significantly round out the image of the circulation of this Nicaean money in that part of the Danube basin and Moesia Superior. Translated by the author Starinar is an Open Access Journal. All articles can be downloaded free of charge and used in accordance with the licence Creative Commons – Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 3.0 Serbia (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/rs/). ^asopis Starinar je dostupan u re`imu otvorenog pristupa. ^lanci objavqeni u ~asopisu mogu se besplatno preuzeti sa sajta ~asopisa i koristiti u skladu sa licencom Creative Commons – Autorstvo-Nekomercijalno-Bez prerada 3.0 Srbija (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/rs/). 26 Vojvoda, Petrovi} 2011, 286, fig. 1–4; 287, n. 21. Vojvoda, Brankovi} 2016 in press, fig. 1. 28 As is the case with, for example, type 32,which could not be completely defined due to the damage on the only specimen; cf. Vojvoda 2011, 249–250, sl. 2. 27 135 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Mirjana VOJVODA Coins of the Bithynian Mint of Nicaea from the Viminacium Necropolis of Pe}ine (131–150) 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 0 5 10 mm 10 Fig. 1. New variants Cat. 108, 129 and 26; Fig. 2. Cat. 2; Fig. 3. Cat. 26; Fig. 4. Cat. 6; Fig. 5. kat. 84; Fig. 6. Cat. 90; Fig. 7. Cat. 129; Fig. 8. Cat. 157; Fig. 9. Cat. 158; Fig. 10. Cat. 159 Sl. 1. Nove varijante – kat. 108, 129 i 26; Sl. 2. – kat. 2; Sl. 3. – kat. 26; Sl. 4 – kat. 6; Sl. 5 – kat. 84; Sl. 6 – kat. 90; Sl. 7 – kat. 129; Sl. 8 – kat. 157; Sl. 9 – kat. 158; Sl. 10 – kat. 159 136 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Mirjana VOJVODA Coins of the Bithynian Mint of Nicaea from the Viminacium Necropolis of Pe}ine (131–150) CATALOGUE / KATALOG Abbreviations / Skra}enice Cat. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . obv. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . rev. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Wt. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Size . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Axis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . G.......................................... G1 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Ref. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Vim. Coll. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . r. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . l. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . dr. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . cuir. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . laur. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . rad. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . stg. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . std. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . hld. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . var. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . leg. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ligat. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . catalogue number / katalo{ki broj obverse / avers reverse / revers weight (gr) / te`ina diameter (mm) / pre~nik axis according to cardinal directions / osa prema stranama sveta inhumation burials / grobovi sa inhumacijom cremation burials / grobovi sa kremacijom reference / referenca records of field documentation (C number) / evidencija terenske dokumentacije (C broj) right / desno left / levo draped / drapirana cuirassed / u oklopu laureate / sa lovorovim vencem radiate / sa radijalnom krunom standing / stoji seated / sedi holding / dr`i variant / varijanta legend / legenda ligature / u ligaturi References / Reference BMC . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . WBR . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . N. C. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Weiser . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . SNG Aulock . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 137 W. Worth, A Catalogue of the Greek Coins in the British Museum. Catalogue of Greek Coins: Pontus, Paphlagonia, Bithynia and Kingdom of Bosporus, London 1889. W. H. Waddington, E. Babelon, Th. Reinach, Recueil general des Monnaies grecques d’Asie Mineure, Nicée et Nicomédie, Paris 1910. N. Crnobrnja, Novac Grada Nikeje u numizmati~koj zbirci Muzeja grada Beograda, Godi{njak grada Beograda XXVIII, 1981, 5–23. W. Weiser, Katalog der Bithynischen Münzen der Sammlung des Institus für Altertumskunde der Universität zu Köln, Bd. 1, Nikaia, Opladen 1983. Sylloge Nummorum Graecorum, Vol. 1: Pontus, Paphlagonia, Bithynia, Mysia, Troas, Aiolis, Lesbos, Ionia, Berlin 1957, Deutschland, Sammlung Hans Von Aulock. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Mirjana VOJVODA Coins of the Bithynian Mint of Nicaea from the Viminacium Necropolis of Pe}ine (131–150) rev. types and var. from 1–28b by: . . . . . . . . . . . . . . / rv. tipovi i varijante od 1–28b prema: rev. var. 8c, 28c and 30a . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1) N.C. 2) M. Vojvoda, Reversne predstave sa vojnim oznakama na novcu konice u Nikeji na osnovu uzorka sa viminacijumske nekropole Vi{e grobaqa, Glasnik SAD 25 (2009), 2011, 243–256. 3) M. Vojvoda, Novac bitinijske kovnice Nikeje sa viminacijumske nekropole Vi{e grobaqa, Numizmati~ar 31 (2013), 155–196. 4) M. Vojvoda i S. Petrovi}, Novac bitinijske kovnice Nikeje iz Banovog Poqa u Ma~vi, Numizmati~ar 29, 283–307. in this article. CARACALLA AE Cat. Obverse 1 ANTΩNINOC -AVΓVCTOC Head laur. l. 2 M AVPH ANTΩNINOC AVΓ Bust dr., r., head laur. Reverse NIKA-I-EΩN (around) Zeus std. l., hld patera and sceptre. NI-KA-IE-ΩN (around) Rider on elephant r. Wt. Size Axis Position of find. Vim. Coll. Ref. Date 6.59 craft 25.49 centre N BMC /; WBR, 450, no. 407; N.C. /; Weiser / 198-217 7450 6.66 24.34 G – 863 NE BMC /; WBR / (p. 463, no. 516 elephant r. but Geta); Weiser / 198-217 3087/7 Ref. Date ELAGABALUS AE Cat. Obverse 3 M AVPH ANTΩNINOC AVΓ Bust dr., r., head laur. Reverse NI-KA-IE-ΩN Type 7. Wt. Size Position Axis of find. 4.54 21.47 G – 1071 N Vim. Coll. BMC, 167, no. 93; WBR, 471, no. 571; N.C. / 218-222 3867 Weiser / SEVERUS ALEXANDER* Caesar Striking under Elagabalus AE Cat. Obverse 4 Reverse [M AVP] CEVH AΛEΞANΔPOC [NI]K-AIEΩN K Athena std. l., hld. Nike and Bust dr., r., head bare. spear. Wt. Size Position Axis of find. 5.00 21.07 G – 3773 N Ref. Date Vim. Coll. / 221 4769 overstrike * Coins were classified first by obverse legends from longer to shorter, then, within them, by reverse motifs, regardless of whether there is a reference or not. Novac je razvrstan najpre prema aversnim legendama, od du`ih do kra}ih, a u okviru wih prema reversnim predstavama, nevezano za to da li postoji referenca ili ne. 138 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Mirjana VOJVODA Coins of the Bithynian Mint of Nicaea from the Viminacium Necropolis of Pe}ine (131–150) Augustus AE ÓE‘ ‘AN‡ ‡POC AV† † (var. V† † in ligat.) obv. M AVP CEVH AÓ Cat. Obverse Reverse Wt. Size Axis Position of Ref. find. Date Vim. Coll. 5 M AVP CEVH A-ΛEΞAN[ΔPOC NI-K-AI-E AVΓ] ΩN Bust dr., r., head laur. Type 1. 3.94 18.30 G – 5265 S BMC, 168, no. 100; WBR, 477, no. 617; N.C. 11, no. 30; 12, nos. 222-235 12530 NC 35-41; nos. 44-48; Weiser 030. 6 M AVP CEVH A-ΛEΞANΔPOC N-IK-AI-E AVΓ [ΩN] Bust dr., r., head laur. Type 3. 4.08 22.23 (23.02 G – 1574 overstrike) N BMC, 168, no. 100; 4769 WBR, 477, no. 617; N.C. 11, nos. 21-25; no. 31; 222-235 overstrike Weiser / 7 M AVP CEVH AΛEΞANΔPOC AVΓ (VΓ in ligat.) Bust dr., r., head laur. NI-KA-IE-ΩN Type 5. 5.60 21.30 G – 1071 S 8 M AVP CEVH A-ΛE[ΞANΔPOC] [AVΓ] Bust dr., r., head laur. N-IK-AI-E ΩN Var. 6c. 5.29 Trench 20.70 237 S 9 M AVP CEVH A-ΛE[ΞANΔPOC] [AVΓ] Bust dr., r., head rad. NI-[K]-[A]-IE [ΩN] Type 7. 4.06 Trench 21.63 191 S 10 M AVP CEVH AΛEΞA[NΔPOC] N-IK-AI-E ΩN [AVΓ] Type 8. Bust dr., r., head laur. 5.99 Trench 22.28 291 N BMC, 168, no. 100; WBR, 477, no. 617; N.C. 11, nos. 28-29; Weiser / BMC, 168, no. 100; WBR, 477, no. 617 N.C. 11, nos. 26-27 (but type 6); Weiser / BMC, 168, no. 100; WBR, 477, no. 617; N.C. 13, nos. 68-69; Weiser / BMC, 168, no. 100; WBR, 477, no. 617; N.C. / Weiser / N-IKAI-E ΩN Type 8. 3874 222-235 7329 N-IKAI-E ΩN Type 8. 2708 222-235 4573 ÓE‘ ‘AN‡ ‡POC AV† † (var. V† † in ligat.) obv. M AVP CEV AÓ Cat. Obverse Reverse Wt. Size Axis Position of find. Ref. Date Trench 159 BMC, 168, no. 102; WBR, 477, no. 617; N.C. 14, nos. 73-81; Weiser 030 222-235 4409 Levelling „ 222-235 6532a Trench 323 „ 222-235 6987 NC G1 – 326 „ 222-235 3859 Trench 324 „ 222-235 6705 G – 863 „ G - 1910 „ 11 M AVP CEV AΛEΞAN[ΔPOC] [AVΓ] Bust dr., r., head laur. NI-K-A-IE ΩN Type 1. 4.70 2.58 NE 12 M AVP CEV AΛEΞANΔP[OC] [AVΓ] Bust dr., cuir., r., head laur. 13 […] CEV A[…] Similar. M AVP CEV AΛEΞANΔPOC AVΓ (VΓ in ligat.) Bust dr., cuir., r., head laur. M AVP CEV AΛEΞANΔPOC AVΓ Bust dr., cuir., r., head laur. M AVP CEV AΛEΞANΔPOC AVΓ (VΓ in ligat.) Bust dr., cuir., r., head laur. M AVP CEV AΛEΞ[ANΔP]OC AVΓ Bust dr., cuir., r., head laur. NI-K-AI-E ΩN Type 1. NI-K-AI-E [ΩN] Type 1. NI-K-AI-E ΩN Type 1. NI-K-A-IE ΩN Type 1. NI-K-AI-E ΩN Type 1. NI-K-[..]-[..] ΩN Type 1. 4.48 20.06 S 4.43 20.39 N 4.41 19.81 S 4.08 19.24 NE 4.01 20.84 S 3.77 20.03 S M AVP CEV AΛEΞANΔPOC AVΓ Similar. NI-K-AI-E ΩN Type 2. 4.36 Trench 20.46 332 S M AVP CEV AΛEΞANΔP[OC] [AVΓ] Bust dr., cuir., r., head laur. M AVP CEV AΛEΞANΔPOC AVΓ Bust dr., r., head laur. M AVP CEV AΛEΞANΔPOC [AVΓ] Bust dr., r., head laur. NI-K-A-IE ΩN Type 2. NI-K-AI-E ΩN Type 3. N-IK-AI-E ΩN Type 3. 3.90 20.17 G - 907 N 5.98 21.74 Levelling S 5.08 21.81 G – 2267 N 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 139 Vim. Coll. 3087/1 222-235 5375 BMC, 168, no. 101; WBR, 477, no. 617; 222-235 7790 NC N.C. 15, nos.100-102; Weiser 030 » 222-235 3048 BMC, 168, no. 101; WBR, 477, no. 617; 222-235 6443/1 N.C. / Weiser 030 „ 222-235 6101 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Mirjana VOJVODA Coins of the Bithynian Mint of Nicaea from the Viminacium Necropolis of Pe}ine (131–150) Cat. Obverse 22 23 24 [M] [AVP] CEV AΛEΞANΔPOC AVΓ Bust dr., r., head laur. M AVP CEV AΛEΞ[ANΔP]OC AVΓ Bust dr., cuir., r., head laur. M [AVP] CEV AΛEΞANΔPOC AVΓ Bust dr., cuir., r., head laur. Reverse N-IK-AI-E ΩN Type 3. N-IK-AI-E ΩN Type 3. Illegible. Type 3 (?). Wt. Size Axis 4.81 20.23 S 3.62 20.73 NE 5.30 21.50 S Position of find. Ref. Date Vim. Coll. Trench 159 „ 222-235 1919 G – 4649 „ 222-235 11694 G – 3916 „ 222-235 11107 25 [M] [AVP] CEV AΛEΞANΔPOC NI-K-AI-[E] [AVΓ] [ΩN] Bust dr., cuir., r., head laur. Type 7. 4.57 Trench 19.77 426 NE BMC, 168, no. 102; WBR, 477, no. 617; N.C. 15, no. 103; Weiser 030. 26 M AVP CEV AΛEΞANΔP[OC] [AVΓ] Bust dr., r., head laur. 4.82 21.23 G – 604 N М. Војвода 2013, 188, cat. 254 (but type 30). 222-235 6917 Position of find. Ref. Date Trench 191 / 222-235 2707 Position of find. Ref. Date NI-KA-IE-ΩN Var. 30a. 13086 ÓE‘ ‘AN‡ ‡POC AV† † obv. M AVP CE AÓ Cat. Obverse AV CE AΛEΞA[...] 27 M Bust dr., r., head rad. Reverse NI-K-A-IE ΩN Type 2. Wt. Size Axis 3.97 20.72 N Vim. Coll. ÓE‘ ‘AN‡ ‡POC AV† † (var. AV) obv. M AVP C AÓ Cat. Obverse 28 29 Reverse NI-K-AI-E ΩN Var. 7a. N-IK-AI-E M [AV]P C AΛ[EΞ]ANΔPOC AV ΩN Bust dr., r., head laur. Type 8. [...] C AΛEΞ[...] Bust dr. r., head rad. Wt. Size Axis 3.84 21.28 N Trench 355 3.73 19.87 G – 170 S Vim. Coll. BMC, 168, no. 100; WBR, 477, no. 617; 222-235 10029 N.C. /; Weiser 030 BMC, 168, no. 100; WBR, 477, no. 617; 222-235 769 N.C. 16, nos. 110-111; Weiser 030 Indeterminate obv. leg. – without ref. Cat. Obverse 30 Illegible. Bust dr., r., head laur. 31 [...]NΔPOC [...] Similar. 32 [...] [AΛ]EΞANΔPOC AVΓ Bust dr., r., head laur. 33 Illegible. Bust dr., r., head laur. 34 Illegible. Bust r., head laur. 35 Illegible. Bust dr., r. head laur.(?). 36 37 140 Reverse NIKA IEΩN (in ex) Agnoistic urn containing palms. NI-K-AI-E ΩN Type 1. NI-K-A-IE ΩN Type 1. [NI]-K-AI-[E] [Ω]N Type 1. NI-K-AI-E ΩN Type 1. Wt. Size Axis Position of find. 4.07 21.09 G – 4244 S 5.00 20.90 S 4.99 21.96 N 4.51 20.60 S 4.44 20.25 Date Vim. Coll. 222-235 11346 Trench 351 222-235 9783 NC Trench 159 222-235 4718 Sq. 33A 222-235 1529 G1 – 443 222-235 5322 NC Illegible. Type 1. 4.07 20.22 G - 2067 E 222-235 5763 [...] AΛEΞANΔP[OC] [AVΓ] Bust dr., r., head laur. NI-K-AI-E ΩN Type 1. 3.90 19.35 G - 5177 N 222-235 12419 [...] AVΓ Bust dr., r., head laur. NI-K-A-IE ΩN Type 1. 3.87 Trench 21.20 159 N 222-235 4279 NC STARINAR LXVII/2017 Mirjana VOJVODA Coins of the Bithynian Mint of Nicaea from the Viminacium Necropolis of Pe}ine (131–150) Cat. Obverse 38 39 40 NI-K-AI-E [...] Bust dr., r., head rad. Type 1. NI-K-AI-E Bust dr., r., head rad. Type 1. NI-K-AI-E [...] Bust dr., r., head rad. Type 1. N-IK-A-I[E] 41 [...] AV Bust dr., r., head laur. 42 M AVP [...] Bust dr., cuir., r., head laur. 43 [NI]-K-AI-E Type 1. NI-K-AI-E Illegible. Bust dr., r., head laur. Type 1 (?). Illegible. Bust dr., r., head laur. Illegible. Type 1 (?). [...] Similar. NI-[...] 45 Type 1 (?). 46 Illegible. Bust dr., r., head laur. Illegible. Type 1 (?). 47 Bust dr., r., head laur. 48 [...]CEV A Bust dr., r., head laur. 49 Illegible. Similar. 51 52 53 54 55 56 Illegible. Type 2. Type 2. NI-K-AI-E Illegible. Bust dr., r., head rad. Type 3. NI-K-AI-E M AVP AV Bust dr., r., head laur. Type 3. N-IK-AI-E Illegible. Bust dr., r., head laur. Type 3 (?). NI-K-AI-E Bust dr., r., head laur. Type 5. N-IK-[...] Bust dr., r., head laur. Type 6. [N]-IK-AI-[E] A Similar. ] Bust dr., r., head laur. [...] Similar. 58 Illegible. Similar. 59 M AVP C[...] Bust dr., r., head laur. 61 Type 2. N-IK-[...] 57 60 141 Var. 6b. N-IK-AI-E Var. 6c. AV N Type 7. N Type 7. NI-K-AI-E Type 7. NI-K-[...] AV Similar. Type 7. NI-K-AI-E Similar. Type 7 (?). NI-K-A-IE AV 62 NI-K-AI-E AV in ligat.) Bust dr., r., head laur. Var. 7a. Position of find. Date G1 – 260 222-235 3108 Trench 292 222-235 5028 NC Trench 159 222-235 3919 NC 2.99 Trench 19,06 436 S Type 1. 44 50 Wt. Size Axis 3.86 20.61 N 3.78 20.16 N 3.67 19.87 SW Reverse 2.74 21.54 N 3.79 20.97 N 3.34 20,08 S 3.25 19.10 S 3.15 20.54 S 4.49 20.63 N 3.65 20.73 NE 3.45 21.89 S 4.53 20.04 NE 3.65 20.00 N 3.86 21.02 S 5.36 21.73 NE 3.86 20.22 N 3.72 19.36 N 5.29 19.26 N 5.13 24.12 NE 4.54 19.24 SW 4.50 20.90 N 3.50 19.73 S 14.19 21.21 N 4.30 20.04 N Vim. Coll. 222-235 13296 G – 863 222-235 3087/2 broken. G – 1503 4939 222-235 NC Trench 324 222-235 6851 G – 5241 222-235 12475 NC Trench 59 222-235 556 G – 1568 222-235 4699 Trench 159 222-235 5636 Trench 290 222-235 5394 NC G – 1913 5396 222-235 NC G1 – 1016 222-235 11151 Trench 215 222-235 3130 Trench 319 222-235 6595 Trench 420 222-235 13031 G - 2238 222-235 6098 G – 2269 222-235 6219 G1- 558 222-235 6111 Trench 355 222-235 9991 NC Trench 304 222-235 5256 NC G – 2141 222-235 5861 NC Trench 403 222-235 12244 NC G1 - 1001 222-235 10868 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Mirjana VOJVODA Coins of the Bithynian Mint of Nicaea from the Viminacium Necropolis of Pe}ine (131–150) Cat. Obverse Reverse 63 M AVP C C[...] Bust dr. r., head rad. 64 Illegible. Bust dr., r., head laur. 65 Illegible. Bust dr., r., head laur. N-IK-AI-[E] Ω[N] Type 8. N-IK-[...] ΩN Type 8. N-IK-AI-E ΩN Type 18. 66 Illegible. Bust dr., r., head laur. Illegible. Type (?) (three standards). 67 M AVP [...] Similar. Illegible. Type (?) (three standards). 68 [...] AΛEΞA[...] Similar. Illegible. Type (?) (three standards). 69 [...] AΛE[...] Similar. N-IK-[...] ΩN Type (?) (three standards). 70 Illegible. Bust dr., r., head laur. Illegible. Type (?) (three standards). 71 [...] AVΓ Bust dr., r., head laur. Similar. 72 Illegible. Bust dr., r., head laur. NI-K-AI-E ΩN Type (?) (three standards). [NIKAIE] ΩN Type (?) (three standards). 73 M AVP C[...] Bust dr., r., head laur. Illegible. Type (?) (three standards). 74 M AVP CE[...] Bust dr., r., head laur. 75 [...] AΛEΞANΔPOC [...] Similar. 76 [...] AΛEΞAN[...] Similar. 77 Illegible. Bust dr., r., head laur. 78 M AVP [...]NΔPOC AVΓ Similar. NI-K-[AIE] Ω[N] Type (?) (three standards). NI-K-[AIE] [ΩN] Type (?) (three standards). [...]-E [...] Type (?) (three standards). [NIKAIE] ΩN Type (?) (three standards). NI-KA-IE-ΩN (ΩN in ligat.) Type (?) (three standards). 79 Illegible. Bust dr., r., head laur. Illegible. Type (?) (three standards). 80 [...] AΛEΞAN[ΔPOC] [...] Bust dr., r., head laur. 81 M [AVP] [...] [AΛEΞAN]ΔPOC AVΓ Bust dr., r., head laur. N-I[….] Ω[N] Type (?) (three standards). N-I-K-A-I EΩN Type (?) (four standards). 82 [...]AΛEΞAN[...] Similar. Illegible. Worn. 142 Wt. Size Position Axis of find. 3.61 19.84 G – 3492 2.78 19.14 S 4.32 21.20 S 6.17 20.92 N 5.16 22.28 S 4.99 20.84 NE 4.90 21.25 S 4.84 19.54 S 4.44 20.78 N 4.35 20.48 E 4.32 21.52 N 4.25 19.84 S 3.59 20.97 N 3.44 20.92 N 2.92 21.39 N 2.90 20.15 S 2.65 19.85 N 1.65 17.11 S 2.79 20.24 N 3.87 20.17 / Date Vim. Coll. 222-235 10561 NC Trench 187 222-235 2588 Trench 396 222-235 11899 NC Trench 318 222-235 6913 NC Trench 290 5591 222-235 NC G – 4501 222-235 11548 NC G – 2092 222-235 5878A NC G – 4481 222-235 11541 Levelling 6459/6 222-235 NC G – 4462 222-235 11521 Trench 291 222-235 5090 NC Trench 317 222-235 6632 G – 4318 222-235 11421 NC Trench 411 222-235 12306 Trench 159 4932 222-235 NC Trench 400 222-235 12240 NC Trench 4 222-235 7 Trench 3 222-235 35 G – 1386 222-235 4383 G1 – 1030 222-235 11223 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Mirjana VOJVODA Coins of the Bithynian Mint of Nicaea from the Viminacium Necropolis of Pe}ine (131–150) Julia Mamaea Striking under Severus Alexander AE Cat. Obverse Reverse 83 IOVΛIA MAMAIA AVΓ Bust dr. r., head bare. 84 IOVΛIA MAMAIA AVΓ Similar. [NIKA]-IEΩN (around) Agnoistic urn containing palms. NI-K-AI-E ΩN Type 1. 85 [IOVΛIA] MAMAIA AVΓ Similar. [NIKAI]EΩ-N Type 2. 86 IOVΛIA MAMAIA AVΓ Similar. NI-KA-IE-ΩN Type 5. 87 IOVΛIA MAMAIA AΥΓ Similar. Illegible. Type (?) (three standards). 88 IOVΛIA [MAMA]IA AΥΓ Similar. NI-K-AI-E [ΩN] Type (?) (three standards). Wt. Size Axis 3.66 20.13 N 4.15 20.14 N 3.79 21.47 S 5.12 22.64 S 4.22 20.01 N 3.57 20.23 S Position of find. G – 1071 G - 863 Ref. Date BMC /; WBR, 478, no. 629; N.C. /; Weiser / BMC, 169, no. 106; WBR, 478; no. 628; N.C. / Weiser 033 Vim. Coll. 222-235 3875 222-235 3087/5 Squ. 45 „ 222-235 12819 G – 4837 „ 222-235 11823 NC G – 1759 „ 5003 222-235 NC G1 – 532 „ 5970 222-235 Broken. NC Position of find. Ref. Date MAXIMINUS I Maximus Striking under Maximinus I Cat. Obverse Reverse 89 [Γ] [ΙΟ]V OVH MAΞ[IMO] C K NI-K-AI-E ΩN Bust dr., cuir., r., head bare. Type 8. 90 Γ ΙΟV OVH MAΞ[IMO] C K Bust dr., cuir., r., head bare. N-[…] ΩN Type 8. Wt. Size Axis BMC /; WBR, 485, 4.01 18.64 Trench 38 no. 685; N.C. 16, no. 113; S Weiser / „ 2.49 BMC: 170, no. 114 21.51 G – 781 (cmk. Nike r. But different S rv. type) Vim. Coll. 258 2714 rv. cmk. Nike r. GORDIANUS III AE Cat. Obverse 91 92 93 94 95 96 97 Reverse NI-K-AI-E ΩN Type 1. NI-K-AI-E [M] [ANT] [ΓOPΔI]ANOC AVΓ ΩN Bust dr., cuir., r., head rad. Type 1. NI-K-A-[IE] M ANT ΓOPΔI[ANOC] [AVΓ] ΩN Bust dr., cuir., r., head rad. Type 1. N-IK-AI-E [M ANT ΓOPΔIA]NOC AVΓ ΩN Bust dr., cuir., r., head rad. Type 1 (?). N-IK-AI-[E] Illegible. [ΩN] Bust dr., cuir., r., head rad. Type 1 (?). NI-K-AI-E Illegible. [ΩN] Bust dr., cuir., r., head rad. Type 2 (?). M ANT ΓOPΔIA[NOC] [AVΓ] Bust dr., cuir., r., head rad. Illegible. Bust dr., cuir., r., head rad. Illegible. Var. 2b N IK AI E 143 Wt. Size Axis 5.70 21.24 E 3.62 18.93 E 3.30 21.24 N 4.64 18.74 N 4.39 19.09 N 3.42 19.14 N 5.32 20.17 S 4 43 Position of find. Ref. Date Vim. Coll. Trench 304 BMC, 172, no. 122; WBR, 489, no. 716; N.C. /; Weiser / 238-244 6068 G – 4303 „ 238-244 11402 G – 1044 „ 238-244 3837 Trench 292 „ 238-244 4298 Trench 202 „ 238-244 2956 G – 2017 BMC, 172, no. 122; WBR, 489, no. 716; N.C. /; Weiser / 238-244 5478 G - 1669 „ (but var. 2b) 238-244 4954 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Mirjana VOJVODA Coins of the Bithynian Mint of Nicaea from the Viminacium Necropolis of Pe}ine (131–150) Cat. Obverse 99 Reverse [M] [ANT] [ΓOPΔI]ANOC AVΓ Illegible. Bust dr., cuir., r., head rad. Type 3 (?). 100 M ANT ΓOPΔI[ANOC] [AVΓ] Bust dr., cuir., r., head rad. NI-K-AI-E ΩN Type 6. N-IK-A-IE ΩN Type 6. [NI]-K-[..] 102 [M] ANT ΓOPΔIAN[OC] [AVΓ] [..] Bust dr., cuir., r., head rad. Var. 6b. N-IK-A-I M ANT ΓOPΔIANOC AVΓ 103 Bust dr., cuir., r., head rad. EΩN Var. 6b. 101 M ANT [ΓOPΔ]IANOC AVΓ Bust dr., cuir., r., head rad. Wt. Position Size of find. Axis 2.92 20.62 G - 3777 N 3.58 19.49 Sq. 21 S 3.20 18.60 G – 4314 S 5.03 27.00 G – 4192 N 2.99 20.07 G – 4197 S N-IK-AI-[E] ΩN Type 8. 5.01 19.73 G – 863 N M ANT [...] 106 Bust dr., cuir., r., head rad. N-IK-AI-E ΩN Type 8. [NI]-K-[..] [..] Type 8. 107 Illegible. Bust dr., cuir., r., head rad. Illegible. Type 8 (?). 108 Illegible Bust dr., cuir., r., head rad. [NI]-K-AI[..] [..] Var. 8c. 4.54 18.57 G – 863 S 2.77 19.67 G – 2268 S 4.17 Levelling south of 19.74 trench NW 326. 4.45 From 19.60 discarded N soil. 104 [M] [ANT] ΓOPΔIANOC AVΓ Bust dr., cuir., r., head rad. ANT ΓOPΔIANOC [AVΓ] 105 [M] Bust dr., cuir., r., head rad. [...]-AI-E 109 [M] [ANT] [ΓOPΔ]IANOC AVΓ [ΩN] Bust dr., cuir., r., head rad. Type 9. 2.18 18.38 G – 3761 N Ref. Date BMC, 172, no. 122; WBR, 489, no. 716; N.C. /; Weiser / BMC, 172, no. 122; WBR, 489, no. 716; N.C. 17, no. 114; Weiser / Vim. Coll. 238-244 10971 238-244 6202 „ 238-244 11416 „ (but var. 6b) 238-244 11298 „ (but var. 6b) 238-244 11303 BMC, 172, no. 122; WBR, 489, no. 716; N.C. 17, nos. 115-116; Weiser / 238-244 3087/4 „ 238-244 3087/3 „ 238-244 6104 „ 238-244 9500 „ (but var. 8c) 238-244 10075 BMC, 172, no. 122; WBR, 489, no. 716; N.C. / Weiser / BMC, 172, no. 122; WBR, 489, no. 716; N.C. 17, no. 112; Weiser / (but var. 12b) BMC, p. 172, no. 123; WBR, 489, no. 713; N.C. /; Weiser / BMC, 172, nos. 123-125; WBR, 489, no. 713; N.C. 17, no. 119; 18, nos. 139-144; Weiser / 238-244 10959 110 M ANT ΓOPΔIA[NOC AVΓ] Similar. [...]-E ΩN Var. 12b. 3.08 18.51 G – 4791 N 111 [...]ΔIANO[...] Similar. N-I-K-A-I EΩN Type 15. 2.81 19.60 Trench 398 N 112 M ANT ΓO[...] Bust dr., cuir., r., head rad. N-IK-AI-E ΩN Type 18. 3.51 20.44 G – 5227 S 113 M ANT [...]ΔIANOC [...] Similar. NI-K-AI-E ΩN Type 18. 2.98 17.02 G – 4813 S „ 238-244 11797 NC 114 Illegible. Bust dr., cuir., r., head rad. N-I-K-A-I EΩN Var. 22c. 3.83 Trench 22.10 317 N BMC, 171, nos. 119-121; WBR, 489, no. 712; N.C. 17, no. 120; 18, no. 146; Weiser / (but var. 22c) 238-244 6631 „ (but var. 22d). 238-244 345 [M] [ANT] ΓOPΔIANOC [AVΓ] N-I-K-A-I EΩN Bust dr., cuir., r., head rad. Var. 22d. N-IK-AI-E M ANT [ΓOPΔIA]NOC AVΓ ΩN Bust dr., cuir., r., head rad. Var. 24c. 2.20 18.00 Trench 38 N 2.83 19.55 G – 2172 S 117 [M] ANT ΓOPΔIA[NOC] [AVΓ] N-I-K-A-I EΩN Bust dr., cuir., r., head rad. Var. 27a. 3.22 19.26 G - 2178 N 118 M ANT ΓOP[ΔIANOC] [AVΓ] Bust dr., cuir., r., head rad. 119 Illegible. Bust dr., cuir., r., head rad. 115 116 144 N-I-K-A-I EΩN Var. 27a. [...] [EΩ]N Var. 27a (?). 3.09 22.06 G1 - 1146 S 3.63 Trench 18.35 357 NE BMC /; WBR /; N.C. 18, no. 148; Weiser / (but var. 24c) BMC / WBR / N.C.: 17, nos. 124-129; 18, nos. 150-152; Weiser / (but var. 27a) 238-244 11764 NC 238-244 11995 NC 238-244 12466 238-244 6018 NC 238-244 5888 „ (but var. 27a) 238-244 13500 „ (but var. 27a) 238-244 10187 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Mirjana VOJVODA Coins of the Bithynian Mint of Nicaea from the Viminacium Necropolis of Pe}ine (131–150) Cat. Obverse Reverse 120 Bust dr., cuir., r., head rad. N-I-K-A-I N Var. 27a (?). N-I-K-A-I N Var. 27a (?). A [M] [AN]T A 121 Bust dr., cuir., r., head rad. N-I-K-A-I A 122 M ANT Bust dr., cuir., r., head rad. Type 28. N-I-K-A-I N • above A, between standards. Type 28. N-I-K-A-I N Type 28. N-I-K-A-I N Var. 28a. N-I-K-A-I N Var. 28a. N-I-KA-I-E M ANT A 123 Bust dr., cuir., r., head rad. 124 Bust dr., cuir., r., head rad. A M ANT A 125 Bust dr., cuir., r., head rad. M ANT A 126 Bust dr., cuir., r., head rad. 127 M ANT A Bust dr., cuir., r., head rad. Var. 28a. N-I-K-A-I N Var. 28b. N-I-K-A-I N Var. 28c. N-I-K-A-I N Var. 28c. N-I-K-A-I N Var. 28c. N-I-K-A-I N Var. 28c. N-I-K-A-I N Var. 28c. 128 […] AV Similar. 129 A Similar. 130 Bust dr., cuir., r., head rad.A 131 A Bust dr., cuir., r., head rad. A 132 M ANT Bust dr., cuir., r., head rad. Illegible. 133 Bust dr., cuir., r., head rad. M ANT Bust dr., cuir., r., head rad. ] Illegible. Type (?) (three standards). 135 M ANT Bust dr., cuir., r., head rad. ] Illegible. Type (?) (three standards). 134 136 Illegible. Similar. ANT A 137 [M Bust dr., cuir., r., head rad. 138 Illegible. Bust r., head rad. 139 Similar. N-[...]-E [...] Type (?) (three standards). NI-K-AI-E Type (?) (three standards). [N]-IK-AI-[E] Type (?) (three standards). Illegible. Type (?) (three standards). [...] 140 [A ] Bust dr., cuir., r., head rad. 141 Illegible. Bust dr., cuir., r., head rad. A 142 M ANT Bust dr., cuir., r., head rad. Illegible. 143 Similar. 145 Type (?) (three standards). [NI]-K-AI-E Type (?) (three standards). N-IK-AI-E Type (?) (three standards). N-IK-AI-E Type (?) (three standards). Wt. Size Axis 3.40 19.15 N 3.24 19.29 N Position of find. Ref. Date G - 728 „ (but var. 27a) 238-244 7886a G1 - 449 „ (but var. 27a) 238-244 5383 Broken. 3.72 20.82 G – 905 S BMC /; WBR, 489, no. 715; N.C. 17, nos. 130-134; Weiser / 238-244 3047 2.93 18.99 G1 – 370 S „ 238-244 4470 2.48 18.83 S 2.85 18.15 N 2.45 19.01 N 2.09 19.19 N 2.57 17.78 N 3.44 20.17 N 3.17 20.05 N 2.70 18.51 N 2.54 19.24 NE 2.34 17.04 S 4.26 20.81 E 3.97 19.90 E 3.89 21.72 S 3.63 20.30 N 3.62 21.77 SE 3.30 17.93 N 2.58 16.16 W 2.50 20.58 NE 2.79 18.76 N 1.99 17.92 N Vim. Coll. Trench 19 „ 238-244 111 Trench 309 5739 238-244 NC Trench 321 „ (but var. 28a) 238-244 6667 G – 1192 „ (but var. 28a) 238-244 4056 Trench 289 „ (but var. 28b) 238-244 4613 NC G – 2305 „ (but var. 28c) 238-244 6229 Levelling. „(but var. 28c) 238-244 6456/1 G – 2292 „ (but var. 28c) 238-244 6212 Sq. 13A „ (but var. 28c) 238-244 1303 „ Trench 22 (but var. 28c) 238-244 165 G – 1133 BMC, 172, no. 122; WBR, 489, no. 716. 238-244 4057 G1 – 567 „ 238-244 6192 G1 – 1058 „ 238-244 11576 NC By G – 5291 „ 238-244 12583 G – 2295 „ 238-244 6188/2 Squ. 43 „ 238-244 12856 Trench 436 „ 238-244 13294 Trench 117 „ 1197 238-244 broken. Trench 116 „ 238-244 1222 Trench 395 „ 11884 238-244 NC STARINAR LXVII/2017 Mirjana VOJVODA Coins of the Bithynian Mint of Nicaea from the Viminacium Necropolis of Pe}ine (131–150) Cat. Obverse Reverse 144 Illegible. Bust dr., cuir., r., head rad. Illegible. Type (?) (four standards). 145 Illegible. Bust dr., cuir., r., head rad. Illegible. Type (?) (four standards). Illegible. 146 Bust dr., cuir., r., head rad. Illegible. Type (?) (four standards). 147 Illegible. Similar. [NIKAIE] ΩN Type (?) (four standards). 148 [...]IANOC AVΓ Similar. Illegible. Type (?) (four standards). 149 Illegible. Bust dr., cuir., r., head rad. Illegible. Type (?) (four standards). 150 Illegible. Bust dr., cuir., r., head rad. Illegible. Type (?) (four standards). 151 Illegible. Bust dr., cuir., r., head rad. Illegible. Type (?) (four standards). Illegible. 152 Bust dr., cuir., r., head rad. N-I-K-A-I EΩN Type (?) (four standards). Illegible. 153 Bust dr., cuir., r., head rad. Illegible. Type (?) (four standards). Wt. Size Axis 4.59 21.63 S 4.49 19.52 s 3.77 20.15 S 3.46 20.06 N 2.97 19.25 S 2.73 21.10 N 2.68 19.72 S 2.54 19.72 S 2.48 19.59 S 2.31 18.39 N 154 Illegible. Bust dr., cuir., r., head rad. Illegible. Type (?) Cat. Obverse TPA-NKYΛΛINA 155 CAB Bust dr., r., head diad. Position of find. Ref. Date Vim. Coll. Trench 321 BMC, p. 171, no. 119; WBR, 489, no. 711 or 712 or 715. 238-244 6669 Trench 159 „ 238-244 4410 NC Trench 437 „ 238-244 13288 G – 1730 „ 238-244 4996 NC Trench 291 „ 238-244 4644 NC G – 4354 „ 238-244 11443 G – 4740 „ 238-244 11733 Trench 361 „ 238-244 10380 G - 2051 „ 238-244 5673 Section I A, sq. 34A „ 238-244 1692 4.65 20.57 S The route of the main channel „ 238-244 12821 Reverse Wt. Size Axis Position of find. Ref. Date N-I-K-AI EΩN Var. 6c. 2.92 18.37 G – 796 S N-I-K-AI EΩN Var. 7a. N-I-K-AI EΩN Type 8 (?). 3.80 19.71 N 2.53 19.10 S Tranquillina Striking under Gordianus III AE CAB TP[A-N]KYΛΛINA 156 Bust dr., r., head diad. 157 CAB TPA-NKYΛΛINA Bust dr., r., head diad. BMC / WBR: 490, no. 724; N.C. / Vim. Coll. 238-244 2671 Weiser / Trench 304 „ 5329 238-244 NC Trench 193 „ 238-244 2798 Position of find. Ref. Date Trench 215 / 249-251 3209 TRAJAN DECIUS AE Cat. Obverse Reverse 158 AV K TP ΔE-KIOC AVG C Bust dr. cuir. r., head laur. NIKA-IEΩN (around) Figure (?) stg. l. 146 Wt. Size Axis 1.63 17.24 S Vim. Coll. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Mirjana VOJVODA Coins of the Bithynian Mint of Nicaea from the Viminacium Necropolis of Pe}ine (131–150) Herennia Etruscilla Striking under Trajan Decius AE Cat. Obverse Reverse 159 [EPE]N ETPOVCKIΛΛA [CE] Bust dr., r., head diad. NIKAI-EΩN (around) Figure (?) stg. l. Wt. Size Position Axis of find. 2.46 16.57 G – 904 N Vim. Coll. Ref. Date / 249-251 3040A Mint of Nikaea Indeterminate Coins – without ref. AE Cat. Obverse 160 Illegible. Bust r. 161 Illegible. Bust r. 162 Illegible. Bust r. 163 Illegible. Bust r. 164 Illegible. Bust r. 165 Illegible. Bust r. Illegible. 166 Bust r., head rad. […] AVG 167 Worn. 168 Illegible. Worn. Reverse NI/ KAIE/ ΩN in three lines, in wreath. NI-K-AI-E ΩN Type 7. N-IK-AI-[E] ΩN Type 7. [...] ΩN Type (?) (three standards). [N]-IK-AI-E [ΩN] Type (?) (three standards). NI-K-AI-E [ΩN] Type (?) (three standards). [NI]-K-AI-[E] ΩN Type (?) (three standards). […] Ω[N] Type (?) (three standards). [...] ΩN Type ? 169 Illegible. Bust r. N-[…] Type ? 170 Illegible. Worn. N-[…] Type ? 147 Wt. Size Axis Position of find. Date Vim. Coll. 3 c. 6624 NC Trench 357 Severus Alexander (?) 10188 NC Trench 290 3 c. 5395 NC Craft centre Severus Alexander (?) 7382 From discarded soil Gordianus III (?) 6577/2 NC Levelling 3 c. 4.75 Trench 20.28 317 S 4.54 20.00 S 4.28 19.90 S 3.61 18.83 N 3.33 20.45 N 3.31 21.48 N 2.49 18.75 N 2.59 / N 3.62 21.43 / 1.24 / N 3.39 19.09 / G – 4047 G – 4212 6561/8 NC III c. Severus 11202 Alexander or NC Gordianus III (?) 11313 Overstruck. 3 c. Broken. Trench 423 3 c. 13045 G - 4790 3 c. Severus Alexander (?) 11758 Fragment of coin. Trench 413 3 c. 12325 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Mirjana VOJVODA Coins of the Bithynian Mint of Nicaea from the Viminacium Necropolis of Pe}ine (131–150) BIBLIOGRAPHY: BMC Greek – W. W. Wroth, A Catalogue of Greek Coins in the British Museum. Catalogue of Greek Coins. Pontus, Paphlagonia, Bithynia and King of Bosporus, 1889, London: British Museum. Rimski novac sa limesa u Vojvo|anskom muzeju, Rad Vojvo|anskih muzeja 31 (1988–1989) 1989: 75–106). Bori}-Bre{kovi} 2011 – B. Bori}-Bre{kovi}, Coin Hoard from the Stobi Mint Found in South Serbia, ZNM 20–1, 411–437. Ivani{evi} 1988 – V. Ivani{evi}, Katalog novca sa lokaliteta Svetiwa u Kostolcu, Starinar XXXVIII (1987): 59–63. (V. Ivani{evi}, Katalog novca sa lokaliteta Svetinja u Kostolcu, Starinar XXXVIII (1987): 59–63). Brun{mid 1907 – J. Brun{mid, Unedierte Münzen von Dazien und Moesien im kroatischen Nationalmuseum in Agram, NZ XXXVIII (1906), 1–16. Ivanovi} 2009 – I. Ivanovi}, Novac grada Nikeje u numizmati~koj zbirci Narodne biblioteke “Vuk Karad`i}” u Velikom Gradi{tu, Petni~ke sveske 67, 361–369. Celestin 1904 – V. Celestin, Gr~ki i rimski kolonijalni novci na|eni u Osijeku, Vjesnik Arheolo{kog muzeja u Zagrebu, Vol. 7, No. 1, 15–25. Jankovi}-Mihald`i} 2008 – D. Jankovi}-Mihald`i}, Pojedina~ni nalazi rimskog novca na Medijani, u: Naissus I, Ni{: Narodni muzej Ni{ i Arheolo{ki institut Beograd: 25–73. Crnobrwa 1981 – N. Crnobrwa, Novac grada Nikeje u numizmati~koj zbirci Muzeja grada Beograda, Godi{wak grada Beograda XXVIII, 5–23. (N. Crnobrnja, Novac grada Nikeje u numizmati~koj zbirci Muzeja grada Beograda, Godi{njak grada Beograda XXVIII, 5–23). Jovanovi} 2004 – A. Jovanovi}, Münzen In: A. Cermanovi}-Kuzmanovi}, A. Jovanovi}, Tekija, ed. Miloje Vasi}, \erdapske sveske, posebna izdanja 4, Beograd: Arheolo{ki institut, Narodni muzej, Centar za arheolo{ka istra`ivanja. Crnobrwa 1987 – N. Crnobrwa, O nalazu rimskog novca otkrivenog u Vrwa~koj Bawi 1924. godine, Na{a pro{lost. Zbornik radova Narodnog muzeja i Istorijskog arhiva 2, Kraqevo, 67–76. (N. Crnobrnja, O nalazu rimskog novca otkrivenog u Vrnja~koj Banji 1924. godine, Na{a pro{lost. Zbornik radova Narodnog muzeja i Istorijskog arhiva 2, Kraljevo, 67–76). Kos 1998 – Peter Kos, Leksikon anti~ke numizmatike, Zagreb: HBZ. Mirkovi} 1968 – M. Mirkovi}, Rimski gradovi na Dunavu u Gornjoj Meziji, 1968, Beograd: Arheolo{ko dru{tvo Jugoslavije. Petkovi}, Ru`i} 2005 – S. Petkovi}, M. Ru`i}, Roman Necropolis In: Roman and medieval necropolis in Ravna near Knja`evac, ed. Miloje Vasi}, Archaeological Institute Monographs Vol. 42: 23–155. Crnobrwa 1993 – N. Crnobrwa, Novac provincije Dakije u zbirci Svetozara St. Du{ani}a, 1993, Beograd: Muzej grada Beograda. (N. Crnobrnja, Novac provincije Dakije u zbirci Svetozara St. Du{ani}a, 1993, Beograd: Muzej grada Beograda). Popovi} 1980 – V. Popovi}, Rimski novac iz Cari~inog grada, Numizmati~ar 3: 121–128. (V. Popovi}, Rimski novac iz Cari~inog grada, Numizmati~ar 3: 121–128). Crnobrwa, ^eleketi} 1995 – N. Crnobrwa, V. ^eleketi}, Nalazi rimskog novca na lokalitetima Klisina i Pustara u Batajnici, Glasnik SAD 10: 128–138. (N. Crnobrnja, V. ^eleketi}, Nalazi rimskog novca na lokalitetima Klisina i Pustara u Batajnici, Glasnik SAD 10: 128–138). Ra{kovi} 1998 – D. Ra{kovi}, Pojedina~ni nalazi rimskog i vizantijskog novca Narodnog muzeja Kru{evac, Numizmati~ar 21: 63–116. (D. Ra{kovi}, Pojedina~ni nalazi rimskog i vizantijskog novca Narodnog muzeja Kru{evac, Numizmati~ar 21: 63–116). Crnobrwa 2011 – A. Crnobrwa, arheolo{ka topografija nalaza novca Nikeje na teritoriji grada Beograda; Numizmati~ar 29, 309–318. (A. Crnobrnja, arheolo{ka topografija nalaza novca Nikeje na teritoriji grada Beograda, Numizmati~ar 29, 309–318). Ra{kovi} 1998a – D. Ra{kovi}, Rekognoscirawe anti~kih lokaliteta i komunikacija na podru~ju mojsiwskih i poslonskih planina, Glasnik SAD 14: 171–195. (D. Ra{kovi}, Rekognosciranje anti~kih lokaliteta i komunikacija na podru~ju mojsinjskih i poslonskih planina, Glasnik SAD 14: 171–195). Dautova-Ru{evqan 1984 – V. Dautova-Ru{evqan, Novac sa iskopavawa Rimskog naseqa na lokalitetu Gomolava (1953–1978), Rad Vojvo|anskih muzeja 28 (1982–1983) 1984: 47–79. (V. Dautova-Ru{evljan, Novac sa iskopavanja Rimskog naselja na lokalitetu Gomolava (1953–1978), Rad Vojvo|anskih muzeja 28 (1982–1983) 1984: 47–79). Dautova-Ru{evqan 1989 – V. Dautova-Ru{evqan, Rimski novac sa limesa u Vojvo|anskom muzeju, Rad Vojvo|anskih muzeja 31 (1988–1989) 1989: 75–106. (V. Dautova-Ru{evljan, 148 Saria 1925 – B. Saria, Arheolo{ke bele{ke, Starinar (t.s.) 3 (1924–1925), 159–164. (B. Saria, Arheolo{ke bele{ke, Starinar (t.s.) 3 (1924–1925), 159–164). Saria 1926 – B. Saria, Izve{taj o preistorijskom, klasi~nom i numizmati~kom odeqewu, Godi{wak SKA 33 (1924), 192–216. (B. Saria, Izve{taj o preistorijskom, klasi~nom i numizmati~kom odeljenju, Godi{njak SKA 33 (1924), 192–216). STARINAR LXVII/2017 Mirjana VOJVODA Coins of the Bithynian Mint of Nicaea from the Viminacium Necropolis of Pe}ine (131–150) SNG Aulock – Sylloge Nummorum Graecorum, Vol. 1: Pontus, Paphlagonia, Bithynia, Mysia, Troas, Aiolis, Lesbos, Ionia, 1957, Berlin: Sammlung Hans v. Aulock. Numizmati~ar 31, 155–196. (M. Vojvoda, Novac bitinijske kovnice Nikeje sa viminacijumske nekropole Vi{e grobalja, Numizmati~ar 31, 155–196). Vasi}, Milo{evi} 2000 – M. Vasi}, G. Milo{evi}, Mansio Idimum, Rimska po{tanska i putna stanica kod Medve|e, Beograd: Arheolo{ki institut, Narodni muzej Beograd. Vojvoda, Mr|i} 2015 – M. Vojvoda, N. Mr|i}, Nalazi novca sa viminacijumske nekropole Vi{e grobalja i njihova uloga u pogrebnom ritualu / Coin finds from the Viminacium necropolis of Vi{e grobalja and their role in funerary ritual, 2015, Beograd: Arheolo{ki institut Beograd. Vojvoda 2011 – M. Vojvoda, Reversne predstave sa vojnim oznakama na novcu konice u Nikeji na osnovu uzorka sa viminacijumske nekropole Vi{e grobaqa, Glasnik SAD 25 (2009), 243–256. (M. Vojvoda, Reversne predstave sa vojnim oznakama na novcu konice u Nikeji na osnovu uzorka sa viminacijumske nekropole Vi{e grobalja, Glasnik SAD 25 (2009), 243–256). Vojvoda, Petrovi} 2011 – M. Vojvoda i S. Petrovi}, Novac bitinijske kovnice Nikeje iz Banovog Poqa u Ma~vi, Numizmati~ar 29, 283–307. (M. Vojvoda i S. Petrovi}, Novac bitinijske kovnice Nikeje iz Banovog Polja u Ma~vi, Numizmati~ar 29, 283–307). Vojvoda, Jesreti} 2012 – M. Vojvoda i M. Jesreti}, Novac bitinijske kovnice Nikeje iz Muzeja Srema u Sremskoj Mitrovici, Numizmati~ar 30, 115–132. (M. Vojvoda i M. Jesreti}, Novac bitinijske kovnice Nikeje iz Muzeja Srema u Sremskoj Mitrovici, Numizmati~ar 30, 115–132). Vojvoda 2013 – M. Vojvoda, Novac bitinijske kovnice Nikeje sa viminacijumske nekropole Vi{e grobaqa, 149 WBR – W. H. Waddington, E. Babelon et Th. Reinach, Recueil général des Monnaies grècques d’Asie Mineure, Nicée et Nicomédie, 1910, Paris: Ernest Leroux. Weiser 1983 – W. Weiser, Katalog der Bithynischen Münzen der Sammlung des Institus für Altertumskunde der Universität zu Köln, Bd. 1, Nikaia, Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag. Zotovi} 1986 – Q. Zotovi}, Ju`ne nekropole Viminacija i pogrebni rituali, Viminacium 1, 41–59. (Lj. Zotovi}, Ju`ne nekropole Viminacija i pogrebni rituali, Viminacium 1, 41–59). Zotovi} i Jordovi} 1990 – Q. Zotovi} i ^. Jordovi}, VIMINACIVM 1, nekoropola „Vi{e grobaqa“, 1990, Beograd: Arheolo{ki institut, Republi~ki zavod za za{titu spomenika kulture. (Lj. Zotovi} i ^. Jordovi}, VIMINACIVM 1, nekoropola „Vi{e grobalja“, 1990, Beograd: Arheolo{ki institut, Republi~ki zavod za za{titu spomenika kulture). STARINAR LXVII/2017 Mirjana VOJVODA Coins of the Bithynian Mint of Nicaea from the Viminacium Necropolis of Pe}ine (131–150) Rezime: MIRJANA VOJVODA, Arheolo{ki institut, Beograd NOVAC BITINIJSKE KOVNICE NIKEJE SA VIMINACIJUMSKE NEKROPOLE PE]INE Kqu~ne re~i. – rimsko provincijsko kovanje, Nikeja, Viminacijum, Pe}ine. Radi izgradwe TE Kostolac 2, na podru~ju ju`nih nekropola Viminacijuma obavqena su, po~ev od 1977. g., obimna za{titna arheolo{ka istra`ivawa. Na nekropoli Pe}ine otkriveno je ukupno 99 primeraka novca bitinijske kovnice Nikeje, {to ~ini 2,93% od ukupno sa~uvanog novca koji je otkriven prilikom istra`ivawa (3372 kom.). Od 97 primeraka sa nekropole Pe}ine, 54 primerka (55,67%) prona|eno je u grobovima, a 43 (44,33%) u sloju na nekropoli. Veliki uzorak provincijskog kovawa Nikeje sa viminacijumskih nekropola u celini pru`a uvid u monetarnu cirkulaciju tokom prve polovine III v. u tom delu Podunavqa i Gorwe Mezije. S druge strane, analiza reversnih tipova pru`ila je do sada nekoliko novih tipova i brojne varijante postoje}ih, {to upotpuwuje sliku razgranatih ikonografskih motiva na ovim kovawima. Od 97 primeraka nikejskih kovawa sa nekropole Pe}ine, najstarija su dva primerka Elagabala (kat. 1–2). Jedan od wih predstavqa redak primerak sa reversnom predstavom jaha~a na slonu, dok drugi pripada tipovima sa vojnim oznakama (tip 7). Slede brojno zastupqena izdawa Aleksandra Severa (43 kom.), od kojih ve}ina pripada samom Aleksandru Severu (kat. 3–44), a jedno Juliji Mameji (kat. 45). Definisano je: ~etiri tipa aversnih legendi, sedam tipova reversnih predstava sa vojnim insignijama (1, 2, 3, 5, 6, 7 i 8), tri varijante (6c, 7a i novoustanovqena 30a), kao i jedan primerak sa reversnim motivom agnosti~ke urne sa palmama. Jedini primerak kovan za Juliju Mameju pripada tipu reversnih predstava 1 sa vojnim insignijama. Od nikejskih emisija Maksimina I, na nekropoli Pe}ine otkrivena su dva primerka kovana za Maksimusa. Oba pripadaju tipu 8 sa vojnim oznakama (kat. 45–46). Na reversu jednog od wih (kat. 46) nalazi se kontramarka sa predstavom Nike, koja stoji nadesno, zabele`enoj s jednim primerkom u katalogu Britanskog muzeja. Slede, najbrojnije zastupqena, izdawa Gordijana III (52 kom.), od kojih samom izdava~u pripada 50 primeraka (kat. 48–97), a dva Trankvilini (kat. 98–99). U nikejskim 150 emisijama Gordijana III zastupqen je samo jedan tip aversne legende Μ ΑΝΤ ΓΟΡΔΙΑΝΟC AVG. Od reversnih motiva postoje samo oni sa vojnim oznakama – tipovi: 1, 2, 3, 6, 8, 9, 18, 28 i varijante: 2b, 6b, 22c, 22d, 27a, 28a, 28c. Kod 14 primeraka nije bilo mogu}e ustanoviti tip, ali od tog broja 6 pripada tipovima sa tri vojne oznake, 7 tipovima sa ~etiri, a jedan primerak je bilo nemogu}e definisati ni u jednu od ovih grupa. U okviru tipa 28 izdvojena je nova varijanta 28c, koja je na nekropoli Pe}ine zastupqena sa ~ak ~etiri primerka (kat. 80–83). Kod dva primerka kovana za Trankvilinu zabele`eni su tip 8 i varijanta 6c. Novac bitinijske kovnice Nikeje prisutan je u ve}oj meri na teritoriji Gorwe Mezije i u ne{to mawoj na teritoriji Dowe Panonije od kraja Karakaline vladavine, a naro~ito u vreme Aleksandra Severa. Na smawenu zastupqenost nikejskih emisija Gordijana III i na wihovu cirkulaciju u balkansko-podunavskim provincijama uticalo je otvarawe kovnice provincijskog novca u Viminacijumu 239. g. i ne{to kasnije u Dakiji. Nakon toga, o~ito je naglo pomawkawe novca Nikeje u opticaju na teritoriji Gorwe Mezije i Dowe Panonije, gde je, izgleda, problem nedostatka novca bio najizra`eniji. Dosad je ve} uo~eno da je najve}a koncentracija nalaza novca Nikeje vezana za Viminacijum i dunavski limes, ali i za savski re~ni put. Na zna~ajnu frekvenciju novca iz Bitinije uticala je pove}ano cirkulisawe vojske tokom prve polovine III veka du` dunavskog limesa, kao i du` puta koji je od Viminacijuma vodio do Bosfora. Nalazi novca iz Viminacijuma, kao prestonice Gorwe Mezije i va`nog vojnog i trgova~kog centra u tom delu Podunavqa, koji je tokom tre}e i ~etvrte decenije III v. na vrhuncu svog napretka, sigurno su dobar pokazateq cirkulacije novca i u wegovoj {iroj okolini i dobrom delu provincije. Ne treba zaboraviti ni na ostale nekropole Viminacijuma, kao ni nalaze koji poti~u iz vojnog logora i naseqa, na kojima je tako|e prona|en zapa`en broj nikejskih emisija. Wihovo publikovawe u celosti zna~ajno }e upotpuniti sliku o cirkulaciji ovog nikejskog novca u tom delu Podunavqa i Gorwe Mezije. STARINAR LXVII/2017 UDC: 904:¡730.032.042:598.2(497.6) 902.2(497.6)"1999" https://doi.org/10.2298/STA1767151G Original research article NADE@DA GAVRILOVI] VITAS, Institute of Archaeology, Belgrade LEDA AND THE SWAN New Marble Sculpture from Skelani (Municipium Malvesatium) e-mail: n.gavrilovic@ai.ac.rs Abstract – A fragmented marble sculpture was found during the construction works on the canalisation collector in Skelani (Municipium Malvesatium). The sculpture presents a life-size bird’s torso with his right webbed foot placed on a female’s left thigh, part of a folded cloth and a child-like hand placed on the lower part of the bird’s torso. It was identified as a mythological scene favoured in antiquity, of Leda and Zeus in the guise of the swan, at the moment of Zeus’ seduction of Leda. This sculptural fragment holds even greater significance in the comprehension of Roman provincial art, since to date, it represents a unique example of this iconographic type, not only in sculpture, but in any other work of art in the territory of the Central Balkans. Key words – Leda and the Swan, Sculpture, Municipium Malvesatium, Antiquity. T he museum collection of the Srebrenica National library houses various monuments and objects dated to prehistoric and Roman times from the territory of Srebrenica and middle Podrinje. In its permanent exhibition, among fragments of Roman architectural elements and different artefacts, there is preserved a fragment of a marble sculptural composition. It was found in the village of Skelani (Municipium Malvesiatium, a locality situated in the eastern part of the Roman province of Dalmatia, today’s territory of the Republic of Srpska) in 1999, but only after a decade, did it become a part of the museum collection.1 Although we are dealing with only one fragment of a complete sculptural composition, its well preserved state was a facilitated circumstance which allowed the undoubted identification and further analysis of the sculpture in question. The fragment is made from white marble and on its left side there are three holes for attachment, placed one above the other. At the top of the back of the fragment there are another four holes, also placed one above the other. On the top of the fragment (near the bird’s neck), traces of recent damage are visible.2 1 The fragmented marble sculpture was found in 1999, in the village of Skelani, during works on the construction of a canalisation collector. The exact place of its finding is unknown, but it is presumed that it was found near the location of the so-called “Brankova njiva”, where archaeological remains dated to the Roman period were discovered during archaeological campaigns in 2008 and 2014. 2 Traces of recent damage are probably made by machinery (during works on the canalisation collector, when workers accidentally stumbled upon the fragment of sculpture), suggesting the possibility of other part or parts of the sculpture remaining in or near the very place where the sculpture was found. The article results from the project: Romanization, urbanization and transformation of urban centres of civilian and military character in the Roman provinces in the territory of Serbia (No. 177007), financed by the Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development of the Republic of Serbia 151 Manuscript received 29th December 2016, accepted 10th May 2017 Nade`da GAVRILOVI] VITAS Leda and the Swan. New Marble Sculpture from Skelani (Municipium Malvesatium) (151–166) Fig. 1–6. Sculptural fragment from Municipium Malvesatium (photo: N. Gavrilovi} Vitas) Sl. 1–6. Fragment skulpture iz Municipium Malvesatium-a (foto: N. Gavrilovi} Vitas) 152 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Nade`da GAVRILOVI] VITAS Leda and the Swan. New Marble Sculpture from Skelani (Municipium Malvesatium) (151–166) Before proceeding with its identification and presenting the analysis of the marble sculptural composition from Municipium Malvesiatium, the description of the fragment in question follows: The fragment is made from coarse-grained white marble, suitable for sculptural modelling. Its preserved height and width differ, since one side of the fragment is higher and wider (67.5 x 27 cm), while the other side is slightly shorter and narrower (60 x 20 cm). The fragment consists of part of a bird’s neck, a large right wing of a bird with clearly distinguished feathers, part of the bird’s right leg and webbed foot, a folded cloth, a female’s left thigh and a small, child-like right hand placed on the lower part of the bird’s wing (Fig. 1–6). The right leg of the bird is bent upwards at the knee and its webbed foot is placed on the female’s left thigh. Between the bird’s leg and the woman’s thigh, heavy folds of the cloth fall downwards. There is a tree-trunk form behind the bird, obviously a kind of support, on which the bird is leaning. Broken off at the top and bottom, the support extended above and below the figure, which was sculpted completely free of the pillar in the part of the bird’s wing and the female’s figure. The whole sculptural fragment was carved in one piece with the support. Although the sculptural fragment in some parts obviously suffered mechanical damage, the first impression is that it was sculpted with considerable attention to detail. The part of the bird’s neck is presented in a very detailed way, while the plumage of the bird’s wing is most carefully and realistically sculpted and then polished, as is the female’s left thigh. The sculptor made an effort to carefully model the bird’s leg and foot too – although not as well preserved as the rest of the sculptural fragment, the bird’s foot with a paddle between ittalons is presented in detail. The cloth that falls downwards from the female’s thigh is heavily wrinkled – the modelling of the folds is chiselled most attentively. Unlike previously described sculptural details, the small, child-like right hand placed on the lower part of the bird’s wing is sculpted without paying attention to any of the details – all the fingers are of almost equal length, with no fingernails emphasised. The same “aloofness” in sculpturing treatment is visible in the modelling of the support on which the bird is leaning. The back of the fragment is not treated and, as we previously mentioned, there are four holes for attachment, placed one above the other at the top of the fragment’s back. Also, another three holes for attachment are placed one above the other on the left side of the bird’s wing, probably for attaching the rest of the 153 bird’s wing. In addition, the middle of the tree-trunk form is drilled (on the top of the trunk) – there is a visible hole in the centre of the support against which the bird is leaning. After examination of the sculptural composition fragment, there is no question of its identification – it represents a part of a famous mythological scene of Leda and the swan.3 One of the frequently used motives in not only Greek and Roman art, but in later periods as well (from Renaissance period onwards), the Leda and the swan scene depicts Leda being seduced by the god Zeus/Jupiter disguised as a swan.4 Like the myth itself (and like other myths with a similar content where a god transformed as an animal seduces a mortal), the scene of the union of the King of the gods with a mortal gained popularity very quickly and was present in antique art for many centuries.5 From the union with Zeus, Leda bore two children (certain ancient sources mention that she laid one egg from which, according to some writers, Castor and Clytemnestra, that is Castor and Polydeukes were hatched). However, according to other antique sources she laid two eggs – Helen was hatched from one egg and Castor and Polydeukes from the other.6 A slightly different 3 Leda, a queen of Sparta and wife of king Tyndareus, was seduced by Zeus in the guise of the swan. With Aphrodite’s help, who disguised herself into an eagle and started to pursue him, Zeus transformed in a swan fell into Leda’s arms for protection, from a pursuing eagle. The same night, Leda was embraced by her husband too and as a consequence, she became mother to four children: Castor, Clytemnestra, Polydeukes and Helena), two fathered by Zeus and two fathered by Tyndareus. According to some ancient writers, Polydeukes and Helena were Zeus’ children, but there are other versions by which Leda and Zeus were actually parents to the Dioskouroi – Castor and Polydeukes, Chamay 1983, 44–45, Kahil et al. 1992, 231. 4 Imaginary love relationships between gods disguised as animals and mortals were quite popular in Greek mythology and art (with no less fame in Roman period as well), especially with god Zeus – in the guise of swan, he seduced Leda, in shape of a bull Europa and disguised as eagle Ganymede, Saelid Gilhus 2006, 78, 105. 5 The earliest presentations of Leda and the swan are dated to 5th century B. C. (like the scene from askos found in Crete, sculpture from Boston Museum of Fine Arts and terracotta from Boeotia, Kahil et al. 1992, 232, n. 1, 5 and 8) and are present in various antique works of art until the 6th century A. D. 6 According to the Peloponnesian version of the legend, Leda laid on the egg from which Helen and Polydeukes hatched. But, judging by the version favoured in Attica (after the construction of a new temple of Nemesis at Rhamnous about 440 B.C.), it was Nemesis who laid on the egg, which later came into the hands of Leda who afterwards fostered the babies hatched from the egg. But it is not until Hellenistic times, that the idea of Castor and Polydeukes STARINAR LXVII/2017 Nade`da GAVRILOVI] VITAS Leda and the Swan. New Marble Sculpture from Skelani (Municipium Malvesatium) (151–166) story appears in Euripides’ “Helen”, in which Zeus, in the guise of a swan, forces himself upon Leda (the scene is depicted in various antique works of art), and in Anthologia Palatina a new detail is added to the myth – the act of violence is placed on the bank of the Eurotas River (marked by the image of the river god in antique works of art depicting the scene of Leda and the swan).7 The mythological scene of Leda and the swan somewhat simultaneously appeared on Greek objects of small form, such as an askos from Crete and several terracottas, but also in sculpture.8 A marble sculptural composition of Leda and the swan in the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston, of unknown Greek provenience, dated to the late 5th century B. C., is considered to be the earliest known sculpture depicting Leda, holding and sheltering a swan in her arms.9 The Leda and the swan sculpture from Boston precedes a similar lost sculpture of Leda and the swan, which was dated to the 4th century B. C. and was attributed to the sculptor Timotheos.10 In scholarly literature, it is generally accepted that all currently known Roman sculptures of Leda and the swan, which show a standing Leda holding a swan in her lap with her right hand, while her left hand is holding up a sheltering cloak to protect Zeus disguised as swan from an eagle, represent copies of Timotheos’ sculptural composition.11 There are, to date, 32 known Roman sculptures of this iconographic type, along with many reliefs, mosaics, vases, lamps, gems etc., with this particular scene of Leda and the swan on them.12 However, besides the iconographic type of Leda and the swan based on the lost Timotheos sculpture, in Roman art there are two more sculptural types of Leda and the swan: 1) Sculptures of a nude, reclined Leda in profile, raised on her elbows, with the swan positioned between her bent knees (or above her). The swan’s wings are usually fully outspread, while his beak is turned towards Leda’s mouth or breast.13 2) Sculptures of a standing, half nude Leda in profile (with heavy folds of cloth falling between Leda’s legs), with one arm outstretched and a hand placed on the swan’s neck. The swan is enormous, presented in life-size, also in profile, reaching with his beak for Leda’s lips, with one foot placed on Leda’s thigh. There is a variant of this iconographic type where, instead of reaching Leda’s lips with his beak, the swan is placing his beak on Leda’s nape (Leda’s head is bent downwards). Often, there is a small Eros behind the swan, just standing and holding an object (a bow or a torch) in his hand, or placing his small hand on the swan’s wing.14 154 sharing Helen’s egg-birth, is introduced (in one version Helen was in the egg with Castor, in other version Helen was in the egg with Polydeukes). Finally, the idea of Helen, Castor and Polydeukes being born from one single egg, appeared in the Roman period. along with the same iconography on the works of art (from the second half of the first century A. D., for ex. stucco relief from a tomb on the Via Tiburtina near Rome), Ling 1993, 8–9. 7 Allan 2008, 149; Chamay 1983, 45; Kahil et al. 1992, 231. 8 The askos, with an image of a nude Leda seated on a rock, presented in profile and turned towards a large swan, is dated to around the 5th century B. C. Several terracottas from Boeotia, Athens, Corinth, Tanagra and Delphi, dating from the 5th and the 4th century B. C., also present Leda holding a smaller swan, Kahil et al. 1992, 232–233, no. 1, 8–14. An Etruscan cup with a most interesting scene with three women and a swan should also be mentioned here – dated to 320–310. B. C., it represents a scene with three women, where the one in the centre is slightly bent towards the swan standing in front of her and gently caressing it. Above her, an eagle is flying towards the swan, obviously representing a reminder of Zeus’ incognito presence, Chamay 1983, 45, pl. 14. 9 The marble sculpture of Leda and the swan from the Boston Museum of Fine Arts is probably an Attic work of the late 5thcentury B. C. and it presents a female figure partly covered by a chiton (the right side of the female’s body is completely exposed), who shields the swan with her right arm, while her left arm is raised to protect it from the eagle’s attack. The sculpture is missing Leda’s head, right hand and leg, left arm and part of the left foot, as well as the swan’s head, neck and tail. Authors such as M. Comstock and C. Vermeule attributed the sculpture to the temple of Nemesis at Rhamnous, while B. S. Ridgway suggested that it presented a lateral acroterion. Before becoming a part of the collection in the Boston Museum of Fine Arts, the Leda and the swan sculpture was part of the Farnese collection in the Palazzo at Caprarola, where it decorated a fountain in one of the Farnese gardens, Delivorrias 1990, 35–36. 10 Timotheos was a Greek sculptor from the 4th century B. C., known for his work on reliefs in the Mausoleum of Halicarnassus (between 353. and 350. B. C.). Pliny mentions the names of four famous Greek sculptors who were each responsible for a different side of the building (Timotheos for the south), Pliny NH XXXVI, 36.30–31. Vitruvius also states that Timotheos worked along with Leochares, Bryaxis, Scopas and Praxiteles on the Mausoleum of Halicarnassus, Vitruvius, VII, praef. 12–13. Timotheos is also known as the leading master sculptor on the temple of Asclepius at Epidauros, where he is mentioned in the inscribed temple accounts as a maker of “typoi” (meaning “relief, mould-made figure”), Jenkins 2006, 225; Richter 1927, 80–82. 11 The main arguments for attributing the lost sculpture of Leda and the swan to Timotheos were the analogies in the sculpting manner and stylistic similarities between one of the Nereids from the Asclepius temple in Epidauros and Roman copies of Leda and the swan: the contrast of the clinging, transparent drapery on the female torso, the heavy folds of cloth between the female’s legs and the fact that the sculpture both conceals and reveals the female body (since full nudity wasn’t acceptable in Timotheos’ period of work). Judging by the manner in which the sculptures from the Asclepius temple in Epidauros were modelled, (although the name of the sculptor is lacking in literary sources) and their stylistic analogy with the best preserved Roman copies of Leda and the swan (like the one in the Museo Capitolino or the one from the villa Albani in Rome), it is believed that the author of the lost sculpture of Leda and the swan was the sculptor Timotheos. The arguments in favour STARINAR LXVII/2017 Nade`da GAVRILOVI] VITAS Leda and the Swan. New Marble Sculpture from Skelani (Municipium Malvesatium) (151–166) It is quite clear that the fragment of sculptural composition from Municipium Malvesatium, belongs to the third iconographic type of Leda and the swan sculptures. Wrongly dated to the 3rd century B. C., but actually from the period between 50 and 100 A. D., the Argos relief was considered to be the earliest known monument of this iconographic type of Leda and the swan.15 However, the earliest known depictions of this type date from the 1st century B. C., like the marble relief from Rome and the bas-relief from the House of Pilate in Seville.16 Images of Leda and swan on these monuments, unlike those on classical representations of Leda and the swan, show Leda struggling with the swan, instead of holding, embracing or kissing him, like in later Roman replicas.17 On almost all the scenes of this iconographic type from the Roman period, the swan is enormous, life-size, with a torso slightly larger than Leda’s own, except in a few monuments so far known where the swan is depicted in his normal size.18 The reason for such a presentation of the swan is very logical – it befits a deity who is, at the moment of the meeting or union with Leda, transformed into a bird.19 The erotic undertone is clearly present in Roman works of art (unlike the low-key, older monuments of Leda and the swan, where Leda is sheltering a normal sized swan), which certainly accounted for the huge popularity of the motif all over the Roman Empire until the late antiquity.20 The almost always present small figure of Eros additionally emphasises the erotic connotation – in the majority of monuments, Eros is depicted either encouraging or pushing the swan towards Leda, to consummate their union.21 The presence of Eros is almost obligatory here, since he generally appears in scenes of amorous pursuit or abduction, in which the main protagonists are a deity and a heroine or a young hero (for example, the scenes of Zeus with Ganymede).22 After these somewhat extended, but necessary for the full understanding of this particular type of Leda and the swan iconography, observations, we return to the analysis of the fragment of the sculptural composition from Municipium Malvesatium. We can now, with some certainty, conclude that it depicts an amorous scene between a nude Leda and Zeus disguised as swan, prior to their union, in a presence of a small Eros, whose child-like hand is placed on the swan’s wing. Although we are dealing with only one fragment of the complete sculpture, there are sufficient elements for a stylistic analysis of the fragment and for making an assumption regarding how the whole sculptural composition looked. In the context of stylistic analysis, the closest sculptural 155 of the mentioned hypothesis are seen in the modelling of the female body parts, the drapery blown against the body, the arrangement of the folds of the garment of Nereids from the Asclepius temple in Epidauros, in comparison with the same elements in the figure of Leda in Roman copies of the sculptural group of Leda and the swan, Rieche 2010, 119; Richter 1955, 13. 12 Rieche 2010, 119. There are only six Roman sculptures of Leda and the swan based on lost Timotheos’ original statue, preserved in complete (only three of them have unbroken heads, while the heads of other three sculptures were broken and reattached). Those six copies are: sculpture from villa Albani in Rome from Augustian period, Rieche 1978, 23, Kahil et al. 1992, 239, n. 73a; sculpture from Copenhague dated to Hellenistic period or the 1st century B. C., Rieche 1978, 23, n. 1, Kahil et al. 1992, 232, n. 6b; sculpture from villa Borghese from the first half of the 2nd century A. D., Rieche 1978, 23, n. 3, Kahil et al. 1992, 239, n. 73c; sculpture from Palace Ducale in Venice dated to the end of the Hellenistic period, Kahil et al. 1992, 232, n. 7; sculpture from Capitoline Museum in Rome from the first half of the 2nd century A. D., Rieche 1978, 24, n. 6, Kahil et al. 1992, 238–239, n. 73; sculpture from Madrid dated to the period of Antonini, Rieche 26, n. 12, Kahil et al. 1992, 239, n. 73d. One more sculpture should be added to the corpus of completely preserved Roman copies of Leda and the swan, which was part of the private collection of the Marques of Zetland, from Aske Hall in North Yorkshire. The sculpture is completely preserved and is dated to the 2nd century A. D., Sotheby’s EST. 1744 – http://www.sothebys.com/ en/auctions/ecatalogue/2011/antiquities-n08810/lot.16.html.html. 13 Iconographic type of Leda and the swan representing reclined, nude Leda with swan beside or above her is known from the 2nd century B. C., to which is dated a terracotta relief found in Egypt. From that period onwards, it became a very popular motif in Roman art, with clear erotic note – on fresco-paintings, mosaics, sarcophagi, reliefs, lamps, mirrors, gems, Kahil et al. 1992, 242–244, n. 110–121, n. 126–135. This motif was also considerably popular in Coptic art, leading researchers in the past, to somewhat narrow and not accurate conclusions, that this scene and other pagan images were used for decorating Christian churches. The expression „Leda Christiana“ was coined, as an allusion that Leda and the swan scene in Christian art could be explained as a representation of the conception of Anna, mother of the Virgin, through the offices of a celestial dove settling on her lap, Torp 1969, 103. However, authors like H. Torp and more recently T. K. Thomas, give solid arguments that Greek and Roman mythological motifs used in Coptic art had funerary meaning and once decorated the interior walls of tombs, not Christian churches. For example, on late antique Egyptian Christian tomb reliefs, Leda is shown as physically mature woman, wearing jewellery and veil or coiffure of married women, probably symbolizing the union of a husband and wife or, as in Asmolean relief, strong familial and parentage bonds, Thomas 2000, 68–70. 14 Alterations to this basic iconographic type are visible in the different details added to the scene: the swan’s beak is near or kissing Leda’s mouth (for example, in the marble relief from Knossos or the sculptural composition from Venice, where Leda is kissing the swan, Kahil et al. 1992, 233, n. 16, 241, n. 96); Leda’s head is bent downwards and the swan’s beak is placed on Leda’s nape (like in the famous Argos relief or the almost identical Brauron relief, Ibid, 233, n. 15, 241, n. 100); the swan’s and Leda’s heads are not close (the marble sarcophagus from Aquincum, Kahil et al. 1992, 237, n. 63). The small Eros is presented with a large egg in his hand on a situla from the Dacian locality of Concesti (now in Ermitage, inv. n. 2160/2), where he is holding an oversized egg in his right hand, STARINAR LXVII/2017 Nade`da GAVRILOVI] VITAS Leda and the Swan. New Marble Sculpture from Skelani (Municipium Malvesatium) (151–166) Fig. 7. Sculpture from the National Archaeological Museum in Venice (photo: I. Sh., http://ancientrome.ru/ art/artworken/img.htm?id=5472) Sl. 7. Skulptura Lede i labuda iz Nacionalnog arheolo{kog muzeja u Veneciji (foto: I. Sh., http://ancientrome.ru/art/artworken/img.htm?id=5472) analogies to which our sculpture could be linked must be taken into account: 1) The marble sculpture of Leda and the swan from the National Archaeological Museum in Venice (inv. n. 30).23 Leda is presented nude, in profile, facing left, while the life-size swan is also presented in profile, with its right wing outspread, while its left wing is “shielding” Leda’s nude figure (Fig. 7). She has loosely tied hair, arranged in a krobylos on the top of the head and in bun on her neck. Leda is bending slightly with her knees and it seems that she is trying to clutch a cloth with her left hand, maybe in an attempt to cover herself. With her right hand she is holding the swan off, as he is trying to kiss her mouth with his beak. At the same time, he is pinning Leda with his right foot placed on her left thigh and he is pressed upon her so tightly that one part of his feathers is visible between 156 and on a plate from the “Seuso treasure”, Eros is, with his left hand, holding on to a low altar, with a large egg in his right hand. Of course, the egg is a reminiscence of the birth of Leda’s and Zeus’ children (they were hatched from an egg). Both objects are dated to the 5th century A. D., Ibid 238, n. 64–65. Besides Leda and the swan, other figures or objects can be part of the scene – a tree (the marble relief from Knossos, Ibid, 233, n. 16, the marble relief from the House of Pilate in Sevilla, Turner 1992, 186), an altar (the marble relief from Rome, now in the Staatliche Museum, Berlin, IDAI. objects Arachne – https://arachne.dainst.org/entity/1120925?fl= 20&q=Leda&resultIndex=12), an armchair (the fresco from Casa di Meleagro in Pompei, Kahil et al. 1992, 239, n. 76) and asmall Eros, who is present on numerous monuments. Also, in rare cases, Leda is presented completely nude, like in a bas-relief from Champlieu, de l’Hervillier 1851, 189, pl. 160, n. 2. 15 The marble relief from Argos, now in the British Museum in London (inv. n. 2199), presents Leda and the swan in a tight embrace, which looks more like the swan’s dominance over Leda – both figures are presented in profile, Leda’s body is crouched with bent knees, her head is turned downwards, with the swan placing his beak on her nape (as so many male animals do in mating). The swan’s wings are fully outspread; his right foot is on Leda’s left thigh. There is a folded cloth between Leda’s legs, falling downwards to the ground. The relief from Argos is in a form and style very similar to the marble relief from Brauron (now in the National Archaeological Museum in Athens, inv. n. 1499), which represents a simple rectangular relief with no frame, and slightly damaged (the upper right corner is missing, while the lower left corner was broken, but has been repaired). The scenes of Leda and the swan from the Argos and Brauron reliefs are almost identical, which leads H. Wiegartz to presume that they represent replicas, with the only slight difference being that the Argos relief was more carefully carved. The Brauron relief is either a Greek original work from 400–300 B. C. or a classical copy from the 1st century A. D., Wiegartz 1983, 171–172, Abb. 2. 16 However, there is a possibility that the sculptures of this iconographic type are copies of a lost Hellenistic relief from the 3rd century A. D., when the erotic note was implemented in the scene of Leda and the swan, by enlarging the swan so that the seduction would be more plausible, Chamay 1983, 46. As R. P. S. Moorey observes, the protective gesture of Leda shielding the swan became, in time, an act of passion, culminating in the explicit scenes of Leda and the swan coupling, Moorey 1971, 214. The marble relief from Rome (now in the Staatliche Museum in Berlin, inv. n. 923) is dated to the 1st century B. C. The iconographic composition is very similar to the scene from the marble relief from Knossos – a nude Leda is presented on the left side, in profile, with a folded cloth which is sliding down her legs. The swan is presented on the right side, also in profile, with widely stretched wings and its left foot placed on Leda’s right thigh. Leda’s and the swan’s head are close, like they are looking into each other’s eyes. Both figures are flanked by two trees, behind Leda there is an altar and behind the swan there is small, winged Eros, who is pushing the swan towards Ledawith his right hand, IDAI. Objects Arachne – https://arachne.dainst.org/entity/ 1120925?fl=20&q=Leda&resultIndex=12. It is, however, interesting to observe the great resemblance between the Rome relief and the relief from Knossos. The marble relief from the House of Pilate represents a scene of Leda and the swan, where Leda is on the right side, while the swan is on her left side. The swan’s beak is on Leda’s neck (her head is slightly bent downwards), his wings are fully outspread and his right foot is on Leda’s left thigh. Richly folded drapery falls downwards between her legs. There is a tree behind the swan, Turner STARINAR LXVII/2017 Nade`da GAVRILOVI] VITAS Leda and the Swan. New Marble Sculpture from Skelani (Municipium Malvesatium) (151–166) Fig. 8. Sculpture from the Dion Archaeological Museum (https://in.pinterest.com/pin/300615343856729739) Sl. 8. Skulptura Lede i labuda iz Arheolo{kog muzeja Dion (https://in.pinterest.com/pin/300615343856729739) her legs. The swan’s plumage resembles the feathers of an eagle, rather than a swan, possibly as a reminder of his divine origin. The treatment of the swan’s plumage and webbed foot is very close to the modelling of the Municipium Malvesatium sculptural composition. Also, the cloth is treated very similarly. However, we can’t overlook the richly modelled plumage of the Venice group’s swan and webbed foot with clearly chiselled talons, reminiscent more of those of an eagle than a swan, while the feathers of the swan’s wing from the Municipium Malvesatium composition are treated much softer and the webbed foot is sculpted as a swan’s foot and not as the foot of a bird of a prey. The sculptural group of Leda and the swan is dated to the middle of the 1st century A. D. 2) The marble sculpture from the Dion Archaeological Museum, found in the ancient Macedonian city of 157 1992, 186. One more monument should be added to this group of Leda and the swan monuments, although it is not from the 1st century B. C., but from the first half of the 1st century A. D. It is a marble relief which was a part of the frieze of the facade of the sanctuary complex Sebasteion in Aphrodisias, in Caria, dedicated to Aphrodite and the Julio-Claudian Emperors. Although somewhat damaged (the swan’s head and Leda’s arm are missing), the relief shows an almost identical scene of Leda and the swan to that in the relief from the House of Pilate – the only difference is the presence of the small Eros, who is standing behind the swan, with his hand on the swan’s wing, Smith 1987, 97; Kahil et al. 1992, 241, n. 99. 17 Classical vase paintings with the scene of Leda and the swan depict a mythological rape or pursuit by the swan/Zeus and, as H. A. Shapiro notices, physical contact between Leda and the swan is shown less often, Shapiro 1992, 61, 64–65. There are several other monuments that depict Leda struggling with the swan, like the monument from Madrid or an unpublished sarcophagus from Chios. On both monuments, like in the previously described reliefs from Argos, Brauron and the House of Pilate, the swan is firmly holding Leda (pinning her with his webbed foot on her thigh), who is trying to pull away from him, clutching a cloth in an attempt to cover herself, Wiegartz 1983, 173–174. In classical Roman monuments, however, the rapport between Leda and the swan is amorous and erotic – they are presented either kissing or in a moment before the kiss or Leda embracing and caressing her lover. 18 On two frescos – one from Casa di Meleagro in Pompei and the other from Herculanum, Kahil et al.1992, 239, n. 76–77. 19 The enlargement of the swan’s figure is easy to understand, since in the Greek mind mortals and gods were alike, but gods were more powerful and, therefore, larger in form. This is why this type of swan presentation enlarges the bird – to emphasise its divine status, but also to highlight the honour that a god bestows on the mortal Leda, by visiting her, Clarke 1994, 98. 20 The erotic undertone present in Roman monuments and objects with the representation of Leda and the swan is caused not only by the depiction of their amorous relationship, tight embrace or sometimes clearly sexual position in which they are depicted (for example, the scenes with a reclined Leda and the swan placed between her legs or on her), but is also highlighted by Leda’s nudity. A. O. Koloski-Ostrow thinks that in the monumental Greek art from the 5th century B. C., baring the breast is the classic choice of partial physical exposure for female representations and that accidental breast baring also becomes a positive erotic symbol for a mortal woman when she is raped by a god. As an example, she argues that in the case of the Boston sculptural composition of Leda and the swan, from the 5th century B. C., Leda’s peplos opens down her right side, exposing her right breast to the eyes of the viewer, Cohen 2000, 70–71. 21 As H. Wiegartz points out, Eros is almost always present and is clearly a thematic companion to Leda and the swan, Wiegartz 1983, 173–174. On classic monuments, Eros is often presented as a chubby, little boy, sometimes with wings, sometimes with a bow or a torch, behind the swan, encouraging him or placing his small hand on the swan’s wing, pushing him towards Leda. 22 It is interesting, however, to observe that Eros is not depicted in numerous scenes of Leda and the swan with clear sexual connotation (the second iconographic type of Leda and the swan iconography mentioned in the text above) – he doesn’t intervene in the moment of copulation, but only in the scenes of seduction or pursuit, Calame 1999, 71. 23 The height of the sculpture: 74 cm, Wiegartz 1983, 174–179. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Nade`da GAVRILOVI] VITAS Leda and the Swan. New Marble Sculpture from Skelani (Municipium Malvesatium) (151–166) Dion (Fig. 8).24 The sculpture was discovered in 1994, in the banqueting hall of a ruined house in the southern part of the city, along with a Dionysus statue.25 Unfortunately, the sculpture from Dion is partly damaged – Leda’s head, upper torso and part of her left arm are missing. Still, from the rest of the sculpture, a great likeness to the iconography of the Venice group can be observed – Leda is nude, her right arm is stretched and placed on the swan’s neck to hold him off, while her right hand is holding the cloth (part of the cloth can be seen between Leda’s legs, unlike in the Venice group where part of swan’s wing is presented between Leda’s legs). Leda is slightly bending her knees, besides which a heavy mass of folded cloth falls. The swan’s right foot is strongly pressed onto Leda’s left thigh, while his right wing is outstretched. The bird is trying to kiss Leda’s mouth with its beak (such a presumption is allowed by the position in which swan’s head is, although Leda’s head is missing). The swan’s plumage is modelled in detail, as is his webbed foot. Similar to the Venice sculpture, there is a column or support behind the swan, on which the bird is leaning. The sculptural group from Dion bears more of a resemblance to our sculpture than to the Venice sculptural composition – the swan’s feathers are modelled very similarly to the plumage from our fragment and the webbed feet are almost identical – they are chiselled in the same way, although the Dion foot has slightly prominent talons. However, there is a small difference between the way the Dion artist and the craftsman of the Municipium Malvesatium fragment resolved swan’s tail – in the Dion sculpture, the feathers of the swan’s tail realistically fold and end between Leda’s legs, while in our fragment, the feathers of the swan’s tail are similar to the folds of the cloth. Another very close iconographic analogy can be seen in the sculpture of Leda and the swan from the San Antonio Museum of Art, dated to the Roman period, particularly in the treatment of the swan’s plumage, webbed foot and the small Eros’ hand placed on the lower part of the swan’s torso.26 As for other analogies to our sculptural group, in the context of the sculpting manner and the dating, besides the above mentioned, it is significant to consider scenes from two Leda sarcophagi – from the Beth She’ arim necropolis and the tomb of Herodes Atticus from Kephisia, in Athens. The Leda sarcophagus from catacomb 11 of the mausoleum at Beth She’arim caused great interest among scholars, since it represents a unique example of this type of sarcophagus found in Palestine, in which Jews were buried in the antique period 158 24 The name Dion itself means „sacred place“ and by most scholars, the city was called like that because of its’ proximity to Mount Olympus (the home of god Zeus and the Greek pantheon). The city of Dion was developed as a sanctuary – there are records of 6th century A. D. writer Stephen of Byzantium, who writes about the temple dedicated to Zeus at Dion. However, archaeological excavations with yielded sculptural finds and votive monuments from Dion, confirmed worship of more than dozen gods and goddesses, like Demeter, Asclepius, Athena, Kybele, Hermes, Dionysos, Isis etc., Harrington 1996, 28–30. 25 Ibid, 34. As Leda and the swan statue, Dionysos statue was also used as a table support – a leg of a marble table. 26 The sculptural composition of Leda and the swan is a part of the Gilbert M. Denman Gallery for Ancient Sculpture in the San Antonio Museum of Art. Unfortunately, besides its mention in the article “Golden Oldies” written by M. Ennis in “Texas monthly”, published in 1990 (p. 59–60), we didn’t succeed in acquiring more details about the sculpture (place of find, dating etc.). 27 The necropolis at Bet She’arim was discovered in 1936 and excavated until 1958. It represents one of the major Jewish necropolises in the period of antiquity and the central necropolis for Jews, not only from Bet She’arim and Roman-Byzantine Palestine, but also from Diaspora, particularly Syria, Levine 2005, 197–198. Numerous fragments of marble sarcophagi from Bet She’arim’s catacombs show a rich display of figures and ornaments, among which is a considerable number of Greek and Roman deities and mythological scenes (humans in togas, the goddesses Nike and Aphrodite, Eros, Amazons etc., Chancey 2005, 212. 28 On the better preserved long side, there is a scene of an assembly of people standing in a courtyard in front of a palace facade – one of the men is identified as Achilles, while the whole scene is considered to represent events on Scyros. On the other long side of the Leda sarcophagus, a huntress is presented with two men – one man is riding a horse. It has been presumed that the scene presents the Calydonian hunt, with Atalanta and Meleagros as the main figures, Levine 2005, 203. 29 The Leda sarcophagus from the Bet She’arim necropolis is, without doubt, imported, as were many other sarcophagi which were used for Jewish burials. However, unlike other sarcophagi, the Leda sarcophagus bears a clear erotic scene which, in the eyes of conservative Jewish rabbis, must have looked quite offensive. Although M. Avi-Jonah suggested that the Leda sarcophagus was subjected to iconoclastic behaviour and turned around (towards the wall, so that the scene of Leda and the swan couldn’t be seen) by the Muslims, it is more likely that the damaging of Leda’s face and body parts was done by other Jews, either contemporaries or Jews from later generations, Fine 2005, 228; Fine 2010, 455–456. About the general Jewish attitude toward nudity in Greco-Roman art and certain examples, see Poliakoff 1993, 56–62. 30 The burial chamber of Herodes Atticus in Kephisia, was found by accident in 1866. Although it was already robbed, the chamber still contained four carved marble sarcophagi and a few small objects. One of the sarcophagi, known in scholarly literature as the “Leda sarcophagus”, contains beautifully carved scenes of the family of Helen of Troy. The decoration of the Leda sarcophagus was commissioned for the purpose of celebrating the family identity, more specifically to commemorate the deceased: Herodes’ daughter Elpinike and, perhaps, her husband L. Vibullius Hipparchus, Perry 2001, 461–462. 31 The Caryatids are presented standing at the four corners of the sarcophagus. The scene of Leda and the swan is presented on STARINAR LXVII/2017 Nade`da GAVRILOVI] VITAS Leda and the Swan. New Marble Sculpture from Skelani (Municipium Malvesatium) (151–166) Fig. 9. Leda sarcophagus from the necropolis at Beth She’arim (photo: Yair Talmor, https://commons.wikimedia. org/wiki/File:Lada_and_the_SeanBeit_Shearin.jpg) Sl. 9. Ledin sarkofag iz nekropole u Bet [e’arim-u (foto: Yair Talmor, tps://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/ File:Lada_and_the_SeanBeit_Shearin.jpg) (Fig. 9).27 Three sides (two long and one short) of the Leda sarcophagus are preserved and on the short side there is a scene of Leda and the swan, in which Leda is presented nude on the right side, in profile, standing with both legs bent at the knees, holding with her right hand the swan’s neck.28 There is a folded cloth in Leda’s left hand. The life-size swan is presented opposite to Leda, also in profile, with an outstretched right wing, trying to kiss Leda on the mouth. Behind the swan there is a tree with a top full of leaves. Although, unfortunately, some parts of the relief are damaged (Leda is defaced, her breast and arm are missing),29 a clear stylistic analogy to the fragment from Municipium Malvesiatium can be seen in the treatment of the swan’s neck and plumage. The Leda sarcophagus from Bet She’arim is dated to the 2nd century A. D. The Leda sarcophagus from Kephisia was found in a marble burial chamber where the famous sophist and Roman consul Herodes Atticus and his family were buried (Fig. 10).30 On the left side of the sarcophagus, Leda and the swan in life-size are presented – Leda is on the right side, completely nude, in a slightly crouched 159 the left end of the sarcophagus, while Eros stringing his bow is presented on the other end. The Dioskouroi brothers, flanking the figure of their sister Helen, are presented on the front, while a scene with Triton and Nereid is presented on the back, Ibid, 465–467. 32 G. Koch and H. Wiegartz are prone to date the Leda sarcophagus from Kephisia to between 170 and 180 A. D. However, E. E. Perry presumes that it is possible to date the Kephisia sarcophagus to around 170–175. A. D based on, among other facts, the possible date of Elpinike’s death, who was presumably buried in the sarcophagus, Perry 2001, 484–487. 33 The relief from Knidos of Leda and the swan presents Leda completely nude, crouched, with her left hand holding the lower part of the body of a life-size swan who is pressed firmly against her, with outspread wings (with its left wing shielding Leda) and with its right webbed foot placed on Leda’s left thigh. Parts of the cloth can be seen between Leda’s legs. Behind the swan, a small, chubby, winged Eros is pushing the bird towards Leda. For more details see Wiegartz 1983, 174, fig. 3. An almost identical representation can be seen ona Roman terracotta lamp (now in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, inv. n. 17.194.2385). 34 The marble relief from Lauriacum (now in the Castle Museum, Linz, inv. n. B 1691) presents a naked Leda with a cloth flying above her, firmly holding the neck of the swan (life size), which is perched on her right thigh. The swan’s beak is close to Leda’s mouth. Behind the swan, a small figure of Eros is holding a sceptre in his left hand and a fulmen in his right hand (both attributes present Zeus’ emblems). To the right of Leda an apple tree is presented and also an arched door-way. The relief is dated to 4th century A. D., Toynbee 1977, 392, iiia; Kahil et al. 1992, 240, n. 85. 35 The fragmented relief from locality Villach in Noricum, unfortunately presents only a part of swan’s neck and torso (with visible plumage) and Leda’s hand placed on swan’s neck. Judging by the dimensions of swan’s neck and part of the torso, it can be presumed that the swan was presented life size, UBI ERAT LUPA, F. Harl – http://www.ubi-erat-lupa.org/monument.php?id=1073 36 The marble relief from Stubenberg (now in lapidarium of Universal museum Joanneum in Graz, inv. n. 117), presents nude Leda on the right, in profile, with her knees bent, holding the swan’s neck with her right hand and placing her left hand on its tail. The swan is on the left, also in profile, with fully outspread wings, placing his right foot on Leda’s left thigh and trying to kiss her in the mouth. The relief is dated from 1st to 2nd century A. D., Toynbee 1977, 392, ii; Kahil et al. 1992, 240, n. 82. 37 The fragmented relief from Poetovio (now in Pokrajinski muzej Ptuj, inv. n. RL 129), on which unfortunately only Leda’s legs and parts of swan’s tail and cloth falling downwards, are visible. Since swan’s legs are not in the scene, it can be presumed that either his feet was in the air or, analogous to our fragment, his foot was placed on Leda’s thigh, UBI ERAT LUPA, F. Harl – http://www. ubi-erat-lupa.org/monument.php?id=9358 38 The lamp from Oltenia bears the images of Leda and the swan, where Leda is presented naked, on the right, in profile, with her knees bent and her hands between her legs. The swan, presented life-size is on the left, also in profile, has fully outspread wings (shielding Leda with his left wing) and is gently kissing Leda. The details are done with great attentiveness – Leda’s hair is arranged in a low bun, the swan’s plumage and tail are presented very realistically. The lamp is dated from the last decades of the 1st century to the 2nd century A. D., Ota 2009, 461–463. 39 We can be only certain that Leda’s head wasn’t bent with the swan’s beak on her’s nape, because all the iconographic exam- STARINAR LXVII/2017 Nade`da GAVRILOVI] VITAS Leda and the Swan. New Marble Sculpture from Skelani (Municipium Malvesatium) (151–166) Fig. 10. Leda sarcophagus from the burial chamber of Herodes Atticus (figure 1, Perry 2001, 463) Sl. 10. Ledin sarkofag iz grobnice Heroda Atika (fig. 1, Perry 2001, 463) position, with her legs bent at the knees and with her left arm placed on the swan’s upper part of the torso (just below the swan’s neck). She is trying to hold the swan off, at the same time grasping he cloth with her right hand to cover herself. Her head, with the hair in a high bun, is bent downwards, as is the swan’s head, who is still trying to kiss Leda’s mouth with his beak. With his wings fully outspread, the swan is keeping balance in the air, while grasping with his right foot the folded cloth which falls to the ground. The scene is flanked by two caryatids.31 The likeness between the scene of Leda and the swan from the Kephisian sarcophagus and our fragment can be perceived in the similar posture of the figures and the treatment of the end of the swan’s tail and the cloth between Leda’s legs. However, the iconography is not identical – the swan from the Leda sarcophagus doesn’t place his foot on Leda’s thigh and his talons are those of a bird of prey, rather than webbed and swan-like. The Leda sarcophagus of Herodes Atticus is dated between 170 and 180 A. D.32 A close iconographic analogy to the Municipium Malvesatium fragment can also be observed in a relief from Knidos, where a small Eros is placing both of his hands on the swan’s wings, pushing him towards Leda.33 160 ples of this particular type, present Leda’s head on one part of the swan’s torso – which is not the case with the sculpture from Municipium Malvesatium. 40 Besides the already mentioned sculptural and relief compositions, it is important to mention a pillar (or altar?) from Bordeaux (dated to the beginning of the 2nd century A. D.) and a plate from Alexandria, Kahil et al. 240, n. 83, n. 88. On a mosaic from Sousse, dated to the middle of the 2nd century A. D., Leda is presented with her head bent, while the swan has placed his beak on her nape, Ibid, 241, n. 98. The mosaic from Coiedii Domus (in the Castelleone Archaeological Park, at Suasa, in Ancona) represents a scene of Leda and a life-size swan, both in profile. Leda is presented on the right side, nude, slightly crouched, and with a cloth on her right shoulder falling downwards. The swan has its wings outspread and is trying to kiss Leda’s mouth with its beak. It firmly placesits left foot on Leda’s left thigh. Below the swan, there is a Zeus’ fulmen. The mosaic is dated to the middle of the 3rd century A. D., San Nicolas Pedraz 1999, 369, fig. 18. However, certain authors think that this kind of Leda and the swan composition (a similar one is presented in the marble relief from Lauriacum), presents an act of copulation, rather than Zeus’ seduction of Leda. Terracotta reliefs are known from the locality of Kôm el Chougafa, Alexandria, Kahil et al. 1992, 240, n. 87–88; teraccotta vessels from Mainz, Alexandria and London, Ibid n. 89a–c; a medallion mould from Bonn, with the inscription ¡Iuppiter in cygno cu¿M LEDA IVNXSIT AMOREM (little Eros is pushing the swan towards the inscription), Ibid n. 90. A bronze mirror now in the Art Museum, Berkeley, dated to the 4th century B. C., shows Leda in profile, on the right side, slightly crouched, with a life-size swan, also in profile, on the left side, with both wings fully outspread, its right foot pressed onto Leda’s left thigh, kissing Leda on the mouth, Ibid, n. 19. The lamps with this iconographic type of presentation are those from London (dated to the 1stcentury A. D.), Carthage and Carnuntum (dated to the 2nd century A. D.), Kahil et al. 1992, 240, n. 91–93; for gems with the image of this iconographic type of Leda and the swan, see Dierichs 1990, 46–49. 41 Even in later periods, for example, the 3rd century A. D., in some sculptures, there is still a visible Hellenistic influence, in the feeling of the plastic relief, the fineness of the detail and the fullness of the sculpture, Bianchi Bandinelli 1970, 274, ph. 251. 42 As we already mentioned, scenes of Leda and the swan are also known from Coptic art (until the 5th and 6th century A. D.). One of the best known preserved reliefs was found in Egypt (now in the Ashmolean Museum in Oxford), it is dated to the beginning of the 5th century and presents the moment when Zeus, disguised as a swan, approaches Leda. In the centre of the scene is a nude Leda, presented from behind, turning her head backwards toward a normal sized swan and grasping his neck with her left hand. The whole scene is flanked by two nude nymphs while, beside Leda’s head, a mature bearded head is presented (possibly a river god). P. R. S. Moorey presumes that this relief presents a product from the final stage of provincial Egyptian art in late antiquity and that it may come from the side of a sarcophagus, Moorey 1971, 214–215, fig. 59; Kahil et al. 1992, 237, n. 52. As T. K. Thomas emphasises, examples like the Ashmolean relief show that Christians freely relied on Hellenistic iconography and were aware of the meaning of mythological motifs – one more argument supporting the previously stated can be seen in a wedding hymn from the 6thcentury, composed in honour of a Christian bridegroom named Matthew, in which he is compared to Zeus and his bride to Leda, Thomas 2000, 69. 43 A trapezophoron is a decorated table support (usually of a marble table), which presents applied Greek sculpture to various STARINAR LXVII/2017 Nade`da GAVRILOVI] VITAS Leda and the Swan. New Marble Sculpture from Skelani (Municipium Malvesatium) (151–166) Turning towards the geographically closest analogies, among the most important monuments which must be mentioned are a relief from Lauriacum (Noricum),34 a fragmented relief from Villach (Noricum),35 a relief from Stubenberg (Noricum),36 a fragmented relief from Poetovio (Pannonia Superior)37 and a clay lamp with the image of Leda and the swan from Oltenia (Dacia).38 Unfortunately, having only one part of the sculptural composition of Leda and the swan, we can only presume what the rest of it looked like – were their heads distanced from each other at the same level or close to each other or, maybe, joined in a gentle kiss?39 Judging by the closeness of the folded cloth to the swan’s body and Leda’s thigh to the swan’s torso (and also by the closest iconographic analogies), we are quite confident in the second or third possibility, that is of Leda’s and the swan’s heads being close together, probably kissing each other. What was the exact position of the swan’s wings and did the small Eros hold an object in his other hand? The answer to these questions, alas, can be found only with the discovery of the rest of the sculptural composition. At the end of the discussion about closest stylistic and territorial analogies to the sculptural fragment from Municipium Malvesiatium, it should be emphasised that this iconographic type, besides sculpture, reliefs and sarcophagi, has also been confirmed in mosaics, terracotta and small forms, like mirrors, lamps and gems.40 Regarding the question of whether the sculpture from Municipium Malvesatium presents a provincial work, certain details undoubtedly point to its provincial origin – the lack of skill in the modelling of the small hand of Eros and the swan’s webbed foot and the failure to achieve a more plastic presentation of the swan’s foot pressed onto Leda’s thigh (unlike the Dion sculpture, where the indentations from the swan’s foot in Leda’s thigh are discreetly accentuated). Comparing our fragment to its closest analogies, a certain lack of aknowledgeable and more plastic modelling is visible in a few details, for example, in the not so skilful resolving of the lower part of the swan’s wing (which is folded towards Leda’s legs), all of which assures us that we are dealing with a provincial sculptural work.41 Based on the above mentioned stylistic characteristics of the sculptural group from Municipium Malvesatium and its close iconographic and stylistic analogies, the composition can be dated from the middle of the 2nd century to the middle of the 3rd century A. D.42 At the end of our analysis of the sculptural fragment of Leda and the swan from Municipium Malvesatium, 161 forms of furniture, in this particular case, a table. It can be carved to include a lion’s or panther’s head and/or forepaws, winged lions, griffins, in the form of a Greek or Roman deity (frequently presented are a resting Herakles and Telephos, Dionysos in different scenes – pouring wine or leaning on a tree trunk covered with grapes and ivy, a hunting Artemis, a standing Asclepius etc.), or in the form of a Greek or Roman mythological scene etc., Stirling 2008, 101–147. In the first centuries, Dionysian images (Dionysus and the members of his thiasos) and scenes (particularly a drunken Dionysus) were quite popular, as were images of oriental servants, Ganymede etc. The stone tables began to be used as votive offerings from the 5th century B. C. in Greece. As F. Sinn emphasises, table supports decorated with grotesque figures and floral ornaments were favoured in Hellenistic Athens, and at the beginning of the imperial period in Italy. Later on, various table designs were used and placed in houses and funerary contexts, Sinn 2015, 304. 44 Stephanidou-Tiberiou 1993, 42.The analysis of table supports showed that the statues used in that function usually followed sculptural parallels in terms of pillar and figure size, Ajootian 2000, 501. Also, figures that were used as ornaments of the table supports were rarely partially or completely free from the pillar like supports – only a few such examples are known (a figure of a satyr, images of Erotes carrying birds, Dionysus alone or with satyrs and Pans etc.) and even then, such sculptural compositions include struts to support an individual sculpture, while the strut itself represents the support for the table leaf (for example, Ganymede and an eagle table support from Rome, now in The Vatican inv. n. 2445), Ibid, 492–493, fig. 6. 45 Tables with one support, monopodia or cartibula, stood against a wall and displayed only one side (wall paintings show that they were usually placed in an atrium or in dining rooms and used to store glassware, vessels or other banqueting supplies). They probably also originated in late Hellenistic Delos and Athens and were usually decorated with a herm. Tables on three legs, known as mensadelphica, were designed like the paws of lions, tigers etc. and decorated with lion’s, griffin’s or some other animal’s head. They were extensively produced in Italy, in Athens and in Asia Minor (in the late antiquity), Ibid 304–306. Table supports were used in temples as altars, offering tables and supports for portable altars, patera or lamps, while in household lararia, they were used as stands for statues of lares, Ajootian 2000, 501. 46 For the sculptural composition from Venice, Wiegartz 1983, 174–179, fig. 4.6; Kahil et al. 1992, 241, n. 96. For the sculpture from Dion, Harrington 1996, 34. The support behind the swan’s figure in the San Antonio sculpture, which extends above and below the figure, implies that it was used as a table support too. Other sculptures were also used as table supports – the Leda and the swan sculpture from Cyrene, dated to around 240 A. D., which is another rare example of a table support relatively free from the pillar (like the above mentioned sculpture of Ganymede and the eagle) Wiegartz 1983, 168–170, pl. 26.3; a sculpture from Ephesus, also dated to around 240 A. D., Ibid, 193–195, pl. 26.2; a sculpture from Istanbul dated to the beginning of the 3rd century A. D., Ibid, 185–186, fig. 7, pl. 25.1., a sculpture from Chios dated to the 3rd century A. D., Kahil et al. 1992, 242, n. 95. 47 It is well known that sculptures of Leda and the swan adorned fountains in antique times, especially from the 1st century B. C. and 1st century A. D., Sinn 2015, 303, 306–308. Along with the statues of Dionysus, nymphs, Athena, Aphrodite, the torso of a life-size statue of one of the Antonine emperors and a bust of another emperor, the sculpture of Leda and the swan was discovered in the eastern STARINAR LXVII/2017 Nade`da GAVRILOVI] VITAS Leda and the Swan. New Marble Sculpture from Skelani (Municipium Malvesatium) (151–166) one more important question imposes itself – what was the function of this sculptural group – was it a sculpture that adorned a house or a garden of some well situated citizen or maybe it was something else? The pillar like support on which the swan is leaning implies very strongly the possibility that the statue of Leda and the swan could maybe have had the function of a trapezophoron – the leg or pedestal of a table (usually a marble table).43 The height of our fragment (60 to 67 cm) could contribute to the hypothesis since, based on it, we can presume that the height of the whole statue varied between 90 and 100 cm, which corresponds to dimensions of currently known table supports (as T. Stephanidou-Tiberiou points out, trapezophora may be 1.275 m high or even higher,).44 If we further develop our hypothesis, we can presume that the statue of Leda and the swan could have been a monopodium (a one legged table support) or, less likely, one of two, three or four table supports.45 In support of our theory, besides other mythological figures and scenes, several sculptures of Leda and the swan were confirmed to have been used as table supports, among them our closest analogies – the statues of Leda and the swan from Venice and Dion, and probably the sculpture from the San Antonio Museum of Art as well.46 However, other possibilities are also probable (although, in our opinion, less likely), that the sculpture maybe adorned a fountain composed around it or that it was placed in termae, triclinium or garden.47 Conclusion The sculptural fragment found in Municipium Malvesiatium represents one of the well-liked and popular mythological scenes from Greek and Roman art – Leda and the swan. Various scenes from the myth are known in secular and funerary Greek and Roman art, but from the Hellenistic period, two main iconographic types of the scene of Leda’s and swan’s encounter and the act of Leda’s seduction by the swan, were formed – a standing Leda who is in a close embrace with a lifesize swan, and a reclining Leda with a swan on or above her.48 Unlike in other provinces of the Roman Empire, as far as it is known to the author of this paper, the first iconographic type of Leda and the swan has not, so far, been confirmed, not only in sculpture, but in any other art form, in the territory of the Balkans.49 This fact makes the sculptural find from Municipium Malvesiatium even more significant, but it shouldn’t be a surprise, considering the importance of the locality where the sculpture of Leda and the swan was found. 162 part of the thermae of Bet Shean (Nysa-Scythopolis), Foerster 2005, 3–14. Several sculptural compositions of Leda and the swan were found in an atrium, a triclinium or a garden, for example, the Leda and the swan mosaic from Kouklia-Palaepaphos (Cyprus), dated to the first half of the 3rd century, was found in the triclinium, Saliou 1990, 369–375, fig. 1, 2. Here we should mention that a fresco painting of Leda and the Swan decorated the triclinium in the House of Vettii, in Pompeii (on the south wall, opposite the entryway, in the winter triclinium of the house, a Leda and the swan scene was presented) and the reception room in the House of Jupiter and Ganymede in Ostia (the fresco presents Leda holding the swan in her lap), Clarke 1991, 232; Clarke 1994, 96–98. The statue of Leda and the swan from the territory of the Villa Spithoever, now in the Copenhagen Glyptotek, was found in the garden. A number of sculptures of Leda and the swan have a rock support, like the sculpture from Formia, which A. Rieche explains as a Roman addition, designed for the use of the sculptures in gardens, Newby 2016, 131–132. 48 Leda and the swan scenes on Greek and Roman funerary art carried a message of female beauty and charm, a kind of feminine ideal, Zanker, Ewald 2012, 306. It is known that motifs on sarcophagi can imply personal qualities of the deceased and, as J. Huskinson in her study about Roman sarcophagi points out, thisis true of the Leda and the swan motif as well. As the authoress observed, Roman women in the 3rd century A. D. wanted to present themselves as the ideal combination of physical and intellectual qualities, which is clearly shown on the sarcophagi where clipeus portraits of serious looking women, fully draped and carrying scrolls, are placed above mythological nudes like Leda. This kind of presentation was symbolising a balanced definition of the deceased and represented a different image compared to earlier scenes of women on sarcophagi friezes, Huskinson 2015, 173. However, the scene of Leda and the swan could carry a deeper symbolism and meaning, as it probably did on some sarcophagi and funerary monuments, like for example, on a cinerary chest from Rome, dedicated to the centurion Marcus Coelius Superstes by his brother (the chest is dated to the late Flavian period). The central scene presents Leda crouching and caressing a swan, with Cupids before and behind her, pouring water on her neck out of a vase, CIL VI 33018. In his work “Refutatio Omnium Haeresium”, Hyppolytus states that Leda should be compared to Edem and the swan to Elohim and, using the doctrine of the Ophite sect, he confirms the belief that Leda and the swan symbolise the union of the soul with the divine, King 1933, 71. Therefore, the scenes of Leda and the swan, in a funerary context, symbolised the union of the soul of the deceased and the divine and, thus, the immortality of the soul of the deceased. As stated above, in the passage about Coptic art, the Leda and the swan scene was used in a Christian funerary context – even along with Christian motifs, as can be observed in the sarcophagus of Publius Aelius Sabinus from Tortona, where a strange mixture of pagan and Christian emblems are represented, one beside the other. The sarcophagus presents images of the Dioskouroi brothers, Gorgon heads and Leda and the swan, but also the figure of the Good Shepherd with a ram on his shoulders, Appell 1872, 32–33. 49 A beautiful and high quality mosaic from the 4th century A. D., with a scene of Leda and the swan in the presence of a river god, was found on the podium of the entrance to the reception room in the villa with peristyle at Mediana (Naissus). Unfortunately, the mosaic is largely damaged and few details are preserved – in the bottom right corner of the composition, the river god is represented in a semi recumbent position with a wreath of pointed leaves on his head and a reed in his left hand. In the bottom left corner, the figures of Leda and the swan were presented (only the swan’s torso, its left STARINAR LXVII/2017 Nade`da GAVRILOVI] VITAS Leda and the Swan. New Marble Sculpture from Skelani (Municipium Malvesatium) (151–166) Municipium Malvesiatium was one of the three most important Roman centres in the territory of Podrinje (along with Domavia and Spolonum), which received the status of municipium between 117 and 158.50 Archaeological excavations confirmed important public and private objects, along with votive and funerary monuments, which testify to the rich and diverse life during the Roman reign.51 Therefore, it should be no surprise that various mythological themes from Roman imagery were well known to the Romanised population of Municipium Malvesatium and used for decorating their houses and other private and public objects. Although we can’t be certain of the exact details of the iconography of the sculpture of Leda and the swan from Municipium Malvesatium, without any doubt it represented a solid local work of art by local craftsman, which was sculpted between the middle of the 2nd and the middle of the 3rd century A. D. Hopefully, with new archaeological excavations, maybe the rest of the sculpture of Leda and the swan will be brought to light and contribute to a better knowledge and understanding of Roman provincial art in the territory of the Balkans. Translated by the author Starinar is an Open Access Journal. All articles can be downloaded free of charge and used in accordance with the licence Creative Commons – Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 3.0 Serbia (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/rs/). ^asopis Starinar je dostupan u re`imu otvorenog pristupa. ^lanci objavqeni u ~asopisu mogu se besplatno preuzeti sa sajta ~asopisa i koristiti u skladu sa licencom Creative Commons – Autorstvo-Nekomercijalno-Bez prerada 3.0 Srbija (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/rs/). outspread wing and legs are preserved, as are a small part of Leda’s dress and her feet. It is clear that on the Mediana mosaic, a scene is presented where Leda prepares herself for bathing in the river Eurotas and Zeus, disguised as a swan and in the presence of a river god, approaches her. However, as in the case of the Leda and the swan mosaic from the so-called House of Aion (Nea Paphos, Cyprus), the mosaic from Mediana presents a scheme of decoration, without any deeper symbolic meaning, Vasi} et al. 2016, 22–23. 50 As the oldest Roman settlement in the territory of Podrinje, Municipium Malvesiatium was a very important centre for mining (the exploitation of silver) and trade (the vicinity of Drina was beneficial for the transport of people and goods to larger centres, such as Sirmium or Salona), which enjoyed an intensive life until the late antiquity, for more details see Gavrilovi}, Popovi} 2015, 217–218. 51 The first archaeological excavations in Skelani were led by K. Patch in 1896, when he discovered 80 votive monuments and two early Christian basilicas. 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Moorey, Two Fragments of Early Coptic Sculpture (Ashmolean Museum, Oxford), The Burlington Magazine, Vol. 113, n. 817, London 1971, 214–215. Newby 2016 – Z. Newby, Greek Myths in Roman Art and Culture: Imagery, Values and Identity in Italy, 50 BC–AD 250, Cambridge 2016. Ota 2009 – R. Ota, Mythological scenes from Dacia province: Perseus killing Gorgon Medusa and Zeus seducing Leda, Pontica, 42, Constantza 2009, 459–464. Perry 2001 – E. E. Perry, Iconography and the Dynamics of Patronage: A Sarcophagus from the Family of Herodes Atticus, Hesperia: The Journal of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens, Vol. 70, n. 4, Princeton 2001, 461–492. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Nade`da GAVRILOVI] VITAS Leda and the Swan. New Marble Sculpture from Skelani (Municipium Malvesatium) (151–166) Poliakoff 1993 – M. Poliakoff, They should cover their shame: attitudes towar nudity in Greco-Roman Judaism, Source: Notes in the History of Art, Vol. 12, n. 2, (Essays on nudity in Antiquity in memory of Otto Brendel), The University of Chicago Press 1993, 56–62. Smith 1987 – R. R. R. Smith, The Imperial Reliefs from the Sebasteion at Aphrodisias, The Journal of Roman Studies, Vol. 77, London 1987, 88–138. Stephanidou-Tiberiou 1993 – Th. Stephanidou-Tiberiou, Trapezophora me Plastike Diakosmese, Athens 1993. Rieche 2010 – A. Rieche, Verweigerte Rezeption. Zur Wirkungsgeschichte der „Leda des Timotheos“, in: Das Originale der Kopie: Kopien als Produkte und Medien der Transformation von Antike, Berlin–New York 2010, 117–138. Stirling 2008 – L. Stirling, Pagan Statuettes in Late Antique Corinth. Sculpture from the Panayia Domus, Hesperia, 77, Princeton 2008, 89–161. Richter 1927 – G. Richter, TUPOS and Timotheos, American Journal of Archaeology, Vol. 31, no. 1, Boston 1927, 80–82. Thomas 2000 – T. K. Thomas, Late Antique Egyptian Funerary Sculpture: Images for this World and for the Next, Princeton University Press 2000. Richter 1955 – G. Richter, The Sculpture of the Hellenistic Age, London 1955 Saelid Gilhus 2006 – I. Saelid Gilhus, Animals, Gods and Humans: Changing Attitudes to Animals in Greek, Roman and Early Christian Thought, New York 2006. Saliou 1990 – C. Saliou, Léda callipyge au pays d’Aphrodite. Remarques sur l’organisation, la fonction et l’iconographie d’une mosaïque de Palaepaphos (Chypre), Syria, 67/2, Damascus 1990, 369–375. Torp 1969 – H. Torp, Leda Christiana. The problem of the interpretation of Coptic sculpture with mythological motifs, Acta ad archaeologiam et artium Historiam pertinentia, IV, Rome 1969, 101–122. Toynbee 1977 – J. M. C. Toynbee, Greek Myth in Roman Stone, Latomus, 36/2, Bruxelles 1977, 343–412. Turner 1992 – C. Turner, The Penguin Guide to Seville, Indiana University 1992. San Nicolas Pedraz 1999 – P. San Nicolas Pedraz, Leda y el cisne en la musivaria romana, espacio, Tiempo y Forma, Serie I, Prehistoria y Arqueologia, 12, Madrid 1999, 347–387. UBI ERAT LUPA – The picture database www.ubi-eratlupa.org, F. Harl – http://www.ubi-erat-lupa.org/monument. php?id=1073and http://www.ubi-erat-lupa.org/monument. php?id=9358 (accessed: December 12. 2016). Shapiro 1992 – H. A. Shapiro, Eros in Love: Pederasty and Pornography in Greece, in: Pornography and Representation in Greece and Rome, ed. A. Richlin, New York and Oxford 1992, 53–72. Vasi} et al. 2016 – M. Vasi}, G. Milo{evi}, N. Gavrilovi} Vitas, V. Crnoglavac, Constantine’s villa at Mediana, Ni{ 2016. Sinn 2015 – F. Sinn, Decorative Art, in: A Companion to Roman Art, ed. B. E. Borg, Chichester 2015, 301–321. Wiegartz 1983 – H. Wiegartz, Leda und der Schwan in der kaiserzeitlichen attischen Plastik, Boreas. Münsterschebeiträe zur Archäologie, B. 6, Münster 1983, 168–196. Sotheby’s EST. 1744 – Sotheby’s Egyptian, Classical and Western Asiatic Antiquities, http://www.sothebys.com/en/ auctions/ecatalogue/2011/antiquities-n08810/lot.16.html.html (accessed: December 6. 2016) 165 Zanker, Ewald 2012 – P. Zanker, B. C. Ewald, The Imagery of Roman Sarcophagi, Oxford 2012. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Nade`da GAVRILOVI] VITAS Leda and the Swan. New Marble Sculpture from Skelani (Municipium Malvesatium) (151–166) Rezime: NADE@DA GAVRILOVI] VITAS, Arheolo{ki institut, Beograd LEDA I LABUD Nova mermerna skulptura iz Skelana (Municipium Malvesatium) Kqu~ne re~i. – Leda, labud, skulptura, ikonografija, Municipium Malvesatium, antika. Prilikom gra|evinskih radova 1999. godine na izgradwi kolektora za kanalizaciju u Skelanima (Municipium Malvesatium) slu~ajno je prona|en fragment mermerne skulpture. Sada sme{tena u prostorijama Narodne biblioteke u Srebrenici, skulptura predstavqa o~uvani deo torza ptice, prikazane u qudskoj veli~ini, ~ije desno stopalo sa plivaju}om ko`om po~iva na levoj `enskoj butini, ispod koje pada naborana tkanina. Le|a ptice po~ivaju na osloncu u vidu stuba, koji se nastavqa iznad i ispod figure ptice. Na dowem delu torza ptice prikazana je mala, de~ja {aka. Fragment mermerne skulpture iz Municipium Malvesatium-a predstavqa jedan od tri glavna ikonografska tipa anti~kih predstava Lede i Zevsa, preru{enog u labuda, u trenutku Zevsovog zavo|ewa Lede, a u prisustvu deteta Erosa. Ovaj tip ikonografskih predstava pojavquje seu helenisti~kom periodu, a tokom rimske vladavine zadobija zavidnu popularnost i biva predstavqan kako u skulpturi, re- 166 qefima, statuama, fresko-slikarstvu i na mozaicima, tako i u predmetima male forme, kao {to su lampe, ogledala, geme itd. Skulptoralni fragment iz Municipium Malvesatium-a analogan je ikonografski i stilskirimskim skulpturama iz Arheolo{kog muzeja u Veneciji, Arheolo{kog muzeja u Dionu i Muzeja umetnosti u San Antoniu, mada ima znatnih sli~nosti i sa predstavom sa sarkofaga iz nekropole sa lokaliteta Bet [e’arim i sarkofaga Heroda Atikusa iz Atine. Analiza stilskih karakteristika skulpture kao i na~in modelovawa ukazuju na rad lokalnog majstora, datovan u period od polovine 2. veka do polovine 3. veka. S obzirom na oslonac prikazan iza labudovih le|a, a uzimaju}i u obzir i pomenute analogne primerke, najverovatnije je da je skulptura Lede i labuda iz Municipium Malvesatium-a predstavqala deo name{taja, odnosno da je ukra{avala nogu stola. STARINAR LXVII/2017 UDC: 904:7.046.1"652"(497) https://doi.org/10.2298/STA1767167M Original research article BEBINA MILOVANOVI], Institute of Archaeology Belgrade JELENA AN\ELKOVI] GRA[AR, Institute of Archaeology Belgrade FEMALE POWER THAT PROTECTS: EXAMPLES OF THE APOTROPAIC AND DECORATIVE FUNCTIONS OF THE MEDUSA IN ROMAN VISUAL CULTURE FROM THE TERRITORY OF THE CENTRAL BALKANS e-mail: bebinamilovanovic@gmail.com Abstract – The motif of Medusa had significant importance in Roman visual culture, reflecting the comprehension of ancient people about this frightful being. Visual material from the territory of the Central Balkans suggests a widely known understanding and belief of the protective as well as apotropaic functions of Medusa. The motif of Medusa i.e. the Gorgoneion, was one of the well known and most represented motifs in architecture, funerary art and artiminori and a widely appreciated decoration of jewellery, signifying the importance of Medusa’s protection for people, especially for women. Key words – Medusa, Gorgon, protection, Roman, visual culture, art, Central Balkans, women. T he subject of this paper, whose popularity was maintained through antiquity and even in Christian times, is Medusa i.e. Gorgon. This difference in her appellation possibly originates from the myth in which the god Poseidon bekissed Gorgon, and she gained the epithet Medusa (Mšdousa – protectress or guardian), as a shortened, female form of one of Poseidon’s epithets – Eurymedon.1 Her image in works of art went through changes and the myth itself was rationalised over the time. Among the three sisters (Gorgons), Medusa, Sthenno and Euryale, only Medusa was mortal.2 This weakness brought her eternal fame, immortalised in architecture, works of art or objects of everyday use. According to the myth, with the help of the goddess Athena, and by avoiding Medusa’s gaze that had the power to petrify, Perseus cut off Medusa’s head and placed it on Athena’s aegis. Thus, with this act and from Medusa’s liaison with the god Poseidon, Chrysaor (the man with the golden sword) and Pegasus (the divine winged horse) were born.3 Her deterrent depiction on the aegis of the goddess Athena had the purpose to scare and reject evil, as well as her enemies. Owing to its apotropaic character, this demonic being can be associated with prehistoric goddesses of nature. Thus Medusa’s function is similar to goddesses such as the Mother of Gods, Rhea, Cybele, Demeter or the maternal Artemis.4 As an emblem of the sun-disk, she represented a procreative and fertilizing energy and 1 Howe 1954, 209–221, 214. Hes. Theogony 277. 3 Hes. Theogony 278–281. About other sources, depictions and the origin of the myth of Perseus’ fight with the Gorgons see: Phinney Jr. 1971, 445–463. 4 Frothingham 1911, 349–377. 2 The article results from the project: IRS – Viminacium, roman city and military legion camp – research of material and non-material culture of inhabitants by using the modern technologies of remote detection, geophysics, GIS, digitalization and 3D visualization (no. 47018), funded by the Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development of the Republic of Serbia. 167 Manuscript received 30th December 2016, accepted 10th May 2017 Bebina MILOVANOVI], Jelena AN\ELKOVI] GRA[AR Female Power That Protects: Examples of the Apotropaic and Decorative Functions of the Medusa in Roman Visual Culture… (167–182) became an embodiment of both the productive and destructive forces of the Sun and the atmosphere.5 Representations of Medusa with her sisters, Perseus and Pegasus as well as her individual images are well known in antique artistic tradition.6 Medusa’s depiction underwent various transformations from the archaic to the late antique period and this could be interpreted as some kind of evolution of her image.7 Some of the first images of Medusa (from the 8th to the 4th century BC) reflect the demonic Gorgon image, a frightening being with a wide head, an accentuated chin, a big mouth and her tongue sticking out. With wings, snakes and short horns, Gorgoneion resembled an apotropaic mask. The origin of the Gorgoneion can be traced back to cult ceremonies and the usage of religious masks with an apotropaic function. These masks were used during some ritual dances, probably of a chthonic character, in which the person with the mask evoked the divine protection, with the belief that chthonic demons would frighten and repudiate ghosts or negative living persons present in their life.8 In such a manner Medusa is depicted on a unique bronze crater from a prince’s grave discovered at the site of Trebeni{te near Ohrid (Republic of Macedonia), and dated to the end of the 6th century BC. The authentic archaic style of Medusa’s representation demonstrates all the characteristics of this demonic and frightening creature.9 Within certain eschatological-philosophical movements, her role was interpreted in various ways. According to Orphism, Medusa was present at the entrance to Hades, and since Pythagoreanism teaching considers Hades to be located on the Moon, Medusa was considered to be associated with the Lunar cult. Her role was to encourage humans on their journey over the ocean up to the blessed island.10 According to Stoicism, Medusa was considered the personification of fear, the one that dazzles, while Perseus and the goddess Athena were consider the personifications of courage and wisdom, who conquer all fears.11 In the myth of Perseus and Gorgon, Perseus used the decapitated head of Medusa against the reinless and wild people who caused evil to his mother and wife, as well as against the goatish escorts of Dionysus, the so-called Satyrs. That would indicate that Gorgon’s stare was aimed at killing lustful, animal instincts in people, especially in men, restraining their masculinity, but that it did not affect women.12 This could lead us to the conclusion that Medusa could be regarded as a feminine protectress, allowing stronger associations between her and the aforementioned goddesses with the same characteristics. 168 During Classical and especially Hellenistic times, with the rationalisation of the myth, Medusa’s image began to be transformed and finally evolved into a representation of a beautiful woman, with discretely rendered snakes in her hair or just with implied short horns on top of her head.13 In architecture with a funerary character, Medusa had the seminal character of the one who observes, protects and intimidates possible destroyers of the graves, or, in combination with other motifs such as Cupids, birds, garlands, festoons or cornucopias of fruits, symbols of abundance, apotheosis and fertility, she can be considered an emblem of life i.e. the afterlife and victory over death.14 Gradually, Medusa’s seminal role in profane architecture was lost and, thus, it could be said that she possessed a rather decorative function, known by more than her pretty female image only to rare artists and commissioners who were familiar with the meaning and significance of her role in mythology.15 The Medusa in Roman art and visual culture from the Central Balkans During the Roman epoch, in architecture as well as in craft art, Medusa’s face was rendered in the form of a beautiful female face with discreet snakes in her hair and wings on the top of her head. Regarding her aforementioned role, the most common use of this motif was in funerary art, namely on stelae and sarcophagi (Figs. 1, 2, 3, 4 and 5). Usually, she was represented in the tympanum of stelae of an architectural type. She was depicted alone or accompanied by dolphins, genii, hippocampi or birds (doves). They represented psychopomps, guides for souls to the afterlife. Monuments decorated with such motifs were popular in Roman pro- 5 Frothingham 1911, 349. The most popular Medusa representations from the Archaic period are known from the tympanum of the Artemis temple on Corfu (beginning of the 6th century BC), on the metope of the Selinunte temple (first half of the 6th century BC) and on the black-figure amphora from Eleusina (670 BC.). 7 More about the evolution of her image in: LIMC IV 1988, 319–330. 8 Croon 1955, 13. 9 Grbi} 1958. 10 Morford, Lenardon 1999, 273. 11 Fulg, Myth. I, 21. 12 Howe 1954, 220–221; Jeremi} 2009, 194–201. 13 LIMC IV 1988, 324, 330. 14 Frothingham 1915, 22. 15 Dautova-Ru{evljan 1983, 47; LIMC IV 1988, 329; Jeremi} 2017, 254–260. 6 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Bebina MILOVANOVI], Jelena AN\ELKOVI] GRA[AR Female Power That Protects: Examples of the Apotropaic and Decorative Functions of the Medusa in Roman Visual Culture… (167–182) Fig. 1. Part of the funerary stelae with Medusa depictions, from Viminacium (National Museum, in Po`arevac, photo: B. Milovanovi}) Fig. 2. Sarcophagus with depiction of Medusa, from Proconesus (Viminacium site) (National Museum, in Po`arevac, photo: B. Milovanovi}) Fig. 3. Perseus with Medusa’s head, detail of the stone sarcophagus from Viminacium, Pe}ine site (after: Pilipovi} 2007, 172, sl. 25) Sl. 1. Deo nadgrobne stele sa prikazom Meduze iz Viminacijuma (Narodni muzej u Po`arevcu, foto: B. Milovanovi}) Sl. 2. Prokoneski sarkofag sa prikazom Meduze iz Viminacijuma (Narodni muzej u Po`arevcu, foto: B. Milovanovi}) Sl. 3. Persej sa glavom Meduze, detaq sa kamenog sarkofaga iz Viminacijuma, lokalitet Pe}ine (prema: Pilipovi} 2007, 172, sl. 25) vinces: Italy (Ravenna, Rome and Bologna), Noricum and Pannonia (Celeia, Poetovium, Bassianae, Mursa, Aquincum, Savia and Intercisa), during the 1st and 2nd century.16 The same motif can be found on monuments from Moesia Superior: Singidunum (Belgrade), Viminacium (Kostolac), Ratiaria (Archar) and Vicianum (Vu~itrn), during the 2nd and 3rd century.17 In the territory of the Roman province of Dacia, the number of monuments with this motif is smaller, while in Macedonia none have been found.18 The well known role of Medusa is also typical for these monuments – the protection of the graves and souls of mortals in order to achieve an eternal dwelling. On the so called “Proconesus” sarcophagus from Viminacium, Medusa’s head with wings and snakes beneath the chin is depicted above garlands held by genii (Fig. 2). The sarcophagus is embossed in marble, probably of Proconnesian origin, and in a style similar to workshops from the vicinity of Odessos.19 In funerary art, references to the myth of Perseus can be found as well, and Medusa’s decapitated head is depicted in Perseus’ raised hand, in the right niche of the longitudinal side of the sarcophagus from Viminacium, representing a part of a complex iconographical program (Fig. 3).20 169 In a similar way, Medusa’s head decorated the lid and coffin of the sarcophagus from Viminacium (Figs. 4 and 5).21 The origin of the sarcophagus can be associated with Syrian production in which Medusa masks on sarcophagi made of lead were produced under the influence of the Greek classical type of Medusa, made by famous by the Greek artist Myron, and subtle Hellenistic details.22 Among the objects of craft art, the motif of Medusa usually decorates military equipment (armour and belts) and weapons (shield boss-umbo). When the goddess 16 Dautova-Ru{evljan 1983, 46–47. Kondi} 1965, 182, 231, br. 35; Dautova Ru{evljan 1983, 46–47; Mirkovi} 1986, no 73, no 84, no 89, no 106, no 200; Spasi} 1996, 219–226; Petrovi} 1995. 18 Florescu 1930, fig. 26, 28, 39; Dragojevi}-Josifovska 1982. 19 \or|evi} 1989–1990, 133–134; 144–145, sl. 14. 20 More about this in: Pilipovi} 2007, 88–92, kat. 11, sl. 25. 21 Golubovi} 2001, 135–158; 143, kat. br. 12, sl. 13. 22 Mouterde, 1929, 238–251, no. 2; no. 5; Bertin 1974, 43–82, no inv. AO 10227; no inv. AO 17268; no inv. MNE 358; no inv. AO 24445; Chéhab 1934, 338–350, no 22, 23; Chéhab 1935, 51–72, no 24, 25. 17 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Bebina MILOVANOVI], Jelena AN\ELKOVI] GRA[AR Female Power That Protects: Examples of the Apotropaic and Decorative Functions of the Medusa in Roman Visual Culture… (167–182) Fig. 4 and 5. Head end and longitudinal side of the lead sarcophagus with the depiction of railings and heads of Medusa, from Viminacium (Documentation of the Institute of Archaeology) Sl. 4 i 5. ^eona i podu`na strana olovnog sarkofaga sa predstavom ograde i s glavama Meduze iz Viminacijuma (dokumentacija Arheolo{kog instituta) Athena put Medusa’s decapitated head on her armour, Medusa became not only the goddess’ protectress, but probably the protectress of every highly positioned military officer who had the honour and possibility to wear this parade armour on special occasions in order to attract admiration and induce intimidation. Medusa’s image decorated Agamemnon’s shield as well, on which she is depicted always in a front facing position aiming to reinforce the effect of her eyes.23 Her role of guardian and protectress was of great importance on this defensive armour, the gorgoneion was clearly meant as an apotropaism, a horror to avert horror.24 On the funerary stele of Cornelius Rufus, discovered in Viminacium, in the upper niche, a Roman soldier is depicted in short armour – a lorica with pteryges. Medusa’s head is depicted on the armour and the belt. Cornelius Rufus was a decurio augur, i.e. an alderman who was in charge of the cult. The scene within the niche of the stele with the depiction of a soldier in parade uniform and a woman, who is sending him off, may refer to the mythological encounter of Menelaus and Helen in front of Troy’s city walls.25 Unfortunately, this type of parade armour is not archaeologically confirmed and our knowledge is based on relief representations from tropaia, such as those from Gardun and Pula.26 Medusa’s head rendered with tousled hair and snakes beneath the head, can be seen as the decoration of the parade armour depicted on a bust made of silver, which represents the emperor Hadrian in military equipment (Figs. 6, 6a). The miniature silver sculpture is a copy of Hadrian’s marble busts that are kept in the Louvre, the Vatican and the National Museum in Rome.27 This finding comes from a private collection, in which many artefacts from Serbia are assembled, 170 thus giving rise to the possibility that this miniature originates from Viminacium, the city that gained the status of municipium precisely during Hadrian’s reign.28 Except on armour, Medusa’s head often decorated shield bosses, umbos, as is the case with a marble shield which has the frame decorated with vegetative motifs, while in the centre, in the location of the umbo, Medusa’s head is depicted with a laurel wreath and stylised wings on her head (Fig. 7). The elliptical shield was probably part of a statue, primarily of goddesses such as Minerva or Roma, one of whose attributes was the shield. This finding originates from Sirmium and it was found on the floor of a building, probably of a sacral type, and is dated to the period between the 1st and 2nd century.29 There are six more representations of Medusa from Sirmium. Two of them are associated with Minerva as well, on the armour of a goddess bust from the Imperial palace and on a terracotta from the site of Jupiter’s sanctuary, other two are of funerary character, stelae of Matidia from the western necropolis and a sarcophagus from the site of Beljnja~a ([id), now kept in the Sava [umanovi} Gallery, and two more represent stylised Medusa images on bronze 23 24 25 Hopkins 1934, 341. Howe 1954, 212–213. Mirkovi} 1986, 110–111, n. 73; Milovanovi} 2013, 163–166, sl. 1. 26 Sanader, Ton~ini} 2010, 33–112; 107, kat. 113; Starac 2006, 111–112, kat. 71. 27 Popovi} 2006, 10. 28 Popovi} 2006, 10–11, Cat. 1; Mirkovi} 1968, 59–60; Mirkovi} 1986, 48. 29 Popovi} 2012, 76–78. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Bebina MILOVANOVI], Jelena AN\ELKOVI] GRA[AR Female Power That Protects: Examples of the Apotropaic and Decorative Functions of the Medusa in Roman Visual Culture… (167–182) a Fig. 6. Bust of Emperor Hadrian; a) motif of Medusa, from the parade armour on the bust, from the Petrovi}-Vesi} Collection (after: Popovi} 2006, 10–11, Cat. 1) Sl. 6. Bista cara Hadrijana; a) motiv Meduze sa paradnog oklopa na bisti, iz kolekcije Petrovi}-Vesi} (prema: Popovi} 2006, 10–11, Cat. 1) shackles.30 Although two fragmented frescoes, from site 21 in Sirmium, were considered to be representations of Medusa, a recent study suggests a different identification.31 On a partly preserved bronze handle from Vin~a, which belonged to a coffin, the head of Medusa is held by a dolphin on the side, of which only the beak is preserved (Fig. 8). Medusa’s face is moulded in bronze with thick strands of hair, while on the top of her head two wings are accentuated. Based on its stylistic manner, the representation is dated to the 3rd century.32 On a circular bronze sheet from Roman Singidunum, with several openings intended for fastening and in the technique of embossing on a matrix, an image of Medusa is depicted, with large eyes and stylised curls. This object is from the layer dated to the 3rd century and probably had the function of decoration of a wooden coffin (Fig. 9).33 In the territory of present day Serbia, the only mosaic depiction of Medusa’s head, of the Hypnos-Somnus type, a medallion originating from the large triclinium of the villa with peristyle, in Mediana (Fig. 10).34 Here, Medusa is represented as Gorgoneion, with a pretty and wistful face in the tradition of classical Roman mosaic art, thus achieving an ornamental as well as prophylactic character.35 The apotropaic character of this motif can be perceived though the accompanying 171 elements of the emblem – a pigeon and fish depicted on an oval plate, indicating the combination of pagan and Christian elements, specific to a period of religious syncretism, typical of the 4th century, which is confirmed by numismatic findings dating this representation to the period between 340 and 350. If this kind of medallion was located on the floor of a triclinium which had only one passage, as is the case here, the head would be turned toward the participants of the feast in the triclinium.36 A similar Gorgoneion is depicted on a 30 About representations of Medusa from Sirmium in: Davidovi} 2009, 92–100, 31 Cf. Popovi} 2008, 25, 26; Rogi} et al. 2017, 86–95. 32 Kruni} 1997, 57–82, kat. 56. 33 Kruni} 1997, 189–229, kat. 368. 34 Jeremi} 2009, 148, sl. 6. 35 The Gorgoneion from Mediana is part of a larger mosaic which, according to the reconstruction, could have had three medallions (only the Gorgoneion is preserved), the other two medallions may have been decorated with images of Medusa’s two sisters or other scenes related to the myth of Perseus. The representation of Medusa with a round face in semi profile was developed between the 1st century BC and late 4th and 5th century AD, while the largest number of these depictions belong to the period from the 2nd to 3rd century AD. More about this representation in: Jeremi} 2009, 194–201; Jeremi} 2017, 251–260. 36 Jeremi} 2009, 194–201; Jeremi} 2017, 259–260. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Bebina MILOVANOVI], Jelena AN\ELKOVI] GRA[AR Female Power That Protects: Examples of the Apotropaic and Decorative Functions of the Medusa in Roman Visual Culture… (167–182) Fig. 7. Medusa’s head as an umbo on a marble shield, Sirmium (after: Popovi} 2012, 77, fig. 8b) Fig. 8. Bronze handle from Vin~a with Medusa depiction (after: Kruni} 1997, 57–82, kat. 56) Fig. 9. Depiction of Medusa on circlular bronze sheet from Singidunum, canabae (after: Kruni} 1997, 225, kat. 368) Sl. 7. Glava Meduze kao umbo na mermernom {titu, Sirmijum (prema: Popovi} 2012, 77, fig. 8b) Sl. 8. Bronzana dr{ka iz Vin~e sa predstavom Meduze (prema: Kruni} 1997, 57–82, kat. 56) Sl. 9. Predstava Meduze na kru`noj oplati iz Singidunuma, kanabe (prema: Kruni} 1997, 225, kat. 368) fragmented mosaic from room K (possibly a triclinium) at the late antique domus in Skelani (Municipium Malvesatium), dated to the middle of the 4th century.37 The Gorgoneion from Mediana, with the function of protecting the gateway, can be linked to twelve representations of Medusa’s head on the preserved parapets of a bronze railing that most probably stood in the apse of the triclinium of the villa with peristyle at Mediana (Fig. 11).38 The heads are depicted en face, with wide, polygonal faces, full lips, a wide nose, accentuated eyes and eyebrows, as well as hair made of snakes that surround the whole face, and with stylised wings represented above the forehead. The overall impression is that the artistic rendering of these heads contributed to the unpleasant and repellent look and, in combination with the lions’ heads also depicted on the parapets, it could be supposed that both motifs had the role of protectors of this gateway, although it is not certain what the location of the railing was in the period between the second decade and middle of the 4th century, when it was placed in the apse of triclinium, the most sacred part of this sacral space.39 The youngest object, which belongs to the early Byzantine period, is a relief Medusa’s head which is depicted on a round object with serrated edges, made of cast bronze, which was discovered in a room next to the southern street of the Upper Town in Cari~in Grad (Fig. 12).40 The Medusa’s head is of the classical shape, with grotesque features. The face is modelled plastically, the eyes are accentuated with round empty spaces, 172 while the hair is shaped with rich curls of snakes that are surrounding whole face. Regarding the character of this representation, two earlier assumptions were that Medusa’s head, with her usual apotropaic function, was placed above the entrance in a villa urbana,41 or that this object could have been a part of a shield boss (umbo).42 Both assumptions are unlikely because of the smaller dimensions of the object. As the most recent study shows, this object probably represents the lid of a container, possibly of an inkwell, since objects of this kind could have been decorated with mythological scenes.43 The decoration of the lid suggests the notion that in the early Byzantine visual culture pagan motifs were still openly used. In this case Medusa’s image was probably used because of the decorative characteristics of her representation. Its decorativeness made Medusa’s image one of the favourite motifs in the decoration of fine arts, i.e. jewellery. On the other hand, the apotropaic power of Medusa, so important for Romans, generated some sort 37 Gavrilovi} Vitas, Popovi} 2015, 197–220. Vasi} 2003–2004, 79–109. 39 Vasi} 2003–2004, 90, 104–105; Popovi} 2006, 83–84. 40 Petkovi} 1939, 148, sl. 8; Petkovi} 1948, 47, Pl. X, 3; Kondi}, Popovi} 1977, 187, T III, sl. 1; Guyon, Cardi 1984, 1, Fig. 6. 41 Petkovi} 1948, 47, Pl. X, 3. 42 Petkovi} 1939, 148, sl. 8. 43 Bavant, Ivani{evi} in print, Cat. 2033. 38 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Bebina MILOVANOVI], Jelena AN\ELKOVI] GRA[AR Female Power That Protects: Examples of the Apotropaic and Decorative Functions of the Medusa in Roman Visual Culture… (167–182) Fig. 10. Mosaic representation of Medusa from villa with peristyle, in Mediana (Documentation of the Institute of Archaeology) Fig. 11. Motif of Medusa as decoration of bronze railing from Mediana (after: Kora} et al. 2009, 212) Sl. 10. Mozai~ka predstava Meduze iz vile sa peristilom sa Medijane (dokumentacija Arheolo{kog instituta) Sl. 11. Motiv Meduze kao dekoracija na bronzanoj ogradi iz Medijane (prema: Kora} et al. 2009, 212) of personal cult, a belief in her protection, for those who used to wear jewellery adorned with this motif. Medusa was often represented on cameos for rings, earrings or medallions. However it could be said that when her image decorated jewellery, Medusa became a protectress, especially of women, since, according to the myth, her petrifying gaze did not affect women. The majority of these cameos kept in the National Museum of Belgrade and the National Museum of Po`arevac, was discovered in the territory of Moesia Superior and it is supposed that they originate from a Viminacium workshop (Figs. 13, 14).44 The schematism and simplified rendering of the cameos indicate a serial production and make the dating more difficult. Dating can only be done indirectly, based on the characteristics of the jewellery in which cameos were incorporated. Accordingly, most of these specimens are dated to the period between the end of the 2nd and first half of the 4th century.45 From the stylistic manner of Medusa’s carving, two groups are recognisable. The first is characterised by a higher relief, the details of her face and hair schematically rendered with the use of zigzag lines and parallel carvings, linearly ornamented snakes in the hair and wings on the head, suggesting the work of a local artist. The second group is charac- 173 terised by the desire of the artists to imitate Hellenistic models from the 2nd and 1st century BC. Here, the details of face and hair serve to create an impression of grace or melancholy in Medusa’s image.46 A cameo with a Medusa motif from a golden medallion (C-352) was discovered at the site of Pirivoj (Viminacium; Grave 134) in 2003 and, according to discovered coins of the Nicaea mint, is dated to the second half of the 3rd century (Fig. 15).47 The cameo is made of bluish-white opal and Medusa’s head is depicted in a higher relief. Her hair is rendered with linear carvings and the whole stylised manner of the image suggests that this cameo 44 Popovi} 1989, 12, kat. 17–29; Popovi} 1991, 54, kat. 2–3; Popovi} 1996, 58, 154; Popovi} 1997, 35, sl. 3; 44, sl. 12; Spasi}-\uri} 2003, 17. 45 Popovi} 1989, 12. 46 Popovi}, 1989, kat. 18–23 and 29; kat. 24–27. 47 The cameo was found in the grave of an inhumed deceased woman (G-134) together with a large amount of other jewellery, such as necklaces, pendants, medallions, earrings, rings, etc. Except the medallion with the cameo, which was a pendant in the third row of a necklace, all other pieces of the jewellery were placed on the right side of the chest of the deceased person. Data taken from the documentation of the Institute of Archaeology, Belgrade (project Viminacium). STARINAR LXVII/2017 Bebina MILOVANOVI], Jelena AN\ELKOVI] GRA[AR Female Power That Protects: Examples of the Apotropaic and Decorative Functions of the Medusa in Roman Visual Culture… (167–182) Fig. 12. Relief depiction of Medusa from Cari~in Grad (Documentation of the Institute of Archaeology) Fig. 13. Medallion with cameo decorated with Medusa motif, from the National Museum, Belgrade (after: Popovi} 1997, 44, sl. 12) Sl. 12. Reqefna predstava Meduze iz Cari~inog grada (dokumentacija Arheolo{kog instituta) Sl. 13. Medaqon sa kamejom ukra{enom motivom Meduze iz Narodnog muzeja u Beogradu (prema: Popovi} 1997, 44, sl. 12) Fig. 14. Medallion with cameo decorated with Medusa motif, from the site of Margum (after: D. Spasi}-\uri} 2003, 17) Fig. 15. Medallion with cameo decorated with Medusa’s image, from Viminacium (Documentation of the Institute of Archaeology) Sl. 14. Medaqon sa kamejom ukra{enom likom Meduze iz Marguma (prema: D. Spasi}-\uri} 2003, 17) Sl. 15. Medaqon sa kamejom ukra{enom Meduzinim likom iz Viminacijuma (dokumentacija Arheolo{kog instituta) 174 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Bebina MILOVANOVI], Jelena AN\ELKOVI] GRA[AR Female Power That Protects: Examples of the Apotropaic and Decorative Functions of the Medusa in Roman Visual Culture… (167–182) Fig. 16. Earrings with cameos decorated with Medusa’s image, from Viminacium (Documentation of the Institute of Archaeology) Fig. 17. Earrings with cameos decorated with Medusa’s image, from Aquae (after: Jawi} 2016, 67, kat. 8) Sl. 16. Nau{nice sa kamejama dekorisanim likovima Meduze iz Viminacijuma (dokumentacija Arheolo{kog instituta) Sl. 17. Nau{nice sa kamejama dekorisanim motivom Meduze iz Akva (prema: Jawi} 2016, 67, kat. 8) could belong to the first group, although an impression of melancholy can be seen on Medusa’s face. A pair of earrings made of gold include cameos made of white opal (C-465) decorated with Medusa images, discovered at the site of Kod Koraba (Viminacium, Grave 76) in 2007 and dated to the first half of the 3rd century, based on discovered coins of Severus Alexander (Fig. 16).48 Medusa’s head is depicted en face and in high relief. Her facial features are accentuated with sharp carvings while the hair is depicted with crossed lines around the head. A pair of gold earnings, dated to the 3rd century, from the Aquae (Prahovo) necropolis, is decorated with cameos rendered in onyx, also bearing images of Medusa. Both faces are depicted with softened, feminine facial characteristics and with an impression of melancholy (Fig. 17).49 Being a female protectress and affecting immoral behaviour, it is not surprising that the motif of Medusa was widely used as the decoration of jewellery, objects that were of special importance in lives of Roman women. It should not be overlooked that Medusa’s head surrounded by snakes in her hair, was a widely accepted symbol of divine feminine wisdom.50 Thus, the authors would consider the notion that, besides its usual amulet function, it could be supposed that respectable matrons gladly wore Medusa’s image in order to repel unwanted public gaze and represent themselves as dignified and 175 as living their everyday life according to a set of high moral principles. Fragment of the opaque brown glass with a tinge of white possess a Medusa’s head en face with snakes that are flowing down the face and with their heads above the Medusa’s forehead, depicted in relief. The background is fragmented and it is hard to distinguish whether there was some sort of appliqué that decorated the glass vessel or if it was phalera, part of some military decoration (Fig. 18).51 One should not neglect the possibility that it was a part of some jewellery, given that expensive precious stones were replaced with cheaper glass. Thus, it could be supposed that this fragment of relief rendered glass was a substitute for a cameo embedded into a medallion. Although it is unknown the real function of this glass object, as the site is unknown, based on the stylistic treatment and the material, the object could belong to the wider chronological 48 The earrings were found on the right side of the skull within the inhumation grave of a deceased woman (G–76) with other pieces of jewellery such as a bronze ring and pearls made of jet and gilded paste. Data taken from the documentation of the Institute of Archaeology, Belgrade (project Viminacium). 49 Jawi} 2016, 67, kat. 8. 50 Walker 1983, 629, 1002. 51 Popovi} 2006, 95, Cat. 41. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Bebina MILOVANOVI], Jelena AN\ELKOVI] GRA[AR Female Power That Protects: Examples of the Apotropaic and Decorative Functions of the Medusa in Roman Visual Culture… (167–182) Fig. 18. Fragment of opaque brown glass – appliqué decorated with Medusa’s head (After: Popovi} 2006, 95, Cat. 41) Sl. 18. Fragment tamnog, braon stakla ukra{enog Meduzinom glavom (prema: Popovi} 2006, 95, Cat. 41) framework from the end of the 1st to the end of the 3rd century.52 The popularity of motifs such as Medusa suggests strong associations with the iconography of various artistic media or with the decoration of objects with a utilitarian character. Thus, the motif of Medusa often decorated oil lamps, which would suggest that Medusa’s characteristics were an important part of cult practices, both in terrestrial and sepulchral spheres of life i.e. the afterlife, depending on the ritual function of the lamp itself.53 Echoes of Medusa in Serbian folk tradition The motif of Medusa continued to be present in the visual culture of later times, inspiring numerous artists since the Renaissance, it was important symbol in pop culture and design, as well as in various feminist movements. In the territory of the Central Balkans, her image is strongly associated with Christianity and reuse of her depiction from ancient spolia. In Serbian folk tradition two legends contribute to the fact that Medusa’s image continues to be visually and symbolically present as the decoration of the walls of two orthodox monasteries – Rukumija and Nimnik (near the modern city of Po`arevac which is located in the vicinity of ancient Viminacium).54 Namely, during restoration works on the monastery, at the beginning of the 19th century (1825), two tympana of funerary steles with a depiction of Medusa were reused as spolia on the facades of the monasteries of Rukumija and Nimnik (Figs. 19 and 176 20).55 In the Serbian old folk song named: “Bog nikome du`an ne ostaje (God owes no one)”, which is recorded thanks to the work of Vuk Stefanovi} Karad`i}, the tragic fate of a girl named Jelica is described in a story that tells that her brothers Pavle and Radul tied her to a horses tail and, thus, she was pulled apart.56 According to the legend, at the place where her arm (“ruka” in Serbian) fell off, the monastery Rukumija was built. The depiction of Medusa’s head between two pigeons within the tympanum and horsemen within the akroteria of a Roman stele made of marble, are not by accident included in the south-western wall of the monastery, just below the cornice. The head of this female face was accepted as a personification of the unfortunate Jelica, 52 The object is part of the private collection of Petrovi}-Vesi}, which was collected during the 20th century and comprises various objects from several locations (Sremska Mitrovica, Po`arevac, Ni{, Para}in or Zaje~ar). For the majority of objects the context of finding is not known, see in: Popovi} 2006. 53 About the associations in iconography in: Kuzmanovi} Novovi} 2013, 72–73; cf. Kruni} 2011, kat. 189; About the usage of oil lamps in rituals and the cult of death in: Crnobrwa 2006, 101–108. 54 Cuwak 1996; Obradovi} 2007. 55 Milovanovi} 2009, 99–107. It is supposed that these tympani belonged to steles that originated from the Viminacium necropolises, where some identical specimens were discovered. The proximity of these monasteries and the ancient site of Viminacium confirm this fact, as well as plenty of building materials from the ancient times which were used for building or paving these monasteries. 56 Karaxi} 1985, 20–23. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Bebina MILOVANOVI], Jelena AN\ELKOVI] GRA[AR Female Power That Protects: Examples of the Apotropaic and Decorative Functions of the Medusa in Roman Visual Culture… (167–182) Fig. 19. Tympanum of Roman stelae as spolia in the Rukumija Monastery (photo. B. Milovanovi}) Fig. 20. Tympanum of Roman stelae as spolia in the Nimnik Monastery (photo. B. Milovanovi}) Sl. 19. Zabat rimske stele kao spolija u manastiru Rukumija (foto: B. Milovanovi}) Sl. 20. Zabat stele kao spolija iz manastira Nimnik (foto: B. Milovanovi}) while the horsemen were comprehended as her brothers. Another fragmented tympanum of a Roman stele with Medusa’s head is included in the lower part of the southern wall of the monastery of Nimnik. This monastery’s name is associated with the legend of a girl who was tortured by Hajduks (Balkan bandits, brigands) in order to force her to reveal the secret of the location of the former monastery of St. Nicolas. As she was replying in, the Vlach language, that she knew nothing “IO NU SCIU NJIMIK”, they killed her and, subsequently, the St. Nicolas monastery acquired the name of Nimnik.57 The memory of the unfortunate girl was revived with the gentle and subtle face of Medusa. This being, of an apotropaic character, was accepted into the Christian world, owing to the folk tradition, as a triumph of justice, repentance and the punishment of a culprit, by aligning pagan and Christian religious ideas. Conclusion Based on what has been said, it can be concluded that Medusa’s image, during the Roman and even later times, retained its primary character, apropos its apotropaic characteristics. Medusa was a being of magical nature, whose origin dates back to prehistoric times, when she was worshiped as a goddess of nature and has since been connected with aspects of fertility and protection.58 Thus, snakes, as ever present symbols of fertility, remain dominant in the visualisation of Medusa’s image, sometimes realistically represented or just suggested with stylised curls of her hair.59 In the myth and then as an emblem of her aegis, Medusa continued to be associated with the goddess Athena. 177 Represented in architectural mosaics and sepulchral monuments, as well as in artiminori and craft art of a military character, Medusa had the role to frighten and distract all enemies and evil-minded people. Although her image has experienced transformations from demonic to the nice and melancholic face during the antiquity, the presence of Medusa’s motif in Christian times could be considered in various ways; the decorativeness of the representation, the popularity of the motif or, sometimes, even the continuous belief in her protection. Associations between ancient and Christian images can easily be recognised, as in the case of the use of many Gorgoneions in the depiction on the railing from the lead sarcophagus from Viminacium and the Gorgoneions represented on the railing from Mediana. Also the use of clearly Christian symbols within compositions with Medusa is known, not only in the mosaic from Mediana, but in other examples as well. Depictions of snake-like Gorgons are painted on the vault of the Mausoleum of Claudius Hermes (S. Sebastiano) and on the ceiling of the cubiculum of the Telus hypogeum in the Via Dino Compagni. Within these spaces, the motif of Medusa corresponds with figures of Pastor Bonus and Orans. In such a fluid context, which represents the evolutive process of pagan motifs, it is easy to recognise modifications of antique classical figures which result from contact with Christian images.60 The reuse of Medusa’s 57 58 59 60 Obradovi} 2007, 293–294. Frothingham 1911, 349–377. About Medusa with snakes in: Jeremi} 2017, 255. Fiocchi Nicolai et al. 2002, 103, 120, figs. 116, 117. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Bebina MILOVANOVI], Jelena AN\ELKOVI] GRA[AR Female Power That Protects: Examples of the Apotropaic and Decorative Functions of the Medusa in Roman Visual Culture… (167–182) image in Christian monuments, as is the case in Serbian folk tradition, is also known, even in the Christian capital of Constantinople. Two massive stone blocks carved with colossal heads of Medusa were probably reused for the bases of two columns in the northwest corner of the Basilica Cistern, one of them upside down and the other on its side, most likely deliberately positioned so. Although their origin is unknown, the provenance of these intricately carved column pedestals could be associated with ruined monumental structures. The columns with the colossal heads of a pair of Gorgons could have come from a nymphaeum, a kind of monumental Roman fountain that existed in the city, including a Nymphaeum Maius that stood in the Forum of Theodosios.61 The reasons for such a reuse of ancient monuments within a Christian context can be traced in theological interpretations of the phenomena of using ancient spolia in early Byzantium, as a sign of the victory of the Church over paganism and the glorification of the new religion in the city, whose citizens would be reminded of the defeat of pagan ideology. Although pagan statues were powerful manifestations of ancient culture, they could be Christianised regarding their artistic values as well as their allegoric significance.62 However, Medusa’s face, as a lovely woman depicted on jewellery carried by women, had an additional feature, most of all associated with the protection of the gentle female being and often could be considered as signifying the guarding of chastity and rectitude of the respectable Roman matrons. Among the numerous graves discovered at the Viminacium necropolises, jewellery decorated with the image of Medusa is exclusively associated with female burials, i.e. it was found within women’s and girls’ graves, while there is not one from younger children’s graves. This could lead to the opinion that Medusa’s image was not intended as child protection, unlike various objects of an apotropaic character, such as a phallus, shells, bells or pearls with an evil eye.63 Thus, this special method of protection was important for Roman women, suggesting the relationship between the subject, the one who observes and the object, the one who is observed. This relationship was not only present in the everyday life of a woman, but was based on the myth of Perseus and Medusa. Every female image, whether it was an empress, an ordinary woman or a goddess, depended on the perception of the viewer. Thus, the viewer had active, dominant role, while the objects of the observation were passive. This kind of a relationship, in terms of a male gaze toward a female appearance, loses its masculine dominant sense in the case of Gorgon–Medusa, whose gaze could petrify them, thus reflecting a fear of the female generative power – gynophobia.64 Since images and acts of female beautification could be considered as the paradigm of this access to the objectification of a woman as an object of male desire within the patriarchal Roman social structure, it is not surprising that matrons tried to refuse objectification and sought the protection of a powerful symbol, such as Medusa.65 On the other hand, social norms regarding the look of respectable matron were strict and fashionable hair styles, made with hair pins, nets, veils or bands, suggest various ways of controlling their hair and curls, possibly with the aim of eliminating any resemblance with the frightful Medusa image.66 Translated by Jelena An|elkovi} Gra{ar Starinar is an Open Access Journal. All articles can be downloaded free of charge and used in accordance with the licence Creative Commons – Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 3.0 Serbia (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/rs/). ^asopis Starinar je dostupan u re`imu otvorenog pristupa. ^lanci objavqeni u ~asopisu mogu se besplatno preuzeti sa sajta ~asopisa i koristiti u skladu sa licencom Creative Commons – Autorstvo-Nekomercijalno-Bez prerada 3.0 Srbija (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/rs/). 61 62 63 64 65 66 178 More about this in: Bogdanovi} 2008, 2/4. Saradi 1997, 401–402. Milovanovi} 2017, 95–122. Irwin 2007, 13–23. Devereaux 1990, 337–347. Bartman 2001, 3. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Bebina MILOVANOVI], Jelena AN\ELKOVI] GRA[AR Female Power That Protects: Examples of the Apotropaic and Decorative Functions of the Medusa in Roman Visual Culture… (167–182) BIBLIOGRAPHY: Sources: Fulg., Myth. I . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 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Milovanovi} 2017 – B. Milovanovi}, Inhumacija djece na nekropoli Vi{e grobalja anti~kog Viminacija/Skeletal graves of children from the Necropolis Vi{e grobalja of ancient Viminacium, Vjesnik arheolo{kog muzeja u Zagrebu 49 (2016), 2017, 95–122. Mirkovi} 1968 – M. Mirkovi}, Rimski gradovi na Dunavu u Gornjoj Meziji, Beograd 1968. Mirkovi} 1986 – M. Mirkovi}, Inscriptiones de la Moesia Superieure,Vol. II, Viminacium et Margum, Beograd 1986. Morford, Lenardon 1999 – M. P. O. Morford, R. J. Lenardon, Classical Mythology, New York, Oxford, 1999, 273. Mouterde 1929 – R. P. R. Mouterde, Sarcophages de plomb trouve an Syria, Syria revue d’art Oriental et d’archéologie X, Paris 1929, 238–251. Obradovi} 2007 – R. M. Obradovi}, Crkve i manastiri Homoqa, Mlave i Stiga, Po`arevac 2007 (reprint izdawe) (R. M. Obradovi}, Crkve i manastiri Homolja, Mlave i Stiga, Po`arevac 2007 (reprint izdanje)). Petkovi} 1939 – B. R. 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Pilipovi}, Mit i ljubav: predstave na nadgrobnim spomenicima rimske provincije Gornje Mezije, Beograd 2007). Rogi} et al. 2017 – D. Rogi}, B. Popovi}, I. Popovi}, M. Jesreti}, Wall Painting of Sirmium, I Public and residential structures next to the northern city rampart (site 21), Belgrade: Institute of Archaeology, 2017. Popovi} 2006 – A. V. Popovi}, Deities on bronze railing from Mediana in the light of theology of Julian the Apostate, Ni{ i Vizantija IV, 2006, 81–93. Sanader, Ton~ini} 2010 – M. Sanader, D. Ton~ini}, Gardun – Anti~ki Tilurium, u: Radman Livaja, I. (ur.), Nalazi rimske vojne opreme u Hrvatskoj, katalog izlo`be, Zagreb 2010, 33–112. Popovi} 1989 – I. Popovi}, Rimske kameje u Narodnom muzeju u Beogradu, Narodni muzej, Beograd 1989 (I. Popovi}, Rimske kameje u Narodnom muzeju u Beogradu, Narodni muzej, Beograd 1989). Saradi 1997 – H. Saradi, The use of Ancient Spolia in Byzantine Monuments: The Archaeological and Literary Evidence, International Journal of the Classical Tradition, Vol. 3, No. 4, 1997, 395–423. Popovi} 1991 – I. Popovi}, Rimske kameje iz Narodnog muzeja u Po`arevcu, Viminacivm 6, 1991, 53–68 (I. Popovi}, Rimske kameje iz Narodnog muzeja u Po`arevcu, Viminacivm 6, 1991, 53–68). Spasi} 1996 – D. Spasi}, Primer arheolo{kog traga u etnografskoj gra|i iz okoline Po`arevca, Glasnik SAD 12, 1996, 219–226 (D. Spasi}, Primer arheolo{kog traga u etnografskoj gra|i iz okoline Po`arevca, Glasnik SAD 12, 1996, 219–226). Popovi} 1996 – I. Popovi}, Rimski nakit u narodnom muzeju u Beogradu. II Zlatan nakit. Les bijoux romains du Musée national de Belgrade. II Le bijoux d’or, Beograd 1996. Popovi} 1997 – I. Popovi}, Remek-dela rimskih zlatara: Zbirka Narodnog muzeja u Beogradu, Beograd 1997 (I. Popovi}, Remek-dela rimskih zlatara: Zbirka Narodnog muzeja u Beogradu, Beograd 1997). Spasi}-\uri} 2003 – D. Spasi}-\uri}, Margum, Die römische Städt-Margum, Po`arevac 2003. Starac 2006 – A. Starac, Reljefni prikazi na rimskim nadgrobnim spomenicima u Arheolo{kom muzeju Istre u Puli, Pula 2006. Popovi} 2006 – I. Popovi}, Roma aeterna inter Savum et Danubium, Works of Roman Art from the Petrovi}-Vesi} Collection, Belgrade 2006. Vasi} 1973 – M. R.Vasi}, Nadgrobni spomenici (stele i cipusi) u rimskoj provinciji Dalmaciji od I do IV veka n. e., Unpublished doctoral thesis, Faculty of Philosophy University of Belgrade, Beograd 1973. Popovi} 2008 – I. Popovi}, Figuralno zidno slikarstvo Sirmijuma, Beograd 2008. Vasi} 2003–2004 – M. Vasi}, Bronze railing from Mediana, Starinar 53–54, 2003–2004, 79–109. Popovi} 2012 – I. Popovi}, Sirmium, Mermerne skulpture, Marble Sculptures, Beograd – Sremska Mitrovica, 2012. Walker 1983 – B. G. Walker, The women’s encyclopedia of myths and secrets, San Francisco 1983. Popovi} 1994 – Q. B. Popovi}, Anti~ka gr~ka zbirka, Beograd 1994 (Lj. B. Popovi}, Anti~ka gr~ka zbirka, Beograd 1994). 181 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Bebina MILOVANOVI], Jelena AN\ELKOVI] GRA[AR Female Power That Protects: Examples of the Apotropaic and Decorative Functions of the Medusa in Roman Visual Culture… (167–182) Rezime: BEBINA MILOVANOVI], Arheolo{ki institut, Beograd JELENA AN\ELKOVI] GRA[AR, Arheolo{ki institut, Beograd @ENSKA MO] KOJA [TITI: PRIMERI APOTROPEJSKOG I DEKORATIVNOG KARAKTERA MEDUZE U RIMSKOJ VIZUELNOJ KULTURI NA PROSTORU CENTRALNOG BALKANA Kqu~ne re~i. – Meduza, Gorgona, za{tita, rimska vizuelna kultura, umetnost, centralni Balkan, `ene. Meduza ili Gorgona imala je tokom anti~kog perioda u rimskoj vizuelnoj umetnosti za{titni~ki, ali i izrazit dekorativni karakter. Weno poreklo treba tra`iti me|u praistorijskim bogiwama prirode, te stoga nije neuobi~ajena wena bliskost sa bogiwama kao {to su Bogiwa Majka, Rea, Kibela, Demetra ili materinska Artemida. Meduza je od arhajskog do kasnoanti~kog perioda do`ivela brojne transformacije koje se mogu tretirati kao jedinstveni primerak evolucije lika. Demonsko bi}e {iroke glave sa nagla{enom bradom, velikim ustima i ispla`enim jezikom prerasta tokom helenisti~kog perioda u `enu izuzetne lepote sa diskretno nazna~enim zmijama u kosi ili sa samo nagove{tenim rogovima na glavi. U pojedinim eshatolo{ko-filozofskim pravcima razli~ito je tuma~ena wena uloga. Prema orfi~arima, Meduza se nalazila na vratima pakla i tretirana je u okviru mese~evog kulta. Prema pitagorejcima imala je ulogu da hrabri qude na wihovom putu preko Okeana do ostrva Bla`enih. Za stoi~are, Meduza je bila personifikacija straha kojeg pobe|uje mitski junak Persej. Gorgonin pogled imao je za ciq da ubije pohotqive, `ivotiwske nagone kod qudi, dok je kod mu{karaca obuzdavao wihovu mu{kost, ali nije imao efekta na `ene. Tokom rimske epohe, u arhitektonskoj i sitnoj, zanatskoj umetnosti Meduza je iskqu~ivo predstavqana kao lepa `ena sa diskretnim zmijama u kosi i s krilima na glavi. Najzastupqenija je na spomenicima funerarnog karaktera (stele i 182 sarkofazi), na kojima je zadr`ala prvobitni karakter „one koja posmatra”, {titi i zastra{uje sve potencijalne uni{titeqe groba. Glava Meduze na mozaiku iz ulaza u triklinijum vile sa peristilom u Medijani ima funkciju za{tite prolaza. Me|u predmetima sitne zanatske umetnosti, Meduza uglavnom krasi vojni~ku opremu (oklop) i oru`je (umbo {tita). U tim situacijama, lik Meduze imao je za ciq da {titi vojnika od svih neda}a, a pre svega od pogibije. Apotropejska mo} Meduze bila je za Rimqane toliko zna~ajna da je predstava glave Meduze postala deo nekakvog li~nog kulta, jer je no{ena u okviru nakita, pa je ~esto bila dekoracija kameja i gema na prstewu, nau{nicama i medaqonima. Lik qupke `ene na nakitu namewenom `enama ima jedno dodatno svojstvo, koje je pre svega vezano za za{titu ne`nog `enskog bi}a, jer, kao {to se saznaje iz mita o Perseju, Meduza je zastra{ivala mu{karce, a nikako `ene, te se stoga mo`e tretirati i kao za{titnica `ena. U narodnoj tradiciji Srba zabele`ene su dve legende zahvaquju}i kojima je lik Meduze nastavio svoj vizuelni i simboli~ki `ivot na zidovima pravoslavnih manastira Rukumija i Nimnik (kod Po`arevca) – dva zabata nadgrobnih stela sa glavom Meduze upotrebqena su kao spolije na fasadama navedenih manastira. Bi}e apotropejskog karaktera je tako, preko narodne tradicije, prihva}eno u hri{}anskom svetu kao trijumf pravde, pokajawa i ka`wavawa krivaca, usagla{avaju}i pagansko sa hri{}anskim religioznim idejama. STARINAR LXVII/2017 UDC: 902.2:572.7(497.11)"11/12" 904:726.8"653"(497.11) https://doi.org/10.2298/STA1767183D Original research article KSENIJA \UKI], Institute of Anatomy, Laboratory for Anthropology, Belgrade DRAGANA VULOVI], Belgrade NATA[A MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI], Institute of Archaeology, Belgrade THE CASE OF THE PREGNANT WOMAN FROM THE MEDIEVAL SITE OF “PREKO SLATINE” IN OMOLJICA e-mail: ksenja.djukic@gmail.com Abstract – The paper presents the case of the pregnant woman discovered at the medieval necropolis of “Preko Slatine” in Omoljica, a village near Pan~evo. The necropolis is dated to the period of the 12th–13th century AD. It deals with a woman aged 25–30 (probably around 28 years old) in the advanced stages of pregnancy, discovered in grave No. 13. This paper presents the possible conditions that led to the death of this woman, but also the problems faced by anthropologists when they attempt to resolve individual cases like this. In paleodemographic research, the mortality rate of pregnant woman is an important element of a population’s progress. Pregnant woman mortality is considered an adequate criterion for the social and sanitation conditions of a community and a sensitive indicator of health care and, sometimes, the skill level possessed by midwives or doctors. Key words – South-western Banat, Medieval necropolis, 12th–13th century AD, advanced pregnancy. T he skeletal remains of pregnant women are rarely discovered at archaeological sites. Even in professional literature, a relatively small number of such cases are recorded.1 The reasons for this are numerous. Namely, the level of preservation of bones depends on two groups of factors. The first group consists of factors archaeologists have no influence on, such as: disappearance of bones due to disturbances in the soil (erosion) or due to ploughing; chemical composition of the soil, i.e. soil acidity, microbial activity in the soil, the presence of water and soil temperature; natural resistance to destruction of different groups of bones (bones of foetuses, young individuals and older persons are more prone to decay); funeral practices, with regard to whether the de- ceased are buried carefully or not, intensity of burials (inhumation of newly deceased in old cemeteries), whether the graves were marked or not, the existence of grave constructions, whether or not mother and child were buried together after a birth with a fatal outcome, whether the deceased were mummified or not etc.; looting and destruction of graves and grave constructions, and many other factors.2 1 Sjóvold et al. 1974; Hawkes, Wells 1975; Wells 1978; Owsley, Bradtmiller 1983, Pounder et al. 1983, Persson, Persson 1984, Högberg et al. 1987, Augustí, Codina 1992; Pol et al. 1992; Campillo et al. 1998; Malgosa et al. 2004; Sequí et al. 2005, Flores, Sánchez 2007, Cruz, Codinha 2010, Willis, Oxenham 2011, etc. 2 Miladinovi} 2006, 15–17. The article results from the projects: Functional, functionalized and advanced nano materials (No III 45005), Romanization, urbanization and transformation of urban centers of civil, military and residential character in Roman provinces on the territory of Serbia (No. 177007) and Urbanization processes and development of medieval society (No. 177021), funded by the Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development of the Republic of Serbia. 183 Manuscript received 21st December 2016, accepted 10th May 2017 Ksenija \UKI], Dragana VULOVI], Nata{a MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI] The Case of the Pregnant Woman from the Medieval Site of “Preko Slatine” in Omoljica (183–196) Map 1. Location of Omoljica and the Medieval site of “Preko Slatine”, with the position of the Republic of Serbia in Europe Karta 1. Lokacija Omoqice i sredwovekovnog nalazi{ta „Preko Slatine” na karti sa polo`ajem Republike Srbije u Evropi The second group of factors relates to the excavation itself and techniques that archaeologists are able to control to a certain degree. The procedures during excavations of human remains at archaeological sites follow a certain pattern: first, the outer layer of soil is removed, followed by “rough” surface cleaning of the skeleton. It is then photographed, documented and removed from the soil. This is when the physical damage of skeletons occurs, as well as the failure to recognise bone fragments in the soil (bones of foetuses can be mistaken for hand bones if the deceased mother’s hands were clasped over the stomach).3 Unfortunately, it happens every so often that bones are damaged in museums after the excavations due to: inadequate “temporary” storage containers, high humidity and temperature fluctuations in rooms where human osteological material is kept. These are mostly attics and basements, as opposed to depots with adequate conditions, etc. As a result of all the above stated, we believe it is necessary to present the case of the pregnant woman 184 discovered in grave No. 13 at the site of “Preko Slatine” (Figs. 1–4).4 Archaeological context The village of Omoljica is situated in south-western Banat, 12 km southeast of Pan~evo. The archaeological site of “Preko Slatine” is located deep inside the village, around 5 km northeast of the village centre (Map 1). The site is located on the right bank of the channelled and now almost dry riverbed of Slatina. Its position (about 81 m above sea level) is on an elevation, 3–4 m 3 Ibid., 17. We express our thanks to our colleagues D. Radi~evi} (Faculty of Philosophy, University of Belgrade) and V. \or|evi} (National Museum of Pan~evo) for providing us with the archaeological documentation and photographs (Figs. 1–3), and our colleage, N. Dimovski (Municipal Museum of Subotica) for her assistance during archaeological interpretation and photography Fig. 4. Also, we express our gratitude to M. Radmilovi} for the map of the site (Map 1.) and for the post-production of all illustrations (Figs. 1–4). 4 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Ksenija \UKI], Dragana VULOVI], Nata{a MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI] The Case of the Pregnant Woman from the Medieval Site of “Preko Slatine” in Omoljica (183–196) Fig. 1. Grave No. 13, the lower part of the pregnant woman’s skeleton and the dislocated bones of other individuals (archaeological campaign in 2005) Fig. 2. Grave No. 13, the upper part of the pregnant woman’s skeleton (archaeological campaign in 2006); it can be seen that the digging of grave No. 13 damaged grave No. 67 Sl. 1. Grob br. 13, dowi deo skeleta trudne `ene sa dislociranim kostima drugih individua (arheolo{ka kampawa 2005. godine) Sl. 2. Grob br. 13, gorwi deo skeleta trudne `ene (arheolo{ka kampawa 2006. godine); na slici se vidi da je grob br. 13 ukopom o{tetio grob br. 67 higher than the current bank of the Slatina. During the archaeological excavations that were carried out in 2005 and 2006 at the site of “Preko Slatina”, a medieval church and a necropolis were discovered,5 among other things. The church was built over the existing necropolis. Most likely, it was built in the last decades of the 12th century or early 13th century. Archaeologists believe that it was in use until the Mongol invasion in the mid 13th century, after which it was demolished and, presumably, never rebuilt.6 No burials were observed inside the church.7 A total of 158 graves were discovered at the necropolis. Skeletons were discovered at relative depths of 0.56–1.54 m.8 Skeletons of children were somewhat more shallow, at depths of 0.56–1.14 m, whereas the skeletons of adults were registered at depths of 0.67–1.54 m.9 The deceased were interred without a coffin, in grave pits (rectangular, rectangular with rounded edges, and rarely trapezoidal or ovoid), without any grave constructions,10 laid on their back with their hands clasped on the stomach, chest or shoulders, or with hands resting next to the body. The graves are 185 mostly oriented in a southwest-northeast direction, with larger and smaller deviations, mainly matching the orientation of the church.11 In addition to individual 5 \or|evi} et al. 2006, 159. Katalog izlo`be, Pan~evo 2007, 15. 7 \or|evi} et al. 2007, 188. 8 Katalog izlo`be, Pan~evo 2007, 13. 9 \or|evi} et al. 2007, 188. 10 The exceptions from the first campaign in 2005 are grave No. 13, where two bricks were placed sideways beside the feet of the deceased, as well as graves No. 11 and No. 15, where the charred remains of wooden flooring upon which the deceased were laid were discovered beneath the skeletons (\or|evi} et al. 2006, 162). Several more graves with bricks placed sideways were discovered during the campaign of 2006 (by the head and feet, and near the torso, femur or tibiae), with remains of wooden boards (along the edge of the pit, along the whole length of the deceased or his upper body and over the bones), but also with the presence of soot and the remains of charred wood (they were discovered at the bottom of the pit, covering the entire surface and serving as flooring onto which the deceased was laid). Several iron cramps were discovered in this campaign, but with only one skeleton, confirming he was buried in a coffin (\or|evi} et al. 2007, 188, 189). 6 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Ksenija \UKI], Dragana VULOVI], Nata{a MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI] The Case of the Pregnant Woman from the Medieval Site of “Preko Slatine” in Omoljica (183–196) Fig. 3. Grave No. 13, foetal skeletal remains inside the pelvis Fig. 4. Grave No. 13, pregnant woman’s maxilla (periodontal disease, calculus and periapical cystic cavity) Sl. 3. Grob br. 13, skeletni ostaci fetusa u karlici Sl. 4. Grob br. 13, maksile trudne `ene (parodontopatija, kamenac i periapikalna cisti~na {upqina) burials, a large number of dislocated human bones were registered.12 The positioning of the graves relative to each, as well as a large number of finds (coins, jewellery and fragments of clothing), mostly next to dislocated bones, points to the conclusion that this necropolis had at least two burial layers. A younger, more frequent burial layer was from the time when the church was still in use. When grave finds are also taken into consideration, it appears that not only do these two burial layers not display significant differences, but that they are chronologically close as well.13 Material During the campaign in 2005, a pregnant woman was discovered in grave No. 13 (Figs. 1 and 3). It was exhumed approximately 2.5–2.6 m south of the southwestern corner of the church. The digging of grave No. 13 damaged grave No. 67, so it can be concluded that grave No. 13 was part of the younger burials in the necropolis (Fig. 2). The deceased was placed in a rectangular pit with rounded edges, at a depth of 1.52 m. The preserved length of the skeleton was 1.17 m. Fragments of two bricks were placed sideways at her feet. The grave was oriented west-east with a deviation of 43 ° to the south. The deceased was laid on her back, with her right arm bent at the elbow and laid down on the chest and the left arm, also bent at the elbow, was placed on her stomach (Figs. 1–3). The only discovered grave find was a silver coin (silver Denarius), 1.1 cm in diameter, 186 minted during the reign of Bela III (1172–1196) or Bela IV (1235–1270).14 Methodological framework During the sex determination on the skeletal material of this adult, we opted for the combination of morphological and metric methods. Special attention was given to the morphological elements of the skull and pelvis, and the operating procedure was taken from European anthropologists,15 and Buikstra and Ubelaker.16 We also observed morphological and metric elements when analysing other postcranial bones of the skeleton. The morphological elements that caught our attention were the level of development of: tuberositas deltoideae, tuberositas radii and margo interosseus (of the radius), 11 \or|evi} et al. 2006, 162; \or|evi} et al. 2007, 189; Katalog izlo`be, Pan~evo 2007, 13. 12 A high intensity of burials is often encountered near religious objects, i.e., interring new deceased into old cemeteries. During analyses, anthropologists often observe traces of so-called old fractures that occurred when moving some bones or entire skeletons aside to make room for the new burial. Skeletons may have been moved aside carefully or recklessly. Thus, for example, a group of bones of at least three adult individuals was noted to the right of grave No. 13, as along with the dislocated bones of an adult individual inside the grave, Infans I and Infans II (Figs. 1 and 2). 13 \or|evi} et al. 2007, 191. 14 Katalog izlo`be, Pan~evo 2007, 34. 15 Ferembach et al. 1980, 519–527. 16 Buikstra, Ubelaker 1994, 15–21. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Ksenija \UKI], Dragana VULOVI], Nata{a MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI] The Case of the Pregnant Woman from the Medieval Site of “Preko Slatine” in Omoljica (183–196) Grave No. 13 Individual I CRANIAL SKELETON (CM) POSTCRANIAL SKELETON (CM) PRIMAL CRANIAL MEASUREMENTS Maximum cranial length (g-op) Maximum cranial width (eu-eu) Basion/bregma height (ba-b) Cranial Index Cranial LengthHeight Index Cranial WidthHeight Index Mean Height Index Approximate Cranial Size Porion-bregma height Basion-porion height Mean PorionHeight Index Index of Flatness of the Cranial Base Minimum frontal width (ft-ft) Fronto-Parietal Index Bazion-prostion length Bazion-nasion length Prognathic Index FACIAL SKELETON Total facial height (n-gn) Upper facial height (n-alv) Facial width (bizygomatic width) (zy-zy) Total Facial Index Upper facial Index NOSE Nasal height (n-ns) Nasal width (al-al) Nasal Index ORBITS* Orbital height Orbital width (mf-ec) Orbital Index - MAXILLA Maxilloalveolar length (palatal length) (pr-alv) Maxilloalveolar width (palatal width) (ecm-ecm) Maxilloalveolar Index PALATE Palatal width Palatal length Palatal Index 5.30 - - MANDIBLE Mandibular length Bicondylar width (cdl-cdl) Bigonial width (go-go) Height of ascending ramus Minimum width of ascending ramus Height of mandibular symphysis (gn-idi) Thickness of mandibular body Height of mandibular body Mandibular Index Mandibular Body Robusticity Index Mandibular Ramus Index Frontomandibular Index - 2.60 ATLAS Maximum diameter - SACRUM Maximum anterior height Maximum anterior width Sacral Index - STERNUM Manubrium height Manubrium width Mesosternum length Mesosternum width Width of I sternebra Width of II sternebra Width of III sternebra Width of IV sternebra - SCAPULA* Spine length Length of supraspinosus line Glenoid cavity length Maximum length Maximum width Scapular Index - CLAVICLE* Maximum length Circumference at middle of bone Claviculohumeral Index Robustness Index 3.60 - Bones marked with * have two measurements, the upper is for the right, and the lower is for the left side of the body * vrednosti su date prvo za desnu, a potom i za levu stranu Table 1. Measurements and indices of cranial and postcranial skeleton Tabela 1. Mere i indeksi na kranijalnom i postkranijalnom skeletu 187 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Ksenija \UKI], Dragana VULOVI], Nata{a MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI] The Case of the Pregnant Woman from the Medieval Site of “Preko Slatine” in Omoljica (183–196) POSTCRANIAL SKELETON (CM) Grave No. 13 Individual I HUMERUS* Maximum length Maximum diameter midshaft (a/m pr.) Minimum diameter midshaft Maximum diameter of the head Smallest circumference of the shaft Biepicondylar width Articular width Robusticity Index Cross-Section Index Radiohumeral Index 27.00 2.00 2.00 1.60 1.70 3.70 5.80 5.70 5.00 21.11 80.00 85.00 71.11 RADIUS* Maximum length Physiological length A-p midshaft diameter M-l midshaft diameter Smallest circumference of the shaft Maximum distal width The Length-Thickness Index Cross-Section Index The LengthWidth Index 19.20 - ULNA* Maximum length Physiological length Smallest circumference of the shaft Caliber Index 21.20 3.00 - FEMUR* Maximum length Bicondylar (physiological) length Subtrochanteric a-p diameter Subtrochanteric m-l diameter A-p midshaft diameter M-l midshaft diameter Maximum diameter of the head Circumference of the midshaft Bicondylar width Collo-diaphyseal angle ( :130-144°; :110°) Condylo-diaphyseal angle Robusticity Index Pilastric Index Platymeric Index 2.20 2.20 2.90 3.00 2.10 2.20 2.20 2.30 7.20 7.20 6.60 95.45 95.65 75.86 platymeric 73.33 hyperplatym. TIBIA* Maximum length Physiological length A-p diameter (nut. foramen) M-l diameter (nut. foramen) Circumference at the nutrient foramen Proximal width Distal width Smallest circumference of the shaft The Length-Width Index Platycnemic Index 30.30 30.40 2.90 2.90 1.70 1.80 7.70 7.60 58.62 platycnemic 62.07 platycnemic FIBULA* Maximum length Smallest circumference of the shaft The Length-Width Index - Table 2. Measurements and indices of the postcranial skeleton Tabela 2. Mere i indeksi na postkranijalnom skeletu 188 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Ksenija \UKI], Dragana VULOVI], Nata{a MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI] The Case of the Pregnant Woman from the Medieval Site of “Preko Slatine” in Omoljica (183–196) tuberositas ulnae and margo interosseus (of the ulna), linea aspera and tuberositas tibiae. Metric elements play a much greater role in determining the sex on postcranial skeletal remains, so we paid them special attention. Indices based on the obtained metric elements are shown in the tables, especially regarding the right and left side of the body (Tables 1 and 2). Metric elements and the related cranial bone indices of the skeleton are shown in Table 1. The age of the adult individual was established on the basis of: the degree of obliteration of the cranial sutures (using the Vallois’s principle);17 the modifications in the maxillary teeth (the changes in the denture occlusal surface were compared with the numerical classification of the erosion of the upper surface of all teeth according to the individual age, as formulated by Lovejoy);18 the morphological changes at the sternal rib ends (the examined features include: metamorphosis of the pit depth and shape and the pit rim and wall configuration, as well as the general state of the bones in relation to the nine (0–8) phases of progression that span the period starting from the age of 18 up to and beyond the age of 70);19 the morphological changes of the pubic symphysial surface (the method devised by Todd was applied, where the metamorphosis of the pubic symphysial surface through time is divided into ten chronological phases, starting from the age of 18 and extending to beyond 50 years of age,20 and the sixphase Suchey-Brooks method for female individuals: phase I – 19.4 ¯ 2.6 years of age ; phase II – 25.0 ¯ 4.9 years of age; phase III – 30.7 ¯ 8.1 years of age, phase IV – 38.2 ¯ 10.9 years of age; phase V – 48.1 ¯ 14.6 years of age and phase VI – 60.0 ¯ 12.4 years of age);21 and the pelvic-sacral area (the age of adult individuals was established following the model developed by Lovejoy and his collaborators.22 They classified the modifications of this area into eight phases, from late adolescence to old age, paying most attention to the observation of the position of the bones of the pelvicsacral cavity, the osteophytic lipping and the bone porosity). The estimation of the individual age of the foetus was based on the length of long bones, according to the tables proposed by Bass,23 and Fazekas and Kósa (Table 4).24 26 epigenetic traits in the cranial and 11 epigenetic traits in the postcranial parts of the skeleton were examined.25 The stature of adult individuals was based on the formulae established by Trotter and Gleser (Table 3).26 189 Results of anthropological analysis The anthropological analysis revealed that a female individual, aged 25–30 years (probably about 28), in the advanced stages of pregnancy, was buried in grave No. 13.27 The bones of a nine-month old foetus in utero were discovered in the pelvic area (Figs. 1–4; Tables 1–4).28 17 Vallois 1937. Lovejoy 1985. 19 Iºcan et al. 1984a; idem.1984b; idem.1985. 20 Todd 1920, 285–334; idem. 1921a; idem. 1921b. 21 Suchey, Brooks 1990. 22 Lovejoy et al. 1985. 23 Bass 1995, 155, 168, 176, 228, 247, 257. 24 From Schaefer et al. 2009, 264, 284. 25 Hauser, De Stefano 1989; \uri}-Sreji} 1995, 238–260. 26 Trotter, Gleser1952. 27 The following cranial bones were preserved: decomposed right and left parietal bones, the left temporal bone, the squamous part of the occipital bone, both nasal bones, the left zygomatic bone, partially fragmented right and left maxilla. The preserved postcranial bones were: both humeri with decomposed humeral heads, both radiuses with decomposed heads, both ulnae with decomposed coronoid processes, the right femur with a decomposed head and a damaged distal end, the left femur with a fragmented greater trochanter, head and neck, both tibiae with partially damaged ends, both fibulae with partially fragmented proximal ends, both clavicles with damaged ends, the right scapula (partially fragments glenoid cavity and coracoid process), the left scapula (partially fragmented glenoid cavity, the upper 1/3 of the outer edge, a spine fragment and a coracoid process), the anterior side of the manubrium and two partially fragmented segments of the body of the sternum, both iliac bones with partially fragmented fossae and crests, both sciatic bones with intact tuberosities and fragments of the acetabulum, both pubic bones with intact superior pubic rami and the pubic symphysis, patella, atlas, seven fragments of bodies and fragments of five processes of the thoracic vertebrae, five fragments of bodies and four fragments of processes of the lumbar vertebrae, two fragments of the bodies of the first and partially fragmented anterior side of the body of the second sacral vertebra, 47 rib fragments, both os scaphoideum, both os lunatum, the left os capitatum, both os hamatum, metacarpal bones, 18 phalanges of the hands, both tali, two calcanei, both os naviculare, both os cuneiforme mediale, both os cuneiforme intermedium, the right os cuneiforme laterale, both os cuboideum, all right metatarsal bones, I and III left metatarsal bones and 12 foot phalanges. 28 The following cranial bones were preserved: the frontal bone (1/2 of the right and 1/2 of the left, with a partially fragmented orbital part), 17 fragments of parietal bones, the occipital bone (fragment of the squamous part and the basilar part), partially fragmented greater wings of the sphenoid bone, the right temporal bone (petrous part), the left temporal bone (petrous part and squamous part), the left zygomatic bone, the mandible (right ramus and left capitulum), both maxilla (partially fragmented bodies). The preserved postcranial bones were: the right humerus (2/3 of the proximal end and a fragment of the distal end), the left humerus (distal 1/3), the right radius (proximal 2/3), the left radius (proximal 1/3), the left ulna (proximal 2/3), both femurs, both tibiae, three fragments of the bodies of both fibulae, the right clavicle without ends, the left clavicle, 18 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Ksenija \UKI], Dragana VULOVI], Nata{a MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI] The Case of the Pregnant Woman from the Medieval Site of “Preko Slatine” in Omoljica (183–196) Paleopathological analysis The paleopathological analysis revealed only a cribra femora on the anterior side of the femoral neck of the female adult. Dental analysis The dental analysis showed that the following teeth were present in the maxilla: 15, 23 and 25. The following teeth were lost ante mortem: 16, 26, 27 and 28. The following teeth were lost post mortem: 11, 12, 13, 14, 21, 22 and 24. First-degree abrasion (in the enamel) was noted on teeth 15 and 25, and seconddegree abrasion (bare dentin) on tooth 23. Calculus was slightly to moderately pronounced and periodontitis was very prominent (Fig. 4). Periapical cystic cavity was observed buccally on tooth 26 (Fig. 4). Caries was present on tooth 25 (occlusal, caries lesion). Stature (cm) – calculation based on the length of Humerus Radius Ulna Femur Tibia Fibula Medium stature Grave No. 13 Individual I 149 ¯ 4 146 ¯ 4 148 ¯ 5 150 ¯ 3 148 ¯ 4 Table 3. Stature Tabela 3. Telesna visina Macroscopic examination of the entheses Highly pronounced entheses are visible in the locations of muscle attachment sites on both humeri (m. pectoralis major, m. latissimus dorsi, m. teres major), on both clavicles (m. deltoideus) and both femurs (m. gluteus maximus, m. pectineus, m. gastrocnemius caput mediale). Squatting facets are visible on both tibiae. The fact is that pregnancy itself, although a physiological state, carries risks that can lead to a fatal outcome for both mother and child. The most vulnerable moment that can result in the death of the mother is the birth. Factors related to birth in modern medical literature include the birth canal, the foetus as the birth object and birth forces (uterine contractions and pressures).29 A delivery that is considered normal is a birth that occurs between 38 and 42 gestational weeks, carried out naturally, under the effect of a natural birth force and, in the case of a singleton pregnancy, when the baby comes out head first.30 Complications can arise as a result of various circumstances that may disrupt any of these factors. Also, the course of the pregnancy and the mortality rate can be significantly influenced by the mother’s health condition, accidental trauma, intentional violence, etc. The risk that the pregnancy would not end successfully was certainly much higher in archaeological populations than in modern ones. In anthropological literature, infection is referred to as the most common identified cause that can lead to complications.31 Of course, not every case of a deceased pregnant woman should automatically be associated with problems solely related to pregnancy. Osteological evidence indicating the death of a mother and child during pregnancy is also rare, and it Discussion and conclusion Despite the widespread belief that the mortality rate of young women was closely associated with complications that can arise during pregnancy and child birth in particular, it is surprising that there have been so few pregnant women in necropolises throughout the world. The only proof that a woman was pregnant is the in situ discovery of foetal bones in her pelvis. There are numerous factors, which have been mentioned above, that can directly endanger the preservation of foetal bones. the left scapula (only the glenoid cavity and fragments of the outer edge of the body), the right iliac bone with a partially fragmented fossa and crest, the left iliac bone, the right pubic bone, an axis arch fragment, three fragments of cervical vertebrae processes, two bodies and 12 fragments of thoracic vertebrae processes, three bodies and three fragments of lumbar vertebrae processes, one sacral vertebra and 28 rib fragments. 29 ^utura 2011, 353. 30 Mom~ilov 2011, 223. 31 Antikas, Wynn-Antikas 2016; Ortner 2003, 114, 117. Epigenetic characteristics The epigenetic characteristics that were present on the cranial skeleton were sutura incisiva, torus palatinus, infraorbital foramen (one opening on the left side), foramen zygomaticofaciale (two openings on the left bone), infraorbital suture (on the left side), lateral extension (on the left side), foramina parietalia (one on each of the bones), suprameatal spine (on the left side), two exsutural mastoid foramens (left), ridge behind the mastoid process (on the left side), and ossa suturae lambdoideae. Perforatio fossae olecrani on the right humerus is a noted epigenetic characteristic on the postcranial skeleton. 190 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Ksenija \UKI], Dragana VULOVI], Nata{a MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI] The Case of the Pregnant Woman from the Medieval Site of “Preko Slatine” in Omoljica (183–196) Grave No. 13 Individual II RIGHT SIDE OF THE BODY FEMUR Maximum length A-p midshaft diameter M-l midshaft diameter TIBIA Maximum length A-p midshaft diameter M-l midshaft diameter A-p diameter (nut. foramen) M-l diameter (nut. foramen) LEFT SIDE OF THE BODY FEMUR 7.10 - Maximum length A-p midshaft diameter M-l midshaft diameter 6.20 - Maximum length A-p midshaft diameter M-l midshaft diameter A-p diameter (nut. foramen) M-l diameter (nut. foramen) 7.30 TIBIA 6.40 - Table 4. Measurements on the postcranial skeleton Tabela 4. Mere na postkranijalnom skeletu appears that it does not fully testify to the incidence of death during pregnancy or childbirth.32 The in situ position of the foetus in the pelvis is evidence that can suggest whether a pregnant woman died during childbirth.33 Thus, Cruz and Codinha,34 while working on the skeleton of a young woman discovered in a small village 145 km north of Lisbon, Portugal (19th century), paid special attention to precisely analysing the position of the foetus in the mother’s pelvis. The position of the foetus in this case enabled the conclusion that the birth actually occurred, since the cranial bones of the foetus were in the birth canal.35 However, the authors did not rule out the possibility that the position of the foetus inside the mother’s pelvis could have been caused by other processes.36 The position of foetal bones could be caused not only by the processes that resulted from the decomposition of soft tissue after death, but also the different taphonomic processes,37 as well as cultural and customary aspects associated with the act of burial.38 Therefore, in paleodemographic research, the mortality rate of pregnant women is an important element of a population’s progress. Pregnant woman mortality is considered an adequate criterion for the social and sanitation conditions of a community and a sensitive indicator of health care and, sometimes, the skill level possessed by midwives or doctors. Regarding the case of the woman discovered in grave No. 13 at the site of “Preko Slatine”, in Omoljica, anthropological analysis revealed that at the time of death she was aged 25–30 (probably about 28 years of age), and that she was in an advanced stage of pregnancy (Figs. 1–4; Tables 1–4). Also, paleopathologic and 191 dental analyses point out that the health condition of this woman was not good overall (ante mortem loss of several teeth, very apparent periodontal disease, the occurrence of a periapical cystic cavity, and cribra femorale on the anterior side of the left femoral neck). Judging by the highly pronounced entheses visible in the locations of muscle attachment on the clavicles, humeri and femurs, one can assume that she was engaged in hard manual labour. According to the archaeological finds, the location and the duration of this necropolis, it can be concluded that the buried individual probably belonged to a rural community. The appearance of squatting facets on her tibiae indicate housework, the raising of children, maintaining a home and the surrounding grounds, building and maintaining a fire, cooking, milking animals, spinning and weaving, and so on. In other words, she was performing various tasks that often require stooping, squatting or crouching.39 At first glance, the bones of the foetus, in situ, seem quite dislocated and chaotically distributed around the 32 Cruz, Codinha 2010, 491; Willis, Oxenham 2013, 676. The precise estimation of the age of the foetus in such material may be a factor when inferring whether problems during birth might have been related to the mother’s death (Ortner 2003, 38). 34 Cruz, Codinha 2010. 35 Ibid., 493. 36 Ibid., 493. 37 In addition to this, the process of excavation and processing of this type of osteological material must be conducted with special care in order to obtain the most accurate information. 38 Ibid., 493. 39 Miladinovi}-Radmilovi} 2015. 33 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Ksenija \UKI], Dragana VULOVI], Nata{a MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI] The Case of the Pregnant Woman from the Medieval Site of “Preko Slatine” in Omoljica (183–196) woman’s pelvis area (Figs. 1 and 3). However, closer examination reveals that the bones of the skull and parts of the mandible of the foetus are clearly grouped in the area of the auricular surface and fossa iliaca of the left ilium (Fig. 3), and that the chest bones are concentrated in the central part of the pelvis minor and the preserved bones of the lower extremities in the level of the pubic symphysis of the right ilium. Bearing in mind that the age of the foetus is estimated at about 9 months in utero, this position of the foetus in the mother’s pelvis could indicate that the baby was in a breech position just before and during birth. In modern medical practice, the breech position of the foetus is defined as a longitudinal position of the foetus, coming out pelvis first. This kind of foetal position occurs in 3–4% of all monofetal births.40 Even today, a breech position of the baby can cause significant complications during labour. These births are often accompanied by high perinatal mortality and morbidity.41 The timely response of an experienced obstetrician is crucial.42 There was certainly some knowledge of birth complications in medical practices in the Middle Ages. It is possible that there was at least one person who possessed obstetric skills in every community. However, given that this is a high-risk birth, even today, it is unlikely that the doctors of the time could have reacted properly in this situation. Finally, health conditions and hard physical labour could have contributed to certain problems during pregnancy. However, based on the age of the foetus (about 9 months in utero), its position and the location in the pelvis, it can be stated with certainty that this labour had a fatal outcome for both the baby and the mother. Translated by Dragan Marjanovi} Starinar is an Open Access Journal. All articles can be downloaded free of charge and used in accordance with the licence Creative Commons – Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 3.0 Serbia (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/rs/). ^asopis Starinar je dostupan u re`imu otvorenog pristupa. ^lanci objavqeni u ~asopisu mogu se besplatno preuzeti sa sajta ~asopisa i koristiti u skladu sa licencom Creative Commons – Autorstvo-Nekomercijalno-Bez prerada 3.0 Srbija (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/rs/). 40 41 42 192 Kalinovi} et al. 2005,106. Ibid., 107. Ibid., 106. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Ksenija \UKI], Dragana VULOVI], Nata{a MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI] The Case of the Pregnant Woman from the Medieval Site of “Preko Slatine” in Omoljica (183–196) BIBLIOGRAPHY: Antikas, Wynn-Antikas 2016 – T. G. Antikas, L. K. WynnAntikas, Hydatidosis of a Pregnant Woman of the 3rd Century BC, Greece. International Journal of Osteoarchaeology 26: 920–924. Augustí, Codina 1992 – B. Augustí, D. 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Pryzbeck, Chronological matamorphosis of the auricular surface of the ilium: A new method for the determination of skeletal age at death, American Journal of Physical Anthropology 68, 1985, 15–28. Malgosa et al. 2004 – A. Malgosa, A. Alesan, S. Safont, M. Ballbe, M. M. Ayala, A dystocic childbirth in the Spanish Bronze Age. International Journal of Osteoarchaeology 14, 98–103. Miladinovi} 2006 – N. Miladinovi}, Metodologija utvr|ivanja polne pripadnosti skeleta sa arheolo{kih nalazi{ta. Sremska Mitrovica: Blago Sirmijuma 2006. Miladinovi}-Radmilovi} 2015 – N. Miladinovi}Radmilovi}, ^u~e}e fasete na skeletnim ostacima sa sredwovekovne nekropole na lokalitetu Mokrawske stene, u: Mokrawske stene, kulturna ba{tina Negotinske Krajine (ur. A. Kapuran i A. Bulatovi}). Muzej Krajine, Negotin 2015, 87–101 (N. Miladinovi}-Radmilovi}, ^u~e}e fasete na skeletnim ostacima sa srednjovekovne nekropole na lokalitetu Mokranjske stene, u: Mokranjske stene, kulturna ba{tina Negotinske Krajine (ur. A. Kapuran i A. Bulatovi}). Muzej Krajine, Negotin, 2015, 87–101). STARINAR LXVII/2017 Ksenija \UKI], Dragana VULOVI], Nata{a MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI] The Case of the Pregnant Woman from the Medieval Site of “Preko Slatine” in Omoljica (183–196) Mom~ilov 2011 – P. Mom~ilov, Normalan poro|aj, u: Ginekologija i aku{erstvo (ur. D. Ple}a{, B. Stanimirovi}, A. Stankovi}, M. Vasiljevi}). Beograd: Medicinski fakultet Univerziteta u Beogradu, 2011, 222–228. Sequí et al. 2005 – E. J. L. Sequí, J. Q. Munoz, M. P. M. Ibánez, P. T. Giménez, C. N. Poveda, La necrópolis islámica de l’Alfossar (Novelda, Alicante). Recerques del Museu d’Alcoi 14, 143–156. Omoqica, sredwovekovna crkva i grobqe – rezultati arheolo{kih istra`ivawa 2005–2006, Katalog izlo`be, Pan~evo: Narodni muzej Pan~evo, 2007 (Omoljica, srednjovekovna crkva i groblje – rezultati arheolo{kih istra`ivanja 2005–2006, Katalog izlo`be, Pan~evo: Narodni muzej Pan~evo, 2007). Sjóvold et al. 1974 – T. Sjóvold, I. Swedborg, I. 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Annals de l’Institu d’Estudis Empordanesos 25, 352–381. Pounder et al. 1983 – D. J. Pounder, M. Prokopec, G. L. Pretty, A probable case of euthanasia amongst prehistoric aborigines at Roonka, South Australia. Forensic Science International 23 (2–3), 99–108. Schaefer et al. 2009 – M. Schaefer, S. Black, L. Scheuer, Juvenile Osteology: a Laboratory and Field Manual. Elsevier Inc. 2009. 194 Suchey, Brooks 1990 – J. M. Suchey, S. Brooks, Skeletal age determination based on the os pubis: a comparation of the Ascádi – Nemeskéri and Suchy – Brooks methods. Human Evolution 5: 227–238. Todd 1920 – T. W. Todd, Age changes in the pubic bone: I The male white pubis. American Journal of Physical Anthropology 3, 1920, 285–334. Todd 1921a – T. W. Todd, Age changes in the pubic bone: II The pubis of the male Negro–white hybrid; III The pubis of the white female; IV The pubis of the female Negro–white hybrid, American Journal of Physical Anthropology 4, 1921, 1–70. Todd 1921b – T. W. Todd, Age changes in the pubic bone: VI The interpretation of variations in the symphyseal area, American Journal of Physical Anthropology 4, 1921, 407–424. Trotter, Gleser 1952 – M. Trotter, G. C. Gleser, Estimation of stature from long bones of American whites and Negroes, American Journal of Physical Anthropology 10, 1952, 463–514. Vallois 1937 – H. W. Vallois, La Durre de la vie chez l’Homme fossile, L’Anthropologie 47, 1937, 499–532. Wells 1978 – C. Wells, A medieval burial of a pregnant woman. The Practitioner 221 (1323), 442–444. Willis, Oxenham 2013 – A. Willis, F. M. Oxenham, A Case of Maternal and Perinatal Death in Neolithic Southern Vietnam, c. 2100–1050 BCE. International Journal of Osteoarchaeology 23 (6), 676–684. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Ksenija \UKI], Dragana VULOVI], Nata{a MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI] The Case of the Pregnant Woman from the Medieval Site of “Preko Slatine” in Omoljica (183–196) Rezime: KSENIJA \UKI], Institut za anatomiju, Laboratorija za antropologiju, Beograd DRAGANA VULOVI], Beograd NATA[A MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI], Arheolo{ki institut, Beograd SLU^AJ TRUDNICE SA SREDWOVEKOVNOG LOKALITETA „PREKO SLATINE” U OMOQICI Kqu~ne re~i. – jugozapadni Banat, sredwovekovna nekropola, XII–XIII vek, poodmakla trudno}a. Uprkos {iroko rasprostrawenom mi{qewu da je stopa umirawa mladih `ena u pro{losti bila usko povezana sa komplikacijama koje mogu nastati tokom trudno}e, a posebno poro|aja, iznena|uje ~iwenica da je veoma mali broj trudnica konstatovan na nekropolama {irom sveta. ^ak je i u stru~noj literaturi zabele`en relativno mali broj takvih slu~ajeva. Jedini dokaz da je `ena trudna jeste samo nalaz fetalnih kostiju u wenoj karlici in situ. Me|utim, postoje dve grupe faktora koji mogu direktno da ugroze opstanak fetalnih kostiju. U prvu grupu spadaju faktori na koje arheolozi ne mogu da uti~u i to su, npr.: hemijski sastav zemqe, tj. kiselost tla, aktivnost mikroorganizama u samoj zemqi, prisustvo vode i temperatura zemqi{ta; prirodna otpornost razli~itih grupa kostiju na destrukciju (kosti fetusa, de~jih individua i starijih osoba podlo`nije su propadawu); pogrebna praksa, odnosno intenzitet sahrawivawa (~est je slu~aj, kao i ovde u Omoqici, da se na nekropolama pored crkvenih objekata nai|e na visok intenzitet sahrawivawa, tj. na ukopavawe novih u stara grobqa, sl. 1 i 2), kao i to da li su rake bile obele`ene ili ne, da li postoje grobne konstrukcije ili ne, da li su posle poro|aja sa smrtnim ishodom majka i dete zajedno sahraweni, da li su pokojnici mumificirani itd. Druga grupa faktora odnosi se na samo iskopavawe i na tehnike koje arheolozi mogu mawe ili vi{e da kontroli{u. Prilikom iskopavawa i podizawa skeletnih ostataka iz zemqe mo`e do}i do mehani~kog o{te}ewa skeleta i do „neprepoznavawa” fragmentovanih delova u zemqi (kosti fetusa, ukoliko su ruke pokojnice bile prekr{tene na stomaku, mogu biti pome{ane sa kostima {aka). ^iwenica je da trudno}a sama po sebi, iako je fiziolo{ko stawe, ipak nosi rizike koji mogu dovesti do fatalnog ishoda kako za majku, tako i za dete. Najvulnerabilniji momenat koji mo`e rezultirati smr}u majke jeste sam poro|aj. U poro|ajne faktore u modernoj medicinskoj literaturi ubrajaju se poro|ajni put, plod kao poro|ajni objekt i poro|ajne snage (materi~ne kontrakcije i naponi). Pod normalnim poro|ajem podrazumeva se poro|aj izme|u 38. i 42. gestacijske nedeqe, obavqen prirodnim poro|ajnim putem, uz dejstvo prirodnih poro|ajnih snaga, a u slu~aju jednoplodne trudno}e kada plod predwa~i glavom. Do komplikacija mo`e do}i usled dejstva najrazli~itijih okolnosti koje ugro`avaju bilo koji od navedenih poro|ajnih faktora. Tako|e, na tok samog poro|aja, ali i na smrtnost, mogu zna~ajno uticati i zdravstveno stawe majke, slu~ajne trau- 195 matske nesre}e, namerno izvr{eno nasiqe itd. Kod arheolo{kih populacija je rizik da se poro|aj ne zavr{i uspe{no bio svakako ve}i nego kod savremenih. U antropolo{koj literaturi, infekcije se navode kao naj~e{}i identifikovan uzro~nik koji mo`e dovesti do komplikacija. Naravno, ne bi trebalo svaki slu~aj umrle trudnice povezivati sa problemima koji su u vezi samo i direktno sa trudno}om. Osteolo{ki dokazi koji ukazuju na smrtni ishod majke i deteta tokom trudno}e tako|e su retki, a ~ini se da i oni u potpunosti ne oslikavaju pravu sliku u~estalosti umirawa tokom trudno}e ili poro|aja. Dokazi na osnovu kojih mo`emo razmatrati da li je trudnica preminula tokom poro|aja jesu utvr|ivawe starosti fetusa, ispitivawe polo`aja koji je fetus zauzeo u karlici in situ i da li je prona|en u poro|ajnom kanalu. U paleodemografskim istra`ivawima, stopa smrtnosti trudnica jeste va`an pokazateq napretka stanovni{tva. Smrtnost trudnica smatra se adekvatnim kriterijumom za ispitivawe socijalnih i sanitarnih uslova zajednice, osetqivim parametrom zdravstvene za{tite i pokazateqem ve{tina koje poseduju babice ili lekari. Kada je re~ o slu~aju `ene otkrivene na sredwovekovnoj nekropoli (XII–XIII vek) u grobu br. 13 na lokalitetu „Preko Slatine” u Omoqici (karta 1), antropolo{ka analiza je pokazala da je u trenutku smrti sahrawena `enska individua bila stara 25–30 godina (najverovatnije oko 28 godina), i da je bila u poodmakloj trudno}i (sl. 1–4; tabele 1–4). Tako|e, na osnovu paleopatolo{kih i dentalnih analiza, mogli smo da vidimo da zdravstveno stawe te `ene nije bilo u potpunosti zadovoqavaju}e (za`ivotan gubitak nekoliko zuba, veoma izra`ena parodontopatija, pojava periapikalne cisti~ne {upqine, cribrae femorae na anteriornoj strani vrata levog femura). Na osnovu izuzetno izra`enih enteza vidqivih na mestima mi{i}nih pripoja na klavikulama, humerusima i femurima, sti~e se utisak da se bavila i te{kim fizi~kim poslovima. Ako se imaju u vidu arheolo{ki nalazi, lokacija i vremensko trajawe ove nekropole, mo`e se zakqu~iti da je sahrawena osoba verovatno pripadala ruralnoj zajednici. Pojava ~u~e}ih faseta na wenim tibijama mo`e ukazivati na obavqawe ku}nih poslova, na brigu oko dece, ~i{}ewe ku}e i oku}nice, lo`ewe vatre i odr`avawe ogwi{ta, pripremu jela, mu`ewe `ivotiwa, kuvawe, predewe, tkawe itd., dakle, obavqawe razli~itih poslova koji ~esto zahtevaju pognut, zgr~en, odnosno ~u~e}i polo`aj. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Ksenija \UKI], Dragana VULOVI], Nata{a MILADINOVI]-RADMILOVI] The Case of the Pregnant Woman from the Medieval Site of “Preko Slatine” in Omoljica (183–196) Na prvi pogled, kosti fetusa, in situ, deluju prili~no dislocirane i haoti~no raspore|ene u predelu karlice ove `ene (sl. 1 i 3). Me|utim, ukoliko se pa`qivo pogleda, uo~ava se da su kosti lobawe i delovi mandibule fetusa jasno grupisane u predelu aurikularne povr{ine i fossae iliacae leve karli~ne kosti (sl. 3), da su kosti grudnog ko{a koncentrisane u centralnom delu male karlice, a o~uvane kosti dowih ekstremiteta u nivou pubi~ne simfize desne karli~ne kosti. Budu}i da je starost fetusa procewena na oko 9 meseci trudno}e, ovakav polo`aj fetusa u karlici majke mogao bi da uka`e na to da je beba bila u karli~nom polo`aju neposredno pre poro|aja i tokom wega. U savremenoj medicinskoj praksi, pod karli~nim polo`ajem ploda podrazumeva se uzdu`ni polo`aj fetusa sa predwa~e}om karlicom. Ta vrsta polo`aja sre}e se kod 3–4% svih monofetalnih poro|aja. Karli~ni polo`aj bebe i danas mo`e zna~ajno za- 196 komplikovati tok poro|aja. Takvi poro|aji su obi~no pra}eni visokim pernatalnim mortalitetom i morbiditetom. Od presudnog je zna~aja pravovremeno reagovawe iskusnog aku{era. Poznavawe poro|ajnih komplikacija u medicinskoj praksi u sredwem veku bilo je svakako prisutno. Mogu}e je da je u svakoj zajednici postojala barem jedna osoba koja je posedovala aku{erske ve{tine. Me|utim, budu}i da je takav poro|aj i danas poro|aj s visokim rizikom, mala je verovatno}a da su tada{wi lekari mogli u toj situaciji da odreaguju na pravi na~in. Na kraju, zdravstveno stawe i te{ki fizi~ki poslovi mogli su da doprinesu odre|enim problemima u trudno}i, me|utim, na osnovu starosti fetusa (oko 9 meseci in utero), kao i wegovog polo`aja i mesta u karlici moglo bi se s velikom verovatno}om tvrditi da je ovde re~ upravo o poro|aju sa smrtnim ishodom i po majku i po bebu. STARINAR LXVII/2017 UDC: 904:739(497.113)"12/13" https://doi.org/10.2298/STA1767197B Original research article JURAJ BELAJ, Institute of Archaeology, Zagreb ANNULAR BROOCHES FROM THE 13th AND 14th CENTURY FROM VOJVODINA e-mail: jbelaj@iarh.hr Abstract – By studying the features and contexts of the discovery of annular brooches from Vojvodina the author puts forward a proposal of their typology, in an effort to comprehend their layered functionality, both utilitarian and symbolic – particularly apotropaic. Special emphasis is placed on the interpretation of individual inscriptions. By placing the presented brooches in a broader geographic context and comparing them with analogous finds from neighbouring states, the author reaches interesting conclusions about the time and manner of their use, their potential producers, the directions of their expansion, and the distributors and bearers, highlighting the differences between discrete groups of finds. Key words – Brooch, annular brooch, buckle, inscription, Middle Ages, identity. T his paper was written as a consequence of the author dealing with an inscribed silver annular brooch discovered in the archaeological excavation of the Templar church of the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin Mary in Gora near Petrinja (Croatia). This find was published in the Contributions of the Institute of Archaeology in Zagreb.1 In that paper, the authors provide an extensive introduction to the topic, present different types of annular brooches, especially those bearing an inscription, and try to grasp the rich layers of their functions. At the same time, they observe that these extremely interesting finds have not been awarded due attention, not only in Croatia, but also in the neighbouring countries, with very few exceptions in Hungarian literature. This paper builds, in many ways, on the mentioned article, so readers are advised to consult it if they wish to gain a more comprehensive picture. I also note that this paper is a part of a broader research,2 and it focuses exclusively on finds from Vojvodina (with the single exception of a brooch found on the right bank of the Danube in Serbia), a total of twenty-three finds, in addition to a review of six objects 197 that resemble brooches, found in Serbia, south of the Sava and Danube rivers. Consequently, the typology of annular brooches that I put forward here is based on that assemblage and makes no pretensions to broad utilisation. It is mostly based on the form of annular brooches, followed by the method of decoration and type of inscription, if any is present. The way it was conceived makes it easy to incorporate it into a possible future typology of European annular brooches. The paper will, therefore, present the annular brooches discovered in Vojvodina, most of which have already been published. It will look at their known features and archaeological contexts, and will compare them with analogous finds from neighbouring areas, with a view to put forward at least an outline of interpretations pertaining to their distribution, the directions 1 Belaj, Belaj 2016. The research is carried out as part of the research programme Archaeological landscapes and identities of the Institute of Archaeology in Zagreb. 2 Manuscript received 7th December 2016, accepted 10th May 2017 Juraj BELAJ Annular Brooches from the 13th and 14th Century from Vojvodina (197–222) of expansion, the distributors and bearers, their various functions and, above all, their rich symbolism. FEATURES AND FUNCTIONS OF ANNULAR BROOCHES Annular brooches consist of a frame and a movable pin with a defined bed. This was sometimes attained by a narrowing the frame, a perforation in the frame or, more rarely, the bed was delineated by applications on the frame. In the case of multi-pointed annular brooches, in most cases one of the corners was widened and perforated. Although annular brooches were often round, they sometimes came in other shapes too.3 However, a feature they all have in common is the frame, in the middle of which there is an empty space. This is what differentiates them from discoid brooches.4 These are extremely interesting objects due to their multi-layered functionality stemming from their different features. First, their basic function was to fasten clothes. This, in fact, is what gave rise to them, spontaneously, with the 12th-century Byzantine fashion of clothing, which imposed for both sexes the wearing of a long-sleeved, ankle-length garment, the tunic (kirtle, cotte, cotehardie). It had a cut below the neck, which was fastened by an annular brooch. They were worn throughout Europe between the 12th and 15th centuries,5 and enjoyed their peak popularity during the 13th and 14th centuries. More robust brooches, bigger and harder, were also used to fasten long coats and mantles or robes draped over tunics.6 Due to their shape and the way they fastened the textile, the advantage of the annular brooch over fibulae lay in the fact that it was almost impossible for a brooch to accidentally open and fall off, and thus become lost.7 Although it is likely, as demonstrated by numerous depictions, that most annular brooches were worn in the mentioned way, several brooches were found in graves in the deceased person’s pelvic area. This is particularly frequently documented in the Baltics and in Hungary, as well as in the observed area. Annular brooches, especially those of more lavish construction, were occasionally worn as decorations,8 that is, as status symbols.9 Such objects are more often found in hoards than in settlements and graves, which yielded mostly less luxurious and cheaper specimens.10 This is probably a consequence of their great value and, due to this, the practice of passing them down as heirlooms through generations. 198 Specimens made of cheaper materials (bronze,11 tin and alloys of copper, tin, zinc and lead), made in moulds, were more accessible and, therefore, widespread in less affluent classes, which is why they were also found in rural areas.12 They were worn by members of both sexes, as well as by children,13 which comes to the fore in sculptures and portraits, and in graves. However, in the Carpathian Basin they seem to be more often found in female graves. Annular brooches had an extraordinary symbolic potential. They were a suitable medium for devotions of love, fidelity and loyalty, as well as protection, but also of a number of other things. During the Middle Ages, protection could be reinforced by selecting appropriate materials, shapes, certain numbers, symbols, and especially inscriptions. Among the latter we differentiate between devotional, magical, and love inscriptions and those whose meaning we can no longer grasp today. The latter group comprises numerous inscriptions that were probably connected with the Hail Mary prayer,14 which can often be deduced from the beginning of the inscription. I hope to show in the paper that it is worth dedicating time and effort to try to decipher also some of the uncoded inscriptions. Inscriptions were considered as efficient as the spoken word,15 so inscriptions on different materials were also copiously used during the Middle Ages as a cure and against spells, a practice that has remained in certain places to this day.16 3 Different shapes of annular brooches will be discussed later in the paper. 4 Discoid brooches lack the space in the middle and are more typical for the 11th than 12th century (Hinton 2005, 173, fig. 6.1). 5 Hinton 2005, 171; Lightbown 1992, 385; Sóvsó 2009, 207, note 11. 6 Sóvsó 2009, 190. 7 [imek, 2017. 8 Egan, Pritchard 2002, 247. 9 Hinton 2005, 171; Heindel 1986, 71; Sóvsó 2011, 280. 10 Vargha 2015, 86. 11 Although, with the lack of metric analyses, it would be more appropriate to refer to “bronze” objects as “made of a copper alloy”, in the paper we use the term “bronze” due to the fact that this is how they were described in the literature. 12 This is at odds with Hinton’s belief that they were not worn by peasants (Hinton 2005, 178). 13 Hinton 2005, 226. 14 Heindel 1986, 70. 15 Sóvsó 2011, 266. 16 For a more extensive review of different aspects of protection provided by brooches, especially those bearing inscriptions of various types, see Belaj, Belaj 2016. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Juraj BELAJ Annular Brooches from the 13th and 14th Century from Vojvodina (197–222) ANNULAR BROOCHES FROM VOJVODINA The observed area has yielded round annular brooches with a wide and straight frame with a semicircular cross-section (with inscriptions, decorations, or without them); rhombic, six-foiled, six-pointed brooches; brooches with a six-pointed frame whose arms were double connected, and eight-pointed brooches. As regards the material they were made of, we can distinguish luxurious specimens made of precious metals and those made of base metals, which made them more accessible to broader social classes.17 I Circular annular brooches I A Inscribed circular annular brooches Circular annular brooches (also called ring brooches in the English literature) differ from other annular brooches by their shape. Their frames can have different cross-sections, most often flat or in the shape of an elongated rectangle; sometimes the upper surface can be slightly convex,18 but they can also have a more or less circular, or even hexagonal, cross-section. Due to this shape, with relatively flat surfaces, they are a convenient medium for various inscriptions, although throughout Europe inscriptions can be found on annular brooches of different shapes. Among the neighbouring countries, most inscribed annular brooches come from the territory of Hungary, so, consequently, most research on them was done by Hungarian archaeologists, in recent times by Gábor Hatházi19 and Ottó Fogas20. In doing so, they did not limit themselves to the territory of Hungary but, rightly so, looked at the entire territory of the former Kingdom of Hungary. In this work I have made particular use of the most recent work by Fogas, who not only described in detail and analysed the inscriptions, but also reported on the known archaeological contexts of individual finds. Since he analysed the known finds from the territory of the former Kingdom of Hungary, he also included in his work the finds from Vojvodina. In the other neighbouring countries the number of annular brooches of this group is significantly lower, so there are no similar studies; instead, individual finds were given greater or less attention in the scholarly literature.21 I have divided the inscribed circular annular brooches, a total of five, into two subtypes, based on the type of their inscription. 199 Brooch with an incomplete Mary’s inscription The 1948 and 1949 excavation of the central tumulus in Hinga (Nosa–Hinga) near Subotica (Northern Ba~ka district, Vojvodina) yielded a mediaeval cemetery dated, based on coins and other archaeological material, to between the beginning of the 12th and the end of the 14th century, possibly the beginning of the 15th century. The excavations yielded seven bronze cast annular brooches, five of which had a wide and flat inscribed frame.22 Four specimens bear the same inscription, and these we shall discuss a bit later. The fifth brooch, somewhat bigger and thinner than the rest (its diameter is 3.26 cm, frame width 0.93 cm, thickness 0.11 cm) was found in a fragmented state, only a little more than a half of the frame was preserved, broken into two pieces. Unfortunately, this brooch was not found in a grave, but as a chance find in 1949.23 It is dated based on the type of letters to the 14th century.24 In [afarik and [luman’s interpretation, the preserved part of the inscription, written in a developed Gothic script, reads IURGOM MARIA.25 Although the quality of the cast is not very high, and neither is the condition of the object, based on the photograph, it seems to me that the preserved part of the inscription may read + MARI (…) IVREOM, although this is not certain either (Pl. IA/1). The beginning of the inscription (if it was marked with a cross, which is not necessarily the case, because the cross frequently appears between each and every word in the inscription) suggests that the inscription was devoted, like so many others, to the Virgin Mary. The ending, for the time being, remains unclear, however, I will put forward a possible solution. 17 Sóvsó 2009, 185–190. In these cases we may speak of annular brooches with a “wide and straight frame”. 19 Hatházi 2004a; 2004b. 20 Fogas 2009. 21 This particularly applies to the brooch from Gora, near Petrinja in Croatia (Belaj, Belaj 2016) and Peter’s brooch from Budimlja, near Berane in Montenegro (Belaj 2017). 22 [afarik, [ulman 1954; Stanojev 1989. All the finds from Hinga are kept in the Mediaeval Collection of the Subotica Municipal Museum. 23 [afarik, [ulman 1954, 14. 24 [afarik, [ulman 1954, 41. 25 After [afarik, [ulman 1954, 8, Tab. III: 1 ¡the specimen in the middle of the upper row¿, 14. I do not know why Ottó Fogas did not review this brooch in his work on annular brooches with Gothic inscriptions in the Carpathian Basin (Fogas 2009). 18 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Juraj BELAJ Annular Brooches from the 13th and 14th Century from Vojvodina (197–222) The beginning of the inscription is not in doubt, it is the name of Mary. Unfortunately, the middle is not preserved, so we may only wonder about the meaning of its ending: IVREOM? Could it be the word IUDAEORUM from the inscription from the cross of Christ (Iesus Nazarenus Rex Iudaeorum)? This inscription is frequently found on annular brooches throughout Western Europe, in the form IVDEORVM.26 If this is indeed this word, then it was rather inaccurately written, which is not altogether unusual, as scribal errors often appear on annular brooches. However, it was recently observed that inscriptions were sometimes deliberately obscured, that some such “errors” were made on purpose to lend the inscription magical protection, which means that these were not in fact errors but deliberate acts. It was believed that the protection would remain effective only if it was protected from spells itself, which was often obtained by changing the order of the letters, by writing the inscription backwards, upside down, as a mirror image etc. This made it impossible for others to quickly and easily read the inscription.27 So, could IVDEORVM become IVREOM and, if so, in what way? The inscription first had to be shortened, certain letters had to be removed, in order to respect a certain symmetry: the middle letters EOR were preserved, one letter on either side was omitted (D and V), while the first two letters (IV) and the last one (M) were again preserved. A similar procedure of a symmetric selection of letters, from the beginning of the Hail Mary prayer, was observed on the inscription of the silver annular brooch from Gora.28 A different method of obscuring is found on another silver brooch, from Strasbourg,29 whose inscription contains only every third letter from the beginning of the same prayer, while towards the end only every fifth letter was written (with a few anomalies that nevertheless do not invalidate the accuracy of the method).30 Another method of obscuring entails relocating a letter, R, two places forward, before the letters EO. For this method we can also find an analogy, in fact two, on a bronze annular brooch from France. Its frame bears the inscription II AVE MARIA GRIATA PLA T DM. Debiais and Favreau rightly concluded that this is an abbreviated form of AVE MARIA GRATIA PL(EN)A D(O)M(INUS) T(ECUM),31 and we may also add that the letters I in GRATIA and T in D(O)M(INUS) T(ECUM) were written two places forward, within the corpus of letters selected for writing.32 200 Naturally, there was not only a single method of encryption, because it would not serve its purpose. It is important to observe here that in these cases we are not dealing only with symbolic obscuring of inscriptions by mirror-imaging a letter, by writing backwards, upside-down or mirror writing, by replacing a single letter or using another similar method against spells,33 but rather with a real desire to prevent or at least make it difficult for others to read correctly. Therefore, in such cases we ought to treat each object as a separate case. Nevertheless, I have to admit that in the case of the brooch from Hinga similar methods are considered on only a single word, perhaps even an incomplete one, which I again confess seems a bit stretched. Besides, in this case this is not a valuable silver specimen, but a cast bronze object, which we must assume was produced as part of a large series. Could this have then been a mistake made in the process of making the mould? Or, was the craftsman imitating a silver annular brooch he had once seen? It is unlikely that we will be able to provide an answer to these questions, unless we find a similar, but complete, specimen. Brooches inscribed with HILF MARIA MER T The already mentioned tumulus in Hinga also yielded four identical cast bronze annular brooches with a wide and straight frame, a straight iron pin, which bear an identical inscription written in Gothic majuscule, bordered with simple plastic lines (Pl. IA/2–5).34 Three specimens were found outside grave contexts, while one comes from a grave. This is the female grave no. 54, in which the annular brooch was found below the diaphragm, although the authors state that they “cannot exclude the possibility that it was dislocated from its 26 For instance, such inscriptions are found on annular brooches that may be seen at: http://www.britishmuseum.org/research /collection_online/collection_object_details.aspx?objectId=43496& partId=1; http://collections.vam.ac.uk/item/O103427/ring-broochunknown/ (30th December 2016); (Lightbown 1992, 494, no. 12). 27 Belaj, Belaj 2016, 265–266. 28 Belaj, Belaj 2016, 263; see also the table. 29 Debiais, Favreau 2008: 100–101, no. 94. 30 Belaj, Belaj 2016, 263–264. 31 Debiais, Favreau 2008: 100, no. 93. 32 Belaj, Belaj 2016, 266. 33 Some examples of such symbolic obscuring of inscriptions are presented in Belaj, Belaj 2016, 266–268. 34 [afarik, [ulman 1954, 8, 12, Tab. III: 1 ¡except the specimen in the middle of the upper row¿, 28, Tab. V: 6 ¡above right¿. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Juraj BELAJ Annular Brooches from the 13th and 14th Century from Vojvodina (197–222) original position”.35 The dimensions of all the objects are the same: diameter 3 cm, frame width 0.7 cm, thickness 0.13 cm. It seems they were made in the same mould. These objects were also dated, based on the type of letters, to the 14th century.36 A part of the inscription is legible and, in the opinion of [afarik and [luman,37 it reads MARIA MER, while the other part, according to the same authors, is illegible on all the specimens. This led them to the conclusion that it was probably already worn out in the mould. Ottó Fogas, on the other hand, believes that the illegibility was a consequence of the worn-out state during wearing.38 The photographs make it clear that not all the specimens were equally worn out, one of them is more legible than the others (Pl. IA/2), however, it is precisely the frame of this brooch that is perforated at the wrong place. Although the letters are indeed not equally legible, it can, nevertheless, be determined that its inscription reads +HILF+MARIA+MER+T. However, only the first cross is indeed a cross, while the remaining three cross-like symbols look more like a four-leaf clover whose leaves are more similar to that of a lily. Similar annular brooches were also found at the Kiskunhalas Catholic cemetery (Bács-Kiskun County, Hungary) during the salvage archaeological excavation carried out before the expansion of the Catholic cemetery in 2005 and 2007, which yielded a part of a Gothic church from the 14th–16th century and a number of graves. Finds of this type, but with a less legible inscription, of the same dimensions (3 x 0.7 x 0.13 cm) were found in graves 54,39 27340 and 290,41 as well as outside the graves, two metres from the northern wall of the church.42 These graves contained the burials of adult women. The annular brooch from grave 54 was found between the last rib and the right arm; in grave 273 next to the lowest vertebra, immediately above the cross, while the brooch from grave 290 was found between the left pelvic bone and forearm. However, it is the specimen found outside the grave that has the best preserved inscription, while all the others have such worn-out letters that it would have been very difficult, if not impossible, to read them without analogous examples. In his recent work, the Hungarian archaeologist Ottó Fogas43 dealt in detail with inscribed annular brooches found throughout the entire former Kingdom of Hungary, so I will present some of his ideas here. In his interpretation of this inscription, he underscores that the word “mer” is a middle German form of the 201 word “mir” in today’s German language, while in the word “t” he sees an abbreviation of the word “tu/tui”, which he suspects to be an incorrect form of “du”. Therefore, his reading of the inscription, which I consider to be accurate, is: “Hilf Maria mir du”,44 or “(You) help me, Mary!”. *** Groups of this kind of annular brooches are numerous in the Carpathian Basin, and in the observed area it is also represented with a respectable number of specimens. One of the reasons for such a relatively high number, in comparison with other annular brooches, is in my opinion understandable and at least partly due to the attractiveness of inscribed brooches, which attract greater attention of researchers, leading to them being published relatively more often than some other assemblages. If we look at a broader area, most inscribed annular brooches come from Hungary, a total of twenty,45 which, it appears, is not merely a consequence of the level of research in individual countries, but indeed reflects their real distribution. Inscribed annular brooches can be found throughout Europe, especially in France, England, Scotland, and Germany and in the countries around the Baltic Sea. Hatházi established that they reached the territory of the Kingdom of Hungary from Western Europe, and that this fashion can be traced from the mid-13th century until the beginning of the 15th century.46 I believe this is another consequence of the policy of rapprochement to the West, led by Hungarian kings for quite some time. In the case of the specimens from Hinga, which contain inscriptions in the old German language, we can easily surmise that they arrived together with the immigrant speakers of this language.47 Also, due to the 35 [afarik, [ulman 1954, 20, 42. [afarik, [ulman 1954, 41. 37 [afarik, [ulman 1954, 14. 38 Fogas 2009, 153–154, no. 20–23, 170, fig. 2: 6–9. 39 Fogas 2009: 152–153, no. 16, fig. 2: 10. 40 Fogas 2009: 153, br. 17, fig. 2: 11. 41 Fogas 2009: 153, br. 18, fig. 2: 12. 42 Fogas 2009: 153, br. 19, fig. 2: 13. 43 Fogas 2009. 44 Fogas, 2009, 157. 45 Fogas 2009. 46 Hatházi 2004a, 2004b; Fogas 2009, 147. 47 However, and this is especially the case in these areas, they should not be narrowly and exclusively associated with the German 36 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Juraj BELAJ Annular Brooches from the 13th and 14th Century from Vojvodina (197–222) inscriptions dedicated to Mary, we can agree with the assumption that they arrived in these lands by the mediation of various ecclesiastical orders that appeared in the 12th and 13th centuries, which cherished and spread the Marian cult.48 The Hinga burials with annular brooches can most likely be dated to around the turn of the 15th century, while the actual objects were probably made around half a century earlier.49 Based on the positions within the graves, and only a single find from Hinga was found near the diaphragm of the deceased person, and this too may have been dislocated, we unfortunately cannot discern the function of this assemblage. However, we are aided by analogies from the neighbouring countries. It was pointed out in the Hungarian literature that inscribed annular brooches were often found next to the pelvis of buried women, although there are also graves in which such brooches were found at positions which would suggest a role as fasteners of the upper cut of the garment, the neck cut, in other words, on the chest. It beggars belief, both due to the shape and the material, as well as their fragility, that they may have been used as belt buckles. Due to this, Fogas associates this phenomenon with the Christianisation of the Cumans and the Iazyges, because many such objects were discovered in rich female burials of these peoples. He believes that these former “pagans” treated these new objects as apotropaic, and that their women wore them instead of previous amulets on their bag straps.50 He finds the arguments for his assumption on ancient stone sculptures in the Cuman steppes, the so-called kamennaya baba sculptures (“stone women”). These sometimes depict, in addition to utilitarian objects such as combs, knives and the like, also amulets suspended on straps.51 After Christianisation, this practice could no longer persist, so the previous amulets had to be replaced by something new, annular brooches with religious inscriptions.52 For Cuman women, just as for many others in the European West, such inscriptions obviously had an apotropaic meaning! Here we ought to emphasise that, following the Mongol desolation, in order to replenish the population, it was in fact the Cumans that were brought to the immediate neighbourhood of Hinga.53 It seems that we can now assume that in time a part of this population started to be buried at the cemetery in Hinga, if not earlier, then at least from the turn of the 15th century. Naturally, here we have to allow for the possibility that members of other ethnicities were also buried with these objects, because inscribed circular annular brooches can in no way be considered an exclusively Cuman phenomenon.54 202 The remaining task is to determine who distributed these objects. Since the inscriptions, not only in Hinga but also elsewhere in the mediaeval Hungarian Kingdom, were written in German, often with Saxon features,55 we can surmise the existence of a German monastery somewhere in the vicinity. The term Saxon refers to the Germans that, during the 12th and 13th centuries, arrived from different lands in Transylvania (Siebenbürger Sachsen) as accomplished miners. Some of them reached Serbia56 by the second half of the 13th century, as well as Bosnia in the first quarter of the 14th century. However, the actual place of production ought to be sought in a bigger and stronger centre. In Fogas’s words, “the production of inscribed annular brooches can be conceived only in controlled circumstances, with royal permission”, due to a considerable “possibility of misuse, from counterfeiting seals to minting fake coins”. Fogas cites the Paris Regulations between 1260 and 1360, prohibiting coppersmiths from making inscribed objects such as finger rings, annular brooches and, particularly, signet rings.57 Of course, the prohibitions themselves point to the existence of certain practices. Nevertheless, it is more likely that the centre of production should be sought in a bigger town, which, in Fogas’s opinion, might be the Romanian town of Sibiu (Hung. Nagyszebenu), where a mint existed from at least the beginning of the 15th century.58 I B Circular annular brooches without inscription It would be logical to assume that there were more inscribed circular annular brooches than those that did not bear an inscription. However, this is not clear from the literature. In my opinion, such a situation may have a perfectly logical explanation; such objects are less Military Order or the Hanseatic influence, as German scholars used to believe (Heindel 1986). This has already been pointed out by Fogas (2009, 147–148). 48 Heindel 1986; Fogas, 2009, 148. 49 Fogas, 2009, 161–162. 50 Fogas, 2009, 161. 51 Fogas, 2009, 161, 172, fig. 4: 3–5. 52 Fogas, 2009, 161. 53 [afarik, [ulman 1954, 5, 32. 54 Vargha 2015, 46. 55 Fogas, 2009, 157. 56 Takács 2001, 34, with the cited literature. 57 Fogas, 2009, 162. 58 Fogas, 2009, 162. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Juraj BELAJ Annular Brooches from the 13th and 14th Century from Vojvodina (197–222) “eloquent” and, therefore, also less interesting for the researchers of the mediaeval period so, consequently, they were published to a lesser extent. We may hope that in the near future this situation will change and that these objects, apparently less attractive, will find their way into the scholarly literature.59 In 1923, a silver cast annular brooch decorated with incised lines forming a triangular motif was found in Dobrica, a village in the South Banat District in Vojvodina (Pl. IB/6).60 Triangles along the outer edge were additionally decorated with incised oblique lines.61 It was found in a hoard of jewellery and coins, buried on the eve of the Mongol invasion in 1241.62 It is dated to the beginning of the 13th century.63 Its diameter is 2.4 cm.64 Annular brooches with a wide and flat frame decorated with a triangular motif are relatively frequently found in the Baltic area. The Stangenwald cemetery, from the 13th–14th century, near Rybachy (Germ. Rossiten) on the Curonian Spit (Kaliningrad Oblast, Russia), excavated in the 1960s and 1970s,65 yielded five specimens decorated with a simple triangular ornament of incised lines.66 This motif reminded Biermann and his associates of stars or the Sun, and they dated such finds in the Baltics to the 14th and 15th centuries.67 The triangular motif on annular brooches is also found much nearer to us, as well as earlier, but much more elaborate. The Abony hoard (Pest County, Hungary), discovered in 1931 and dated by coins to the time of the Mongol invasion, contained two circular silver annular brooches, one of which is decorated with a triangular motif consisting of alternating triangles whose longer sides interchangeably follow the outer and inner edge of the frame respectively, with their contacts forming a double zigzag line. There is a small circle next to the middle of each side of every triangle, making up interesting triangular motifs within each and every triangle.68 A bronze cast circular annular brooch with an undulated outer edge with six settings for inserting stone, glass, enamel or the like comes from an unknown site in Serbia (Pl. IB/7).69 Decoration of this type is typical for 14th-century brooches,70 however, it is already present on annular brooches found in hoards from the period of the Mongol invasion in 1241, for instance, a circular brooch from the Bajót hoard and a cordate brooch from the Nyáregyháza–Pusztapótharaszt hoard.71 The Serbian find is dated to the 13th century. Its diameter is 2.3 cm.72 The already mentioned Bajót hoard, dated by coins to the time of the Mongol invasion, yielded two circu- 203 lar annular brooches. One is made of gilded silver and is relatively well preserved. Its wide circular and flat frame featured four cylindrical settings for stones (one of which is missing), with an ornamental “coral” between each of them.73 Among the objects from the hoard of silver coins and jewellery found in 2006 in Dupljaja, a village in the South Banat district in Vojvodina, next to the foundations of a large structure at the site of Grad, there were also three annular brooches.74 Two specimens have a circular frame decorated with four small six-leaf flowers: one is made of silver and the other of gilded silver. The hoard is dated to the time of the Mongol invasion.75 Somewhat similar finds, decorated with stylised flowers with a different number of petals, were found in Hungarian hoards from the same period: Bajót76 and Karcag.77 An inscribed gold brooch from 14th-century England is another specimen that bears a slight resemblance.78 59 For instance, in the Hungarian literature, and it is precisely Hungary that yielded the highest number of annular brooches of different shapes. So far, only inscribed annular brooches (Fogas 2009) and rhombic and six-pointed star-shaped brooches (Ódor 1998) have attracted any greater attention of scholars. 60 It is kept at the National Museum in Belgrade (inv. no. 247). 61 Milo{evi} 1990, 178, no. 296. 62 Saria 1925, 92, fig. 10, 93; Radi{i} 2014, 111. 63 Saria 1925, 92, fig. 10, 93; Milo{evi} 1990, 178, no. 296; Radi{i} 2014, 111. 64 After Saria (Saria 1925, 93). Milo{evi} (1990, 178, no. 296) mentions that the outer diameter is 2.2 cm, while the interior one is 2.1 cm. This would mean that the frame is only half a millimetre wide, which is, clearly, not possible, so one of the cited dimensions cannot be accurate. 65 This is a narrow spit closing the Curonian Gulf. The site (Kur{skaý kosa) is located in the Russian part, in the Kaliningrad Oblast. 66 Biermann et al. 2011, 257, 328, T. 13: 15–19. 67 Biermann et al. 2011, 257. 68 Parádi 1975, 128, 130, fig. 7: 1. 69 Milo{evi} 1990, 179–180, no. 298; Radi{i} 2014, 112, fig. 2: 3. The object is kept at the National Museum in Belgrade (inv. no. 1321). 70 Vargha 2015, 46. 71 Vargha 2015, 46, note 214, with literature. 72 Milo{evi} 1990, 179. 73 Parádi 1975, 130, 132–133, fig. 9: 2. 74 Radi~evi} 2013, 88. The objects are kept at the Vr{ac Municipal Museum. 75 In the words of Dejan Radi~evi}, a publication of the hoard is currently being prepared. 76 Parádi 1975, 130, 132–133, Fig. 9: 1. 77 Parádi 1975, 134, 136–137, Fig. 11: 3. 78 Lightbown 1992, 495, no. 15. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Juraj BELAJ Annular Brooches from the 13th and 14th Century from Vojvodina (197–222) *** Even though this is one of the most numerous groups of annular brooches in the Carpathian Basin, in the observed area it is represented with only four specimens. It is difficult to reach sound conclusions based on such a small number of finds. Nevertheless, if we take a look at a broader territory, even such modest data fits into the broader picture, especially that painted by the finds from Hungary. Here too we have objects made of precious metals, discovered in hoards from the period of the Mongol invasion, as well as a cast bronze specimen, probably somewhat younger, whose features imitate those of more luxurious specimens. The scarcity of annular brooches from Serbia probably points to the peripheral role of this area compared to the Hungarian core, especially when it comes to the elite class of society as the probable bearers of this group of objects. II Rhombic annular brooches This is the most numerous group of annular brooches in the Carpathian Basin. Objects of this type are also referred to in the literature as rectangular, fourpointed, or diamond-shaped brooches. We can distinguish several types within this group, based on their shape and techniques of decoration or manufacture. So far they have received attention only in the Hungarian scholarly literature,79 while elsewhere they are only sporadically mentioned in the publications of assemblages from excavations or in museum catalogues. Those consisting of a simple small rhombus, whose corners (still) do not have extended and thickened tips, and which are not decorated, are few. Another type has drawn-out points ending in knobs with a truncated base, below which there are several deeply incised lines. In one corner there is a perforated widening serving as the setting for a movable pin. The frame itself is sometimes undecorated and smooth, and it can also be decorated with punched circles. Four cast bronze annular brooches were found in Novi Banovci (Srem District, Vojvodina), but without known circumstances of discovery. One brooch is rhombic, with the greatest width of 4.85 cm, with a frame around 3.34 cm wide, 1.81 cm thick and weighing 4.49 g. The bronze straight and sharp pin, 1.98 cm long, is also preserved. One of the corners was widened and perforated to serve as the setting for the pin (Pl. IIA/8).80 Another similar brooch, made of silver, was recently discovered in Serbia, in the mentioned hoard from Dupljaja, dated to around 1241.81 204 A similar brooch, whose frame is not decorated with punched circles either, was found in Sotin (Vukovar– Srijem County, Croatia), at the site Danube bank Vru}ak.82 The Hungarian National Museum keeps another brooch from an unknown site, which Zsuzsa Lovag interprets as a find from the Kingdom of Hungary.83 It is dated to the second half of the 13th century. Many more rhombic annular brooches are known from the surrounding countries, however, these are either additionally decorated with punched circles along the frame, or are made of wire, due to which I have not listed them as analogies for the Novi Banovci brooch. Unlike certain other groups of annular brooches, rhombic brooches were found in graves, based on the known data from Hungary and Croatia, exclusively on the chest of the deceased persons. This corroborates their function known from sculptures, where it is obvious that they were used for fastening the upper clothing items. III Hexafoil annular brooch A cast bronze gilded six-leaf annular brooch was found on the right bank of the Danube between Ritopek and the mouth of the Morava River (Belgrade City). The gilt is visible only in traces. There is a plastic rib on each joint of the arches. The pin is attached in a groove in the middle of one of the arches. It is largely preserved, although its tip is missing (Pl. IIB/9). The width of the brooch is 2 cm.84 *** I am not familiar with analogous finds from the neighbouring countries of Serbia. In the Baltic region such brooches are common and reflect a widespread urban fashion of that area during the high and late Gothic period. For instance, the Stangenwald cemetery from 79 Ódor 1998. Stanojev 1989, 61, 62, cat. no. 330. Kept at the Archaeological Museum in Zagreb (inv. no. S-1719). 81 Radi~evi} 2013, 88. 82 Ilki} 2010, 389, no. 7, 393, T. I: 7. 83 Lovag 1999, 90–91, no. 233, 231, fig. 233. A higher quality photograph is available at: http://www.museumap.hu/record/-/record /display/manifestation/oai-aggregated-bib4160499/7f5dfdc4-23f04176-b233-2ff6eda7a450/24/24/3/53/titleOrder/asc (30th December 2016). 84 Milo{evi} 1990, 180, no. 299; Radi{i} 2014, 111, 112, fig. 2: 2. The object is kept at the National Museum in Belgrade (inv. no. 1322). 80 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Juraj BELAJ Annular Brooches from the 13th and 14th Century from Vojvodina (197–222) the 13th –14th century yielded two such objects, one of which was found in a grave. They are dated from the 14th to the early 15th century.85 IV Six-pointed annular brooches These are sometimes referred to in the literature as hexagonal brooches, however, in my opinion, this is a less appropriate name due to the fact that the joints of their tips are in most cases so elongated, even more so than in rhombic brooches, and pronounced, similar to eight-pointed brooches, that I find it more appropriate to call them six-pointed brooches. Both six- and eightpointed annular brooches are often also called star or star-shaped brooches. In certain cases this is a justified appellation, however, not always. The tips of by far the largest number of such brooches end with a vegetal form, sometimes a lily or its imitation. A luxurious example of such a brooch was found in Banatski Despotovac, near Zrenjanin (Middle Banat District, Vojvodina).86 This is a pronouncedly starshaped six-pointed richly decorated annular brooch whose points end with stylised lilies.87 Between individual points, thin rods sprout from the joints of the points, almost equalling them in length.88 There were applied knobs on top of each and every point, as well as on their joints, four of which, based on the published photograph, are now missing.89 A somewhat similar specimen was found in Slakovci, near Vinkovci (Vukovar–Srijem County, Croatia). A silver hoard of mediaeval jewellery of a rich person was ploughed up there as far back as 1893. The find was first reported by Josip Brun{mid,90 and then published more extensively by @eljko Demo.91 Among other objects, the hoard contained a six-pointed silver cast annular brooch of high-quality workmanship. The hoard is dated to between the end of the 14th to the first or second third of the 15th century.92 A brooch that was actually not found, but which we know indirectly from a mould from Maj{a, is similar in certain details.93 To explain, a fragment of a mould for making annular brooches, a rhombic and a six-pointed one, was found in the neighbourhood, in the Baranya County of Hungary, not far from the Croatian border, in Maj{a (Hung. Majs). The mould was discovered in 1977 in the area of a mediaeval settlement that existed from the end of the 13th century until the 16th century.94 János Gábor Ódor dated it to the middle third of the 14th century, based on the shapes of annular brooches.95 One of the two annular brooches 205 that were cast in it was, therefore, hexagonal. Its tips were decorated with alternating lilies and knobs. It was 6.9 cm wide. The depression for the brooch has a triangular cross-section, on average 0.15–0.2 cm deep, and the cast object had to be additionally processed. The pin of the brooch was cast at the same time as the brooch itself.96 Ódor dates it to the middle third of the 14th century.97 The lily motif is often found on tips of six-pointed annular brooches in the Carpathian Basin. For instance, we encounter it on a specimen made of cast bronze found in the ruins of the Cistercian monastery in Pillisszenkereszt (area of Budapest City, Hungary), dated to the first half of the 14th century.98 A well-preserved similar bronze specimen was found in a grave from the site Szabadbattyán–Somló (Fejér County, Hungary). Unfortunately, we know it only from a drawing,99 which reveals that the tips of the frame end with lilies so stylised they resemble a three-leaf clover. The object was found in a grave in association with a coin of King Bela IV (1235–1270).100 The specimen from Banatski Despotovac, in many respects, has a conceptual analogy in an eight-pointed, particularly luxurious annular brooch. It was found in a large assemblage at the site Kelebija / Kelebia–Négyes (Bacs–Kiskun County, Hungary), near Subotica, excavated in 1962.101 This is an eight-pointed annular brooch whose frame is composed of two intertwined rhombic annular brooches 85 Biermann et al. 2011, 259, fig. 29, 260–261 (with analogies from the Baltic region), 329, fig. 14: 5, 6. 86 In view of the quality of the workmanship, the eight-pointed annular brooch from Kelebia belongs in the same category. This will be discussed more extensively later in the text. 87 Hatházi 2005, 113, fig. 110. 88 Ódor even calls this object a “buckle with twelve points”, Ódor 1998, 128, note 9. 89 Unfortunately, I am not familiar with details about this object. 90 Brun{mid 1904. 91 Demo 2014, 96–112. 92 Demo 2014, 96. 93 To date, only a few workshops have been proven archaeologically, based precisely on the finds of moulds for their manufacture. 94 Ódor 1998, 123, 124, fig. 1, 125 fig. 2. 95 Ódor, 1998, 130. 96 Ódor 1998, 123, 124, fig. 1, 125, fig. 2, 129, fig. 8: 1. 97 Ódor, 1998, 130. 98 Lovag 1999, 91, no. 236. 99 Ódor 1998, 129, fig. 8: 2, 132. 100 Brun{mid 1904, 91. 101 Kelebia is a frontier village, however, this site is located on the Hungarian side of the border. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Juraj BELAJ Annular Brooches from the 13th and 14th Century from Vojvodina (197–222) with narrow frames,102 which have blooming tips which, together with the bud placed between them, make up a lily motif. Both the frame and the lily petals are decorated with an uninterrupted series of small punched circles. This specimen was obviously made according to the same idea as the annular brooch from Banatski Despotovac, however, with a number of different solutions: on the joints of the points and towards their tips there are applied knobs, but these are far smaller; from the joints of the points also grow shoots resembling buds (one is missing), but here they are only half the length of the points and do not end with applied knobs, but are flattened out. The pin is set in a similar way, laid in a hole on the frame below one of the tips, but it is thinner and carries a rather large flat shield with a coat of arms.103 The objects from Kelebia are attributed to one of the Cuman clans settled in the Tisza river basin during the 14th and the first half of the 15th century. It was established to represent a family treasure collected over a longer period.104 The act of hiding the treasure is dated to the end of the 14th or the first third of the 15th century, while the objects span the period from the last decades of the 13th century until the end of the 14th century.105 Judith H. Kolba dated the find to the end of the 13th century,106 while Mihály Kohegyi dated it to the first third of the 14th century.107 The tips of the points on many six-pointed annular brooches have ends so stylised that the lily motif can only very rarely be discerned, and mostly based on analogies. The shapes of these endings bear a greater resemblance to leaves or a trefoil of sorts. One such specimen is a cast bronze object from Novi Banovci (Srem District, Vojvodina), whose circumstances of discovery are, unfortunately, unknown.108 Its points end with a vegetal motif that resembles leaves, but it was clearly based on a lily motif. The frame, on the other hand, is decorated with punched circles. The straight pin, 3.44 cm long, is also preserved, set on a loop formed in one of the corners of the frame (Pl. IIC/10). Its greatest width is 3.84 cm, the frame is 3.3 cm wide, 1.15 cm thick, and weighs 3.56 g.109 Another fragment of a similar specimen from this site is kept at the same museum.110 The annular brooch from Ara~a in the Banat region, near Novi Be~ej (Middle Banat District, Vojvodina), famous for its Romanesque-Gothic basilica, found outside of a grave between the western wall of the basilica and the tower,111 can be freely called a star-shaped six-pointed annular brooch. This is a cast and flattened bronze brooch, with a “plate-shaped” frame, whose 206 points are decorated with an alternating incised vegetal (?) motif and small punched circles, ending with a vegetal, trefoil motif on which there are three circular depressions (Pl. IIC/11).112 It is 6.8 cm wide, while the frame is 0.12 cm thick at the thickest point.113 Instead of in a corner of the frame, the setting for the flat pin, which is also preserved, is located in the middle. The annular brooch depicted on a tombstone in Pannonhalma (Gyor-Moson-Sopron County), featuring the family coat of arms of László Csudar, an abbot from Pannonhalma (†1372), with an annular brooch in the shape of a six-pointed star with stylised lilies on the ends, is similar to the specimen from Ara~a in its shape and the position of the pin, as well as in the ends of the tips (even though the lateral shoots of the trefoils on 102 A partial similarity to the specimen from Kelebia, regarding the concept of the frame with two intertwined rhombic annular brooches, is exhibited by a cast bronze specimen of unknown origin, kept at the Hungarian National Museum. Its tips also feature vegetal motifs, but not lilies. Lovag mentions a Hungarian origin and dates it to the first half of the 14th century, noting that it shows no traces of use, due to which she allows for the possibility that this is a modern-period cast of the original object (Lovag 1999, 91, note 237, 231, fig. 237). 103 Hatházi 2005, 171, tab. 4. 104 Tóth 1972, 219. 105 Hatházi 2005, 172; Demo 2014, 111. 106 Kolba 1985, 54. 107 Kohegyi 1972, 208. 108 Stanojev 1989, 61, 62, cat. no. 331. 109 Kept at the Archaeological Museum in Zagreb (inv. no. S-1720). 110 This find still awaits publication. The same collection contains another two fragments of similar specimens. Since the site of their discovery is unknown, save for the justified assumption that they come from Slavonia or Srijem, they have not been included in the corpus of annular brooches discovered in the territory of Vojvodina. 111 The basilica was built next to the parish church during the second quarter of the 13th century, during the reign of Bela IV, and it is associated with the activity of the Benedictines (Stanojev 2004, 125). Towards the end of the 15th century, probably following the signing of the 1483 peace agreement between Hungary and the Ottoman Empire, it was most likely the Franciscans that built a fortified monastery with a keep next to the basilica. The burials at the cemetery started even before the building of the parish church and later continued next to it and still later next to the basilica. It is understandable that the construction of the parish church, basilica and the monastery considerably damaged and dislocated the graves buried in that area (Stanojev 2004, 127). 112 The find is kept at the Museum of Vojvodina (field inv. no. T. I. 9/75). 113 Stanojev 2004, 62, 65, T. VII, cat. no. 112. Stanojev mentions that the thickness is “1.2 cm” instead of “mm”, which is obviously a printing error. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Juraj BELAJ Annular Brooches from the 13th and 14th Century from Vojvodina (197–222) the point tips are less pronounced).114 We encounter great similarities at several other sites. At Perkáta ohalmi düloo, where a church with a cemetery was Ko excavated between 1986 and 1988, a bronze six-pointed annular brooch was found in a small bowl in grave 273. Its frame features rather sloppily executed hexagonal rosettes between individual points. The ends of the points were expanded into, probably, vegetal endings with three circular depressions. If these indeed depict schematised lilies,115 then they were schematised beyond recognition.116 The grave has been dated by a denar of Louis I of Anjou (1342–1382), found in the thorax area.117 Similar, but much less well preserved specimens were found at Jászdózsa–Négyzállas, a cemetery used from the mid-13th century until the final third of the 15th century, in grave 47 next to the lowest rib;118 also, in the vicinity of Kecskemét, in a small bowl from a grave;119 at the site of Chl’aba (Hung. Helemba) in Slovakia, in a house dated to the 15th century.120 The latter find ends with a trefoil (by which it closely resembles the specimen from Perkáta, but also, as we shall see, to the eight-pointed star-shaped annular brooch from Hinga). The frame is decorated with punched six-pointed rosettes (again like the specimen from Perkáta), however, they are not positioned between the points but right in their midst. In addition to the outer edge, the inner edge of the frame also forms a six-pointed star (like the specimen from Ara~a and, to a somewhat lesser extent, the specimen from Perkáta). The hole for the pin, which is missing, is located on the frame, between two points (like the specimen from Ara~a and the one depicted on the tombstone in Pannonhalma). *** Based on the scant data on the few annular brooches of this group, we can again reach conclusions only by looking at the broader geographic context. In the Carpathian Basin, brooches of this type are almost always made of bronze, discovered at sites in diverse contexts: mostly in graves, but also in hoards, among the ruins of a monastery and, in two cases, only indirectly from a mould and from a depiction on a sculpture respectively.121 Among the brooches found in graves, only in three cases do we know their position in the grave: two were found in the pelvic area, and one next to the lowest rib. Therefore, we can conclude that this group of brooches could conceivably have been worn somewhere in the belt area, which is in contrast with depictions known from sculptures in Western Europe.122 207 V Six-pointed annular brooches with doubly connected points This group is in fact a subgroup of six-pointed annular brooches, and the development of the form will be nicely shown on the specimens from Ara~a. Ódor believes that this may have happened as a result of the merging of the lily-shaped tips during casting,123 but I find this somewhat implausible. I would rather say that in this way the makers wanted to improve the hardness and resilience of the objects. Nevertheless, due to the mostly different positions within the graves, pointing to a different function played by these brooches compared with the previously mentioned ones, they were distinguished as a separate group. When it comes to the development of the form, it comes most to the fore in the specimens from Ara~a, especially on the better preserved specimen. This is a cast bronze annular brooch, discovered next to the left elbow in adult female grave 4, whose thoracic bones are unfortunately dislocated, so it may have had the usual function of an annular brooch. This is basically a case of a six-pointed annular brooch with curved points, whose joints feature decorations resembling rosettes, formed with punched circles, from which large stylised lilies spring out, separated from one another by only a few millimetres. However, they were connected during casting, and this joint has never been removed. Thus, the lilies themselves form another “ring”. The iron pin is only partially preserved (Pl. IIIA/12). It is 3.8 cm wide.124 The second find from Ara~a is similar, but much less well preserved, perhaps also less well made. It was found in the child’s grave 91, between the chest and the right elbow. The pin is not preserved. It is 3.5 cm 114 Kovács 1973, 84, 85, fig. 26. Ódor 1998, 128. 116 That this is not a case of worn-out ends we can conclude especially if we look at the almost identical endings of the points on the eight-pointed brooch from Hinga, later in the text. 117 Ódor 1998, 126, fig. 4: 2, 131, no. 5. 118 Ódor 1998, 129, fig. 8: 5, 130, no. 2. 119 Ódor 1998, 129, fig. 8: 4, 130–131, no. 3; the text inaccurately mentions Fig. 7: 4. 120 Ódor 1998, 129, fig. 8: 7, 130, no. 1. 121 Ódor 1998. 122 Ódor 1998, 128. 123 Ódor 1998, 128. 124 Stanojev 2004, 35, 57, T. III: cat. no. 18. The object is kept at the Museum of Vojvodina (inv. no. AS 26A). 115 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Juraj BELAJ Annular Brooches from the 13th and 14th Century from Vojvodina (197–222) wide, that is, just a little bit smaller, and its thickness is 0.1 cm.125 The excavation of a small village church with an accompanying cemetery at Kameniti hat in Subotica (North Ba~ka District, Vojvodina) yielded two annular brooches that resemble each other.126 The diameter of both finds is 3.8 cm. The first, made of silver, was found in 2001, in grave 52 next to the right clavicle.127 The pin is not preserved (Pl. IIIA/13). Its frame looks like, for instance, the frame of the specimen from Novi Banovci, however, inscribed around the frame there is a circle connecting all the point tips. The other annular brooch from the same site was found in the 2003 excavation, in sondage III. This one is made of bronze, with circular ornaments that are barely visible on the published drawing, but it has a preserved pin (Pl. IIIA/14).128 The cemetery has been dated, by silver coins of Charles Robert and Louis I of Anjou, from the end of the 13th until the second third of the 14th century, and it is attributed to the Cuman immigrants in the wake of the Mongol invasion.129 A very similar find to the first mentioned specimen from Kameni hat comes from Aparhant (Tolna County, Hungary).130 Interestingly, it is also decorated with punched circles, but only on the segment that would be decorated on six-pointed annular brooches. It looks like a semi-product, as if the tips of the points were supposed to be processed at a later date, while the surplus part of the outer hoop, the undecorated parts, was removed. Nevertheless, this was obviously not done. Hinga also yielded a cast bronze annular brooch, a special variant of a six-pointed brooch, with points so extremely curved that each forms a semicircular arch that extends and forms a whole circle together with the neighbouring arch. Shaped in this way, it looks like six connected circles on whose outer joints there are small protrusions, the tips of the points, decorated with impressed six-foil flowers, while the interspace in the middle of the brooch looks like a six-pointed star (Pl. IIIA/15). It is 4.95–5.43 cm wide and has a pin attached to the outer edge of one of the circles, however, this part is missing. Unfortunately, it was found outside a grave.131 In the literature we can find extremely similar annular brooches. One such specimen was found in Baia in Romania,132 while two were found in 14thcentury graves in Hungary.133 The latter, it seems, were found in the pelvic area, that is, around the belt. Based on the fact that no other ornaments were found next to the belt, apart from these brooches, Szabó assumes 208 that, at that time, they did not use leather straps with metal plates and belts with interlaced metal threads, but belts sewn from silk and cloth, and such brooches would, in that case, serve as buckles.134 Two other similar specimens were observed at the Baltic cemetery of Stangenwald. In the Baltic region, such objects are dated from the 14th to the 16th century.135 There are two other similar finds from the same site, but these are eight-pointed and have a circular interior edge of the frame, so what in Hinga looks like circles, at that site looks like arcades.136 *** This subgroup of annular brooches is very interesting because, out of eight objects from the Carpathian Basin known to me, as many as five were found in Vojvodina. We can find more numerous analogies at Baia in Romania, on the other side of the Carpathians, and in the Baltics. As a probable reason for this kind of distribution, we may single out German religious orders, as well as the Teutonic Order, which might also have been the key distributors of this type of find. Another interesting thing has to do with the position of the brooches of this type in graves, since they most often appear somewhere around the chest of the deceased person, which points to a probable different function in the costume compared with six-pointed annular brooches whose points were not additionally connected. VI Eight-pointed star-shaped annular brooches In addition to different previously presented objects, Hinga yielded a cast bronze eight-pointed star-shaped annular brooch. It was found below the thorax, that is, 125 Stanojev 2004, 50, 59, T. V, cat. no. 69. The object is kept at the Museum of Vojvodina (inv. no. AS 227A). 126 The objects are kept at the Subotica Municipal Museum. 127 Szekeres, 2002, 17, 25, T. III: 6. 128 Szekeres, 2004, 85, 95, T. 8: 4. 129 Szekeres, 2004, 86. 130 Ódor 1998, 126, fig. 5, 128. 131 [afarik, [ulman 1954, 27, 31, Tab. VIII: 3. 132 Neamþu et al. 1984, 117, fig. 43: 5. 133 Szabó 1938, 48–49. 134 Szabó 1938, 48, fig. 205, 206, 49. 135 Biermann et al. 2011, 262, 330, fig. 13, 2, 3. 136 Biermann et al. 2011, 262, 329, fig. 12, 20, 330, fig. 13, 1. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Juraj BELAJ Annular Brooches from the 13th and 14th Century from Vojvodina (197–222) “in the area of the abdomen” of the deceased person137 in grave 138.138 The inner edge of the frame is shaped like a truncated eight-pointed star, although one point is missing at the position of the hole where the missing pin should have been set. The points of the star have vegetal endings (Stanojev calls them cordate extensions), each with three circular depressions, like, for instance, a six-pointed annular brooch from Perkáta.139 It is 5.8–6.2 cm wide. The grave was dated by a coin of King Louis the Great (1342–1382) found on the mandible.140 However, what singles this specimen out are the four letters “K” impressed in a depressed field on every other point of the star (Pl. IIIB/16). Therefore, we can also include this find among inscribed annular brooches, but, for the time being, without realistically hoping to decipher the meaning of the inscription.141 An almost identical specimen, although with two broken-off tips, was found in Hungary.142 Szabó includes it among the finds from 14th-century graves, found on the pelvis, which he interprets the same way as in the case of six-pointed annular brooches with doubly connected points.143 Novi Banovci also yielded an eight-pointed starshaped brooch whose frame has a circular interior edge.144 OBJECTS RESEMBLING ANNULAR BROOCHES FROM THE BALKAN AREA OF SERBIA Finally, I mention certain finds that resemble annular brooches, but which, in my opinion, are not in fact brooches. To start with, these are round annular buckles with a very wide frame and a small central opening, made of cast bronze, which, instead of a moveable pin, have a fixed bar within the frame. Vin~a, on the right bank of the Danube (Belgrade City), yielded three such finds (Pl. IV/17–19),145 while one was found in Kru{evac (Rasina District), 3.2 cm in diameter (Pl. IV/20),146 and at Davidovac–Gradi{te near Vranje (P~inja District), likewise with a diameter of 3.2 cm, dated to the 14th–15th century.147 All these objects resemble each other, their frames are decorated with vegetal ornaments,148 and only one among them has a rectangular central opening instead of a circular one,149 which appears to have been perforated at a later date, judging by the photograph, only on this specimen the interior edge is not reinforced with a slight plastic thickening. It seems that the transverse bar served for passing 209 some kind of light textile, which means that they do not belong to the annular brooches that are the subject of this paper. The chance find from Davidovac, in particular, suggests this to be the case, at least based on the published photograph, on which wearing traces appear to be discernible on most of the central bar. Even though we cannot exclude this possibility, I do not believe that these objects had a moveable pin on the central bar, like double loop annular buckles,150 because, at least based on the photographs, these bars do not appear to be sufficiently hard and robust and they differ from belt buckles in the ratio of the outer and inner diameters. Instead of this, might it be possible that some of these objects were worn sewn on the clothes? I find an argument for this assumption in a tiny perforation visible on a photograph of one of the finds from Vin~a.151 Similar small perforations on annular brooches are often found in the literature, and in many cases it is obvious that they were perforated at a later date. Besides the mentioned “buckles”, another object that resembles annular brooches is a ring from a habitation horizon at the site of Rudine, at the foot of Brani~evski Grad, near Kostolac in the Danube area of Serbia (Brani~evski District), dated to the 12th century 137 The sex of the deceased person could not be ascertained ([afarik, [ulman 1954, 26), however, judging by the bronze applications found on the forehead, one of which contained a lily motif, I suppose this was a young female. 138 [afarik, [ulman 1954, 26, 42; Stanojev 1989, 79, 84, cat. no. 434. 139 Ódor 1998, 126, Fig. 4: 2, 131, no. 5. 140 [afarik, [ulman 1954, 26. 141 [afarik, [ulman 1954, 26, 30, Tab. VII: 2. 142 Szabó 1938, 48, fig. 204, 49. 143 Unfortunately, in his work he does not offer any detailed information about individual objects. 144 The find is not published. It is kept at the Archaeological Museum in Zagreb. 145 Milo{evi} 1990, 180–181, no. 300–302; Radi{i} 2014, 113. The finds from Vin~a are kept at the National Museum in Belgrade (inv. no. 892, 2964 and 3196). 146 Beri} et al. 2004, 15, 29, no. 185; Radi{i} 2014, 113. The find is kept in the Collection of Mediaeval Applied Art of the National Museum in Kru{evac (inv. no. 2527). 147 Mitrovi} 2010, 102, br. 255; Radi{i} 2014, 113. The find is kept at the National Museum in Vranje. 148 Motifs of blooming lilies can be discerned on the published photograph, whose quality is quite low. 149 Milo{evi} 1990, 180–181, no. 302. 150 Whitehead 1996, 44–45. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Juraj BELAJ Annular Brooches from the 13th and 14th Century from Vojvodina (197–222) skupina prstenastih bro{eva / Annular brooch types I-A Okrugli s natpisom / Round inscribed I-B Okrugli bez natpisa / Round without inscription II Rombi~ni / Rhombic III [esterolisni / Hexafoil IV [esterokraki / Six-pointed V [esterokraki dvostruko spojenih krakova / Six-pointed with doubleconnected arms VI Osmerokraki zvjezdoliki / Eight-pointed star-shaped br. / lokalitet / no. site materijal / material promjer / kontekst / size context 1 Hinga bronca / bronze 3,26 2 Hinga bronca / bronze 3 3 Hinga bronca / bronze 3 4 Hinga bronca / bronze 3 5 Hinga bronca / bronze 3 1 Dobrica Srbija – nep. nalazi{te / unknown site srebro / silver 2,4 bronca / bronze 2,3 2 3 Dupljaja 4 1 2 1 1 2 3 Dupljaja Novi Banovci Dupljaja desna obala Dunava Banatski Despotovac Novi Banovci Novi Banovci 4 pozla}eno srebro / gilt silver srebro / silver bronca / bronze srebro / silver bronca / bronze polo`aj u grobu / datacija / position in grave dating izvan groba / outside of the grave @. grob / o{it (?) / female grave diaphragm (?) izvan groba / outside of the grave izvan groba / outside of the grave izvan groba / outside of the grave ostava / hoard XIV. st. / 14th c. XIV. st. / 14th c. XIV. st. / 14th c. XIV. st. / 14th c. XIV. st. / 14th c. do 1241. / until 1241 XIII. st. / 13th c. ostava / hoard do 1241. / until 1241 ostava / hoard do 1241. / until 1241 ostava / hoard do 1241. / until 1241 4,9 2 bronca / bronze 3,8 Ara~a bronca / bronze 6,8 1 Ara~a bronca / bronze 3,8 2 Ara~a bronca / bronze 3,5 3 Kameni hat srebro / silver 3,8 4 Kameni hat bronca / bronze 3,8 5 Hinga bronca / bronze 5,4 1 Hinga bronca / bronze 6,2 2 Novi Banovci izvan groba / outside of the grave @. grob / female grave D. grob / child’s grave grob / grave l. lakat (disloc.?) / l. elbow (disloc. ?) prsa – d. lakat / thorax – r. elbow d. klju~na kost / r. clavicle izvan groba / outside of the grave izvan groba / outside of the grave @. grob trbuh / abdomen kraj XIII. – 2. pol. XIV. / end of 13th – 2nd half of 14th c. kraj XIII. – 2. pol. XIV. / end of 13th – 2nd half of 14th c. 2. pol. – kraj XIV. / 2nd half – end of 14th c. Table 1. Table view of selected properties of annular brooches Tablica 1. Tabli~ni prikaz odabranih zna~ajki bro{eva skupina nalaza / types bro{evima sli~ni nalazi / Objects resembling brooches br. / no. 1 2 3 4 5 6 lokalitet / site Vin~a Vin~a Vin~a Kru{evac Davidovac-Gradi{te Rudine materijal / material bronca / bronze bronca / bronze bronca / bronze bronca / bronze bronca / bronze bronca / bronze promjer / size 3 3,2 3,2 3,2 3,2 kontekst / context slu~ajni / chance slu~ajni / chance slu~ajni / chance utvrda / fort slu~ajni / chance naselje / settlement datacija / dating XIV.-XV. / 14th – 15th c. XIV.-XV. / 14th – 15th c. XIV.-XV. / 14th – 15th c. srednji vijek / Middle Ages XIV.-XV. / 14th – 15th c. XII.-po~. XIII. / 12th – beginning of 13th c. Table 2. Table view of selected properties of objects resembling annular brooches Tablica 2. Tabli~ni prikaz odabranih zna~ajki nalaza sli~nih bro{evima 210 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Juraj BELAJ Annular Brooches from the 13th and 14th Century from Vojvodina (197–222) and the first decades of the 13th century. The frame of the ring is decorated with incised lines forming a triangular motif, while the exterior triangles are additionally decorated with punched dots. The frame has a triangular cross-section, however, it is not straight but slanted, and its inner edge is raised, in relation to the outer edge, by around 45°.152 Radi{i} included this object among circular annular brooches (round buckles), pointing out that it is missing the pin.153 However, the frame is open in one place and on the drawing we cannot discern any place for the setting of the pin, which leads me to conclude that this is a ring, whose function must remain unclear.154 CONCLUDING OBSERVATIONS ON ANNULAR BROOCHES IN THE OBSERVED AREA The picture we presented regarding the known annular brooches in the observed area is not final; it comprises only those finds that were available to the author, and it will certainly be complemented in the future. In spite of all its limitations, I hope its outlines are sufficiently credible to allow me to put forward certain conclusions. The paper presents five circular annular brooches with an inscription, and four without one; two rhombic brooches; a six-foil brooch; four sixpointed ones, five six-pointed brooches with doubly connected points and two eight-pointed annular brooches, a total of twenty-three specimens (T. 1). I have also provided a short review of the objects that resemble annular brooches, found in Serbia south of the Sava and Danube rivers – a total of six (T. 2). In the European literature, annular brooches are dated based on the archaeological context, if they were found in a closed and narrowly dated archaeological context. If this was not the case, they are dated based on typological and stylistic features. In the latter case they are generally dated rather broadly, within one or even two centuries. However, even when they were discovered in a well-dated archaeological context, caution is necessary when it comes to distinguishing the date the objects were made from the date of the context in which they were found. It has been observed that certain types of annular brooches, as well as some other objects, are found in settlements and hoards from the time of the Mongol invasion into this part of Europe, but when it comes to graves, we find them in larger numbers only from the 14th century.155 In other words, we ought to resist jumping to conclusions regarding 211 chronological parallels between similar finds from different contexts. Dates have already been put forward in the consulted literature for some of the annular brooches presented in this paper, but not for all. Among the dated specimens, the oldest are the silver annular brooches from Dobrica and from Dupljaja, found in hoards from the time of the Mongol invasion. Annular brooches from cemeteries (Kameni hat, Hinga, Ara~a), both inside and outside grave contexts, are dated mainly to the 14th century. If we compare this with the situation in Hungary, we can conclude that they are mostly synchronous. There, too, as already stated, annular brooches made of precious metals had been known prior to the Mongol incursion into these lands, primarily from hoards, while bronze specimens appear in the mid-14th century, arriving in graves towards the end of that century or at the beginning of the next. The reason the brooches made of precious metals are so rarely found in graves most likely lies in their high value, due to which, so we may surmise, they were treasured and passed down through generations.156 Even though it is emphasised in European literature that annular brooches were worn by members of both sexes, here, just as in Hungary, they are found almost exclusively in female graves (only a single brooch was found in a child’s grave – I refer, of course, only to burials whose sex has been determined and published). Also, they are often not found on the chest, as suggested by Western European sculptures, but in the pelvic or abdominal area. This would appear to corroborate the assumption that the local population in these lands (Cumans, Iazyges, as well as others) wore annular brooches in a different way than was the case in the West. It also appears that, here, another important function of these brooches was additionally pronounced, the apotropaic one! It suffices to look at the map (Map 1) to see that almost all the annular brooches from the territory of Serbia were found in present-day Vojvodina. The only exception is the specimen discovered between Ritopek 151 Milo{evi} 1990, 180, no. 301. Popovi}, Ivani{evi} 1988, 139, fig. 10: 11. The find is kept at the National Museum in Po`arevac. 153 Radi{i} 2014, 111, 112, fig. 2: 4. 154 Popovi}, Ivani{evi} 1988:140. 155 Vargha 2015, 48, 62. 156 Similar to the luxurious belts, which were not placed in graves but were inherited as symbols of nobility (Radi{i} 2014, 122). 152 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Juraj BELAJ Annular Brooches from the 13th and 14th Century from Vojvodina (197–222) Map 1. Distribution map of annular brooches from Vojvodina (compiled by Janko Belaj; © OpenStreetMap contributors – https://www.openstreetmap.org/copyright) Karta 1. Karta rasprostranjenosti bro{eva prona|enih na podru~ju Vojvodine (Sastavio: Janko Belaj; © OpenStreetMapcontributors – https://www.openstreetmap.org/copyright) and the mouth of the Morava River, on the right bank of the Danube, while the circular annular brooch with depressions for inserting gemstones or similar objects comes from an unknown site. This is an exceptionally important fact because Vojvodina, at that time, formed part of the Kingdom of Hungary, so this area was, naturally, more exposed to Western influence. However, at that time Vojvodina was populated by different ethnicities, including those that came from the West, as well as those that arrived from the East. Due to its position on the periphery of the Hungarian Kingdom, similar to the position of the present-day Croatian region of Slavonia, we may consider it a contact zone of different influences, including cultural ones. All of this is clearly revealed by the distribution map of annular brooches. The fact that also in the other areas south of the Danube and Sava rivers similar objects are almost entirely missing fits well into this picture: Croatia, south of the Sava, yielded only one such object;157 I know of only one specimen from Slovenia158 and Montenegro,159 while I do not know of a single similar specimen from 212 Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria or Macedonia. Therefore, there is a complete lack of precisely those large and inexpensive annular brooches from the mentioned areas,160 while even those more luxurious ones appear only exceptionally. For some of these countries we cannot say that they did not have developed connections with Western European areas, so the “exposure to Western influence” cannot be the only criterion when pondering the distribution of annular brooches. Milica Radi{i} concluded, based on the distribution of annular brooches, that the western fashion to which these objects belong was obviously not adopted by the local population in mediaeval Serbia, with the exception of the elite social class.161 On the other hand, she associates the appearance of circular annular brooches in the Danube basin with foreign immigrants and the “influence of the western Catholic church in the newly conquered, southern areas of the Hungarian Kingdom”, for instance with the Dominican missionary centre in Vr{ac.162 However, there were certainly also other factors that contributed to the spread of the fashion of wearing annular brooches in the southern 157 The mentioned silver annular brooch from Gora near Petrinja. Croatia, north of the Sava, yielded two circular annular brooches without inscription in Ivanec (for the excavation of the cemetery see: Belaj 2009; Belaj, Sirovica 2010; 2011; 2012b); three rhombic brooches were found in Sotin (Tomi~i} 2009, 236, fig. 8, 3; Ilki} 2010, 386, 389–390, no. 7, 8, 393, T. I, 7, 8) and at Tor~ec– Cirkvi{~e (Krznar 2015, 57, fig. 10; the other two specimens were found in 2015 and 2016 and still await publication); two were found at Kli{kovac, near Suhopolje (Tomi~i}, Jelin~i} 2011, 120, fig. 212 and 213, 138, cat. no. 23 and 36, 140, 142, T. 2: PN 31 and 57), while one comes from Bente`, near Beketinci (Minichreiter, Markovi} 2013, 306, 330, 331. Tabla 58, 6) and at the Paka fort near Novi Marof ([imek 2017, fig. 15). The hoard from Slakovci, near Vinkovci, contains a six-pointed annular brooch (Brun{mid 1904; Demo 2014, 96–112), while an eight-pointed star-shaped brooch was found in Sotin (Ilki} 2010, 386, 389, no. 6, 393, T. I, 6). A paper that will present them all together is currently in preparation. 158 This find, we are dealing with a gilt bronze rhombic annular brooch with applied glass knobs, also has more luxurious workmanship (Pleterski, Belak, 2002, 251, fig. 9., 252, 272, 299, T. 5, 33). 159 This is a well-known and often published luxuriously decorated cast golden circular annular brooch with a proprietorial inscription, which casts it as a “buckle of Peter, Grand Duke of Hum”, discovered as far back as the end of the 19th century in Budimlja, near Berane. It is incomparable with the annular brooches presented in this paper in every way. For a more detailed analysis of the brooch see: Belaj 2017, with the relevant literature. 160 Fogas believes that the owners of cast bronze annular brooches probably belonged to the upper class, although not exactly nobility (Fogas 2009, 156). 161 Radi{i} 2014, 111, 123. 162 Vujovi} 2013, 305; Radi{i} 2014, 120. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Juraj BELAJ Annular Brooches from the 13th and 14th Century from Vojvodina (197–222) Pannonian areas. For instance, military orders: the annular brooch from Gora near Petrinja arrived there with the Knights Templar, while the one from Ivanec, in the Hrvatsko Zagorje region, came with the Knights Hospitaller. Those from the Baltic presumably came with the Teutonic Knights (German military order),163 although there it was obviously also accepted by the local Prussian population. In the Baltics we also have to reckon with the important role of the Hansa and its commercial channels. We also encounter this type of find by following the movements of the Saxons to the borders of today’s Moldavia (Baia), however, I do not know whether the Saxons transferred this fashion to the domicile population in the same way as the Teutonic Knights appear to have done in the Baltics. It really seems unusual and interesting that the fashion of wearing annular brooches was not more widely accepted by the local population, at least in the case of the higher social classes. Naturally, this picture will perhaps change as research gains in intensity and late mediaeval cemeteries and settlements are increasingly published. However, based on the present knowledge, I do not believe there will be any substantial changes. It is interesting that annular brooches enjoyed great popularity among the Cumans and the Iazyges. Also of interest is Fogas’s interpretation that this happened because these peoples used these brooches, especially the inscribed ones, which they acquired by the mediation of the Franciscan missionaries, to supplement various “pagan” amulets they had previously worn during their pre-Christian period. In discussing this, Fogas mentions inscribed annular brooches. Indeed, such brooches were found in Vojvodina only at the Hinga cemetery, and we have seen that ethnic Cumans were present in its immediate neighbourhood. The Cumans arrived in the Hungarian Kingdom towards the end of the 11th century, while they settled there in larger numbers for the first time probably in 1239.164 They reached the observed areas in larger numbers for the first time before the Mongol invasion, in the spring of 1241, which is mentioned in the Ravanica charter by Duke Lazar Hrebeljanovi}.165 There is little information in the sources regarding their population, but certain toponyms preserve their memory. We are interested in their presence in these lands, a testimony to which is found in the name of the Kumane village in the Novi Be~ej municipality, very close to Ara~a. The aforementioned charter from 1241 also mentions the villages Kumanija in the Ma~va region, Koumani near Brani- 213 ~evo and Drmno (from the Cuman personal name Drman), near Kostolac.166 We have already seen that the literature attributes to them the Kameni hat cemetery, and we have surmised that some of them were also buried at the cemetery in Hinga. Another interesting thing to do is to look at the distribution of the “objects resembling annular brooches” in the territory of Serbia. Vin~a (which yielded three such objects) and Rudine are located near the Danube, but on the southern, Balkan side, while Kru{evac is situated in central Serbia, and Davidovac in southern Serbia. Not one such object that I know of was found in Vojvodina. In other words, the distribution areas of these finds and annular brooches do not overlap in the least. Can we assume, based on this, that these were a variant of sorts of annular brooches, which then, in such an indirect way, eventually found their way into the fashion of the local population? What is more, perhaps these are, after all, local products – because, it seems, they have no direct analogies in the West – modelled on the Western fashion, which is reflected in their very shape and in the lily motif. It is important to stress that these finds, according to current interpretations, are dated somewhat later, to the 14th and 15th centuries. I hope that this paper shows that annular brooches were an unjustly neglected category of finds, because these are very interesting objects whose various features help us to decipher different questions pertaining to certain segments of mediaeval society. The multifaceted nature of their symbolism is most readily discernable from the inscriptions present on them, but it is also sometimes hidden in the choice of the materials, shapes and concepts, together with a number of other things that have not even been touched upon in this paper. A lot can be gleaned from the study of their features, as well as their distribution. Therefore, I hope that they will be awarded greater attention in the future. *** I wish to express my gratitude to all those who helped me in preparing this paper, especially Maja Bun~i} (Archaeological Museum in Zagreb) for the photographs of the finds and insight into the material; Neda Dimovski (Subotica Municipal Museum), Aleksandra 163 164 165 166 Biermann et al. 2011, 215. Sardeli} 2015, 261, with literature. Uzelac 2009, 15, with literature. Uzelac 2009, 15. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Juraj BELAJ Annular Brooches from the 13th and 14th Century from Vojvodina (197–222) Niti} and Jelena ]eriman (National Museum in Belgrade), Lidija Balj, MSc (Museum of Vojvodina) and Marin Bugar (National Museum in Kru{evac) for the photographs of the finds, and Dejan Radi~evi}, PhD (Department of Archaeology, Philosophical Faculty, University in Belgrade) for information about the finds from Dupljaja and for the insight into their photographs; Milica Radi{i} (Archaeological Institute, Belgrade), Neda Dimovski, Márija Vargha (Institut für Geschichte, Universität Wien), Tibor Ákos Rácz (Ferenczy Múzeum, Szentendre), Andrej Farcas (Budapesti Történeti Múzeum), Anja Ragoli~, PhD (In{titut za arheologijo, Ljubljana) and many other colleagues who helped me in the search for the finds and literature. I am most grateful to my colleague Milica Radi{i} for her critical reading of the manuscript and for all manner of selfless help. Translated by Sanjin Miheli} Starinar is an Open Access Journal. All articles can be downloaded free of charge and used in accordance with the licence Creative Commons – Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 3.0 Serbia (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/rs/). ^asopis Starinar je dostupan u re`imu otvorenog pristupa. ^lanci objavqeni u ~asopisu mogu se besplatno preuzeti sa sajta ~asopisa i koristiti u skladu sa licencom Creative Commons – Autorstvo-Nekomercijalno-Bez prerada 3.0 Srbija (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/rs/). 214 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Juraj BELAJ Annular Brooches from the 13th and 14th Century from Vojvodina (197–222) BIBLIOGRAPHY: Belaj 2009 – J. Belaj, Arheolo{ka istra`ivanja crkve Sv. Ivana Krstitelja u Ivancu 2008. g. Annales Instituti Archaeologici V 2009, 90–94. Hatházi 2005 – G. Hatházi, Sírok, kincsek, rejtélyek. Híres középkori régészeti leletek Kiskunhalas környékén. Kiskunhalas 2005. Belaj, Belaj 2016 – J. Belaj, M. 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STARINAR LXVII/2017 Juraj BELAJ Annular Brooches from the 13th and 14th Century from Vojvodina (197–222) Rezime: JURAJ BELAJ, Institut za arheologiju, Zagreb PRSTENASTI BRO[EVI XIII. I XIV. STOLJE]A S PODRU^JA VOJVODINE Klju~ne re~i. – bro{, prstenasti bro{, zapon, natpis, srednji vijek, identitet. Prstenasti bro{evi sastoje se od okvira i pomi~ne igle, koja ima definirano le`i{te. Javljaju se u razli~itim oblicima. Nosili su se diljem Europe od XII. do XV. vijeka, a najve}u popularnost imali su tijekom XIII. i XIV. stolje}a. Uglavnom su zakap~ali prorez na tunici ispod vrata, ali oni robusniji i pla{teve na jednom ili oba ramena, no nala`eni su i u predjelu zdjelica i trbuhâ pokojnikâ. Izra|ivani su od razli~itih materijala, i to u razli~itim centrima diljem Europe. Nalazi prstenastih bro{eva iz Vojvodine Na promatranom podru~ju na|eni su razli~iti tipovi prstenastih bro{eva: pet okruglih s natpisom te ~etiri bez natpisa, dva rombi~na, jedan {esterolisni, ~etiri {esterokrakih i jo{ njih pet kojima su krakovi dodatno spojeni te dva osmerokraka prstenasta bro{a – sveukupno dvadeset i tri nalaza. Osim njih, poznati su i nalazi sli~ni bro{evima, koji imaju nepomi~nu pre~ku unutar okvira – njih pet, te jedna bro{u sli~na karika. S obzirom na materijal od kojeg su izra|eni razlikujemo luksuznije primjerke izra|ene od plemenitih metala, uglavnom nala`ene u ostavama, te – mnogo ~e{}e – one izra|ene od neplemenitih metala, koji su samim time bili pristupa~niji {irim dru{tvenim slojevima i uglavnom su nala`eni u grobovima. Okrugli prstenasti bro{evi dijele se prema tome nose li na sebi natpis ili ne. Okrugli prstenasti bro{evi s natpisom podijeljeni su u dva tipa – prema vrsti natpisa na njima. Pet okruglih prstenastih bro{eva s natpisima prona|eno je u Hingi. Jedan od njih, ne{to ve}i od ostalih, na|en je tek fragmentiran. Natpis, ~ini se, glasi: + MARI (…) IVREOM. Bio je, dakle, posve}en Djevici Mariji. Mogu}e je, na temelju nekih analogija, da je rije~ IVREOM dva puta kriptirana rije~ IVDEORVM. To se moglo posti}i tako da su prvo izba~ena pojedina slova, na na~in da se po{tuje odre|ena simetrija, a potom je prebacivano jedno slovo (R) dva mjesta naprijed. Za oba postupka postoje analogije na francuskim bro{evima te na bro{u iz Gore kraj Petrinje u Hrvatskoj. 217 Preostala ~etiri bro{a iz Hinge jednaka su i nose srednjonjema~ki natpis +HILF+MARIA+MER+T. Ottó Fogas taj natpis – smatram ispravno – ~ita: “Hilf Maria mir du” odnosno “(Ti) mi pomozi, Marijo!” Prstenasti bro{evi s natpisom ~esto su pronala`eni uz zdjelice pokojnica. Fogas tu pojavu dovodi u vezu s pokr{tavanjem Kumana i Jaziga, te smatra da su ih njihove `ene vje{ale na pojas umjesto nekada{njih amuleta. S obzirom na jezik natpisa, mo`emo pretpostaviti da su distribuirani iz nekog njema~kog samostana u okolici, ali da su izra|ivani u nekom ja~em centru, mo`da u rumunjskom Sibiu. Okrugli prstenasti bro{evi bez natpisa spadaju me|u starije. U selu Dobrica prona|en je, u ostavi iz 1241. god., srebrni lijevani bro{ ukra{en urezanim linijama koje ~ine motiv trokuta. S nepoznatog nalazi{ta u Srbiji potje~e bron~ani lijevani bro{ sa {est udubljenja – za umetanje dragog kamenja ili njegove imitacije, datiran u XIII. stolje}e. U ostavi iz oko 1241. god. prona|enoj u selu Dupljaja na|ena su dva bro{a okruglog okvira, ukra{ena ~etirima {esterolisnim cvjeti}ima. Rombi~ni prstenasti bro{evi neukra{enih okvira te narebrenih vrhova koji zavr{avaju kuglicama prona|eni su u Novim Banovcima te u ostavi iz Dupljaje. Ova skupina bro{eva – prema poznatim analogijama iz Ma|arske i Hrvatske – nala`ena je u grobovima isklju~ivo na prsima pokojnika. [esterolisni prstenasti bro{, izra|en od lijevane bronce te pozla}en, na|en je na desnoj obali Dunava, izme|u Ritopeka i u{}a Morave, i za sada je usamljen nalaz ovog tipa na {irem podru~ju. [esterokraki prstenasti bro{evi. Luksuzan primjerak ovakvog bro{a prona|en je u Banatskom Despotovcu. Rije~ je o izrazito zvjezdolikom bro{u, ~iji krakovi zavr{avaju stiliziranim ljiljanima i na koji su aplicirane kuglice. Motiv ljiljana na vrhovima {esterokrakih prstenastih bro{eva sre}e se i drugdje u Karpatskoj kotlini. No, ponekad su oni toliko stilizirani da se jedva razaznaju. Primjeri su bro{evi iz Novih Banovaca STARINAR LXVII/2017 Juraj BELAJ Annular Brooches from the 13th and 14th Century from Vojvodina (197–222) te Ara~e. Pogledamo li {iri geografski okvir, i ovu skupinu bro{eva mo`emo zamisliti negdje na pojasu. [esterokraki prstenasti bro{evi dvostruko spojenih krakova nastali su iz {esterokrakih prstenastih bro{eva izvijenih krakova ~iji su veliki stilizirani ljiljani prigodom lijevanja spojeni, {to se dobro vidi na bro{evima iz Ara~e. Na lokalitetu Kameniti hat prona|eni su me|usobno sli~ni bro{evi – srebrni i bron~ani. U Hingi je prona|ena osobita varijanta {esterokrakog prstenastog bro{a koja je oblikovana tako da izgleda poput {est spojenih kru`nica. Ova skupina bro{eva vrlo je zanimljiva, a od meni poznatih osam nalaza iz Karpatske kotline ~ak pet ih je na|eno na podru~ju Vojvodine. Kao vjerojatan uzrok takve rasprostranjenosti name}u se njema~ki crkveni redovi, koji su mogli biti glavni distributeri i ove vrste bro{eva. Druga zanimljivost vezana je za polo`aj bro{eva ove skupine u grobovima, jer se oni ~e{}e nalaze negdje oko prsiju pokojnika. Osmerokraki zvjezdoliki bro{evi. U Hingi je prona|en bron~ani primjerak datiran novcem kralja Ludovika Velikog a ukra{en s ~etiri utisnuta slova “K”, dok iz Novih Banovaca potje~e osmerokraki zvjezdoliki prstenasti bro{ ~iji je unutra{nji rub okvira okrugao. Nalazi sli~ni bro{evima s balkanskog dijela Srbije. U ovu skupinu spadaju prije svega okrugle prstenaste kop~e vrlo {irokog okvira i malog sredi{njeg otvora, izra|ene od lijevane bronce, a koje umjesto pomi~ne igle imaju unutar okvira nepomi~nu pre~ku kroz koju je, mo`da, provla~ena tkanina. Tri takve kop~e na|ene su u Vin~i, a po jedna u Kru{evcu te na lokalitetu Davidovac–Gradi{te. Bro{evima je sli~an i bron~ani nalaz karike iz Rudine u podno`ju Brani~evskog grada, datirane u XII. vijek i prva desetlje}a XIII. stolje}a. Okvir karike ima trakasti presjek, ali ne ravan ve} uko{en, i na njemu se ne vidi le`i{te igle. Zaklju~na razmi{ljanja o prstenastim bro{evima na promatranom podru~ju Iz iznesenih podataka, promatraju}i i analogne primjerke iz susjednih zemalja, mo`emo poku{ati izvu}i odre|ene zaklju~ke. Od datiranih prstenastih bro{eva 218 najstariji su oni iz Dobrice i Dupljaje, prona|eni u ostavama iz vremena mongolske navale. Bro{evi prona|eni na grobljima (Kameni hat, Hinga, Ara~a), u ili izvan grobnih cjelina, datiraju se uglavnom u XIV. stolje}e, istodobno kada i u susjednim zemljama. I ovdje se, ba{ kao i u okolnim zemljama, prstenasti bro{evi nalaze gotovo isklju~ivo u `enskim grobovima. Tako|er, ~esto se ne nalaze na prsima – kako nam to sugeriraju zapadnoeuropski likovni prikazi – ve} u predjelu zdjelice ili trbuha, {to ukazuje na druk~iju uporabnu funkciju. Iz karte rasprostranjenosti mo`emo vidjeti da su gotovo svi prstenasti bro{evi prona|eni na tlu dana{nje Vojvodine, na podru~ju koje je u promatrano vrijeme bilo dio Ugarske. Nedavno su iznijete pretpostavke da zapadna moda, kojoj takvi bro{evi pripadaju, o~ito nije bila prihva}ena kod doma}e populacije u srednjovjekovnoj Srbiji, a rijetka pojava prstenastih bro{eva u Podunavlju povezuje se sa stranim doseljenicima i “utjecajima zapadne katoli~ke crkve u novoosvojenim, ju`nim podru~jima Ugarske”. Sli~no mo`emo re}i i za druge susjedne zemlje – naravno, s izuzetkom Ma|arske – jer se uo~ava veza njihove pojave s, primjerice, centrima vite{kih redova, a nalazimo ih i u podru~jima Isto~ne Europe naseljenima Sasima. Zanimljiva je velika popularnost koju su prstenasti bro{evi, osobito oni s natpisima, stekli kod Kumana i Jaziga, kao i Fogasovo mi{ljenje da su im oni nadomjestili “poganske” amulete. Interesantno je promotriti i rasprostranjenost “nalaza sli~nih prstenastim bro{evima” na tlu Srbije ju`no od Save i Dunava, jer se podru~ja rasprostranjenosti tih nalaza i prstenastih bro{eva nimalo ne poklapaju. Iz toga mo`emo pretpostaviti da se, mo`da, radi o svojevrsnoj lokalnoj ina~ici prstenastih bro{eva. Prstenasti bro{evi se, dakle, pokazuju kao neopravdano zapostavljena kategorija nalaza, jer rije~ je o vrlo zanimljivim nalazima koji nam raznim svojim zna~ajkama poma`u u procesu odgonetavanjâ raznolikih pitanja koja se ti~u odre|enih segmenata srednjovjekovnoga dru{tva. Intrigantna je vi{eslojnost simbolike koju oni sadr`e. Mnogo se mo`e doznati prou~avanjem kako njihovih zna~ajki, tako i njihove rasprostranjenosti. STARINAR LXVII/2017 Juraj BELAJ Annular Brooches from the 13th and 14th Century from Vojvodina (197–222) A 1 0 5 10 mm 5 10 mm 2 3 4 5 6 7 B 0 Plate I – A. Inscribed circular annular brooches: 1–5) Hinga (photo by: S. Kolovi}, Subotica Municipal Museum); B. Circular annular brooches without inscription: 6) Dobrica (photo by: National Museum in Belgrade), 7) Serbia – unknown site (photo by: National Museum in Belgrade) Tabla I – A. Okrugli prstenasti bro{evi s natpisom: 1–5) Hinga (foto: S. Kolovi}, Gradski muzej Subotica); B. Okrugli prstenasti bro{evi bez natpisa: 6) Dobrica (foto: Narodni muzej u Beogradu), 7) Srbija – nepoznato nalazi{te (foto: Narodni muzej u Beogradu) 219 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Juraj BELAJ Annular Brooches from the 13th and 14th Century from Vojvodina (197–222) A B 8 0 5 9 10 mm 0 5 10 mm C 10 0 5 10 mm 11 0 5 10 mm Plate II – A. Rhombic annular brooches: 8) Novi Banovci (photo by: I. Krajcar, Archaeological Museum in Zagreb); B. Hexafoil annular brooch: 9) Danube – right bank, between Ritopek and the mouth of the Morava (photo by: National Museum in Belgrade); C. Six-pointed annular brooch: 10) Novi Banovci (photo by: I. Krajcar, Archaeological Museum in Zagreb), 11) Ara~a (photo by: M. \uki}, Museum of Vojvodina) Tabla 2 – A. Rombi~ni prstenasti bro{evi: 8) Novi Banovci (foto: I. Krajcar, Arheolo{ki muzej u Zagrebu); B. [esterolisni prstenasti bro{: 9) Dunav – desna obala, izme|u Ritopeka i u{}a Morave (foto: Narodni muzej u Beogradu); C. [esterokraki prstenasti bro{: 10) Novi Banovci (foto: I. Krajcar, Arheolo{ki muzej u Zagrebu), 11) Ara~a (foto: M. \uki}, Muzej Vojvodine) 220 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Juraj BELAJ Annular Brooches from the 13th and 14th Century from Vojvodina (197–222) A 12 13 14 B 15 0 5 10 mm 16 0 5 10 mm Plate III – A. Six-pointed annular brooches with double-connected arms: 12) Ara~a (photo by: M. \uki}, Museum of Vojvodina), 13–14) Kameniti hat (photo by: S. Kolovi}, Subotica Municipal Museum), 15) Hinga (photo by: S. Kolovi}, Subotica Municipal Museum); B. Eight-pointed star-shaped annular brooch: 16) Hinga (photo by: S. Kolovi}, Subotica Municipal Museum) Tabla III – A. [esterokraki prstenasti bro{evi dvostruko spojenih krakova: 12) Ara~a (foto: M. \uki}, Muzej Vojvodine), 13–14) Kameniti hat (foto: S. Kolovi}, Gradski muzej Subotica), 15) Hinga (foto: S. Kolovi}, Gradski muzej Subotica); B. Osmerokraki zvjezdoliki prstenasti bro{: 16) Hinga (foto: S. Kolovi}, Gradski muzej Subotica) 221 STARINAR LXVII/2017 Juraj BELAJ Annular Brooches from the 13th and 14th Century from Vojvodina (197–222) 17 18 19 20 0 5 10 mm Plate IV – Objects resembling annular brooches: 17–19) Vin~a (photo by: National Museum in Belgrade), 20) Kru{evac (photo by: P. ]erani}, National Museum in Kru{evac) Tabla IV – Nalazi sli~ni prstenastim bro{evima: 17–19) Vin~a (foto: Narodni muzej u Beogradu), 20) Kru{evac (foto: P. ]erani}, Narodni muzej Kru{evac) 222 STARINAR LXVII/2017 UDC: 904:622 (37) https://doi.org/10.2298/STA1767223S Original research article @ELJKA [AJIN, University of Banja Luka, Faculty of Philosophy, History Department, Banja Luka LUCIUS SEPTIMIUS PETRONIANUS AND TIBERIUS CLAUDIUS PROCULUS CORNELIANUS: TWO PROTÉGÉS OF GNAEUS IULIUS VERUS e-mail: sajinzeljka@gmail.com Abstract – This article discusses the careers of Lucius Septimius Petronianus and Tiberius Claudius Proculus Cornelianus, who successively held the post of procurator of the mining districts situated in the valley of the lower Drina river during the second half of the 2nd century A.D. It aims to point out a connection between both procurators and Gnaeus Iulius Verus, a famous senator and general originating from the Roman colony of Aequum, in Dalmatia and one of Marcus Aurelius’ amici in the early years of the latter’s reign. The presence of the protégés of Gnaeus Iulius Verus in the richest mining region of Illyricum is indicative of two things: the emperor’s willingness to entrust these mines to the protégés of his closest associate at a time when this region was under constant threat from barbarian attacks, and also the possible intention of Gnaeus Iulius Verus to protect his own investment in mining. Key words – Dalmatia, Pannonia, mines, mining, procurators, senators. T he indirect involvement of the members of senatorial families in ore exploitation in Illyricum1 has been recorded in Upper Moesia, particularly in Dardania.2 In a prosopographical study of Roman mining in Upper Moesia, Slobodan Du{ani} shows that, under the Principate, mining exploitation in this province was often based on the senators’ private financial means.3 Any evidence of close relationships between these men and the mining officials has been lacking so far. The following discussion will concentrate primarily on the careers of the two procurators who held the mining procuratorship in Domavia during the reign of Marcus Aurelius, Lucius Septimius Petronianus and Tiberius Claudius Proculus Cornelianus, who managed to enter imperial service and subsequently held some of the highest posts during the reign of the emperors Antoninus Pius and Marcus Aurelius. Their careers have already been analysed in various studies, most notably by H. D’Escurac–Doisy and H. G. Pflaum.4 Understandably, in each of these analyses lit- 1 The term ‘Illyricum’ is a complex one and its content varied from period to period. In the present paper, Illyricum refers to the lands that can be conveniently identified with the provinces of Dalmatia, Pannonia, and Moesia Superior. 2 Papazoglou 1990, 577–585; Du{ani} 2006, 85–102. 3 Du{ani} 2006, 85. 4 H. D’Escurac-Doisy has published an inscription from Cherchel that was set up in honour of a governor of Mauretania Caesariensis, L. Septimius Petronianus, by one of his statores. See: D’Escurac-Doisy 1957, 137–150. H. G. Pflaum gives a detailed account of the development of the equestrian careers of both procurators and their procuratorships. See: Pflaum 1960–61, no. 146 bis, 164 bis; cf. Pflaum 1955, 124–154. On Petronianus’ post of archistator in Egypt, see: Pflaum 1959, 281–286. Regarding the career of Tiberius Claudius Proculus Cornelianus, Y. Le Bohec, analysing the civil posts he held in northern Africa, explains the reasons for Cornelianus’s presence in Lambaesis, where the inscription was found. See: Le Bohec 1992, 107–116. 223 Manuscript received 30st December 2016, accepted 10th May 2017 tle attention has been paid to the common post of procurator of the mining district of Domavia. In the studies on mining in Illyricum, the presence of both @eljka [AJIN Lucius Septimius Petronianus and Tiberius Claudius Proculus Cornelianus: Two Protégés of Gnaeus Verus (223–239) procurators in the same mining district is examined only in the context of the mining post in general with no further comparisons.5 That is the reason why other similarities in their equestrian careers have been generally overlooked. In order to point them out we will closely examine their military careers in a comparative way and clarify the circumstances of their entry into imperial service. The subject of our discussion will be the close relationship between Petronianus and Cornelianus on the one hand and Gnaeus Iulius Verus, a member of one of the most prominent families in the province of Dalmatia, on the other. The presence of the protégés of the senatorial family Iulii in the richest mining region of Illyricum will be examined primarily in the context of events that followed the accession of Marcus Aurelius to the throne and of Verus’ possible indirect involvement in the exploitation of the silver mines in this area. We will also attempt to shed some light on how Verus’ patronage might have functioned in the field. Equestrian career and entry into imperial service Seniority has usually been considered one of the major factors in promotion in equestrian careers.6 However, the majority of Roman equites served in the same rank for many years without being promoted. The equestrian military positions seemed to constitute an abundant source of benefits at the disposal of governors, who also commanded military forces, which they freely dispensed to their protégés, friends, and to their friends’ protégés.7 The letters of recommendation sent by Pliny the Younger to his senatorial friends aiming to advance the military career of his protégés are good examples of how important the influence of personal patronage on the distribution of equestrian militia was.8 The correspondence of Fronto reveals that the same practice was followed during the reigns of Antoninus Pius and Marcus Aurelius.9 Lucius Septimius Petronianus and Tiberius Claudius Proculus Cornelianus advanced in their military and procuratorial careers by following the usual pattern. This implies that their advancement most likely depended on the support of an influential patron who was in a position to influence decisions of the senatorial governors and to secure beneficia for his friends and protégés.10 We do not have letters of recommendation that would allow us to easily determine the identity of the person, or persons, whose patronage was highly important for their advancement. Nevertheless, it is possible to identify a protégé-patron 224 relationship between Petronianus and Cornelianus on the one hand and Gnaeus Iulius Verus on the other, based on several indications emerging from their honorary inscriptions. With regard to these inscriptions, we have to emphasise that we will not focus on their general careers, but rather on the military positions and offices that are relevant to our topic. Petronianus’s cursus honorum is given in full in this honorary inscription from Cherchel in Mauretania Caesariensis: L(ucio) Septi[....f(ilio)] | Petro[niano] | praef(ecto) co[h(ortis) ..c(ivium) R(omanorum)] | volu[ntarior(um)] | trib(uno) m[il(itum) leg(ionis)] | secund[ae Traian(ae)] fortis, pr[aef(ecto) alae] | Agrippian[ae miniatae] | archistato[ri prae(fecti) Aeg(ypti)] | praef(ecto) cla[s(sis) ........], | a com[mentariis] | praef(ecti) [praetorio], | proc(uratori) M[oesiae] | inferior[is] | proc(uratori) |argentariar(um) | Pannonicar(um) | proc(uratori) provin|ciae Mauret(aniae) Caesariens(is) | [[Cl(audius) Quintosus]] | dic(urio) (sic) alae Thrac(um) | strator eius | ob merita.11 Petronianus started his military service during the reign of Hadrian.12 The position of military tribune, which he held in the Legion II Traiana Fortis, seems to have been a turning point in his career. E. Ritterling dates the creation of the legion to the time of Trajan’s Dacian Wars.13 The II Traiana Fortis probably participated in Trajan’s Parthian War and, because it was 5 Du{ani} 1977, 86–87, fn. 213, 214, 216; [kegro 1998, 91, 97; Hirt 2010, 133–136. 6 On the equestrian careers and procuratorships during the reign of the Antonines, see: Pflaum 1950, 216–257. See also: Hopkins 1965, 22–26; Carney 1971, 18; Saller 1982, 80–94. 7 Croix 1954, 33–48. Cf. Saller 1982, 131–133. See also: Pflaum 1950, 198–209; Pflaum 1964, 544–560. 8 Pliny Ep. 2.13.2, 3.2, 4.4, 6.8, 6.25, 7.22. 9 Fronto Ad. Amic. 1, 5; 17. 18. 10 Pliny Ep. 2. 13. 2; 4. 4. 11 D’Escurac-Doisy 1957, 137 ff =AE 1958,156. See also: AE 1960, 245; 1961, 227. 12 D’Escurac-Doisy 1957, 142. Cf. Pflaum 1960–1, 975. Since we know the names of the prefects of the Cohort VIII Voluntariorum from Dalmatia (Abrami} 1940, 2–3=AE 1940, 176.) and also of the prefect of the coh. VII volu[n]tariorum, mentioned in an inscription from Tamugadi (AE 1954, 145), it is possible to pinpoint the province where the garrison in which Petronianus could have started his military service was. On Cohort VIII Civium Romanorum Voluntariorum, which garrisoned Dalmatia during the Principate see: Alföldy 1987, 254. For a complete list of all inscriptions of this unit found in Dalmatia, see also: Ibid. 288–291. 13 RE 12 (1925) 1280–1281; 1484–1493. For various assumptions about its early garrison, see: Syme 1965, 342–361. Cf. Freeman 1996, 91–118. STARINAR LXVII/2017 @eljka [AJIN Lucius Septimius Petronianus and Tiberius Claudius Proculus Cornelianus: Two Protégés of Gnaeus Verus (223–239) available for service in Judaea, it stayed there from the second half of A.D. 117 onwards.14 The unit was sent from Judaea to Egypt in A.D. 127 and stationed in the military camp near Nicopolis, a few miles northeast of Alexandria.15 Petronianus held his last procuratorship in A.D. 161–165, therefore his military tribunate could be dated to just after the arrival of the Legion II Traiana Fortis to Egypt or to the third decade of the 2nd century.16 This time frame allows for the possibility that Petronianus served in the detachments of this legion deployed in Judaea to help suppress the revolt of Bar-Kokhba.17 In the first years of the Bar-Kokhba revolt, the Roman army suffered heavy losses and huge gaps had to be filled by legions and auxiliary units serving in other provinces.18 The reinforcement that was sent from Egypt to Judaea in an attempt to help the army in the province included the Legion XXII Deiotariana. This legion was probably annihilated during the revolt, since there are no indications of its existence after the war19 and, therefore, new reinforcements had to be sent, consisting of detachments of the Legion II Traiana Fortis.20 The state of emergency also required the replacement of the commander-in-chief. Therefore, according to Dio, Hadrian sent against the Jews his best general, Sextus Iulius Severus,21 who was dispatched from Britain.22 As Severus’ transfer from the British command to Judaea was sudden, his successor, Publius Mummius Sisenna,23 who held the post of consul ordinarius in A.D. 133, was appointed governor of Britain immediately after his consulate.24 Severus commanded a large army and under his supreme command were the legates of the Legion VI Ferrata, the Legion X Fretensis, strengthened with marines from Italy, the Legion XXII Deioteriana and also the detachments of all other legions and auxiliary units sent as reinforcements to Judaea.25 One of the most important legionary legates subordinate to Severus was Quintus Lollius Urbicus, a former governor of Germania and future governor of Britain in A.D. 138–144.26 He came to Judaea with Severus and probably commanded the detachments of the Pannonian legions.27 Severus was accompanied by his son, or nephew28, Gnaeus Iulius Verus who, at the time, held the post of military tribune in the Legion X Fretensis.29 Before his arrival in Judaea, Verus had started his senatorial career as one of the three officials in charge of overseeing the mint (tresviri monetales). The post of military tribune was his first military post and it, therefore, seems reasonable that he held it under the command of his father, or uncle.30 As a tribunus laticlavius, Iulius Verus was 225 second in command in the Legion X Fretensis and was supposed to monitor whether the legate carried out his duties.31 Several commemorative inscriptions from Judaea attest to the repair work carried out by the detachments of the Legions X Fretensis and II Traiana Fortis on the High Level aqueduct at Caesarea under Hadrian.32 L. Keppie suggests that these repairs could have been carried out in A.D. 130–1, shortly before Hadrian’s visit to Judaea, or in A.D. 135–138, when the detachments of both legions were participating in clearing–up operations after the war.33 Even though we do not have direct proof that Petronianus, holding the post of military tribune, sojourned in Judaea with the detachments of the Legion II Traiana Fortis, the mere possibility that he could have been there provides us with an opportunity to shed light on his promotion in his equestrian career, and to explain the peculiarities of his last two procuratorships that have been unresolved so far. The presumable acquaintance between the two young military tribunes would have placed Petronianus under the direct protection of Iulius Verus’ father, or uncle, Sextus Iulius Severus, the governor of Judaea, and later Syria, and his recommendations 14 The legion’s presence in Judaea is confirmed by the inscription of its soldier who was buried at Sidon in A.D. 117/118. Cf. CIL III 151=6666. See also: Keppie 2000, 221–223. 15 RE 12 (1925) 1493. See also: Keppie 2000, 222. 16 D’Escurac-Doisy 1957, 142. Cf. Pflaum 1960–1, 976. 17 On the participation of the detachments of the Legion II Traiana Fortis in suppressing the revolt, see: Isaac, Roll 1979, 149–156; Rea 1980, 220–221. Cf. Smallwood 1976, 447, fn. 74; Mor 1990, 163–175. See also: Le Bohec, Wolff 2000, 359–363. 18 Eck 1999, 79–80. 19 On the disappearance of the Legion XXII Deiotariana, see: Birley 1997, 268; Mor 1986, 267–287. Cf. Keppie 2000, 225–232. 20 Bloom 2010, 206–207. 21 PIR2 J 576. Cf. Eck, Pangerl 2007, 283 ff. 22 Dio 69. 13. 1–2. 23 Dietz 1993, 295–311. 24 Birley 1997, 273. 25 On legions and their detachments in Judaea during the revolt, see: Mor 1990, 163–175. 26 PIR5 L 327. 27 Eck 1999, 82. 28 On the question whether Sextus Julius Severus was Gnaeus Iulius Verus’ father or uncle, see: Wilkes 1969, 322; Salomies 1992, 126 ff. Cf. Birley 2000, 113; Birley 2005, 146. 29 PIR2 J 618. Cf. Birley 2005, 32. 30 Wilkes 1969, 242, 321. 31 Birley 1988, 99. 32 AE 1928, 136; AE 1964, 189. Cf. Keppie 2000, 223, fn. 26. 33 Keppie 2000, 223. STARINAR LXVII/2017 @eljka [AJIN Lucius Septimius Petronianus and Tiberius Claudius Proculus Cornelianus: Two Protégés of Gnaeus Verus (223–239) would have been essential for the next step in Petronianus’ equestrian career.34 His promotion to the third militia speaks in favour of that possibility. Petronianus’ military career took him to Britain, where he was commander of the Ala Agrippiana [Miniata].35 After Severus’ departure for Judaea, Britain was governed by P. Mummius Sisenna (A.D. 133–136)36 and then by Quintus Lollius Urbicus (A.D. 138–144).37 Since the auxiliary units stayed in Judaea even after the suppression of the revolt, it seems more likely that Petronianus held his last military post in Britain during the governorship of Quintus Lollius Urbicus. The governor of Britain had more patronage, more posts to be filled on his recommendation, than any other servant of the emperor.38 The letter of credit and recommendation from Severus to his colleague and friend in Britain (Sisenna or Urbicus) commending Petronianus could have helped the latter to obtain the third rank as commander of an auxiliary cavalry regiment.39 Severus himself, when he was the governor of Britain, helped Marcus Statius Priscus to start his equestrian career.40 Priscus left his cohort-prefecture to serve as a legionary tribune in the Jewish War under Hadrian.41 Severus obviously took his protégé with him when he himself was made commander-in-chief of the forces fighting the rebellion. Severus’ patronage was also primarily responsible for Priscus’ entrance into imperial service and for his rapid career progression. The practice of writing litterae commendaticiae is well known from the correspondence of Pliny the Younger, who sent several recommendations to his friends, senatorial governors, aiming to advance the military careers of his protégés. In a letter to Priscus,42 his close friend and governor of Lower Germany, Pliny asks him to use his wits and splendid opportunities to bestow one of the equestrian military positions on Voconius Romanus.43 The long friendship between Pliny and Romanus began in their student days and Pliny, in his letter, strongly emphasises the personal and professional qualities of his protégé, especially his rhetorical skills. Pliny’s request was granted, and Romanus advanced in his military career. Pliny’s protection continued afterwards, which we know from his petition sent to the emperor Trajan on behalf of Romanus.44 This time Pliny was helping him to be promoted to the rank of ex-praetor.45 (There is no evidence whether the petition was successful). In another letter of recommendation, written after A.D. 99, Pliny addresses his friend Quintus Sosius Senecio.46 The aim of Pliny’s letter was to request that Varisidius Nepos be granted a military tribunate of six months duration. It 226 is interesting to note that Pliny’s protégé is not named and the only important information that is given is that he is the son of the sister of Gaius Calvisius, his old companion and also Senecio’s friend. Gaius Calvisius had probably lobbied with Pliny in response to his sister’s urging him to help advance the military career of his nephew. Accordingly, if a similar letter of recommendation was sent by Severus to Quintus Lollius Urbicus in favour of Petronianus, it would certainly have been as a direct result of Verus’ urging his father or uncle. We have an example of a similar promotion to the third militia due to the recommendation of an influential patron during the reign of Antoninus Pius. It is the case of a young eques, Calvisius Faustinianus, who advanced in his military career due to the patronage of Fronto. Fronto sent several letters to Tiberius Claudius Iulianus47 of Smyrna, a prominent figure from the Greek east.48 The first one was a letter of recommendation for Faustinianus,49 who was serving in the provincial army under Iulianus’ command.50 Iulianus was holding the post of governor of Lower Germany at the time and may have been appointed to this post immediately after his consulship in A.D. 159.51 Faustinianus’ father, Gaius Calvisius Statianus,52 who was a member of a very influential family from Verona (about to be appointed ab epistulis latinis Augustorum, respon- 34 Birley 1988, 153–154, 360. Cf. Eck 1997, 232. The Ala Agrippiana Miniata is attested in Britain on military diplomas issued in A.D. 122 (CIL XVI 69; RMD 360; AE 2008, 800). Gilliam 1961, 100, fn. 2 suggests that miniata might have been a honorary title conferred after some notable success. Cf. Pflaum 1960–1, 976; D’Escurac-Doisy 1957, 143; Birley 1980, 66. 36 PIR2 M 711. See also: Dietz 1993, 295–311. 37 PIR5 L 327. 38 Birley 1980, 57–58. 39 Birley 1988, 357–360. 40 PIR2 S 880. 41 Birley 1980, 61. 42 He was probably L. Neratius Priscus cos. suff. in A.D. 97 from Saepinum. Birley 2000, 20, 83. For his career, see: PIR2 N 60. 43 Ep. 2.13.2. 44 Ep. 10.4. 45 Levick 1985, 151. 46 Ep. 4. 4. Q. Sosius Senecio was a friend of Trajan and consul in A.D. 99 and 107. For his career, see: PIR2 S 560. 47 PIR2 C 902. 48 Fronto, Ad. Amic. 1.5, 17.18. 49 PIR2 C 346. Cf. Wilcken 1932, 250–251. 50 Ad. Amic. 1.5. 51 Van Den Hout 1999, 407. 52 PIR2 C 356. 35 STARINAR LXVII/2017 @eljka [AJIN Lucius Septimius Petronianus and Tiberius Claudius Proculus Cornelianus: Two Protégés of Gnaeus Verus (223–239) sible for the emperor’s letters in Latin, and then prefect of Egypt), requested help from Fronto in order to secure a military post for his son. H. G. Pflaum assumes that this was probably Faustinianus’ last military post, a praefectura alae, the third militia.53 Fronto suggests that the governor should test his protégé in military duties, in legal consultations, in letters and in everything that requires good judgment and ability. The petition was successful and Faustinianus advanced not only in his military career, but he also entered imperial service afterwards. He held the post of idiologus, an important position in the financial administration under the prefect of Egypt, ten years after serving in the third militia.54 He probably went to Egypt with his father, the prefect of Egypt, in A.D. 170.55 Petronianus’ career took a similar course. Having spent several years in Britain and having passed the tres militiae, he was promoted to the post of archistator.56 An archistator was in charge of statores, a squad of military police stationed at the headquarters of a legionary legate or that of the prefect of Egypt. It is not yet clear whether this post should be regarded as a military post or as a post within the imperial civil service.57 In any case, junior administrative positions were reserved only for a select few with the right patronage. In order to gain entry to the imperial civil service it was necessary for the potential candidate to have a letter of recommendation58 submitted to the emperor by his closest friends or associates. Due to the absence of training schools or application procedures, emperors usually appointed those candidates that had been brought to their attention.59 It is obvious that without the patronage of an influential person, Petronianus would not have been able to secure for himself a military position in Britain under a governor with whom he had had no previous relationship. Furthermore, patronage bonds that may have been established very early in Petronianus’ career with the influential senatorial family of Iulii, would have enabled him to successfully pursue his equestrian procuratorial career. Petronianus’ subsequent posts in the imperial civil service are indicative of a very long career. For our case, the most important offices are the last two, as recorded in the honorary inscription. Because of their peculiarities, these offices have already been discussed by H. G. Pflaum and H. D’Escurac-Doisy.60 Petronianus left Lower Moesia in A.D. 160/1 with the rank of centenarius and arrived in Pannonia, where he was assigned the mining procuratorship. He was the first procurator centenarius to supervise the argentariae Pannonicae, at the very beginning of the reign of Marcus 227 Aurelius. Before his procuratorship, these silver mines were governed by a procurator sexagenarius.61 It was rather unusual that the imperial office assigned this post, usually held by sexagenarii, to a procurator of a higher rank. H. G. Pflaum suggests that the reason behind this policy could have been the unification of the mining districts in Pannonia and Dalmatia, but this happened in A.D. 162, after Petronianus had completed his term of office and left for Mauretania.62 Furthermore, Petronianus’ title, proc(urator) argentariar(um) Pannonicar(um), a procurator in charge of the Pannonian silver mines, clearly indicates the domain of his authority. It was obviously a special case and Petronianus must have been instrumental in implementing particular measures. His presence in the mining district was needed and, as H. D’Escurac-Doisy has already pointed out, he was most likely receiving a salary befitting his rank rather than the procuratorship he held.63 The beginning of the reign of Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus was marked by a financial crisis generated by the Parthian campaign, which necessitated the recruitment of new military units, and also by a significant reduction in the inflow of precious metals from Spain.64 Upon their accession, the emperors were forced to decrease the silver purity of the denarius from 83.5 per cent to 79 per cent – the weight of the silver content dropping from 2.68 grams to 2.57 grams.65 This policy was continued later on as the Marcomannic Wars brought the finances of the Empire to the brink of collapse, forcing Marcus Aurelius to significantly reduce the silver purity of the denarius.66 The priority for the state was to ensure a regular influx of silver from 53 54 Pflaum 1960–61, 406 ff. IGR III 500. On the post of Idiologus, see: Ballou 1921, 96–110. 55 Saller 1982, 94, fn. 34. Pflaum 1959, 285. 57 Gilliam 1961, 101. 58 On the commendandi mos, see: Pflaum 1964, 544–560. 59 Garnsey, Saller 1987, 152–163. 60 See fn. 4 above. 61 L. Creperius Paulus: AE 1948, 243= ILIug 83; AE 1915, 46 = IGR III 777; M. Antonius Fabianus: IMS II 69. Cf. Pflaum 1960–61, nos. 78, 145. 62 Pflaum 1955, 126. Cf. D’Escurac-Doisy 1957, 147. 63 D’Escurac-Doisy 1957, 147. 64 Jones 1980, 159–161. Cf. Howgego 1992, 7. 65 Walker 1978, 125f. Cf. Birley 1993, 160. See: Duncan-Jones 1998, 101–108. 66 Birley 1993, 160. 56 STARINAR LXVII/2017 @eljka [AJIN Lucius Septimius Petronianus and Tiberius Claudius Proculus Cornelianus: Two Protégés of Gnaeus Verus (223–239) the mines in Illyricum, as the silver mines in the southeastern Pyrenees and the lower Ebro valley, which had been supplying imperial mints since the Late Republic, were nearing exhaustion in the middle of the 2nd century A.D.67 Because the silver deposits in the valley of the lower Drina river were very rich, they became indispensable for the production of silver coinage and for the functioning of the state mints in Rome.68 Due to troubles on the eastern frontier, Marcus Aurelius replaced a number of the Empire’s major officials at the very beginning of his reign.69 The suggestions and advice of his friends, such as Fronto, and members of his inner circle (comites Augustorum), such as Cn. Iulius Verus, were of high importance.70 The nomination of Petronianus to the post of mining procurator in Lower Pannonia during a serious financial crisis indicates both the fact that he was on close terms with the emperor’s closest associates and also that among these we should probably look for the person responsible for his advancement. Petronianus must have performed his duty successfully, as his career rapidly progressed afterwards. He was promoted to the post of the procurator of Mauretania Caesariensis. This procuratorship belonged to the third level of posts of ducenarii.71 Petronianus’ sudden promotion from the mining procuratorship to a higher position that was the most suitable led H. D’Escurac-Doisy to ask whether we should suspect a sudden favour or some deserved reward.72 We believe that the second option is more than plausible, as such appointments were often used as rewards for protégés. This practice is best illustrated by the honorary inscription of Tiberius Sennius Solemnis.73 He was a client of Claudius Paulinus, a distinguished senator.74 During his governorship of Lower Britain in the early 3rd century, Paulinus notified his protégé of his appointment as tribunus semestris, which would take place when the position became vacant, and also sent him a salary of 25,000 sesterces in advance. This reward came on account of Solemnis’ help, due to which all charges against Paulinus concerning his previous governorship of Gallia Lugdunensis had been dropped. Paulinus eventually failed to find a tribunate for his protégé and therefore had to take him on his staff as a supernumerary.75 If Petronianus was Verus’ protégé, and the facts we have presented in our discussion point in that direction, his presence in the mining area in the valley of the lower Drina river and his quick promotion afterwards may have been due to a reciprocal exchange of favours between a protégé and his patron. Verus’ patronage is also supported by the fact that 228 Petronianus’ successor in Domavia was Tiberius Claudius Proculus Cornelianus, another officer who established patronage bonds with Verus very early in his career. Cornelianus’ cursus honorum is given in full in this honorary inscription from Lambaesis: Ti(berio) Cl(audio) Proculo Corneliano praef(ecto) coh(ortis) II Bra(carum), trib(uno) coh(ortis) mil(liariae) Ael(iae) Dacor(um), praef(ecto) al(ae) Sulpiciae, proc(uratori) provinc(iae) Syriae ad rationes putandas, proc(uratori) metal(lorum) Pannonic(orum) et Dalmaticorum, proc(uratori) kalend(arii) Vegetiani in Hisp(ania) item ad dilectum cum Iulio Vero per Italiam tironum II leg(ionis) Italicae, proc(uratori) regonis Thevestinae proc(uratori) IIII p(ublicorum) A(fricae) Inventus Aug (usti) lib(ertus) tabul(arius) leg(ionis) III Aug(ustae).76 Cornelianus started his equestrian military career during the reign of Antoninus Pius.77 The turning point was the post of commander of a cavalry regiment, the third militia. He held it in the Ala Sulpicia between A.D. 153 and 156 in Lower Germany, when the province was governed by Verus.78 The acquaintance between Cornelianus and Verus is revealed in the fact that ten years after Cornelianus had finished his third militia, he, as procurator, was providing assistance to Verus, who was the governor of Syria at the time, in the recruitment of two new legions, the Legions II and III Italica.79 H. G. Pflaum points out in his study that it was probably due to Verus’ protection that Cornelianus entered imperial civil service.80 It is difficult to say what exactly had 67 Harl 1996, 82. Du{ani} 2004, 266. 69 Sex. Caecilius Crescens Volusianus, one of the imperial secretaries of the state, was replaced with T. Varius Clemens, an experienced procurator with a long military history. M. Sedatius Severianus, the governor of Cappadocia, was replaced with M. Statius Priscus, the former governor of Britain. On the replacement of the officers, generals and governors at the beginning of the reign of Marcus Aurelius, see: Birley 1993, 122–123. 70 See the list of comites in Pflaum 1962, 90 f. 71 Pflaum 1950, 236. 72 D’Escurac-Doisy 1957, 148. 73 CIL XIII 3162. Cf. Pflaum 1948, 12. Cf. Saller 1982, 132. 74 CIL VII 1045; CIL XIII 3161. Cf. Saller 1982, 132. 75 Birley 1980, 58. 76 Pflaum 1960–61, 397, no. 164 bis=AE 1956, 123. 77 Pflaum 1960–61, 398. 78 C. Cichorius, RE, I, 1894, col. 1262. Cf. Alföldy 1968, 34–36. 79 Van Ackeren 2012, 217–234; See also: Le Bohec, Wolff 2000, 133–143. 80 Pflaum 1954, 126; Pflaum 1960–61, 402. 68 STARINAR LXVII/2017 @eljka [AJIN Lucius Septimius Petronianus and Tiberius Claudius Proculus Cornelianus: Two Protégés of Gnaeus Verus (223–239) brought the young officer to the governor’s attention. In some cases, although not very common, young officers succeeded in gaining a governor’s patronage on account of their personal qualities and companionship. The importance of companionship may explain why the eloquence and literary interests of a protégé are often noted in Pliny’s and Fronto’s letters of recommendation.81 In order to better understand Cornelianus’ advancement, we may recall the military careers of Iunius Avitus and Iunius Maximus as good examples of progression solely based on an officer’s personal qualities. Avitus served as a military tribune in A.D. 98 under the command of Iulius Ursus Servianus,82 the governor of Upper Germany. He became fatherless at a young age, and Pliny the Younger, who had experienced the same fate, had a strong affinity for him. According to his own words, Avitus won the heart of his commander solely by virtue of his companionship.83 Regardless of whether Pliny said a few words to Servianus in favour of his protégé or not, the friendship between the governor and the young officer turned out to be a lasting one, as Avitus accompanied Servianus to his next command post in Lower Pannonia.84 A few years later, after having finished his military career, Avitus, with Pliny’s assistance, was elected to the office of quaestor and became a member of the Senate. He even successfully campaigned for the office of aedilis, but died before he could assume it.85 Like Avitus, Iunius Maximus was also a young officer who served as a military tribune of the Legion III Gallica under Avidius Cassius in A.D. 165.86 After the success of Cassius’ campaign in the East,87 Maximus was sent to Rome, carrying letters with laurel leaves, announcing victory. Not only did he carefully perform his public duty, but he also visited private houses, including Fronto’s villa, spreading the news of Cassius’ bravery and talents in order to enhance the reputation of his commander.88 In his letter to Cassius, Fronto expresses his admiration for such loyalty and friendship and strongly advises him to try and improve Maximus’ public standing.89 Perhaps similar reasons lie behind Cornelianus’ friendship with Iulius Verus and the patronage bonds established with the distinguished senator during Cornelianus’ equestrian career that helped him to successfully pursue his procuratorial career. The first task entrusted to Cornelianus by the emperor Antoninus Pius in A.D. 158 was that of superintending the finances of the province of Syria. Verus would hold the post of a governor of the same province from about A.D. 163 to 166. Cornelianus’ next promotion took 229 him from Syria to Domavia. In A.D. 162, he was the first procurator in charge of the unified mining administration in the provinces of Dalmatia and Pannonia.90 After the departure of Lucius Septimius Petronianus to Mauretania Caesariensis, all mining districts in Pannonia and Dalmatia were merged and put under the authority of one procurator. The decision made by the imperial office to establish a large agglomeration of this type, unknown in other provinces, clearly indicates the state of emergency in this region. A.D. 162 saw the first incursions of the Chatti and Chauci into the province of Raetia.91 Four years later a group of six thousand Langobardi and Obii invaded Pannonia, but these invasions only marked the beginning of what was to come.92 Due to the Marcomannic Wars, the unification of the mining administration of the two provinces lasted until the reign of Commodus.93 Verus’ protégé was the first procurator to whom substantial authority was entrusted, as he was in charge of the production of gold, silver and iron in all mining districts of Pannonia and Dalmatia. Cornelianus left Illyricum in A.D. 164 and went to Spain, as he was appointed to the post of procurator kalendarii Vegetiani, an office established after Marcus Aurelius had ascended the throne.94 He was the first procurator in charge of the private property of the senatorial family Valerii Vegeti, originating from Baetica, which passed into the possession of the imperial treasury through a testamentary disposition or confiscation.95 During this procuratorship in A.D. 166, before the Roman victory in the Parthian War, Syrian 81 Pliny Ep. 3.2, 4.4, 7.22. Cf. Fronto Ad. amic. 1.4.1, 1.5.6. L. Iulius Ursus Servianus served twice as consul under Trajan, and once as consul under Hadrian in A.D. 134. More on his career see: PIR2 J 631. 83 Ep. 8. 23.5. 84 Saller 1982, 138. Cf. Eck 1972, 32. 85 Ep. 5.21.5. 86 AE 1979, 601. 87 HA M. Aur. 9.1; HA Ver. 7.1–2. Cf. Dio 71.2. 88 Ad amic. 1.6. Iunius Maximus is known to have received two letters from Fronto, of which only a few lines have survived. Cf. Ad. amic. 1.23, 1.26. 89 Ad. amic. 1.6. 90 Pflaum 1960–1, 400; Cf. Fitz 1993–5, 404. 91 HA M. Aur. 8.7. 92 Dio 71.3. Cf. Oliva 1962, 259ff. See also: Mócsy 1974, 185f. 93 See fn. 103 below. 94 Illana 1961, 96–98. 95 Almeida 1972, 181, no. 23; Manacorda 1977, 313–332; Lomas, Saez 1981, 55–84. 82 STARINAR LXVII/2017 @eljka [AJIN Lucius Septimius Petronianus and Tiberius Claudius Proculus Cornelianus: Two Protégés of Gnaeus Verus (223–239) governor Verus was sent back to Italy on an urgent mission, together with M. Claudius Fronto, to recruit two new legions, II and III Italica.96 Cornelianus was recalled from Spain to Italy to participate as an equestrian assistant to his patron in the recruitment of these legions. This episode represented only part of the constant exchange of favours between Cornelianus and Verus. After having provided assistance to Verus in Italy and having completed his procuratorship in Spain, Cornelianus was obviously rewarded, as his last two procuratorships, the same as in the case of Petronianus, were in northern Africa.97 He was first appointed procurator of the regio Thevestina98 and then procurator quattuor publicorum Africae.99 The positions in northern Africa were usually reserved for the most influential officials. Also, it is evident that the last two procuratorships held by Cornelianus coincided with the great plague in Italy.100 This privileged position was doubtless granted on account of his patronage relationship with Verus. The circumstances under which the patronage bonds between Petronianus and Cornelianus on the one hand and Verus on the other were established seem to be different. The reason for this lies in the fact that they were established at different stages of Verus’ senatorial career. The acquaintance of Petronianus and Verus most likely started in Judaea, during the Bar Kokhba revolt, when both men held the posts of military tribunes. Verus had just started his senatorial career and it was, therefore, due to the patronage of Verus’ family, of his father or uncle to be precise, that Petronianus advanced in his military career. Unlike Petronianus, Cornelianus established patronage bonds with Verus when the latter was already a distinguished senator and governor of Lower Germany. In spite of the differences, both procurators were closely related to Verus, whose influence and decisions substantially shaped their procuratorial careers. Both procurators held many posts within the imperial service and in different parts of the Roman world. The position that attracts our attention most is the mining procuratorship in Domavia. It is the only post that they held successively at a time when Verus’ senatorial career reached its peak. Exploitation of silver and lead in the valley of the lower Drina river The large number of silver and lead mines situated in the valley of the lower Drina river constituted the wealthiest mining region of Illyricum.101 This mining area was shared between two provinces, Pannonia and 230 Dalmatia, and the boundary ran not very far to the north of Domavia.102 Lucius Septimius Petronianus was the first procurator centenarius to supervise the argentariae Pannonicae, at the very beginning of the reign of Marcus Aurelius. After Petronianus’ departure to Mauretania in around A.D. 161/2, the two mining districts on the lower Drina river, as well as all other mining districts in Pannonia and Dalmatia, were united under the procurator metallorum Pannonicorum et Delmaticorum. The first official to bear the title was Tiberius Claudius Proculus Cornelianus. The temporary unification of the mining administrations was in effect until the reign of Commodus.103 After having negotiated a peace treaty with the Danubian tribes, Commodus divided the mining administration again, but the administration in charge of the silver mines in Pannonia and Dalmatia was left united, even though the mines belonged to different provinces. It is difficult to estimate how many procuratores metallorum Pannonicorum et Delmaticorum were performing their duty during the reign of Marcus Aurelius.104 One of Cornelianus’ successors might have been the Roman knight whose gravestone was found in Salvium, a municipality not far 96 HA, M. Aur. 1.13. Cf. Van Ackeren 2012, 217–234. See also: Le Bohec, Wolff 2000, 133–143. 97 Le Bohec 1992, 107–116. 98 Pflaum 1950, 155–156; Pflaum 1955, 133; Le Bohec 1992, 109. 99 Le Bohec 1992, 115–116. 100 Gilliam 1961, 225–251; See also: Bruun 2007, 201–217. 101 For a general description of these mines, based on archaeological finds, see: Radimsky 1891, 1–19; Radimsky 1892, 1–24; Radimsky 1894, 1–47. Cf. Bojanovski 1988, 193–204. 102 The Pannonian–Dalmatian frontier between the Una and Drina rivers is usually traced along a line running some 20–25 km south of the River Sava. See: Alföldy 1965, 27, 30 f.; Wilkes 1969, 79; cf. e.g. Du{ani} 1977, 65, fn. 57. The idea that the southern frontier of Pannonia should be extended at the cost of Dalmatia was expressed by Du{ani}. See e.g. Du{ani} 1971, 535–554. This idea was also supported by Basler, Bojanovski and Pa{kvalin. cf. e.g. Pa{kvalin 1969, 165–167; Bojanovski 1972, 37–52; Basler 1973, 261–269. 103 During the reign of Commodus, Ti. Claudius Xenophon resided in Domavia and bore the title proc(urator) argentariarum Pannoniarum et Dalmatiarum. See: ILS 1421. cf. Pflaum 1960–1, no. 222. Du{ani} 1977, 87, fn. 216. 104 L. Domitius Eros was another procurator metallorum Pannonicarum et Delmaticarum, but he held this post during the 3rd century A.D. See: CIL III 12721. cf. PIR2 D 145; Pflaum 1960–1, 399, 1063. The reason for the second unification of the mining administration in the mid-3rd century might be found in the Gothic invasions that had seriously affected the mining districts across Illyricum. See: Mirkovi} 1977, 249–258. STARINAR LXVII/2017 @eljka [AJIN Lucius Septimius Petronianus and Tiberius Claudius Proculus Cornelianus: Two Protégés of Gnaeus Verus (223–239) from present-day Glamo~ in north-western Bosnia.105 The procurator’s name has not been preserved in the inscription, but given his status – “princ(ipi) m(unicipi) [omni]bus honorib[us] | [f]uncto” and judging by the find location of the inscription, he might have been from Salvium. One of the positions he held during his career was that of proc(urator) metallor(um).106 The only known proc(uratores) metallor(um) in Illyricum were those residing in Domavia and overseeing the exploitation of all the mines in the provinces of Pannonia and Dalmatia during the reign of Marcus Aurelius.107 The Roman knight from Salvium, like many other young men from the provinces who strived to attain equestrian status, had to ensure the protection of the most powerful Roman families.108 Although the number of senators originating from Dalmatia was small,109 there were two very influential senators during the second half of the 2nd century who could provide such support. Gnaeus Iulius Verus110 hailed from Aequum and Marcus Lucceius Torquatus Bassianus111 from Risinium. The proximity of Aequum to Salvium and the presumable connection between the procurator’s predecessor and Verus allow us to suppose that the knight from Salvium was another protégé of Verus and his family. The patronage ties formed between men from the same municipality or region were customary.112 Pliny the Younger was one of those who took his patronal responsibility towards friends from his own region, which is clearly illustrated by a list of his protégés.113 The continuous presence of Verus’ protégés in Domavia at the beginning of the reign of Marcus Aurelius certainly deserves an explanation. It is evident that it was a direct result of the emperor’s attempt to entrust this mining region to the protégés of one of his closest associates at a time when this region was under constant threat from barbarian attacks. Lower and Upper Pannonia were particularly threatened and it was necessary to assign supervision of the silver mines situated in the valley of the lower Drina river to trustworthy procurators. However, we must consider the possibility that Verus’ recommendations and suggestions to the emperor regarding his protégés might have been motivated by his personal economic interests. It is very important at this point to examine the model of silver and lead exploitation in Dalmatia and Pannonia during the first half of the 2nd century. The usual model of silver exploitation during the Principate is known as the indirect model.114 It was used in the silver mines in the Spanish provinces,115 in the mining districts of Upper Moesia116 and in the gold 231 mines in Dacia.117 Its main feature was production that was in the hands of the coloni, who bought mining pits from the fiscus and employed the local population, or slaves, to extract ore.118 Due to the lack of inscriptions attesting to the presence of coloni or their associations in Domavia, it has been assumed that the imperial administration compelled the local population to exploit silver.119 However, such a policy would have 105 Sergejevski, GZM 39, 1927, 260, no.9: ‘[summae integrit]atis praecipu[ae libe] [ralitatis] magn(a)eque in[nocentiae] [donis militari?]bus (donato) equo ( publico ornato ) et dil[ectissi] [mo—]ntio princ(ipi) m[unicipii] [—omni]bus honori[bus in rei] [publica sua f]uncto ex pro[tectore] [ procuratoris me]tallor[um prov.] [Pann. et Dalm—||a||—]’.Du{ani} 1977, 86, fn. 210 suggests a different restoration: ‘[? Bonit]atis praecipu|[ae] magneque(!), in [m]|[ori]bus equo(!) et dile[c(to], [¯3]ntio princ(ipi) m(unicipii) [om] 5[ni]bus honorib[us] | [f]uncto ex pro[t(ectore) pro]|[c(uratori) m]etallor[um¯4]’. 106 For various interpretations of his mining procuratorship, see: Sergejevski 1927, 260, no. 9; Alföldy 1965, 164, no. 84; Du{ani} 1977, 86, 90, fn. 210, 241. cf. Du{ani} 1995, 221; [kegro 1998, 97. See also: Du{ani} 2004, 254. 107 [kegro 1998, 98. 108 Loma 2010, 150–151. 109 Alföldy 1968. 110 PIR2 J 618. Cf. Birley 1981, 118–121. 111 AE 1941, 156. See also: PIR2 L 363. cf. Thomasson 1996, 157, no. 37. 112 Syme 1958, 591, 595, 606; Syme 1968, 135–151. Cf. Saller 1982, 135–136. 113 Pliny Ep. 3.2, 4.4, 6.8, 6.25, 7.22. 114 Domergue 2008, 200–201. 115 Domergue 1990, 284–287; cf. Mateo, 2001: 87–166. 116 Du{ani} 1977, 70–80, 87–89; Du{ani} 2004, 262–264; Du{ani} 2006, 87–89. 117 Mrozek 1968, 307–326; cf. Noeske 1977, 269–416. 118 Lex metallis dicta from Vipasca in Spain contains provisions related to the sale of the mining pits owned by the fiscus to the coloni (Vip II, 1–5), and also those related to sales between the coloni themselves after they gained proprietas (Vip II, 8). Various interpretations of these provisions gave rise to a long discussion among scholars (cf. Cuq 1907, 87–133; Mispoulet 1908, 345–391, 491–537; D’Ors 1953, 71–133; Flach 1979, 399–448; Domergue 1983). On the latest conclusions on the status of mining pits after the sale, see: Mateo 2001, 87–166. Cf. Domergue 2004, 221–236; Domergue 2008, 198–201. 119 In his study on the exploitation of silver in the provinces of Pannonia and Dalmatia, A. [kegro questions the presence of coloni in Domavia and assumes that their involvement in the mining districts across Illyricum was primarily due to the shortage of mining labour (cf. [kegro 1998, 102–103). With regard to the model of exploitation of the argentariae in Illyricum, S. Du{ani} claims that mining pits, as a rule, were leased by small lessees, with substantial use of forced labour during the first two centuries A.D. (cf. Du{ani} 2004, 255, 262–263, fn. 82). This opinion is significantly modified in his prosopographical study on mining in Upper Moesia, STARINAR LXVII/2017 @eljka [AJIN Lucius Septimius Petronianus and Tiberius Claudius Proculus Cornelianus: Two Protégés of Gnaeus Verus (223–239) required substantial use of the Roman army and its direct supervision.120 The stationing of auxiliary troops in eastern Dalmatia seems to have started in the late 2nd century A.D. and served primarily to protect the Dalmatian argentariae as well as the road communications running from Domavia towards Sirmium and Salona.121 The garrison of auxiliary regiments in Dalmatia during the first half of the 2nd century was composed of three cohorts stationed on a strategic line established during the reign of Augustus along the main road leading from the coastal colonies into the hinterland.122 This garrison was enlarged at the beginning of the Marcommanic Wars with two additional cohorts, I and II Delmatarum. During his preparations for a new northern campaign in A.D. 169, Marcus Aurelius endeavoured to re-establish internal order disturbed by barbarian attacks.123 In the following year, A.D. 170, the two Dalmatian cohorts appear for the first time in epigraphic sources.124 The disposition of the two additional cohorts recruited among the locals, including latrones Dalmatiae, in the east of Dalmatia indicates that the main intention of the emperor was the protection of argentariae in the valley of the lower Drina river, as well as the main communications, known as viae metallicae. The newly recruited Delmatae in the Cohorts I and II Delmatarum had to deal primarily with confines hostes, i.e. bands of robbers operating at the crossroads in the highlands.125 As the exploitation of silver and lead in Domavia had intensified since the time of Trajan, it is hard to imagine that Roman officials had been able to use forced labour with no help of the Roman army for almost seven decades.126 On the other hand, it is necessary to consider the general reasons which led the imperial office to directly exploit the mines in a certain region. The reasons usually involved suppression of a revolt, the end of a military campaign, or the complexity of the extraction process that required the use of a specific hydraulic system and significant manpower, which made the exploitation unprofitable and unattractive to the coloni.127 The problem lies in the fact that these prerequisites do not correspond to the reality in the field. The silver mines in the valley of the lower Drina river constituted the wealthiest mining region in Illyricum and, as such, they were more than profitable.128 During the first half of the 2nd century, overall security and political stability in the empire and Dalmatia improved significantly. These circumstances brought craftsmen, traders and many other entrepreneurs to Domavia.129 Their presence there clearly demonstrates the presence of free entrepreneurship in 232 this region, which was in contrast to the direct model of exploitation.130 All these facts lead us to the most likely conclusion that the indirect model of exploitation was used in the mining districts in the valley of the lower Drina river.131 The legal framework for the exploitation of silver may have been identical to the one in force in the mines of Vipasca.132 The lex metallis dicta represented a general legal framework for the regulation of the extraction of silver which was used by the imperial administration in various parts of the Roman world.133 Based on internal evidence, the lex metallis dicta has been dated to the time of Hadrian. This period chronologically corresponds to the time when the exploitation of silver and lead in Illyricum intensified. Regarding the presence of coloni, their number in Illyricum started to increase radically in the mid-2nd century A.D.134 As far as the mines in the valley of the lower Drina river are concerned, this area attracted men who came directly from Italy, while the majority were descendants of the Roman veterans who lived in the cities on the Adriatic coast, such as Salona, or the cities in the where he stresses senators’ investments in mining as well as the contribution of wealthy Romans to the mining industry (Cf. Du{ani} 2006, 85–102). 120 Tylecote 1986, 63–65; Domergue 1990, 303–306. Cf. Domergue 2008, 201–202. 121 Wilkes 1969, 139–140, 143; Loma 2010, 132. 122 Alföldy 1962, 284–285, 287–288. 123 HA M. Aur. 20–21; HA Did. Iul. 1.9. Cf. Birley 1993, 159; Loma 2010, 346. 124 CIL III 1979; CIL III 6374. 125 For the auxiliary troops stationed in Upper Moesia for the same purpose, see: Du{ani} 1977, 237–246; Du{ani} 1980, 37; Du{ani} 2000, 348–349. 126 Pflaum 1960–61, no. 78, 145. See also: Du{ani} 1977, 57–63. 127 Dio 52.25; Suet. Aug. 20; Flor Epit. 2.25, 11–12. cf. Tylecote 1986, 63–65; Domergue 1990, 279–280, 288–291, 303–306; Domergue 2008, 201–202. 128 See fn. 101 above. 129 Patsch 1895, 584. See also: Srejovi} 1965, 10, fn. 44; Bojanovski 1988, 202. 130 Domergue 1990, 303–306. 131 Domergue 2008, 203. 132 There is no doubt that this law was created in Rome and that it was of a general character. Nothing in the text of the law refers directly to the Vipasca mines and its provisions regulate the extraction of silver and copper. On the lex metallis dicta and the indirect model of exploitation, see: Domergue 1983, 123–156, 171–180; Domergue 2008, 200; Cf. Mateo 2001, 126–166, 196–214. 133 Domergue 1983, 178. 134 On their presence in Upper Moesia, see: Papazoglou 1990, 577–585; Du{ani} 2006, 87–100. STARINAR LXVII/2017 @eljka [AJIN Lucius Septimius Petronianus and Tiberius Claudius Proculus Cornelianus: Two Protégés of Gnaeus Verus (223–239) Dalmatian hinterland, such as Narona or Aequum.135 The latter were members of the upper classes who had been purchasing estates along the road communications in the vicinity of the mining districts in eastern Dalmatia since the middle of the 2nd century.136 The prosperity of the southern Dalmatian cities, with the exception of Salona, ended with the early Principate.137 Trade significantly decreased, which initiated the process of mass migrations of rich families from the coastal towns to the hinterlands of eastern Dalmatia.138 Their arrival was primarily motivated by the growing mining activities in this region that had opened up new possibilities for profit. The members of these families in Domavia, such as the Barbii, Caminii, Catilii, Salvii and others, and the Claudii, Statii, Hostilii, Egnatii, Calpurnii in the municipium Malvesiatium, near Domavia can be identified as coloni, or their representatives, who invested money in the exploitation of silver and lead, or as tradesmen whose activities could have been indirectly related to the exploitation of silver ore. These men most likely employed the local population belonging to the civitates peregrinae and living in the vicinity of the mining area as diggers of ore. The inhabitants of this part of Dalmatia were traditionally experienced miners.139 During Trajan’s reign, many Dalmatian miners were brought to Dacia in order to provide mining labour.140 A successful collaboration between the newcomers investing in mining and the local inhabitants may perhaps explain why only a token presence of the Roman army was sufficient to secure stability in this region from the time of Trajan’s reign until the late 2nd century.141 If we take into account the wealth of the silver mines in the valley of the lower Drina river, we can assume that senators must have had an interest in investing in mining in this region. The involvement of senators in the exploitation of silver and lead in the neighbouring mining regions of Upper Moesia has been recorded.142 The contribution made by the Fundanii, Libonii, Furii and Pontii to the development of mining during the first three centuries A.D. was rather significant.143 It is generally assumed that the senatorial family of the Pontii from Dardania owed their social success to the mines in the neighbourhood of Ulpiana, and the mineral wealth of the Strymon region.144 The senators’ investment in mining was not conducted directly, as the mining territories were unsuitable for longer stays, but indirectly, through their representatives in the field, usually from the class of freedmen.145 The main question is whether Gnaeus 233 Iulius Verus and his family were among the senators who invested their private funds in mining. If the presence of his protégés in the silver mines in the valley of the lower Drina river was motivated by his personal economic interest, then it is necessary for our understanding of the patron–protégé relationship to have some idea of how Verus’ patronage could have manifested itself within the mining district. The first question that must be asked is: what could have been the favours granted by Lucius Septimius Petronianus and Tiberius Claudius Proculus Cornelianus, and their potential successors, to Verus’ representatives who might have invested his money? Even though the internal organisation of the metalla around Domavia still remains obscure, the procurator in charge of the mining district, or districts, must have had under his authority the entire mining administration residing in Domavia. This administration was usually composed of local procurators and imperial slaves.146 The latter were primarily responsible for the officinae, as the names recorded in the stamps of the Kosmaj lead ingots indicate.147 The cases in which the imperial procurator could use his power seem to be limitless as his authority covered almost every aspect of life within the mining district. Any dispute among the coloni involved in ore exploitation provided an opportunity for the procurator to intervene on behalf of those coloni who were under his protection. We will not jump to conclusions and claim that Verus’ protégés might have had to ensure or protect a monopoly, but 135 CIL III 12742; CIL III 12743; CIL III 12722; CIL III 12744; ILJug 1525. cf. Patsch 1907, 438, no. 13; 465, no. 2; 447, no. 26. Cf. Wilkes 1969, 206, 277, 280, 301, fn. 5. 136 [a{el 1982, 565. 137 Alföldy 1965, 201–205. Cf. Syme 1971, 117–118; Loma 2010, 144–145. 138 Loma 2010, 144–145. 139 Ramovic 1960, 34–42. Cf. Bojanovski 1988, 198. 140 On the Illyrian colonists in Roman Dacia, see: Zaninovi} 1995, 111–115. Cf. Nemeti 2010, 109–133. 141 See fn. 124 above. 142 Papazoglou 1990, 577–585; Du{ani} 2006, 85–102. 143 Papazoglu 1990, 578; [a{el 1992, 152–594; Tataki 2006, 237–238, 354–357. Cf. Andermahr 1998, 24, fn.5. 144 Du{ani} 2006, 91–94. 145 Du{ani} 2006, 86–87; IMS VI 27, IMS VI 167. Cf. Du{ani} 2004, 257–258; Du{ani} 2006, 95. 146 For the local procurator’s jurisdiction within the mining districts, see: Vip I, 1, 2, 3, 9; Vip II, 1–12. Cf. Domergue 1983, 106–109, 171–175, 180; Mateo 2001, 161–165. 147 Du{ani} 1977, 89, fn. 232. STARINAR LXVII/2017 @eljka [AJIN Lucius Septimius Petronianus and Tiberius Claudius Proculus Cornelianus: Two Protégés of Gnaeus Verus (223–239) their very presence testifies to a strong relationship between potential investors and mining officials. The aim would certainly have been the protection of the economic interests of the former. It seems unlikely that the state treasury could have suffered any direct losses due to these arrangements, but investors with less political influence and weaker financial resources certainly would.148 It must be emphasised that the indirect involvement of a senator in mining exploitation must have been known and approved by the emperor himself.149 The appointments of the protégés of Gnaeus Iulius Verus and their activities in the field can only be understood if we observe them in the context of his special status, i.e. his being a vir militaris et maxime aestimatus ab imperatoribus, that is to say, one of the closest friends and associates of Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus.150 Conclusion The patronage relationship between senators and equites was characterised by a constant exchange of favours and beneficia. The careers of Lucius Septimius Petronianus and Tiberius Claudius Proculus Cornelianus show their dependence on the senatorial patronage of Gnaeus Iulius Verus and his family for their appointments in their military career as well as for their entrance into the imperial service. The posts held by both procurators were decisively influenced by the extent of the power of Verus, who was a companion of the emperors (comes Augustorum) from the beginning of the reign of Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus. The continuous presence of Verus’ protégés in the mining districts situated in the valley of the lower Drina river indicates the determination of the emperor to entrust this important mining region, exposed to the constant threat of barbarian attacks, to procurators whose reliability was guaranteed by his closest associate. There is also a possibility that Verus wanted to protect his economic interests in the field indirectly through his protégés. Therefore, this case provides an insight into the economic aspects of patronage exchange between senators and equites, as well as a new perspective on the close relationship between mining officials and senators investing in mining. Translated by the author Starinar is an Open Access Journal. All articles can be downloaded free of charge and used in accordance with the licence Creative Commons – Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 3.0 Serbia (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/rs/). ^asopis Starinar je dostupan u re`imu otvorenog pristupa. ^lanci objavqeni u ~asopisu mogu se besplatno preuzeti sa sajta ~asopisa i koristiti u skladu sa licencom Creative Commons – Autorstvo-Nekomercijalno-Bez prerada 3.0 Srbija (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/rs/). 148 On the cultural, ethnic and economic diversity of the population that lived and worked in the mining districts of Illyricum, see: [a{el 1992, 54, 146, 152. Cf. Du{ani} 2006, 85–102. 149 On the imperial control over the extent and modality of senators’ involvement in mining activities, see: Du{ani} 1989, 148–156. Cf. Du{ani} 2006, 94. 150 CIL III 199=ILS 5864: ‘Imp(erator) Caes(ar) M(arcus) Aurel(ius) Antoninus Aug(ustus) Armeniacus et Imp(erator) Caes(ar) L(ucius) Aurel(ius) Verus Aug(ustus) Armeniacus......per Iul(ium) Verum leg(ato) pr(o) pr(aetore) provinc(iae) Syr(iae) et amicum suum.’ In the 170s, Gnaeus Iulius Verus accompanied Marcus Aurelius, along with Pontius Lelianus, Dasumius Tullius Tuscus, both ex-governors of Upper Pannonia, and Q. Sosius Priscus, to the frontline beyond the Danube as his comes. The location of Marcus’ headquarters for the winter of A. D. 169/170 was probably Sirmium on the River Sava (Cf. Birley 1993, 162; Birley 2005, 149). Julius Verus played an important role in the wars on the Danube, and the final success brought him great honour, as he was elected consul ordinarius for the second time. 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[a{el, “Senatori ed appartenenti all’ordine senatorio provenienti dalle province romane di Dacia, Tracia, Mesia, Dalmazia e Pannonia”, in: Atti del Colloquio Internationale AIEGL, Roma 14–20 maggio 1981, su Epigrafia e ordine senatorio 2, 1982, 553–581. Sergejevski 1927 – D. Sergejevski, Rimski kameni spomenici sa Glamo~kog Polja, Glasnik Zemaljskog muzeja u Sarajevu 39, 1927, 255–272. Patsch 1907 – K. Patsch, “Arheolo{ko-epigrafska istra`ivanja povijesti rimske provincije Dalmacije. Iz rimske varo{i u Skelanima”, Glasnik Zemaljskog muzeja u Sarajevu 19, 1907, 431–470. [kegro 1998 – A. [kegro, “Eksploatacija srebra na podru~ju rimskih provincija Dalmacije i Panonije”, Opuscula archaeologica 22, 1998, 89–117. Pflaum 1948 – H. G. Pflaum, Le marbre de Thorigny, Paris, 1948. Smallwood 1976 – M. E. Smallwood, The Jews under Roman rule. From Pompey to Diocletian, Leiden, 1976. Pflaum 1950 – H. G. Pflaum, Les procurateurs équestres sous le Haut-Empire romain, Paris, 1950. Srejovi} 1965 – D. 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Thomasson, Fasti Africani, Stockholm, 1996. Tylecote 1986 – R. F. Tylecote, The prehistory of metallurgy in the British Isles, London, 1986. 238 Walker 1978 – D. R. Walker, The Metrology of the Roman Silver Coinage III, Oxford, 1978. Wilcken 1932 – U. Wilcken, “Urkunden-Referat. IV”, Archiv 10, 1932, 250–251. Wilkes 1969 – J. J. Wilkes, Dalmatia, London, 1969. Zaninovi} 1995 – M. Zaninovi}, “Delmati e Pirusti e la loro presenza in Dacia”, Opuscula archaeologica 19, 1995, 111–115. STARINAR LXVII/2017 @eljka [AJIN Lucius Septimius Petronianus and Tiberius Claudius Proculus Cornelianus: Two Protégés of Gnaeus Verus (223–239) Rezime: @EQKA [AJIN, Filozofski fakultet, Bawa Luka LUCIJE SEPTIMIJE PETRONIJAN I TIBERIJE KLAUDIJE PROKUL KORNELIJAN: DVA [TI]ENIKA GNEJA JULIJA VERA Kqu~ne re~i. – Dalmacija, Panonija, rudnici, rudarstvo, prokuratori, senatori. Vite{ke karijere Lucija Septimija Petronijana i Tiberija Klaudija Prokula Kornelijana pokazuju jasan uticaj senatorskog patronata Gneja Julija Vera i wegove porodice. Prokuratele koje su oni obavqali u sklopu carske kancelarije bile su direktan rezultat presti`a wihovog patrona, koji je bio comes Augustorum tj. pratilac careva Marka Aurelija i Lucija Vera od samog po~etka wihove vladavine. Kontinuirano prisustvo Verovih {ti}enika u rudni~kim distriktima smje{tenim u dolini rijeke Drine ukazuje na namjeru cara Marka Aurelija da povjeri ovaj 239 va`an rudni~ki region, izlo`en varvarskim napadima, na upravu prokuratorima ~iju je pouzdanost garantovao wegov najbli`i saradnik. Ne mo`emo, tako|e, iskqu~itini mogu}nost da je Gnej Julije Ver nastojao da za{titi svoje ekonomske interese na terenu posredno preko svojih {ti}enika. U skladu s tim, ovaj poseban slu~aj daje nam uvid u ekonomske aspekte patronatske razmjene izme|u senatora i vitezova, ali i pru`a nova saznawa o mogu}im bliskim vezama izme|u rudni~kih zvani~nika i senatora koji su investirali u rudarstvo. STARINAR LXVII/2017 KRITIKE I PRIKAZI – COMPTES RENDUS (241–258) KRITIKE I PRIKAZI – COMPTES RENDUS Bernhard Hänsel, Kristina Mihovili}, Biba Ter`an, MONKODONJA, Istra`ivanje protourbanog naselja bron~anog doba Istre, Knjiga 1. Iskopavanje i nalazi gra|evina, Monografije i katalozi 25, Arheolo{ki muzej Istre, Pula 2015, Paralelan tekst na nema~kom jeziku, op{irni sa`eci na italijanskom i engleskom, 588 strana, 336 slika i 7 priloga Monkodowa je praistorijska gradina koja se nalazi na oko pet kilometara jugozapadno od Roviwa. Kako je okru`ena uzvi{ewima pa nije dovoqno uo~qiva, ona je prepoznata kao kasteqer tek 1953. godine, u vreme kada je Boris Ba~i}, tada direktor Arheolo{kog muzeja u Puli, vr{io sistematsku reviziju podataka o istarskim gradinama. On je 1954. i 1955. g. obavio i prva iskopavawa ovog nalazi{ta, koja su dala osnovne podatke o fortifikaciji i objektima unutar bedema. Iako je interes za Monkodowu i daqe postojao, sistematska iskopavawa ovog lokaliteta zapo~eta su tek pedesetak godina kasnije i trajala su dvanaest godina, od 1997. do 2008. Bio je to zajedni~ki poduhvat ~etiri institucije – Arheolo{kog muzeja u Puli, Zavi~ajnog muzeja u Roviwu, Filozofskog fakulteta u Qubqani i Fraj univerziteta u Berlinu, sa velikim finansijskim sredstvima prikupqenim sa vi{e strana i s namerom da se kona~no sistematski istra`i jedna istarska gradina i dobiju relevantni podaci, poduhvat za kojim je arheologija vapila ~itav jedan vek – od kapitalne publikacije Karla Markezetija o gradinama objavqene 1903. g. Za to {to je me|u vi{e od 300 gradina izbor pao na Monkodowu postojali su posebni razlozi: bila je jedna od najve}ih, na woj nije bilo tragova kasnijih naseqavawa, koji su zbog specifi~nosti istarskih gradina i retke stratigrafije prili~no komplikovali istra`ivawe praistorijskih ostataka, kao i to {to je po`ar nekoliko godina ranije uni{tio rastiwe u velikoj meri te je po~etak radova bio olak{an i, najzad, verujem, i blizina Roviwa, bisera istarske obale, morala je u tome igrati izvesnu ulogu. Iskopavawa Monkodowe pratila su i razli~ita pa- 241 ralelna istra`ivawa i ispitivawa drugih nauka bez kojih se danas ne mogu zamisliti arheolo{ki radovi, tako da je uz arheologe ekipa obuhvatala i paleobotani~are, paleozoologe, antropologe, geofizi~are, speleologe, keramografe, crta~e, mera~e i mnoge druge stru~wake. Posle 12 godina postignuti su rezultati koji su bili zadovoqavaju}i, iskopavawa su zavr{ena i pristupilo se obradi i objavqivawu materijala. Ovo je prva kwiga koja obuhvata istorijat istra`ivawa, iskopavawe i gra|evine Monkodowe, geofizi~ka istra`ivawa i osnovne zakqu~ke. Weni autori su Bernhard Hensel, Kristina Mihovili~ i Biba Ter`an, a sadr`i i posebne priloge Klaudije Gerling, Helmuta Krola, Damira Mato{evi}a, Igora Medari}a, Branka Mu{i}a, Daglasa Prajsa, Barbare Tesman, Rafka Urankara i Bernharda Veningera. Povr{ina naseqa, na oko 70 m nadmorske visine, jeste kameni plato du`ine oko 250 m i {irine 160 m. Zaravwen je tesawem kamena od koga su sagra|eni zidovi, vrata i ostali odbrambeni objekti, dok su ku}e mahom na~iwene od drveta. Naseqe je planski gra|eno i od po~etka gradwe jasno podeqeno na tri dela: akropoq, gorwi grad i dowi grad, koji su me|usobno odvojeni zidovima. Akropoq, veli~ine 100 x 80 m, dominira naseqem i odvojen je od ostalog dela mo}nim zidom debqine 3 m. Tu su se nalazili i najve}i stambeni objekti u kojima je `ivela elita naseqa. Gorwi grad bio je namewen zanatstvu, radionicama i trgovini, gde se, prepostavqa se, nalazio deo stanovni{tva koji se bavio tim poslovima, dok su u dowem gradu stanovali oni ~ija su struka bili zemqoradwa i sto~arstvo, koje je obavqano van STARINAR LXVII/2017 KRITIKE I PRIKAZI – COMPTES RENDUS (241–258) gradskih zidina. Spoqne gradske zidine bile su visoke i {iroke 3 m, pru`ale su se u du`inu od 800 m i imale su nekoliko kapija. Detaqno je istra`ena zapadna kapija, veoma slo`ene konstrukcije, gra|ena u nekoliko faza. U blizini kapije otkriveno je nekoliko grobova, predaka ili rodona~elnika, koji je trebalo da {tite grad od osvaja~a – obi~aj koji se javqa na jo{ nekim istarskim kasteqerima. Procewuje se da je u Monkodowi bilo oko 1000 `iteqa, na osnovu ~ega bi se ona mogla nazvati gradom. Na osnovu pokretnog materijala i drugih indikacija, a posebno radiokarbonske analize, `ivot na nasequ datuje se prete`no u razdobqe od 1800. do 1500. g. pre n. e. Uz ove ~iwenice autori iznose i niz pretpostavki koje ne mogu da budu proverene jer je Monkodowa prvo sistematsko i sveobuhvatno iskopavawe jednog istarskog kasteqera i nema paralela. Za te pretpostavke i oni sami ka`u da nisu sigurni da je bilo ba{ tako, ali su one predstavqene na jedan osobit i zanimqiv na~in, tako da ~italac koji je stigao do tog dela ne mo`e da ispusti kwigu iz ruku i sa interesom nastavqa da prati tekst daqe kako bi video {ta bi to moglo da bude onako kako je navedeno a {ta je opet te`e prihvatiti. U toj magiji pripovedawa, ~ini mi se, dominira pre svega pretpostavka da je nastanak Monkodowe povezan sa jugom, {to se mo`da toliko ne zapa`a ali se ose}a kroz ~itavo ovo zakqu~no poglavqe. Mnogi od ~italaca stigav{i do kraja, ostaju sa `eqom i nadom da }e uskoro opet jedna istarska gradina biti detaqno istra`ena, {to }e pru`iti mogu}nosti za potvrdu ili odbacivawe mnogih iznetih pretpostavki. Iskopavawa Monkodowe i publikovawe rezultata tih iskopavawa predstavqaju va`an korak unapred u prou~avawu praistorije Istre, a posebno wenog bronzanog doba, prvo stoga {to je prvi put sistematski istra`ivana jedna gradina u tom podru~ju i, drugo, {to }e ta istra`ivawa biti putokaz za poznavawe drugih kasteqera u celini i u detaqima. Monkodowa predstavqa i zna~ajan doprinos pozna- vawu praistorije ~itavog kaputa Adrije, gde postoji jo{ mnogo pitawa koja }e sada mo}i da dobiju svoje odgovore. Ova iskopavawa su tako|e pokazala da se velika arheolo{ka istra`ivawa, da bi potpuno uspela, moraju obavqati u tesnoj saradwi s drugim naukama, pre svega egzaktnim, ~iji su rezultati uvek veoma dragoceni za arheolo{ka umstvovawa i zakqu~ke. Mislim da se to ovom prilikom pokazalo na najboqi na~in i da autori i mnogobrojni saradnici na ovom poslu, koji su navedeni u posebnom poglavqu, mogu da budu zadovoqni onim {to su postigli. Sude}i po uvodnim re~ima Darka Kom{e, upravnika Arheolo{kog muzeja u Puli i \ovanija Sponce, gradona~elnika grada Roviwa, zna~aj ovog poduhvata prepoznat je i na vi{im instancama, {to je veoma va`no za Istru i za budu}a nova postignu}a arheologije na tom prostoru. Na kraju, u epilogu, autori govore o imenu Monkodowa i pretpostavqaju, na osnovu vi{e argumenata, da je ono nastalo od kritskog grada Kidonije. Za tu pretpostavku, koja nije sigurna ve} samo verovatna, dobili su potvrdu i od istaknutih lingvisti~kih stru~waka. Ali {ta je u praistoriji sigurno? Ako, recimo, smatram da blago iz Novog Pazara pripada autarijatskoj knegiwi a ne tribalskoj, ja nemam sigurne dokaze da je to tako, nego na osnovu odre|enog broja ~imbenika pretpostavqam da to mogu re}i sa dosta verovatno}e, odnosno da je ve}a verovatno}a da je re~ o Autarijatima nego o Tribalima. Tako je i sa Monkodowom. Kada u kwizi gledam fotografije kamenog utvr|ewa ovog kasteqera, one me podse}aju na Gurniju na Kritu, ~ijim sam se ulicama nekada davno {etao, stepenicama se peo i kroz kamena vrata prolazio, i mada }e poznavaoci mediteranske arhitekture sigurno ustvrditi da tu ne mo`e biti nikakvog podse}awa, ja ipak po~iwem da verujem da u pomenutoj pretpostavci triju autora, Kristine Mihovili}, Bibe Ter`an i Bernarda Hensela, mora da ima ne~ega. Rastko VASI\ Lüben Le÷akov, TIPOLOGIÝ I HRONOLOGIÝ NA BRONZOVITE VØRHOVITE ZA KOPIÝ OT KØSNATA BRONZOVA I NA^ALOTO NA RANNO@ELÝZNATA EPOHA V ÜGOIZTO^NA EVROPA, Sofiý 2015, op{iran rezime na engleskom, 556 strana teksta, 18 slika, 196 tabli ilustracija, 36 karata i 2 tabele Na po~etku kwige o kojoj je ovde re~ Quben Le{takov ka`e da kopqa bronzanog doba nisu omiqena tema arheologa. I u pravu je, mo`e se odmah re}i. O tome svedo~i ~iwenica da postoji veoma malo velikih, kapitalnih dela o praistorijskim bronzanim kopqima, a to, izme|u ostalog, pokazuje i slaba zastupqenost ovog oru`ja u renomiranoj ediciji „Praistorijski bronzani nalazi” (PBF), ~ije sveske, istina, nisu kapitalne studije ali jesu veoma korisni priru~nici za upoznavawe s tematikom. Tek u posledwem trenutku, pred ga{ewe edicije, pojavilo se nekoliko tomova o kopqima i tako je delimi~no ubla`en utisak o namernom 242 izbegavawu prou~avawa tog va`nog oblika materijalne kulture. Razlog za to, kako se ~ini, nije u potcewivawu zna~aja ove vrste oru`ja niti u wegovom neprivla~nom izgledu, nego je u nedostatku ustaqene i op{teprihva}ene tipologije, kao {to postoji kod ma~eva, srpova, fibula ili igala, koja ne bi izazivala nedoumice kod autora s koje strane da pristupi obradi, koje elemente da uzme kao bitne i {ta treba da bude vi{e a {ta mawe karakteristi~no. Mnogo je puteva koji vode ka ciqu, pa postoje dileme u pogledu izbora onog najboqeg. To govorim iz li~nog iskustva i priznajem da bih STARINAR LXVII/2017 KRITIKE I PRIKAZI – COMPTES RENDUS (241–258) bez dragocene pomo}i direktora PBF projekta, Albrehta Jokenhevela, mo`da jo{ lutao u sastavqawu sveske o kopqima sa Centralnog Balkana pitaju}i se kojim putem da po|em, i tako propustio posledwi voz da moja kwiga bude {tampana u PBF zbirci (R. Vasi}, Die Lanzen und Pfeilspitzen im Zentralbalkan, PBF V, 8, 2015). Da su kopqa veoma dekorativni predmeti i da su zanimqiva i privla~na tema za obradu svedo~e brojni komadi koji se sre}u u objavqenim PBF sveskama kao i u mnogim drugim publikacijama iz praistorije, a da su ubojita kao i ma~evi najboqe i najslikovitije prikazano je u superkultnoj televizijskoj seriji „Igra prestola”, gde Oberin Martel, naoru`an kopqem, pobe|uje divovskog Gregora Klegana i wegov ogromni ma~, ali, zahvaquju}i pi{~evoj koncepciji radwe po kojoj mu je Klegan bio potreban `iv za daqa zbivawa i peripetije a Martel o~evidno nije,on, iako pobednik, biva na kraju dvoboja ubijen. Le{takov je za temu svoje monografije izabrao bronzana kopqa na jugoistoku Evrope, koji u ovom slu~aju obuhvata brojne teritorije: Albaniju, Bosnu i Hercegovinu, Bugarsku, Gr~ku, Srbiju, Crnu Goru i Hrvatsku, a zatim i Ma|arsku, Rumuniju i delove Moldavije i Ukrajine. Teritorija je po prostranstvu veoma velika i slo`ena, pa se ~ini da tema stoga ima dva izazova: prvi – {to autor ne raspola`e celokupnim fundusom kopaqa iz Arbeitsgebiet nego samo onim publikovanim komadima koje je prikupio, a drugi – {to suprotstavqa dva razli~ita oblika kopaqa, egejski i sredwoevropski, koja nisu u vezi jedan s drugim. [to se ti~e prvog izazova, na wega se mo`e odgovoriti da broj objavqenih kopaqa daje dosta jasnu sliku o karakteristikama tog oru`ja na celokupnoj teritoriji, dok su, s druge strane, sa ovog prostora iza{le u PBF kolekciji samo sveske o kopqima iz Gr~ke i sa Centralnog Balkana i izlazi sveska iz Rumunije, tako da je ovim poslom Le{takov u~inio uslugu ne samo praistorijskoj arheologiji uop{te nego i arheologiji onih regija ~iji katalozi nalaza kopaqa jo{ ne postoje. Drugom izazovu je lak{e parirati: suprotstavqawe dvaju razli~itih oblika je posebno zanimqivo i pru`a mogu}nosti da se pomo}u kopaqa jasno odrede granice prodora egejskog oru`ja ka severu i evropskog oru`ja ka jugu. No, tu postoji jedna za~koqica. Na teritoriji Srbije i Makedonije do sada nisu otkrivena egejska kopqa, dok su mikenski ma~evi poznati iz Makedonije i sa Kosova (A. Harding, Die Schwerter im ehemaligen Jugoslawien, PBF IV, 14, 1995, 20–23), {to jasno govori o prodoru mikenskog oru`ja u unutra{wost Balkana. [tavi{e, nedavno je na|en jedan mikenski rapir u blizini Aleksinca, u moravskoj dolini (V. Filipovi}, D. Milanovi}, P. Milojevi}, Mikenski ma~ iz okoline Aleksinca, Vesnik 42, avgust 2015), {to pokazuje da se podaci koje pru`aju samo kopqa ne mogu uzeti uvek kao reper za definitivne zakqu~ke. U kwizi od preko pet stotina strana Le{takov govori op{irno o bronzanim kopqima u jugoisto~noj Evropi: uvod obuhvata istoriju prou~avawa, terminolo{ke i hronolo{ke probleme i metalur{ke centre, zatim slede tipologija i datovawe, ukra{avawe, tehnologija proizvodwe, funkcija, poreklo i hronolo{ki razvoj bronzanih kopaqa u jugoisto~noj Evropi, sa posebnim osvrtom na nastanak tulca, a u zakqu~ku su date regionalne osobenosti kopaqa jugoisto~ne Evrope u odnosu na razvitak tog oru`ja u Evropi. 243 Na kraju se nalazi veoma koristan prilog o sauroterima – {iqatim za{itnicima kopaqa sa dowe strane. Slede razli~ite liste kopaqa, zatim table sa kopqima podeqenim u forme i tipove, karte rasprostrawewa pojedinih formi i tipova i, kona~no, hronolo{ke tabele. Le{takov deli kopqa na 12 formi, obele`enih slovima od A do L, ~ije oblike ingeniozno odre|uje prema geometrijskim oblicima – ovalu, rombu, krugu, trouglu, trapezu, koje ~esto me|usobno zdru`uje i tako dobija kombinovane oblike, a zatim forme A–L deli na vi{e tipova, koji katkad mogu biti bliski a katkad dosta razli~iti. Teorijski gledano, ova podela je idealna, ali u praksi nije ba{ tako. Jedan broj kopaqa zaista se veoma dobro uklapa u predlo`ene geometrijske oblike, ali mnoga odstupaju od date {eme, ima nedoumica: recimo, forma A (oval) i forma E (oval sa krugom na dowem delu) – listolika kopqa u oba slu~aja sa ne{to mawe ili vi{e {irokim listom – u osnovi su dosta sli~ne i ja bih bio sklon da neka kopqa forme A pripi{em formi E, a i obrnuto. Me|utim, mo`da i gre{im. U pitawu su finese, jer svako od nas ima svoj ugao gledawa, vidi stvari druk~ije, pa se verovatno mnogi ne bi slo`ili sa mnom. Tu i le`i te{ko}a tipolo{ke obrade kopaqa o kojoj sam govorio. Ima kopaqa koja su me|usobno identi~na pa svakako pripadaju istom tipu, a ima kopaqa koja sadr`e vi{e istih elemenata i koja se tako|e mogu svrstati u isti tip, a on se po pravilu javqa na ograni~enom geografskom prostoru. Ako jedno ili vi{e takvih kopaqa iskrsne van teritorije gde je na|ena ve}ina komada, onda ih treba uzeti kao import iz jedne oblasti u drugu. Kod ostalih razvrstavawa i podela, pogotovu kad je re~ o razlikama u nijansama, treba biti krajwe obazriv. U svakom slu~aju, bez obzira na ova zapa`awa, mo`e se re}i da je Quben Le{takov na~inio veliki napor da sastavi i prezentuje ovu monografiju koja je donela mnogo novoga u poznavawu bronzanih kopaqa, odgovorila na neka pitawa a postavila i nova, dala neka re{ewa koja su prihvatqiva i predlo`ila druga o kojima treba jo{ razmi{qati, koja nam je otvorila jedan {irok geografski prostor na kom je u kasno bronzano i rano gvozdeno doba bilo veoma `ivo i gde se mnogo toga doga|alo, preko koga su pe{ice, na kolima ili kowima pre{la mnoga plemena i narodi, neki miroqubivi a drugi ratoborni, kre}u}i se u svim mogu}im pravcima, pa je stoga i materijalna kultura sa ovih prostora iz tog perioda slo`ena i raznovrsna. Obradiv{i bronzana kopqa, taj nepopularni oblik za arheologe, autor je uspeo da dâ zna~ajan doprinos poznavawu te prostrane teritorije i tog burnog vremena. Za nas je kwiga izuzetno va`na jer obuhvata veliki broj kopaqa iz na{e zemqe koja su sva razvrstana u autorove forme i tipove, {to }e na{im istra`iva~ima koji budu imali `equ i potrebu da se bave bronzanim kopqima omogu}iti da brzo i lako na|u paralele na {iroj teritoriji za svoje primerke, kao i da se bli`e i detaqnije upoznaju s tom vrstom materijalne kulture i tako u|u u problematiku koju kopqa sadr`e i kriju. Na osnovu svega re~enog, mislim da kwigu Qubena Le{takova mo`emo slobodno svrstati u kapitalna dela o bronzanim kopqima, koja su u arheolo{koj literaturi do sada, na`alost, bila prili~no retka. Rastko VASI\ STARINAR LXVII/2017 KRITIKE I PRIKAZI – COMPTES RENDUS (241–258) Rastko Vasi}, DIE LANZEN- UND PFEILSPITZEN IM ZENTRALBALKAN, Prähistorische Bronzefunde, Abteilung V, 8. Band, Franz Steiner-Verlag, Stuttgart 2015, 95 strana, 3 slike i 3 tabele u tekstu, 19 tabli ilustracija ^uvena me|unarodna serija Praistorijski bronzani nalazi (Prähistorische Bronzefunde, PBF) polako se pribli`ava svome kraju, nakon pola stole}a od po~etka projekta, a do sada je objavqeno skoro 200 zasebnih monografija. Za oblast centralnog Balkana, sinonim za seriju svakako predstavqa Rastko Vasi}, ~ija peta monografija evo izlazi, ovaj put u odeqku o kopqima i strelama. Pre toga iza{le su sveske o srpovima (Vasi} 1994), fibulama (Vasi} 1999), iglama (Vasi} 2003) i torkvesima (Vasi} 2010), uz nekoliko ~lanaka gde su prikazane dopune ve} publikovane gra|e (Vasi} 1996; Vasi} 2014). Kopqa su, ~ini se, u seriji PBF nekako uvek bila u zape}ku, pa su do sada iza{la dela koja pokrivaju relativno malu teritoriju Evrope (Gr~ka, Moravska, Poqska, Dowa Saksonija, Britanija i centralni Balkan), za razliku od nekih drugih bronzanih predmeta, poput ma~eva ili sekira, koji su pokrili skoro celu teritoriju Starog kontinenta. Kwiga R. Vasi}a ~ekala je dugo na publikovawe, skoro ~itavu deceniju, ali i to je na neki na~in postala tradicija PBF serije. S jedne strane, ~itava priprema i redakcija iziskuju odre|eno vreme, {to je svakako za pohvalu s obzirom na kvalitet i reputaciju serije, dok se, s druge strane, donekle gubi na aktuelnosti usled novih nalaza koji se u me|uvremenu otkrivaju. Kwiga o kopqima i strelama sa prostora centralnog Balkana ima uvodni deo, u kome se prikazuju hronologija i sinhronisti~ke tabele kultura na prostoru centralnog Balkana, kao i horizonti ostava na ne{to {irem prostoru, a zatim sledi poglavqe o tipolo{kom i metodolo{kom principu kojim se autor vodio, te deo o funkciji kopaqa i analiza nalaza po grobovima i ostavama, uz veoma korisne pregledne tabele. Na kraju je mawe poglavqe o bronzanim strelama. Nakon toga sledi kra}i ekskurs o gvozdenim kopqima i strelama, gde su ukratko prikazani naj~e{}i tipovi i mesta wihovih nalaza, sa uputom na daqu literaturu, kao i napomene o hronologiji. Mo`e se primetiti da gvozdeni primerci pokazuju izvesnu raznovrsnost po tipovima i hronolo{kom opredeqewu, a kao najstariji primerak opredequje se onaj iz ostave iz Rudovaca u zapadnoj Srbiji, koji ima fasetirani tulac, ina~e karakteristi~an za bronzane primerke iz perioda Ha B. Zatim sledi standardni katalog izra|en po parametrima serije, gde su nalazi podeqeni u tipove sa pripadaju}im komentarima o hronologiji i teritorijalnoj rasprostrawenosti. Ukupno je obra|eno 302 primerka celih ili fragmentovanih kopaqa, kao i {est kalupa za wihovo livewe (mahom fragmentovanih). Najstarija kopqa koja se javqaju na ovim prostorima vezuju se za period Br B, mo`da ~ak i Br A2, dok tokom razvijenog bronzanog doba i tokom prelaznog perioda wihov broj i raznovrsnost zna~ajno rastu. Osim kopaqa, prikazano je i 70 bronzanih strelica, tako|e grupisanih po tipovima i uz pripadaju}e komentare. Najstariji primerci javqaju se u periodu Br C, dok se najmla|i mogu vezati za vreme Ha B.1 U zakqu~nim komentarima autor ukratko sa`ima hronolo{ku, tipolo{ku i teritorijalnu problematiku kopaqa i strela. Na kraju i dve primedbe vezane za tehni~ke detaqe. Na prvom mestu, „za{titni znak” cele edicije, hronolo{ka i tipolo{ka tabela primeraka na kraju monografije nije prikazana, iako sam pre nekoliko godina imao prilike da vidim wenu radnu verziju. Isto tako, karte distribucije po tipovima, koje su ~esto pratile table sa materijalom tako|e nedostaju, a one su mo`da i najcitiraniji grafi~ki prilozi celokupne edicije. No, to svakako nije propust autora, ve} je verovatno re~ o nedostatku vremena prire|iva~a zbog najavqenog zavr{etka edicije. Kwiga Rastka Vasi}a ve} sada predstavqa nezaobilaznu osnovu za svakog istra`iva~a koji se bavi bronzanim predmetima i oru`jem na prostorima jugoisto~ne Evrope, iako je broj nalaza, u pore|ewu s drugim sveskama u ovom odeqku, ne{to mawi nego {to bi se to dalo o~ekivati. 1 Bronzane tzv. skitske strele iz VI i V veka nisu obra|ene u ovoj monografiji. BIBLIOGRAFIJA: Vasi} 1994 – R. Vasi}, Die Sicheln im Zentralbalkan, PBF XVIII/5, Stuttgart 1994. Vasi} 2003 – R. Vasi}, Die Nadeln im Zentralbalkan, PBF XIII/11, Stuttgart 2003. Vasi} 1996 – R. Vasi}, Bronzani srpovi u Srbiji i Vojvodini, Glasnik SAD 11, 1995, 65–75. Vasi} 2010 – R. Vasi}, Die Halsringe im Zentralbalkan, PBF XI/7, Stuttgart 2010. Vasi} 1999 – R. Vasi}, Die Fibeln im Zentralbakan, PBF XIV/12, Stuttgart 1999. Vasi} 2014 – R. Vasi}, Ein Nachtrag zu den PBF-Bänden; die den Zentralbalkan betreffen, Starinar LXIV, 2014, 205–217. Vojislav FILIPOVI] 244 STARINAR LXVII/2017 KRITIKE I PRIKAZI – COMPTES RENDUS (241–258) 50 JAHRE “PRÄHISTORISCHE BRONZEFUNDE”. BILANZ UND PERSPEKTIVEN. Beiträge zum internationalen Kolloquium vom 24. bis 26. September 2014 in Mainz, herausgegeben von Ute Luis Dietz und Albreht Jockenhövel. Prähistorische Bronzefunde, Abteilung XX, Band 14. Franz Steiner Verlag, Stuttgart 2016, 420 strana teksta sa ilustracijama Publikovawe monografije Pedeset godina „Praistorijskih bronzanih nalaza (PBF)“. Bilans i perspektive predstavqa ne samo zavr{nicu rada me|unarodnog nau~nog skupa, odr`anog od 24. do 26. septembra 2014. godine u prostoru Akademije nauka i kwi`evnosti u Majncu, ve} i oma` svim autorima i saradnicima koji su tokom pola veka uzeli u~e{}e u projektu i dali svoj prilog seriji monografija bez kojih nijedan praistori~ar ne mo`e da zamisli svoj svakodnevni rad. I nau~ni skup i zbornik radova, koji su uredili Ute Luize Dic (Ute Luise Dietz) i Albreht Jokenhevel (Albrecht Jockenhövel), posve}eni su prof. dr Hermanu MilerKarpeu (Hermann Müller-Karpe) (1. februar 1925 – 20. septembar 2013), osniva~u i pokreta~koj snazi ~uvenog PBF-a. Jubilarna monografija bila je povod da se pripremi kompletan indeks prethodno publikovanih monografskih publikacija u ovom serijalu, organizovanih u 21 odeqku. Odeqci I–XIX donose odre|enu vrstu gra|e prema regionalnom kriterijumu. Odeqak I posve}en je antropomorfnim i zoomorfnim figurinama, II – posudama, III – defanzivnom naoru`awu, IV – ma~evima, V – vrhovima kopaqa i strela, VI – bode`ima, VII – no`evima, VIII – brija~ima, IX – sekirama, X – narukvicama, nanogvicama i prstewu, XI – ogrlicama i privescima, XII – pojasnim garniturama, XIII – iglama, XIV – fibulama, XV – toaletnom priboru (ogledala, pincete i sl.), XVI – kowskoj opremi, XVII – delovima kola, XVIII – srpovima, XIX – raznovrsnim drugim nalazima. U okviru odeqka XX publikovani su razli~iti prilozi, me|u kojima i ovaj zbornik radova sa jubilarnog skupa, dok je za regionalne i hronolo{ke klasifikacije metalnih doba bio rezervisan odeqak XXI. Jo{ jedan va`an me|unarodni skup obele`io je pedesetogodi{wicu projekta Praistorijski bronzani nalazi. U okviru XVII svetskog kongresa Me|unarodne unije za praistoriju i protoistoriju (UISPP), odr`anog u Burgosu u septembru 2014, radila je i sekcija A3F – Pedeset godina „Praistorijskih bronzanih nalaza”. Rad sekcije odvijao se u okvirima prezentovawa novih nalaza, ali i kriti~kog osvrta na sve aktivnosti tokom pet decenija funkcionisawa projekta. Konferencija u Majncu bila je tematski usmerena ka istorijatu izdava~ke i istra`iva~ke ku}e Praistorijskih bronzanih nalaza, prijemu od strane akademske sredine i uticaju Praistorijskih bronzanih nalaza na evropsko istra`ivawe bronzanog doba, ka metodama i aktuelnim istra`iva~kim pitawima, kao i perspektivama. Prilikom ure|ivawa zbornika radova nije iskori{}en taj tematski princip, ve} su se urednici opredelili da redosled radova bude u skladu sa abecednim poretkom prezimena autora. Pa ipak, tematski pristup pokazao se svrsishodnijim za prikazivawa monografije, budu}i da su se u monografiji na{li i 245 prilozi autora koji nisu u~estvovali na skupu a tematski su se uklapali u postavqene okvire. Istorijatu izdava~ke i istra`iva~ke ku}e Praistorijskih bronzanih nalaza posve}en je rad koji je dobio uvodno mesto u zborniku. To je rad Albrehta Jokenhevela, koji je, sa timom u kom su bili Ute Luize Dic, Monika cu Erbah (Monika zu Erbach), Volf Kubah (Wolf Kubach) i Kerstin [irholt (Kerstin Schierholt), na~inio poku{aj prvog svo|ewa bilansa pedeset godina Praistorijskih bronzanih nalaza. U obimnom radu tretirani su slede}i aspekti PBF-a: koncepcija, formirawe i po~eci, postavqawe ciqeva, struktura i organizacija, primena koncepata – prostorna i vremenska dimenzija, PBF kao istra`iva~ka mre`a za bronzano doba, PBF u vremenu i prostoru, promocija PBF-a, uredni~ka i tehni~ka realizacija, recepcija PBF-a van domena samog rada, kao i interdisciplinarnost i aktuelna istra`iva~ka pitawa. Kona~no, korpus Praistorijskih bronzanih nalaza posmatran je i kroz prizmu recenzija, ~iji je jedinstveni zakqu~ak sa`eo Svend Hansen (Svend Hansen). Prema mi{qewu tog uglednog istra`iva~a bronzanog doba, ova impresivna serija dala je nau~nicima na uvid ogromnu koli~inu materijala i bez we bi nadregionalne studije bile mogu}e u veoma ograni~enom obimu. Re~ je o apsolutno neophodnim publikacijama – i to }e ostati u budu}nosti. Iznad svega, evroazijska dimenzija fenomena bronzanog doba od Sicilije do Norve{ke, od Atlantika do Urala ne bi bila otkrivena. Sa napretkom kompjuterske tehnologije, prikupqawe podataka slu`i kao solidna osnova za {iroka istra`ivawa i pru`a mogu}nosti za nadogradwu i pro{irewe u budu}nosti. O prijemu i uticaju Praistorijskih bronzanih nalaza u okviru evropskog istra`ivawa bronzanog doba svedo~e radovi iz vi{e zemaqa, sa razli~itim nau~nim i istra`iva~kim tradicijama. Voj}eh Blajer (Wojciech Blajer) prikazao je kako je publikovawe Praistorijskih bronzanih nalaza u personalnom i institucionalnom smislu uticalo na istra`ivawe bronzanog doba u Poqskoj, kakve su tamo bile prve reakcije, efekti i rezultati, i kakav je udeo imala poqska arheologija u stvarawu ovog serijala. Frank Falken{tajn (Frank Falkenstein) dao je veoma detaqan, i prili~no formalizovan, uvid u prijem i uticaj Praistorijskih bronzanih nalaza u centralnoj Evropi, prema autorima, odeqcima i regionima, kao i prema vrsti gra|e. Ovaj autor posebno isti~e ~iwenicu da {to je vi{e neki od sredwoevropskih autora bio posve}en paradigmi tipolo{ko-hronolo{kog metoda utemeqenog na PBF-u, to je imao sna`niji podsticaj za kriti~ki pristup. U svom prilogu o PBF-u i protoistorijskim istra`ivawima u Italiji, Fulvia Lo Skiavo (Fulvia Lo Schiavo) nagla{ava specifi~nost publikacija koje se odnose na teritoriju Italije, STARINAR LXVII/2017 KRITIKE I PRIKAZI – COMPTES RENDUS (241–258) tretiranu kao jedinstvena celina ili uz regionalna ograni~ewa, i tako|e daje sa`et prikaz publikacija o kowskoj opremi i kolima, ma~evima, no`evima i bode`ima, brija~ima, iglama, sekirama, fibulama, posudama i defanzivnom naoru`awu. Veoma va`nim ~ini se deo studije o pitawima jezika u italijanskim volumenima PBF-a, o preciznosti prevoda i broju prikaza napisanih o ovim monografijama. Fulvia Lo Skiavo zakqu~uje da pitawe jezika u ovoj seriji ipak nije zna~ajno toliko koliko su zna~ajni kvalitet i brojnost ilustrativnih priloga, koji u svakom slu~aju odnose prevagu. Vredno je pomenuti i wen apologetski stav u raspravi o tome da li tipologija PBF-a prerasta u „tipomaniju”, kao i wenu viziju perspektiva i budu}nosti ovog serijala u digitalnoj eri. Henrik Trane (Henrik Thrane), u svom radu o PBF-u i nordijskom bronzanom dobu, uz pregled tematskih blokova i autora koji su dali svoje priloge ovoj seriji, nagla{ava zna~aj koji ona ima za arheologe zaposlene u muzejima. Aleksandru Vulpe (Alexandru Vulpe) je zna~ewu edicije PBF za rumunsku arheologiju dodao li~ne momente. Rastko Vasi} je priliku za publikovawe u jubilarnom volumenu PBF-a iskoristio da, uz pregled do sada publikovane gra|e sa centralnog Balkana, iznese dodatak materijala koji je u me|uvremenu pristigao pred o~i arheolo{ke javnosti. Time je korpus publikovane gra|e uve}an novim nalazima srpova, fibula, ukrasnih igala i ogrlica (ukqu~uju}i i prikaze na kerami~kim figurinama), a svoje mesto dobio je i ma~ iz Gorwe Kravarice. Metodama i aktuelnim istra`iva~kim pitawima u svojim prilozima bavili su se: Dirk Brandherm (Dirk Brandherm), Kristijan Hijarkos (Christian Chiarcos) i Niko [enk (Niko Schenk), Mehtild Frojdenberg (Mechthild Freudenberg) i Lajf Glazer (Leif Glaser), Kerstin P. Hofman (Kerstin P. Hofmann), Hajdi Peter-Reher (Heidi PeterRöcher), Margarita Primas (Margarita Primas), Lorenc Ramstorf (Lorenz Rahmstorf), Filip V. [tokhamer (Philipp W. Stockhammer) i Gizela Volterman (Gisela Woltermann). Dirk Brandherm izlo`io je svoju interpretaciju deponovawa oru`ja krajem bronzanog doba. Studija slu~aja u Ria de Huelvi (Ría de Huelva) poslu`ila mu je za prepoznavawe obrazaca i interpretaciju fenomena multifunkcionalnog kompozitnog deponovawa vi{e predmeta u evropskom bronzanom dobu. Analiza horizonta ostava sa kraja bronzanog doba u atlantskom delu zapadne Evrope zapo~iwe pregledom nalaza i wihovim hronolo{kim opredeqewem, a vodi ka novoj interpretaciji, uz opse`no prou~avawe kosmolo{ke pozadine i simboli~kog zna~ewa. Iako u vidu ekskursa, veoma je zanimqiv deo rada o fragmentovanim predmetima u ostavama, u kom su jasno izneti kriterijumi prema kojima se u okvirima votivnih ostava razlikuju one simboli~ke od onih u kojima su samo dragocenosti. Kristijan Hijarkos i Niko [enk u svom radu, za autora ovih redova neo~ekivanom ali posebno privla~nom, pod naslovom „Iskopavawe u tekstu. Prou~avawe evropske praistorije putem obrade prirodnog jezika i povezanih tehnologija otvorenih podataka”, iznose rezultate eksperimenata u ciqu poboq{awa pristupa prou~avawu evropske praistorije. Eksperimenti usvajaju okvir i izazov poznat kao „(duboko) ma{insko ~itawe”, produ`eno iskopavawe teksta sa ciqem ekstrakcije ma{inski ~itqive i semanti~ki formalizovane informacije iz digitalnih dokumenata. Ovi eksperimenti pred- 246 stavqaju prve korake u razvoju sistema koji }e omogu}iti analizu izve{taja sa iskopavawa i radova u formi kataloga, wihovo pretra`ivawe na semanti~koj osnovi, kao i wihovom uve}avawu informacijama iz pozadine, specifi~nim za terensku arheologiju. Mehtild Frojdenberg i Lajf Glazer svojim prilogom o ostavi iz Kapelna i kopijama u arheolo{kim zbirkama sve nas opomiwu da zapravo vidimo samo ono {to o~ekujemo. Kerstin P. Hofman u radu o metodolo{koj teritorijalnosti u istra`ivawu bronzanog doba razmatra teritorijalnu rasprostrawenost nalaza, granice i identitete. Inspiraciju je predstavqalo prou~avawe „lunebur{ke grupe”, gde se od konkretnih nalaza, preko karte rasprostrawenosti, do{lo do definisawa kulturnog kruga, odnosno regionalne grupe. Teritorijalna rasprostrawenost analizirana je i interpretirana kao jedinica prostor–vreme, a posledi~no se pojavilo pitawe bronzanog doba bez granica, odnosno opravdanosti arheolo{kog iscrtavawa granica. O bronzanom dobu kao herojskoj eri ili kolevci modernog ratovawa raspravqa Hajdi PeterReher razmatraju}i karakteristike i ciqeve nasilnih sukoba, elemente strategija konflikata, oblika nasiqa i drugih obele`ja nehijerarhizovanih i hijerarhizovanih dru{tava. Margarita Primas, u radu „Upotreba bronze na severnoalpskom prostoru – promena uloge jednog kulturnog dobra”, prati vi{estruku modifikaciju uloge bronze tokom II i ranog I milenijuma pre nove ere. Lorenc Ramstorf prou~ava okvire bronzanodopske trgovine u Evropi i na starom Istoku, ukqu~uju}i i Egipat, analiziraju}i mesto trgovine kao posebno mesto ekonomske interakcije, novac, trgovce, merne sisteme i tegove. O arheolo{kim sistemima za klasifikaciju upotrebqavanim u Praistorijskim bronzanim nalazima raspravqa Filip V. [tokhamer, dok zavr{nicu u zborniku predstavqa rad Gizele Volterman o }ilibaru pre metala – rasprava o ranobronzanodopskim na~inima ukra{avawa }ilibarom severne Nema~ke izme|u lokalnog konteksta i transevropskih kontakata na daqinu. Tematski blok o perspektivama projekta Praistorijski bronzani nalazi obuhvatio je vi{e raznorodnih radova. Dragana Antonovi} dala je opse`an prilog o drevnom rudarstvu bakra na Balkanu, po~ev{i od geolo{ke osnove o le`i{tima bakra na Balkanu, preko korelirawa tih podataka sa arheolo{kim podacima o eneolitskim nalazi{tima, do pregleda praistorijskih rudnika, porekla rude u ranoj metalurgiji i perspektiva za daqa istra`ivawa, {to je naro~ito izra`eno u davawu uvida u stawe istra`enosti mawe poznatih lokaliteta kakvi su @drelo, Jarmovac i Mali [turac. Jan-Hajnrih Bunefeld (Jan-Heinrich Bunnefeld) traga za individualizmom i profesionalizmom u izradi ma~eva sa punolivenom dr{kom u periodu II nordijskog bronzanog doba, pri ~emu analizira forme, ukra{avawe, potencijalne hronolo{ke razlike, ali prvenstveno radionice i radioni~ke zone. Umetnost perioda kultura poqa sa urnama i klasi~nog hal{tata – geometrijske epohe evropske praistorije – inspirisala je Kristofa Huta (Christoph Huth) da krene u potragu za skrivenom `ivotnom snagom stvari, prepoznatom putem figuralnih predstava. Oliver Nakoinc (Oliver Nakoinz) bavio se rekonstrukcijom kulturnog prostora na osnovu digitalnog kartirawa, kre}u}i se od elaboriranog teorijskog pristupa (koncept kulture u arheologiji i drugim disciplinama, skica integrativne STARINAR LXVII/2017 KRITIKE I PRIKAZI – COMPTES RENDUS (241–258) teorije kulture, kultura, identitet i interakcija), preko precizno definisanih metoda istra`ivawa (stvarawe spektra tipova, regionalizacija na osnovu gustine nalaza, analiza grupisanih nalaza, provera vaqanosti dobijenih rezultata, pojava skrivenih jedinica – metagrupa), do primena na konkretnoj studiji slu~aja. Bernard Ziherl (Bernhard Sicherl) je, u dobroj tradiciji PBF-a, na primeru ma~eva tipa Rigze (Riegsee) i ornamentalnih obrazaca koji se na wima pojavquju analizirao proizvodwu ma~eva i wihovu distribuciju. Sagledavaju}i svu {arolikost priloga koji ~ine zbornik Pedeset godina „Praistorijskih bronzanih nalaza”. Bilans i perspektive, neminovno nam se name}e zakqu~ak da je u stvarawu ove edicije u~estvovalo i da je na woj stasalo nekoliko me|usobno veoma razli~itih generacija arheologa. Za neke od wih rad na pripremi i realizaciji pri- loga u PBF-u predstavqao je vrhunski domet u karijeri, za druge je bio samo vrhunska {kola koja je postavila najvi{e standarde profesionalnosti, a za neke ~ak i potencijalno popri{te sukoba unutar akademske sredine. Generacije koje su stasavale u visokotehnolo{kom dru{tvu unele su u prepoznatqiv sistem neophodnu dozu inovativnosti i osve`ile su ediciju novim pristupima poznatoj gra|i, a posebno interpretacijama. Bilans pola veka uspe{no realizovanog projekta jasno je vidqiv u jubilarnoj monografiji: na jednom mestu udru`ene su sve generacije da zajedni~kim snagama poka`u da Praistorijski bronzani nalazi, uprkos okon~anom jednom `ivotnom ciklusu, nastavqaju `ivot nezavisno od prvobitnih zamisli i da, bez sumwe, imaju potencijal i perspektivu za budu}nost. Marija QU[TINA Bojana Bori}-Bre{kovi}, Adam Crnobrwa, OSTAVA SREBRNOG RIMSKOG NOVCA IZ RUDNI^KE OBLASTI METALLA TRICORNENSIA. Arheolo{ko-numizmati~ka studija / A HOARD OF SILVER ROMAN COINS FROM THE MINING AREAS OF THE METALLA TRICORNENSIA. An Archaeological and Numismatics Study, Belgrade 2015, 247 strana: 104 strane teksta (dvojezi~no srpski i engleski), 10 strana ilustracija (karte, planovi), 10 strana bibliografije, 84 strane kataloga, 27 tabli sa fotografijama U izdawu Narodnog muzeja u Beogradu iza{la je krajem 2015. godine dvojezi~na monografija „Ostava srebrnog rimskog novca iz rudni~ke oblasti Metalla Tricornensia. Arheolo{ko-numizmati~ka studija”, autora Bojane Bori}-Bre{kovi} i Adama Crnobrwe, objavqena u seriji Numizmatika 5, Monografije 1. U kra}em Uvodu autori detaqno predstavqaju uslove pod kojima je otkrivena ostava rimskog novca u selu Mirosaqci 1995. g. i na~in na koji je dospela u Narodni muzej u Beogradu. Nalaz se sastoji od 724 denara i 2 drahme, u rasponu od Nerona do Komoda. Autori defini{u i pravac svog istra`ivawa, kojim je, osim numizmati~ke analize ostave novca, wenog datovawa i utvr|ivawa razloga za pohrawivawe, obuhva}ena i sfera kompleksne problematike administrativnih razgrani~ewa provincija Dowe Panonije, Dalmacije, Gorwe Mezije i Kosmajske rudni~ke oblasti. Sledi poglavqe Me|e provincija i administrativni polo`aj Kosmajskih rudnika, sa ~etiri zasebna odeqka: Me|e provincija Dalmacije, Dowe Panonije i Gorwe Mezije, Administrativni polo`aj Kosmajskih rudnika, Istra`ivawa rimskih rudnika na Kosmaju i Po~eci eksploatacije rudnika na Kosmaju. Pri poku{aju opredeqivawa lokacije, odnosno administrativne pripadnosti mesta na kome je ostava pohrawena, autori su se susreli sa mnogobrojnim pitawima i dilemama koje zaokupqaju nau~nu javnost ve} vi{e od jednog veka. Dosada{we rasprave vo|ene su pre svega na osnovu epigrafskih podataka i siroma{nih pisanih izvora, a Bori}-Bre{kovi} i Crnobrwa odlu~ili su da upotrebe dosad mawe kori{}ene topografske podatke i 247 pre svega poznate arheolo{ke nalaze. Na osnovu ranijih istra`ivawa ali i novih arheolo{kih dokaza, autori predla`u u izvesnoj meri korigovanu trasu razgrani~ewa Dalmacije, Dowe Panonije i Gorwe Mezije. Potom se posve}uju problematici pripadnosti Kosmajskih rudnika odre|enoj provinciji, a u tom kontekstu i sagledavawu {ire gradske teritorije rimskog Singidunuma. Nakon iscrpne analize iznose izvesne sumwe u pogledu ranije iznetih zakqu~aka u vezi sa zapadnom granicom agera Singidunuma i wegovog preklapawa sa granicom Gorwe Mezije. Zakqu~uju da je teritorija Kosmajskih rudnika bila {ira nego {to se to do sada tvrdilo i da se selo Mirosaqci (mesto nalaza ostave novca) nalazilo unutar teritorije kosmajskog rudni~kog domena, na wegovoj krajwoj jugozapadnoj granici. Sledi iscrpan pregled dosada{wih istra`ivawa rimskih rudnika na Kosmaju, na osnovu koga autori izvode zakqu~ak da stawe dokumentacije, kao i podaci o pokretnim nalazima ne dozvoqavaju kompleksnija kontekstualna razmatrawa, tena osnovu nedovoqne raspolo`ive gra|e u grubim crtama rekonstrui{u tok eksploatacije rudnika na Kosmaju. Bori}-Bre{kovi} i Crnobrwa raspravu nastavqaju u poglavqu Teritorijalna organizacija rimskih rudnika, u okviru koga su izdvojena tri odeqka: Vojno utvr|ewe (castellum), Centralno rudni~ko naseqe i u`a oblast rudnika na Kosmaju (vicus metalli et metallum) i [ira oblast rimskih rudnika na Kosmaju (territorium metalli). Polaze}i od ranijih zakqu~aka da je jedan rudni~ki distrikt obuhvatao glavno naseqe i u`u i {iru oblast rudnika, autori su poku{ali da na osnovu dosada{wih istra`ivawa na Kosmaju STARINAR LXVII/2017 KRITIKE I PRIKAZI – COMPTES RENDUS (241–258) uka`u na mogu}nosti koje dozvoqavaju da se na pojedinim mestima pretpostavi okvirna zona razgrani~ewa u`e i {ire rudni~ke oblasti. Upustiv{i se u izlagawe o prostornoj organizaciji rudni~kog domena na Kosmaju, Bori}-Bre{kovi} i Crnobrwa suo~ili su se sa problematikom kojom se do sada niko nije bavio. Sledi iscrpna analiza svih dosada{wih registrovanih arheolo{kih lokaliteta i pokretnih nalaza, koje su autori opredelili u u`u ili {iru Kosmajsku rudni~ku oblast. Pri tome su se neretko suo~avali sa problemom nedostatka ili nepotpunosti gra|e, kao i s ~iwenicom da su raspolo`ivi podaci rezultat u najve}oj meri rekognoscirawa, a u maloj meri arheolo{kih istra`ivawa koja bi pru`ila sigurne podatke. Nakon detaqnog argumentovawa raspolo`ivih podataka, autori i u ovom poglavqu potvr|uju svoj prethodni zakqu~ak – da se lokalitet kod sela Mirosaqci, na kome je prona|ena ostava novca, nalazio u okviru territorium metalli. Sledi poglavqe Ostava srebrnog rimskog novca iz sela Mirosaqci, koje predstavqa numizmati~ku studiju u pet odeqaka. U wemu se autori, po{tuju}i savremenu numizmati~ku metodologiju uz kori{}ewe relevantne literature, bave sastavom ostave, horizontima pohrawivawa ostava iz druge polovine II veka na tlu Srbije, pore|ewem sastava ostave iz Mirosaqaca sa ostavama sli~nog sadr`aja iz podunavsko-balkanskih provincija, a navode i zabele`ena odstupawa od referentne literaturei kona~no razmatraju mogu}e razloge pohrawivawa. Ostava iz Mirosaqaca sadr`i 726 primeraka srebrnog rimskog novca, od ~ega je 724 denara i dve Trajanove drahme kovano u Likiji. Novac 29 vladara i ~lanova wihovih porodica kre}e se u rasponu od Nerona do Komoda. Nalaz predstavqa jedan od pet do sada poznatih nalaza koji su pohraweni na teritoriji dana{we Srbije za vladavine Komoda. Svih pet nalaza, u anti~ko vreme, nalazilo se u okvirima razli~itih administrativnih jedinica (Bela Reka, kod Bogati}a, u Dowoj Panoniji; Radaq, na razme|i Dowe Panonije i Dalmacije, ali pre svega vezan za oblast podriwskih rudnika; Mali Suvodol, kod Pirota, iz Trakije i Ludo{, kod Vr{ca, sa podru~ja onda{weg sarmatskog barbarikuma). Analiziraju}i horizonte pohrawivawa ostava iz druge polovine II veka, Bori}-Bre{kovi} i Crnobrwa izdvajaju tri hronolo{ke faze: kraj {ezdesetih godina (sedam + jedna? ostava), po~etke osamdesetih (tri ostave) i devedesetih godina (dve ostave), kao i sam kraj II veka (jedan nalaz).Svaki horizont pohrawivawa ilustrovan je preglednim tabelama i grafikonima, koji su autorima pru`ili mogu}nost za dodatna upore|ivawa sa nalazima iz susednih provincija. Na taj na~in dobili smo {iri uvid u sli~nosti i razlike u sastavima ostava razmatranog perioda. Sledi detaqna analiza sastava ostave iz Mirosaqaca i wegovo pore|ewe sa sastavom analognih nalaza iz balkansko-podunavskih provincija. Pokazalo se da je glavni deo nalaza iz Mirosaqaca formiran tokom II veka, u vreme vladavine Antonina Pija i, naro~ito, Marka Aurelija, upravo u vreme najve}eg procvata eksploatacije ruda u kosmajskoj rudni~koj oblasti. Posebna pa`wa posve}ena je najmla|em primerku u ostavi – Komodovom denaru, koji odre|uje kraj jula 192. godine kao terminus a quo pokopavawa nalaza iz Mirosaqaca. Autori su ukazali i na postoje}e varijante u nalazu koje u izvesnoj meri odstupaju od referent- 248 ne literature. U ove primerke spada i najmla|i denar Komoda, koji, izuzev anomalije u natpisu IMP VII (sic!) umesto IMP VIII, u svemu odgovara prvoj seriji iz 192. godine. Tu anomaliju autori pripisuju oma{ci reza~a kalupa, jer navedenu kombinaciju tribunskih i konzulskih ovla{}ewa ne mo`e da prati sedma imperatorska aklamacija iz 184. godine nego wegova osma aklamacija, koju je dobio dve godine kasnije i koja se od tada javqa na wegovom novcu. Posebnu pa`wu Bori}-Bre{kovi} i Crnobrwa posvetili su mogu}im razlozima za pohrawivawe nalaza iz Mirosaqaca. Kako u razmatranom periodu oblast Gorwe Mezije nije bila izlo`ena nekoj neposrednoj ratnoj opasnosti, autori zakqu~uju da uzroke za pohrawivawe nalaza treba tra`iti u nekim drugim doga|ajima (ekonomskoj nestabilnosti, lokalnim neprilikama ili u razlozima li~ne prirode). Kao jedan od mogu}ih razloga navode Komodovu unutra{wu politiku, wegove konfiskacije, ogromne namete i konskripcije, {to je stvaralo op{tu nesigurnost i dovodilo do pobuna u provincijama. Kao drugirazlog pohrawivawa nalaza iz Mirosaqaca autori razmatraju mogu}nost postojawa crnog tr`i{ta, odnosno me{etara cenama poqoprivrednih proizvoda u okviru rudni~ke oblasti. U neposrednoj blizini, na oko 100 m severnije od mesta nalaza ostave uo~eni su povr{inski nalazi rimske keramike i gra|evinskog {uta. Autori nagla{avaju da bez prethodnih arheolo{kih istra`ivawa nije mogu}e odrediti karakter objekata (ili objekta) ~iji su tragovi uo~eni, ali pretpostavqaju da su wihovi (wegovi) vlasnici mogli imati veze sa pohrawivawem ostave. Slede planovi do sada arheolo{ki istra`enih arhitektonskih objekata u u`oj i {iroj oblasti rudnika na Kosmaju, kao i pregledne karte te dve oblasti sa ozna~enim registrovanim lokalitetima. U bogatoj bibliografiji (112 jedinica) zastupqena je i starija i novija relevantna i komparativna literatura. Najve}i deo monografije ~ine iscrpan katalog i ilustracije svih primeraka iz ostave. U katalogu su navedeni svi standardni podaci uz kori{}ewe relevantne literature. Nalaz iz sela Mirosaqci poslu`io je kao pogodan povod da se autori upuste u odva`no ramatrawe problematike koja ve} decenijama zaokupqa nau~nu javnost. Polaze}i od ranijih postavki zasnovanih na epigrafskoj i, u mawem obimu, arheolo{koj gra|i a dopuwenih novim podacima, pre svega arheolo{kim i topografskim, autori su pokazali da su se Kosmajski rudnici nalazili u okviru provincije Gorwe Mezije i wenih metalla Tricornensia, a da je lokalitet na kome je ostava prona|ena pripadao {iroj teritoriji rudni~ke oblasti Kosmaja. Na osnovu detaqnih razmatrawa kompleksne problematike administrativnih razgrani~ewa u rimsko vreme, autori su po prvi put svrstali do sada poznate pojedina~ne nalaze i registrovane arheolo{ke lokalitete na terenu u u`u ili {iru oblast Kosmajskih rudnika. Monografija „Ostava srebrnog rimskog novca iz rudni~ke oblasti Metalla Tricornensia” autora Bojane Bori}-Bre{kovi} i Adama Crnobrwe, prvenstveno zbog originalnih zakqu~aka, predstavqa}e va`an, referentan izvor za budu}a istorijska, arheolo{ka i numizmati~ka istra`ivawa. Mirjana VOJVODA STARINAR LXVII/2017 KRITIKE I PRIKAZI – COMPTES RENDUS (241–258) Lukas Lemcke, IMPERIAL TRANSPORTATION AND COMMUNICATION FROM THE THIRD TO THE LATE FOURTH CENTURY: THE GOLDEN AGE OF THE CURSUS PUBLICUS, Collection Latomus, 353, Bruxelles 2016, 161 pages, ISBN: 978-90-429-3356-9 The Roman transportation system and the adjacent aspects related to it, such as the road infrastructure, laws, regulations etc., have been the subject of a significant amount of literature published since the beginning of the last century (I mention here only some titles of articles and books related to the cursus publicus: E. W. Black, Cursus publicus. The Infrastructure of the Government in Roman Britain, BAR 241, Oxford, 1995; Lucietta Di Paola, Viaggi, trasporti e institutioni. Studi sul cursus publicus, Di. Sc. A. M., Messina, 1999; Anne Kolb, Transport und Nachrichtentransfer im Römischen Reich, Akademie Verlag GmbH, Berlin, 2000). Therefore, approaching such a topic is not an easy task. One must have solid knowledge about Roman roads, ancient cartographic sources (the Peutinger map and the Antonine itinerary), inscriptions and other sources regarding the official Roman transportation system. It seems that the author of the most recent book on the cursus publicus, Lukas Lemcke, has proved to have the skill and knowledge to realise an in-depth investigation of this topic. The author had the great opportunity to publish his book, which represents the result of his PhD thesis, in the prestigious collections of the journal Latomus. The volume is structured into the following sections: 1. Introduction, 11–22; 2. From uehiculatio to cursus publicus: Transformation and Development from the Third to the Early Fourth Century, 23–44; 3. The cursus publicus in the Fourth Century, 45–116; 4. Summary and Conclusion, 117–122; 5. Outlook, 123–134; 6. List of Figures, 135–136; 7. Bibliography, 137–146; 8. Index, 147–154. The author defines his tasks right from the introduction. He has chosen to focus on the late 3rd and the 4th century A.D. because this was a period of profound changes, affecting not only the entire history of the Roman Empire, but also the official transportation system, the cursus publicus. I have to outline the correct use of the terms. Lukas Lemcke prefers to use the construction ‘Imperial Information and Transportation System (IITS)’, referring to the transportation system in the early period, because we all know that the term cursus publicus is first mentioned in late sources. I appreciate the presentation style, very concise, and clear. Lemcke presents an up-to-date analysis of the term cursus publicus. The introductory section ends with an accurate description of the history of the official transportation system from the beginning (Augustus) until the 3rd century A.D. In the second chapter the author provides data concerning the major transformations of the transportation system at the end of the 3rd century and at the beginning of the 4th century A.D. Lemcke presents two important inscriptions discovered in the territory of the province of Asia, dated to the 3rd century, and mentioning the use of oxen. The author provides some interesting data regarding the mobility of the imperial courts and the main juridical changes regarding these aspects. He also observes that after the constitutio Antoniniana, the IITS also started to be used 249 for the transportation of resources needed by the central administration. In the second part of this chapter, Lemcke analyses the changes in the transportation system which happened during the reign of Diocletian. These changes continued during the reign of Constantine, when the cursus publicus was divided into two services: the cursus velox and the cursus clavularis. The third chapter is the most consistent part of the book. It reveals data concerning the transportation system in the 4th century A.D. Lukas Lemcke starts the debate by approaching a very necessary topic, i.e. the infrastructure of the cursus publicus, rightfully admitting that too many researchers have written about the administrative aspects of the transportation system, and only a few have focused on the infrastructure of the road stations. The author mentions categories of data necessary for the study of the infrastructure: the ancient itineraries and the archaeological excavations of buildings presumed to be mansiones. However, once again Lemcke is very prudent, emphasising that one should be careful because not all the sites excavated belonged to the state infrastructure. Some were private inns along the roads of the Roman Empire. The author also records the existence of a waterway infrastructure, but the scarcity of ancient sources makes any attempt to document such routes very difficult. The terminology regarding the building infrastructure is also discussed. Lemcke reviews the meaning of the terms mansio, mutatio and statio in modern research, observing the complexity of the problem. He mentions the Bordeaux itinerary, where such a distinction of terms is operated across the entire document. Recently, I have made a comparison between data contained in the Peutinger map, the Antonine itinerary and the Bordeaux itinerary related to the road sector Emona–Singidunum, observing that mutationes (which are not recorded at all in the Antonine itinerary) are interspersed between mansiones and civitates (F. Fodorean, Listing settlements and distances: The road Emona– Singidunum in Tabula Peutingeriana, Itinerarium Antonini and Itinerarium Burdigalense, in Starinar. Nau~ni ~asopis Arheolo{kog instituta u Beogradu 66, 2016 – forthcoming). Further on, the author discusses the vehicle fleet necessary for the good management of the system: animals (equi, ueredi, asini, muli and boues) and vehicles (birota, carrus, reda and angaria), both recorded in the Theodosian Code. Lemcke is again prudent with the numbers: he is surely correct when he states that 40 horses for each station, as Procopius recorded, is an overrated number, and it might suggest, in the best case, an average maximum total of animals for one station. The arguments brought into discussion sustain Lemcke’s statement. Of 49 sites in Britain, only two provided space for horses, but far from the possibility of providing space for 40 animals. The administration of the cursus publicus is also discussed in the book. The author does not forget to mention that the institution of praefectura vehiculorum, presented only in Italy, disappeared during the beginning of the 4th century A.D. (in 326), STARINAR LXVII/2017 KRITIKE I PRIKAZI – COMPTES RENDUS (241–258) because Italy was assimilated as a Roman province, starting with the Tetrarchy. The financial aspects are also described by the author, outlining the burden supported by the local population, which provided animals for the system and also other services. Who used the cursus publicus? Lemcke answers this question in detail: 1. Messengers (militantes and dignitates) travelling for official business; 2. Agentes in rebus, i.e. the imperial messengers; 3. Delegations from provincial cities; 4. The dignitates, i.e. officials who travelled using a permit; 5. Bishops; 6. The army. Ancient sources provide data about merchandise transported using the cursus publicus and the author does not forget to mention these aspects too. Lemcke also refers to the issuers of permits from the 1st to the 3rd century and during the 4th century A.D. He uses ancient sources very efficiently, providing interesting examples and systemising the information logically. The author mentions that during the 4th century A.D., the right to issue travel permits was granted to praetorian prefects, the magister officiorum, the prefects of Rome, vicars, governors and to military officials. Lemcke also discussed the value of the Notitia Dignitatum to the study of the cursus publicus. After comparing all data in a table, he drew an interesting conclusion: in the late 4th century A.D., according to the data from the Notitia Dignitatum Orientalis, only the emperor, the magister officiorum, and the praetorian prefects had the right to issue travel permits. The final part of the third chapter refers to the control of the abuses related to the cursus publicus. Once again, I noted the accurate writing style of the author and his correct conclusions: during the 4th century A.D., those in charge of this control were the mancipes, the governors and the curiosi. The conclusions of the author present, chronologically, the evolution and the changes in the cursus publicus from the period when it was first attested during Augustus until the 4th century A.D. I would like to mention that all the major publications related to the subject are recorded in the bibliographical list. Therefore, I have read a documented book, written using a very accurate style. I have noticed the capacity of the author to use all data from the ancient sources and interpret them properly. I have also appreciated the prudency of the author regarding some issues. Lukas Lemcke’s book on the cursus publicus should be consulted by any historian interested in questions regarding travel and the official transportation system of the Roman Empire. Florin-Gheorghe FODOREAN Anastassios Ch. Antonaras, ARTS, CRAFTS AND TRADES IN ANCIENT AND BYZANTINE THESSALONIKI. ARCHAEOLOGICAL, LITERARY AND EPIGRAPHIC EVIDENCE (ed. Antje Bosselmann-Ruickbie and Leo Ruickbie); Byzanz zwischen Orient und Okzident 2, Veröffentlichungen des Leibniz-Wissenschafts Campus Mainz; Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseum: Mainz 2016, 268 strana sa ilustracijama Dugo o~ekivana kwiga o zanatima u Solunu jedno je od najnovijih izdawa uglednog Rimsko-germanskog centralnog muzeja u Majncu, koji je, pored svega drugog, prepoznatqiv i po arheolo{kim publikacijama razli~itog tematskog, geografskog i hronolo{kog opsega. Me|u wima, edicija „Vizantija izme|u Orijenta i Zapada”, ~ija je druga po redu publikacija pred nama, pokrenuta je u okviru saradwe dve vode}e nau~ne institucije sa sedi{tem u Majncu – Rimskogermanskog muzeja i Univerziteta Johanes Gutenberg, s ciqem da u fokusu ima Vizantiju i weno eklekti~no zanatsko-umetni~ko okru`ewe u {irokom rasponu od antike do savremenog doba. Autor kwige, dr Atanasios Antonaras, ugledan arheolog iz Muzeja vizantijske kulture u Solunu, stru~wak je za staklarstvo i nakit, sa vi{edecenijskim iskustvom u izu~avawu proizvodnih odlika predmeta, a tako|e i u~esnik u za{titnim istra`ivawima na podru~ju Soluna, te je stoga istra`iva~ pravog formata za odabranu temu, koja je, izvesno, veoma kompleksna. Wena slo`enost proisti~e u jednakoj meri iz potrebe poznavawa kako razli~itih zanata i na~ina wihovog funkcionisawa u proizvodnom i organizacionom smislu, tako i tehnologije izrade raznovrsnih predmeta, {to u {irokom hronolo{kom okviru od IV veka pre nove ere do XIV veka nove ere podrazumeva 250 analize, pored ostalog, urbane matrice i graditeqskih odlika struktura kao i proizvodne trendove. Pri~a o ovoj kwizi zapravo po~iwe saop{tewem na me|unarodnoj konferenciji „Hinter den Mauern und auf dem offenen Land: Neue forschungen zum Leben im Byzantinischen Reich”, koju su 2010. godine organizovali Falko Daim (Falko Daim) i Jerg Dra{ke (Jörg Drauschke) u ime Rimsko-germanskog muzeja u Majncu. Shvativ{i obim i potencijal ostvarenih rezultata, pre svega arheolo{kih istra`ivawa, direktor Rimsko-germanskog muzeja F. Daim predlo`io je da se svi raspolo`ivi podaci objedine u publikaciju koja bi dala svojevrstan uvid u istoriju Soluna kao zanatskog sredi{ta. Da li je tom prilikom tako|e odlu~eno da se razmatrawe zanatstva u vizantijskom razdobqu dopuni ranim stole}ima u istoriji grada ili je sâmo saop{tewe bilo koncipirano tako da pru`i uvid u kompletnu gra|u – ostaje nepoznato, ali je zadat hronolo{ki okvir sigurno uticao i na karakter kwige i na wenu strukturu. Tek, bogato ilustrovana i odli~no od{tampana, kwiga koja je pred nama otkriva rezultate istra`ivawa umetnosti i zanata u Solunu kroz prizmu pisanih dokumenata i arheolo{kih i epigrafskih podataka. Nakon osamdeset godina istra`ivawa i preko stotinu iskopavawa, prete`no za{titnog karaktera, STARINAR LXVII/2017 KRITIKE I PRIKAZI – COMPTES RENDUS (241–258) ona pru`a podatke o pribli`no dvadeset zanata koji su postojali u Solunu tokom wegove devetnaestovekovne istorije. Obim posla koji je prethodio nastanku kwige mo`da je najboqe opisati re~ju zahtevan. Dovoqno je ovom prilikom ukazati samo na ~iwenicu da su arheolo{ki podaci i prate}a dokumentacija koje je autor imao na raspolagawu iz razli~itih izvora tako|e i fragmentarni, budu}i da poti~u prete`no sa za{titnih iskopavawa. Uz to, dobar deo gra|e nije ranije bio objavqen, a u pojedinim slu~ajevima ni odgovaraju}e prepoznat. Zbog svega toga mo`e se konstatovati da se od samog po~etka rada na ovoj temi A. Antonaras upustio u svojevrstan poduhvat – da najpre sakupi i sistematizuje sve podatke i potom ponudi sliku Soluna kao zanatskog sredi{ta u svim wegovim osobenostima. Kwigu ~ine dva dela: u prvom su izlo`eni rezultati dosada{wih istra`ivawa (str. 1–92), a drugi deo ~ini katalog radionica (str. 93–227). Na za~equ su karte sa distribucijama nalaza, dodaci i bibliografija. Kwigu otvara predgovor F. Daima, a potom slede Re~ autora i Uvod, koji pru`a osnovne informacije o sadr`aju publikacije. Svaki od odeqaka – Od helenizma do ranohri{}anskog perioda, Sredwovizantijski period (od VIII do XII veka) i Kasnovizantijski period (od XIII do XV veka) – sadr`i pregled zanatskih delatnosti konstatovanih na podru~ju grada u dato vreme. Sva poglavqa imaju istu metodolo{ko-faktografsku shemu izlagawa, koju prati odgovaraju}i ilustrativni materijal. U kratkim tekstovima, propra}enim obimnim referencama u napomenama, izlo`en je najpre pregled politi~kih doga|aja koji su imali uticaja na Solun, a zatim slede topografska slika grada i u tom kontekstu pozicije radionica u urbanoj matrici. Zanati i delatnosti izlo`eni su tako|e na identi~an na~in, pa tako pregled po~iwe zanimawima koja u postupku rada zahtevaju vatru i visoku temperaturu, nastavqa se delatnostima koje zavise od zna~ajne koli~ine vode i potom se zavr{ava onim zanimawima koja su dokumentovana podacima iz pisanih izvora, ali ne i arheolo{kim tragovima. Svi relevantni arheolo{ki ostaci kartirani su, a pozicije svake delatnosti tako|e su ozna~ene na zasebnim mapama, veoma jasnim i lepo dizajniranim (sl. 379–386). Me|u zanatima na {irem podru~ju grada registrovani su: proizvodwa kre~a, proizvodwa kerami~kog posu|a, staklarstvo, obrada metala, obrada kamena, izrada mozaika, zidno slikarstvo, izrada tekstila, {tavqewe ko`e, rezbarewe kosti, obrada drveta, krznarstvo, zlatovez i pletewe korpi i prostirki. Dokumentovane su i vodenice, a zatim i proizvodwa vina, parfimerije i apoteke, kao i pisarska aktivnost. Osnivawe Soluna 316/315. godine pre nove ere na jednom od najva`nijih balkanskih putnih pravaca – via Egnatia odredilo je sudbinu grada, wegovu multikulturalnost i obim privrednih aktivnosti. U prvom poglavqu, koje obuhvata razdobqe od helenizma do ranohri{}anskog doba (str. 15–39), autor nas uvodi u urbanisti~ku matricu grada, u vidu pravougaone mre`e sa svetili{tima i javnim gra|evinama, uz pregledne opise ku}a, fortifikacija i luke. U stole}ima na prelazu iz stare u novu eru radionice za izradu keramike, metalnih i ko{tanih predmeta, kao i farbare bile su sme{tene u jugoisto~nom delu grada, na obali. Usmerewe na zanatstvo i trgovinu posvedo~eno je ~iwenicom da je ve} nakon IV veka Agora postepeno gubila oficijelni karakter, 251 po{to su kao radionice i trgovine kori{}ene postoje}e gra|evine i otvoreni prostori trgova. U toj, prvoj etapi razvoja grada radionice su bile koncentrisane i u centralnim delovima, kao i na obali, pa su, primera radi, grn~ari radili u blizini zapadne i isto~ne nekropole i glavnih kapija, a radionice za obradu metala nalazile su se zapadno od Agore. Konstatuje se da su zasebne kerami~ke radionice proizvodile posude, lampe i opeke, a da su postojala posebna mesta gde se radilo sa bakrom i zlatom. Dobro poznati bronzani luk sa vinovom lozom, deo ukrasa ciborijuma, bio je po svoj prilici rad doma}ih majstora kasnog V ili VI veka. U toku istra`ivawa otkriveni su na tri mesta ostaci radionica u kojima je istovremeno radilo po nekoliko zanatlija. Od VII veka Solun do`ivqava demografski rast, koji je bio posledica migracija stanovni{tva, podstaknutih pre svega avarskim i slovenskim prodorima i arabqanskim osvajawima u jugoisto~nom Mediteranu. Pove}awe zna~aja geopoliti~kog polo`aja Soluna u sredwevizantijskom periodu (str. 41–59), naro~ito nakon obrazovawa bugarske dr`ave, pozitivno se odrazilo upravo na zanatsku i trgova~ku delatnost. Nakon kratkotrajnog normanskog osvajawa 1185. godine i potoweg pretvarawa u prestonicu Monferatskog kraqevstva tokom dvadeset godina na po~etku XIII veka, Solun se u vizantijski posed vra}a osvajawima Teodora Komnina Duke 1224, a 1246. postaje deo Nikejskog carstva. Iako pomenute promene nisu bitno uticale na ekonomski polo`aj grada, wegov trgova~ki `ivot i wegovo svakodnevno funkcionisawe dobili su unekoliko druga~ije tokove. Napu{tawe stroge urbanisti~ke sheme izvan u`eg gradskog jezgra govori o nastavku procesa dezurbanizacije, ali i o demografskim promenama, {to se manifestuje, pored ostalog, i podelom prostranih kompleksa na mawe celine i naseqavawem na javnim povr{inama i zdawima. U tako smawenim prostorima organizuje se proizvodwa i prodaja razli~ite robe, a neke radionice se zbog velikog kapaciteta izme{taju izvan gradskih bedema, na primer one za izradu opeka i tegula. Ostali zanati ostaju u gradskom sredi{tu, sude}i prema arheolo{kim ostacima radionica: kerami~ke pe}i u severozapadnom delu grada, staklarske radionice zapadno od Crkve Sv. Dimitrija, kova~nica i oru`arnica na periferiji uz gradski bedem. U razdobqu izme|u X i XIII veka, pod pokroviteqstvom lokalne crkve, izra|ivane su olovne ampule za sveto miro sa likovima Sv. Dimitrija i Sv. Teodore. Zanatske aktivnosti u kasnovizantijskom periodu (str. 61–87) imaju brojne tragove na podru~ju Soluna, i to kako unutar gradskih bedema, tako i izvan brawenog prostora. Tokom druge polovine XIII veka i na po~etku narednog stole}a grad je prosperirao zahvaquju}i trgovini tkaninama i poqoprivrednim proizvodima. Do 1423, kada je dospeo pod vlast Venecije, grad je imao oko 40.000 stanovnika, pribli`no kao Konstantinopoq pred osmansko osvajawe 1453. godine. Istovremeno, trgova~ki `ivot u wemu postao je veoma dinami~an zahvaquju}i brojnim sajmovima, zbog kojih je Solun i postao najve}i sabirni centar robe na Balkanu. Izvan gradskih bedema nalazile su se brojne vodenice i prese za uqe koje su podignute jo{ u ranohri{}ansko doba. U poznovizantijsko doba Solun je bio naro~ito poznat po proizvodwi kerami~kog posu|a, o ~emu svedo~e STARINAR LXVII/2017 KRITIKE I PRIKAZI – COMPTES RENDUS (241–258) nalazi tripoda i nedovr{enih posuda, ali i pe}i i otpadnih jama konstatovanih u sredi{tu grada i uz gradske bedeme. Izrada staklenog posu|a, pre svega boca, pretpostavqena je prema osobenostima u odnosu na staklo iz poznatih staklarskih sredi{ta. Antonaras smatra da je Sava Nemawi} poslao u Srbiju miro od mo{tiju Sv. Simeona svom bratu, kraqu Stefanu, upravo u jednoj od solunskih staklenih fijala. Tokom XIII–XIV veka u gradu se odvijala proizvodwa krstova, okova ikona kao i nakita, sude}i pre svega prema natpisima na pojedinim izra|evinama. U vezi s tim, autor podse}a da je Sava Nemawi} 1219. godine za svoju zadu`binu, manastir Filokali, u Solunu poru~io dve velike ikone ukra{ene zlatom, dragim kamewem i biserima. Solunski fresko-slikari tako|e su bili poznati, ne samo u svom gradu ve} i {irom Balkana, naro~ito krajem XIII i tokom XIV veka. Zakqu~uju}i prvi deo kwige (str. 89–92), A. Antonaras razmatra ekonomski i socijalni status zanatlija, pri ~emu se oslawa prevashodno na raznovrsne podatke iz pisanih dokumenata, dok arheolo{kim podacima potkrepquje distribuciju pojedinih aktivnosti na podru~ju grada. Zaposedawe starih zgrada i trgova kao i wihovo pretvarawe u zanatske radionice ponavqalo se u svim periodima, uz tendenciju da se one koncentri{u po rubovima grada, uz bedeme. S tim u vezi treba ista}i vrednost, za ovu priliku ura|enih, mapa sa indikativnim nalazima, koje bacaju novo svetlo na prostornu organizaciju zanata u okviru urbane matrice Soluna. Uz podse}awe na trgova~ki karakter naseobine, potcrtava se izuzetan geopoliti~ki polo`aj zbog kojeg je grad tokom celog svog trajawa privla~io poslovne qude sa raznih strana, a pre svih trgovce iz italijanskih gradova i Jevreje. Uz usluge graditeqa, klesara, fresko-slikara i mozai~ara, `iteqi Soluna imali su potrebu da razli~itim predmetima opremaju svoje domove, ali i da poseduju luksuzne proizvode, poput kerami~kog i staklenog posu|a, lampi, nakita, tkanina. U svom zrelom periodu Solun je funkcionisao kao velika pijaca, kao va`no sredi{te u trgovinskom sistemu Balkana kome su osoben pe~at dali italijanski trgovci iz Venecije, Pize i \enove. U trgova~kom `ivotu grada bila je veoma zna~ajna i uloga crkve, i to ne samo kao aktera u trgovini ve} i kao poru~ioca razli~itih zanatskih poslova i izra|evina. Ve}ina zanata postojala je kontinuirano od rimskog doba do osmanskog osvajawa grada 1430. godine, sa serijama proizvoda osobenih kako u pogledu tehnologije, tako i proizvodnog stila. Ako se imaju na umu promene pre svega na kerami~kom materijalu – opekama i posu|u, bilo bi od zna~aja da je na ovom mestu razmatrano i pitawe kontinuiteta, odnosno promena u izgledu radionica (pe}i) i wihovom kapacitetu i, u tom kontekstu, u izgledu (veli~ini i dekoraciji) proizvoda, makar na pojedinim primerima. Utoliko bi jasnije bila definisana pitawa koja se ti~u specijalizacije zanata i zanatlija, kao i wihovog dru{tvenog polo`aja. Bilo bi dobro, tako|e, da su u kwizi prezentovani rezultati analiza pojedinih vrsta predmeta, kako ne bismo ostali uskra}eni za veoma va`ne podatke u vezi s proizvodnim i tehnolo{kim odlikama, ali to bi, me|utim, verovatno uve}alo obim kwige i uticalo na wenu strukturu. U tom smislu, a u osvrtu na autorovu dilemu u vezi s 252 profesionalno{}u zanatlija, odnosno na pitawe da li je re~ o osobama koje se povremeno bave zanatskom delatno{}u pored poslova na zemqi ili o iskqu~ivo umetnicima (str. 91), smatramo da upravo karakter otkrivenih postrojewa i odgovaraju}ih izra|evina otkriva majstore profesionalce, to jest, da arheolo{ki nalazi ukazuju na specijalizaciju zanata i zanatlija koji su opskrbqivali grad neophodnim uslugama i proizvodima. Osmanskim osvajawem grad je odvojen od svog prirodnog zale|a, a time i od snabdevawa poqoprivrednim proizvodima i od prihoda kojima je zapravo finansirana zanatska delatnost. Skroman izgled postrojewa iz tog doba autor tuma~i sve{}u o privremenosti preduze}a, a ~iwenicu da isti prostor dele nekoliko zanatlija – wihovim skromnim ekonomskim polo`ajem, {to su va`na pitawa koja bi svakako trebalo detaqno razmotriti. Tokom svoje celokupne istorije Solun je bio grad zanatlija, sa zna~ajnim trgova~kim i poqoprivrednim zale|em. Podaci sakupqeni u ovoj kwizi, iako nu`no fragmentarni, govore o raznovrsnosti zanatskih aktivnosti i o wihovom zna~aju u svakodnevnom funkcionisawu grada. Gra|a koja je bila na raspolagawu A. Antonarasu za rad na kwizi sadr`ana je u drugom delu kwige, pod nazivom Katalog arheolo{ki potvr|enih radionica (str. 93–227). Do sada, jedine arheolo{ke informacije o zanatima i radionicama predstavqali su izve{taji koji su prezentovani u nekoliko gr~kih ~asopisa, kao i mali katalog o delatnosti solunske slu`be za{tite u periodu izme|u 1999. i 2005. godine. Katalog nalaza sadr`i 112 jedinica – razli~itih arheolo{kih tragova o zanatskim aktivnostima na podru~ju grada – koje su izlo`ene saglasno redosledu u prvom delu kwige. Svaka katalo{ka jedinica sadr`i poziciju nalaza, datovawe, opis otkrivene strukture i/ili drugih indikativnih nalaza, izabranu (raspolo`ivu) tehni~ku dokumentaciju, fotografije otkrivenih ostataka i, u pojedinim slu~ajevima, pripadaju}ih predmeta, to jest proizvoda. Kvalitet ilustrativnog materijala je na zavidnom nivou, a naro~ito su re~ite fotografije, dok je tehni~ka dokumentacija razli~ite jasno}e, {to je i razumqivo kada se imaju na umu duga~ko razdobqe u kojem je nastajala i brojnost izvora iz kojih je sakupqana. Ona, posredno, otkriva tegoban proces sakupqawa podataka kroz koji je autor sasvim sigurno morao pro}i s obzirom na veliku koli~inu materijala. Iza dodataka koji donose podatke o nalazi{tima, poreklu ilustracija i predmetima iz Muzeja vizantijske umetnosti koji su kori{}eni u publikaciji (str. 237–240), obimnom bibliografijom (str. 241–267) autor zakqu~uje ovo izdawe na najboqi na~in, daju}i punu informaciju kako o istoriji grada i zanatskim aktivnostima tokom razdobqa antike i sredweg veka, tako i o rezultatima arheolo{kih istra`ivawa sprovedenih u wegovom arealu. *** Kwiga A. Antonarasa o zanatima u Solunu predstavqa ishod dugogodi{weg autorovog bavqewa ovom izuzetno zna~ajnom i inspirativnom temom, koja bi, mo`e se re}i, predstavqala zahtevan poduhvat i za ~itav tim istra`iva~a. Hvale vredna namera – da se na jednom mestu sakupe svi pokazateqi zanatske delatnosti u gradu koji je svojom proizvod- STARINAR LXVII/2017 KRITIKE I PRIKAZI – COMPTES RENDUS (241–258) nom i trgovinskom aktivno{}u zna~ajno uticao na dinamiku razmene na Balkanu – rezultirala je detaqnim, sadr`ajnim pregledom postoje}ih arheolo{kih podataka koji do sada nisu bili u dovoqnoj meri dostupni {iroj stru~noj javnosti. Kwiga otkriva veoma va`an segment funkcionisawa grada, wegove proizvodne kapacitete i zanatske tokove. Za stru~wake iz oblasti arheologije ona }e u narednim godinama svakako predstavqati nezaobilazno polazi{te za daqa izu~avawa, koja bi trebalo usmeriti, s jedne strane, na stvarawe korpusa gra|e za odre|ene epohe, a s druge, na razmatrawa razli~itih teorijskih postavki i prakti~nih aspekata zanatske delatnosti. U povoqnijim uslovima, ti aspekti bi ukqu~ivali odlike, razvoj i preobra`aj po- strojewa za izradu predmeta i zanatskih trendova koji bi se sagledali putem analiza sirovina, tehnologija i stilova izra|evina kako arheolo{kim metodama, tako i onim analiti~kim iz prirodnih nauka. S obzirom na zna~aj, iskazani potencijal i {irinu teme, nadamo se da }e ova kwiga inspirisati i stru~wake razli~itih specijalnosti da se bave izu~avawem zanata i u na{oj sredini, naro~ito zbog kolegijalnih i prijateqskih veza Anastasiosa Antonarasa sa poslenicima na poqu arheologije u Srbiji, koje traju jo{ od studentskih dana na Filozofskom fakultetu u Beogradu. Vesna BIKI] Vladimir Sokol, MEDIEVAL JEWELRY AND BURIAL ASSEMBLAGES IN CROATIA: A STUDY OF GRAVES AND GRAVE GOODS, CA. 800 TO CA. 1450, East Central and Eastern Europe in the Middle Ages, 450–1450, vol. 36 (ed. F. Curta); Leiden–Boston: Brill 2016, 258 strana sa ilustracijama Kwiga Vladimira Sokola o sredwovekovnom nakitu i nekropolama u Hrvatskoj jeste trideset {esta po redu monografska publikacija iz edicije „Isto~no-centralna i isto~na Evropa u sredwem veku, 450–1450”, poznatog izdava~a Brill Academic Publishers. Pod tim okriqem objavqena je i veoma uspe{na kwiga u kojoj su izneta nova razmi{qawa o promenama u „mra~nom razdobqu” od 7. do 9. veka i o formirawu hrvatskog identiteta na tlu postrimske Dalmacije (Dzino 2010). Takva okolnost, pored ~iwenice da postoje i publikacije na drugim svetskim jezicima (Petrinec 2009a; Alimov 2016), pokazuje da su sredwovekovne teme sa Zapadnog Balkana prisutne na {iroj nau~noj sceni. Na po~etku vaqa ista}i da ovo delo predstavqa donekle izmewenu verziju hrvatskog izdawa, nagra|enog godi{wom nagradom Hrvatskog arheolo{kog dru{tva za 2007. godinu (Sokol 2006). Autor je muzejski savetnik u penziji i nekada{wi direktor Muzeja Prigorja u Zagrebu. Naslov kwige koja je pred nama samo delimi~no upu}uje na sadr`aj, budu}i da se u woj ne obra|uje nakit u celini ve} jedino nalazi nau{nica sa podru~ja ve}eg dela sredwovekovne hrvatske dr`ave, izme|u Primorja i Save. Autor se fokusirao na ovu vrstu kao ubedqivo najbrojniju skupinu sredwovekovnih grobnih nalaza. Prema wegovoj proceni, nau{nice ~ine ~ak oko tri ~etvrtine sveukupnog repertoara nakita, po ~emu je nazna~eni prostor jedinstven u regionu, ako ne i {ire. Okosnicu rada predstavqa utvr|ivawe vremenskih grupa nalaza primenom stratigrafske analize na 16 uzorno istra`enih grobaqa, iz ~ega je proistekla tipolo{kohronolo{ka podela. Drugi segment ~ini analiza grobnih konstrukcija i pojedinih odlika funerarne prakse, koje je V. Sokol nastojao da protuma~i u komparaciji sa promenama uo~enim u razvoju nakita (nau{nica). Posmatrano sa aspekta samog sadr`aja dalo bi se pretpostaviti da je u pitawu zna~ajna sinteza arheolo{ke gra|e 253 sa jednog, u istorijsko-geografskom smislu, nama veoma bliskog prostora. Metodolo{ki pristup i prezentovani rezultati otkrivaju, me|utim, izvesne nedostatke koji su od su{tinske va`nosti za wenu ukupnu ocenu. Posebno imaju}i u vidu ugled izdava~ke ku}e Brill Academic Publishers, smatrali smo da je ovom prilikom neophodno skrenuti pa`wu na sporna pitawa. Ona se pre svega ti~u geografskog i hronolo{kog okvira, (ne)tuma~ewa porekla i geneze nakita, te faktografskih propusta i komplikovanog sistema ponu|enih grupa, horizonata i faza razmatrane materijalne kulture. Osim toga, ~esto ponavqawe istih podataka doprinosi utisku da je koncept kwige trebalo boqe osmisliti. Tekst je podeqen u dve celine. Prva se sastoji od nekoliko odeqaka gde se prikazuju istorijat istra`ivawa i op{te odlike nekropola, stratigrafija oglednih nekropola, grupisawe nau{nica prema utvr|enim horizontima i fazama, a potom i tipologija grobnih konstrukcija (kamenih cista). U drugom delu monografije prikazana je sistematizacija nau{nica, razvrstanih u 31 tip. Posle zakqu~nih razmatrawa sledi popis obimne literature i indeks pojmova. Pra}ewe teksta olak{avaju brojne fotografije, crte`i, karte, situacioni planovi nekropola i hronolo{ke tablice relativnih odnosa prezentovanih grupa nalaza. Sve fotografije preuzete su iz drugih publikacija, ali su izuzetno dobrog kvaliteta, kao i crte`i, {to omogu}ava da se stekne detaqan uvid u tehniku izrade i ornamentiku ukrasa. Primedba se mo`e staviti na pojedine tehni~ke propuste, kao {to je nedostatak razmernika na tablama koje prikazuju tipove nau{nica, mada deluje da je autor nastojao da ih uglavnom prika`e u pribli`no realnoj veli~ini. Prvi odeqak kwige (str. 5–16) donosi iscrpan pregled dosada{wih ispitivawa nekropola i prou~avawa nakita, po~ev{i od delatnosti Hrvatskog starinarskog dru{tva, osnovanog 1885, i pregala{tva prvih istra`iva~a. Ti pio- STARINAR LXVII/2017 KRITIKE I PRIKAZI – COMPTES RENDUS (241–258) nirski, stihijski radovi, kao i drugde, rezultirali su otkri}em mno{tva arheolo{kih predmeta, uglavnom bez dokumentovanog konteksta, koji su dobili romanti~arske nacionalne predznake. Posebna pa`wa posve}ena je radu Q. Karamana, koji je izneo i prva konkretnija razmi{qawa o datovawu grobnih nalaza i proizvodwi nakita. Pregled istra`ivawa nakon Drugog svetskog rata pre svega daje osvrt na radove Z. Vinskog, ali i autora iz susednih jugoslovenskih zemaqa. Spomenute su polemike o{trih tonova izme|u J. Kova~evi}a, na jednoj i Z. Vinskog i J. Koro{eca, na drugoj strani, zbog, prema V. Sokolu, idiosinkrati~kog Kova~evi}evog poku{aja stvarawa sinteze o nakitu jugoslovenskog prostora. Oni su je do`iveli kao negirawe hrvatskog nacionalnog prostora, a ne kao poku{aj {ireg sagledavawa sredwovekovne materijalne kulture u evropskom kontekstu. Naime, u spornom radu J. Kova~evi}a, u kome se sa ove vremenske distance sasvim prirodno mogu uo~iti propusti u hronolo{kim odre|ewima, pravilno je istaknuta ~iwenica da su pojedini oblici nakita prisutni i izvan teritorije dalmatinsko-hrvatske arheolo{ke grupe, te da ih ne treba razmatrati iskqu~ivo sa etnocentristi~kim predznacima (Kova~evi} 1950). ^ak i danas je ponegde na snazi rigidan kulturno-istorijski pristup koji izjedna~ava materijalnu kulturu sa nekim etnicitetom, u ovoj monografiji hrvatskim, kroz autorovo prou~avawe starohrvatske materijalne kulture (skra}eno SMK). Ne treba posebno napomiwati da se jedan od osnovnih principa savremene nauke upravo temeqi na osloba|awu od takvih paradigmi i da se takve sintagme sve re|e koriste bez napomene da je po sredi tehni~ka, odnosno kulturno-vremenska odrednica. Pored toga, poznosredwovekovni materijal te{ko se mo`e ozna~iti terminom „starohvatski” ako se gleda iskqu~ivo sa hronolo{kog aspekta. Pregled istorijata istra`ivawa zavr{ava se komentarom o radovima novijeg datuma, nastalim u periodu od 1989. do 2012. godine. Na kraju se iznose pre|a{we klasifikacije i periodizacije nau{nica, koje }e se kroz daqi tekst komentarisati i revidirati. Posebno je upadqivo tendenciozno tuma~ewe kwige M. Petrinec (2009a). Za autora je, prema sadr`aju i dometima, ona gotovo identi~na davna{woj publikaciji D. Jelovine (1976). Smatramo da takva ocena nije validna, jer autorka je ipak analizirala nakit savremenim pristupom, uz promi{qawa o kompleksnim kulturnim pro`imawima koja su uticala na stvarawe jedinstvenog obele`ja sredwovekovne materijalne kulture u Hrvatskoj. M. Petrinec ina~e pripada grupi istra`iva~a koji uvi|aju izvestan kontinuitet materijalne kulture u ranom sredwem veku, uzimaju}i u obzir anti~ku tradiciju u izradi nakita i nasle|e doma}e populacije, za razliku od V. Sokola, prema kome je starohrvatska materijalna kultura iznikla na tlu Dalmacije kao sasvim nova tvorevina. Drugi odeqak zapo~iwe obja{wewem geografskog okvira studije, koji obuhvata zapadne delove rimske provincije Dalmacije, odnosno ve}i deo sredwovekovne hrvatske dr`ave, izme|u Primorja i Save. To su oblasti dana{weg severnog Hrvatskog primorja i Dalmacije, te delovi severozapadne i centralne Bosne. Me|utim, kako je u istoriografiji pitawe oko protezawa severne granice Hrvatske u 9–10. veku sporno, tako i prostorni okvir studije nije sasvim jasno definisan u delu koji gravitira ka Panonskoj niziji. Iz 254 prikazanih karata (mapa 2–3, str. 19–20) sti~e se utisak da V. Sokol podrazumeva {irewe Hrvatske severno od Save, sve do Drave, iako to nigde doslovno ne navodi. Savremena istra`ivawa uglavnom negiraju protezawe vlasti kneza Branimira do Drave krajem 9. veka. Tako|e, ~ini se nerazja{weno i pitawe obima i intenziteta {irewa hrvatske dr`ave na prekosavskom prostoru i tokom 10. veka (Gra~anin 2011, 198–205; Filipec 2015, 188–193, sl. 74). Zato nije sasvim jasno za{to je autor u svoja razmatrawa uvrstio pojedina nalazi{ta iz okoline Zagreba, Siska i sa podru~ja Slavonije (v. spisak nekropola sa bibliografijom na str. 142–143). Nije sporno da se u tekstu rasprave spomenu i kontinentalni delovi Hrvatske, gde se nalaze predmeti materijalne kulture dalmatinsko-hrvatske grupe, ali ~ini se da je ostalo nedovoqno obja{weno u kojim su hronolo{kim etapama te sli~nosti bile najizra`enije i kako ih treba tuma~iti. Dodu{e, o tome se u zakqu~ku kwige donosi jedan veoma kratak sa`etak. Hronolo{ki okviri publikacije, nazna~eni u naslovu, nisu detaqnije obja{weni u samom tekstu, a nije dat ni sa`et pregled istorijskih zbivawa kako bi ~itaoci stekli op{tu sliku o prostornom i vremenskom kontekstu razmatrane arheolo{ke gra|e. Dowu odrednicu predstavqa po~etak 9. veka, kada su se prema mi{qewu autora doselili Hrvati, dok je gorwa odre|ena turskim osvajawima i napu{tawem sredwovekovnih grobaqa sredinom 15. stole}a. Izostala je argumentacija za poznije datovawe doseqavawa Hrvata, pa se sti~e utisak da je to neosporna ~iwenica, iako postoje razli~ita tuma~ewa. Slede}e stranice donose osnovne podatke o karakteristikama i rezultatima istra`ivawa 16 oglednih nekropola (str. 17–29), dok su rezultati minuciozno sprovedene stratigrafske analize i klasifikacija materijala prezentovani u tre}em odeqku kwige (str. 30–87). Obja{wavaju}i svoj metodolo{ki pristup, kao uzorne primere stratigrafske analize V. Sokol navodi publikacije velikih bjelobrdskih nekropola u Maj{i i Halimbi u Ma|arskoj, kao i ~lanak @. Tomi~i}a o bjelobrdskoj nekropoli Lijeva Bara u panonskom delu Hrvatske, ali je, primera radi, izostavio noviju dvotomnu publikaciju @. Deme o istom grobqu (Demo 2009). Na ovom mestu vaqalo je spomenuti i analizu horizontalne stratigrafije nekropole Sv. Spas u Vrlici, koja ipak, bez obzira na neke upitne stavove o datovawu ranijih tipova nau{nica, predstavqa va`an doprinos vremenskom odre|ewu poznosredwovekovnih vrsta tog nakita (Jak{i} 1996). Autor je, baziraju}i se pre svega na horizontalnoj, ali ponegde i vertikalnoj stratigrafiji grobova, uz pra}ewe oblika grobnih komora, odredio relativno-hronolo{ki odnos nau{nica grupisanih u pojedinim delovima nekropola. Radi detaqnijeg razlu~ivawa hronologije, posebna pa`wa usmerena je na prisustvo novca i nakita iz podru~ja susednih kulturnih grupa – bjelobrdske, karantansko-ketla{ke, moravske, karolin{ke i vizantijske. Osim dugotrajnih nekropola sa vi{e stotina grobova, ~esto sa crkvenim objektom, na kojima je utvr|eno nekoliko faza kori{}ewa (Nin– @drijac, Biqane Dowe – Begova~a, Ka{i}–Grede, Ka{i}– Mastirine, Sv. Spas i dr.), prikazane su i jednoslojne nekropole kratkog veka o kojima analiza horizontalne stratigrafije nije mogla da pru`i odre|enije rezultate (Ka{i} STARINAR LXVII/2017 KRITIKE I PRIKAZI – COMPTES RENDUS (241–258) – Maklinovo brdo, Stankovci – Klari}a ku}e). Te nekropole su, kako }emo kasnije videti, bile re~ite kao model funkcionisawa najranijih nekropola, koje se brzo napu{taju usled pokr{tavawa. Veoma slo`enu stratigrafiju pokazala je analiza velike nekropole u Biqanima Dowim kod Benkovca, sa preko 600 grobova. Tu je prostornim grupisawem nalaza ustanovqeno kontinuirano sahrawivawe od druge polovine 9. veka do kraja sredwovekovnog razdobqa. Posebno zna~ajne rezultate donela je analiza nekropole Ka{i}–Mastirine, budu}i da je autor utvrdio suprotan sled vremenskog {irewa grobova u odnosu na ranija tuma~ewa. Prema wegovim rezultatima, nekropola se razvijala od istoka ka zapadu, u pravcu preromani~ke crkve {estolisnog oblika, a ne suprotno, kako je pretpostavio N. Jak{i} (1989, 425–426). [irewe nekropole ka crkvi ima upori{te u ~iwenici da je od po~etka 12. stole}a ukopavawe grobova oko sakralnih zdawa postalo obavezno. Rezultat stratigrafske analize predstavqa izdvajawe devet grupa materijalne kulture, ~iji je relativni odnos u okviru nekropola grafi~ki prikazan na str. 87. Najstarija je tzv. grupa sa keramikom koja odgovara paganskom horizontu sahrawivawa, sa nalazima prete`no filigranskog nakita. Druga predstavqa tzv. tranzicionu fazu, dovedenu u vezu sa ranim stupwem pokr{tavawa, gde su pak veoma retki grobni nalazi, kako kerami~kih priloga tako i samog nakita. Treba napomenuti da je ova faza dosad bila sasvim nepoznata, a V. Sokol ju je izdvojio na nekoliko nekropola upravo primenom stratigrafske metode. Preostale hronolo{ke skupine pripadaju vremenu nakon pokr{tavawa, od posledwih decenija 9. veka pa nadaqe. U okviru ovih grupa, osim promena u formama nau{nica, prime}uje se i razvoj oblika grobnih cista – od pravougaonih, preko elipsoidnih, do onih trapezoidnog oblika, ali se kroz sve periode istovremeno praktikuje i sahrawivawe u obi~nim grobnim jamama. Naredna dva poglavqa posve}ena su detaqnijem obja{wewu uo~enih promena, i to na osnovu definisawa tri horizonta sahrawivawa (str. 88–98) i ~etiri faze razvoja starohrvatske materijalne kulture u u`em smislu – nau{nica SMK, gde su u okviru svake faze predstavqeni odgovaraju}i oblici iz autorove tipologije (str. 99–113). Razlika izme|u ovog i prethodnog grupisawa materijala jeste, dakle, u tome {to se sada nalazi nau{nica tuma~e u okviru ome|enih vremenskih etapa. Horizonti su imenovani prema nekim od najreferentnijih nekropola kori{}enih u postupku stratigrafske analize, ali je sasvim nejasno za{to se pored wih navode i one koje nisu zasebno obra|ene u tekstu (Zagreb – Velika Gorica za prvi horizont i Sv. Martin u Iviwu i Sv. Petar u Selinama za tre}i, pozni horizont?) (str. 88, 234). Prethodno je ve} nagove{teno da se po~etak sahrawivawa na sredwovekovnim grobqima Dalmacije smatra spornim zbog retkih nalaza iz 7–8. veka, ~ije su okolnosti otkri}a pri tome uglavnom nepoznate. Re~ je o nalazima nau{nica od plemenitih metala sa filigranskim ukrasima, odnosno zvonolikim ili jagodastim priveskom, te livenim, bronzanim lunulasto-zvezdolikim nau{nicama (Petrinec 2009a, 120–124, 128–130), kao i predmetima Komani-Kroje kulture me|u kojima su najprepoznatqiviji privesci (Milo{evi} 2009). Taj materijal, me|utim, V. Sokol nije uzeo u 255 razmatrawe, jer, po wemu, ne predstavqa re~it dokaz prisustva pre|a{wih tradicija na dalmatinskom prostoru. Autor u poznije vreme tako|e datuje i sahrane sa kremacijama, o ~emu }e daqe biti re~i. Zato je najstariji, paganski horizont sahrawivawa (= I faza SMK) u ovoj kwizi pripisan prvoj polovini 9. veka. Za nazna~eni period karakteristi~no je sahrawivawe u pravougaonim grobnim cistama ili obi~nim jamama. Grobni nalazi su brojni, prete`no u vidu kerami~kih posuda i li~nog pribora, a kod bogatijih sahrana ima i naoru`awa karolin{kog porekla kao i nakita. Repertoar nau{nica ~ine primerci grozdolikog oblika, sa naspramno postavqenim srcolikim ukrasima, tzv. omega nau{nice, kao i nau{nice sa vise}im dodacima od spiralno uvijene `ice. Iako u prvom horizontu i ranim etapama narednog horizonta ukrasi nose izrazite odlike anti~kog nakita, ta ~iwenica je nekako zanemarena, a prevashodno su potencirane sli~nosti sa materijalom iz oblasti nekada{we Velike Moravske i Panonske kne`evine. Takav pristup je nerazumqiviji tim pre {to su u tipologiji neke nau{nice ozna~ene kao „ancient – looking”, uz isticawe dobro poznatog fenomena pretrajavawa anti~kih oblika nakita u oblastima tzv. Kestheqske kulture u Ma|arskoj i Komani-Kroje kulture u Albaniji (str. 166). Nije li sli~an fenomen upravo prepoznatqiv i u Dalmaciji? Radije su komentarisane veze ranosredwovekovne Hrvatske i centralnoevropskih regija na osnovu rezultata genetskih istra`ivawa, koji su navodno pokazali visok procenat prisustva „hrvatskog haplotipa” me|u savremenim stanovni{tvom oblasti Balatona u Ma|arskoj (str. 90, nap. 23). Ve} je prime}eno da je ova konstrukcija potpuno pogre{na i da se u citiranim radovima zapravo raspravqa o genetskim strukturama populacija centralne Evrope nakon posledweg ledenog doba, pre 12.500 godina (sic!) (Dzino 2012, 462–463). Promene koje je donelo pokr{tavawe Hrvata za vreme kraqa Trpimira (840–864) ozna~ile su po~etak drugog horizonta sahrawivawa. Taj horizont traje do kraja 11. stole}a. U wegovim okvirima izdvojene su dve faze materijalne kulture: II faza SMK, s trajawem od oko 850. do oko 1000. godine, i III faza SMK iz 11. stole}a. Sada ponovo dolazi do ra{~lawavawa materijala, jer u II fazi SMK autor izdvaja tri grupe (to su zapravo druga, tre}a i ~etvrta grupa iz pomenute podele na devet grupa materijalne kulture). Kako je ve} navedeno, jedna grupa odgovara tzv. tranzicionom periodu kratkog trajawa, kada se sasvim sporadi~no javqaju grobni prilozi posuda i neki vidovi nakita iz pre|a{weg horizonta. Nakon 870. godine nastupa „zlatno doba” u proizvodwi nakita na hrvatskom prostoru. Tada se pove}avaju dimenzije ukrasa, koji se odlikuju izuzetnom dekorativno{}u i bri`qivom izradom. To su nau{nice sa ~etiri bikoni~ne jagode (druga grupa) i s jednom krupnom, ovoidnom i vertikalno postavqenom jagodom (tre}a grupa). Prime}eno je da pravougaone grobne konstrukcije sredinom II faze SMK zamewuju elipsoidno oblikovane ciste. U III fazi SMK znatno su skromniji i repertoar i kvalitet izrade nakita, a od oblika su prisutne nau{nice sa jednom ili tri okrugle/bikoni~ne jagode neukra{ene povr{ine, karike sa S zavr{etkom, kao i komadi ukra{eni sa tri navoja `ice. Po~etak tre}eg horizonta sahrawivawa (= IV faza SMK) vezuje se za period posledwih decenija 11. i po~etak STARINAR LXVII/2017 KRITIKE I PRIKAZI – COMPTES RENDUS (241–258) 12. veka, koji su obele`ile crkvene reformame i ukqu~ivawe Hrvatske u sastav Ugarske. Taj horizont traje do sredine 15. veka. Za nazna~eno razdobqe karakteristi~no je da se nekropole gotovo po pravilu zasnivaju oko romani~kih i goti~kih crkava, a u grobovima je izra`eno prisustvo ugarskog, mleta~kog i dubrova~kog novca. Oblik grobnih konstrukcija mewa se od elipsoidnog ka trapezoidnim formama. Repertoar nau{nica je skroman po brojnosti vrsta, s obzirom na du`inu trajawa samog horizonta/faze, ali je zato wihova izrada u visokim zlatarskim tehnikama. Od oblika su zastupqene nau{nice sa tri granulirana ven~i}a, tzv. naroskane nau{nice kod kojih se izme|u ven~i}a nalaze nizovi granula ili filigranskih `ica, te primerci sa tri okrugle jednake jagode ili sa sredi{wom ve}om i kupasto oblikovanom jagodom. U {estom odeqku monografije zasebno su predstavqeni tipovi kamenih grobnih konstrukcija (str. 114–118). Tu se sa`eto ponavqaju ranije spomenute pojave, odnosno postupni prelaz od pravougaonih, preko ovalnih, do trapezoidno oblikovanih konstrukcija. Za sam kraj sredwovekovnog razdobqa osobena je ponovna pojava pravougaono oblikovanih cista, iznad kojih se podi`u monumentalni nadgrobni spomenici sa likovnim predstavama – ste}ci (mada se taj termin ne pomiwe u kwizi). Kori{}ewe drvenih sanduka potvr|eno je jedino u najranijoj fazi, a zabele`eno je i sporadi~no sahrawivawe u sarkofazima i zidanim grobnicama, karakteristi~no za elitne slojeve dru{tva. Sledi kra}i osvrt na nekoliko va`nih pitawa u neposrednoj vezi sa temom kwige, gde se najpre izla`u op{ta zapa`awa o pogrebnoj praksi paganskih i hri{}anskih grobaqa, uz donekle argumentovanu pretpostavku da je proces pokr{tavawa Hrvata ostvaren u jednom dahu mirnim putem. Zatim se razmatra poreklo uzora sahrawivawa u kamenim cistama. Iako se taj fenomen uobi~ajeno pripisuje nasle|u antike ili se pomi{qa na reminiscencije iz praistorijskih kultura, ta tradicija, prema autoru, ne mo`e imati (kasno)anti~ko poreklo ve} i zbog postojawa vremenskog hijatusa. Taj parametar sam po sebi ne predstavqa vaqan argument, jer op{te je mesto da se anti~ke tekovine nanovo javqaju nakon izvesnog protoka vremena, u razli~itim razdobqima sredweg veka. Pri tome nije pomenuta veoma va`na ~iwenica – da na ne tako udaqenom podru~ju Komani-Kroje grupe dominira upravo sahrawivawe u grobovima ogra|enim kamenim plo~ama (Popovi} 1988, 233, sl. 17). Kako paganski horizont sadr`i i sahrane u drvenim sanducima, to je bio povod za izno{ewe pretpostavke o tome da su pravougaone kamene ciste ni{ta drugo do imitacija drvenih kov~ega u drugom materijalu (str. 128). Pod pojmom „imitacija” obi~no se podrazumeva opona{awe boqeg, kvalitetnijeg uzora, pa bi se pre moglo pretpostaviti, ako je i bilo ikakve povezanosti izme|u tih praksi, da su sanduci opona{ali ciste, a ne obrnuto. Naposletku, najizglednijim se ~ini da su u pitawu razlozi prakti~ne prirode, jer su dalmatinske oblasti bogate izvori{tima kamena. Zato u drugim delovima Hrvatske, gde wih nema (Lika, Vinodol, Posavina), izostaje i tzv. grobna arhitektura. Nakon ovih razmatrawa autor se ponovo vra}a pogrebnim obi~ajima, ukratko opisuju}i inventar karakteristi~an za paganske sahrane (kerami~ke posude, prilozi u `ivotiwskom mesu, no`evi, pr{qenci, ko{tani predmeti, 256 naoru`awe itd.), i donosi interesantne poglede na sporadi~no prisustvo sahrana sa kremacijama u ranosredwovekovnim grobqima na podru~ju Hrvatske (str. 129–130). Smatramo da je wegova kritika ranijih istra`ivawa svakako na mestu, posebno ideje J. Belo{evi}a da kremacija mora nu`no da prethodi inhumaciji, kao i mi{qewa da su urne iz Dalmacije u vezi sa pra{kim tipom keramike iz 7. veka (cf. Dzino 2010, 122–123). V. Sokol pomi{qa na mogu}nost da su urne zapravo istovremene sa inhumacijama prvog horizonta sahrawivawa, na osnovu datovawa takvih sahrana u 8–9. vek u okru`ewu, ali se ne izja{wava o tome kojoj populaciji bi se one mogle pripisati. Poseban problem predstavqa vremenski odnos crkava i nekropola, koji u velikom broju slu~ajeva nije pouzdano utvr|en. Naredne stranice posve}ene su sa`etom prikazu crkvene arhitekture, pri ~emu je prevashodna pa`wa usmerena na rana sakralna zdawa (str. 132–135). Prve trobrodne bazilike sa unutra{wim pravougaonim apsidama, tipi~ni primeri karolin{kog graditeqstva, nastale su ve} u ranom 9. veku, pre oficijelnog pokr{tavawa. Crkvenim gra|evinama kru`ne ({estolisne) osnove posve}eno je mawe pa`we, budu}i da ne postoji saglasje u pogledu porekla wihovog uzora i datovawa. Autor veruje da one nisu u vezi sa vizantijskim graditeqstvom ve} sa prisustvom zapadnih mona{kih redova u Dalmaciji, od prvih decenija 10. veka. Budu}i da ovaj odeqak nosi naslov „Horizonti sahrawivawa i crkve”, trebalo je u kratkim crtama informisati ~itaoce i o romani~kim i goti~kim gra|evinama kasnijeg datovawa. Prethodno je istaknuto da postoje brojne romani~ke crkve, jednostavne osnove i malih dimenzija, koje nisu sistematski istra`ivane (str. 96). Zato ostaje upitanost u vezi s tim da li se i na tlu Hrvatske masovno podi`u crkvene gra|evine od 11–12. veka kao {to je to slu~aj u Ugarskoj (e. g. Bálint et al. 2003, 386; Gáll 2013), ili se u ve}oj meri koriste i ranija zdawa. Kratak osvrt na odlike materijalne kulture iz tzv. grani~ne zone, izme|u dinarskog masiva i reke Save, gde se pro`imaju elementi dalmatinsko-hrvatskih i bjelobrdskih tekovina, dat je na str. 136–137. Autor je sa tog podru~ja stratigrafski obradio nekropole u Gomjenici, Peto{evcima i Mahovqanima. Uzimaju}i u obzir i neke druge lokalitete iz severozapadne Bosne i kontinentalne Hrvatske, utvrdio je nekoliko faza materijalne kulture, koje je razmatrao u odnosu na utvr|ene hronolo{ke skupine iz Primorja. Me|utim, o~ekivano je da postoji mnogo vi{e razlika nego sli~nosti izme|u severnih i ju`nih oblasti. Za sredwovekovna grobqa u {irem regionu uz reku Savu pre svega je karakteristi~an znatno raznovrsniji repertoar nakitnih oblika, a naro~ito je osobena masovna pojava livenih bjelobrdskih nau{nica. Izgleda da je zna~ajniji upliv izra|evina iz primorskih radionica na tom prostoru ostvaren tokom 10–11. veka, budu}i da su na wemu prisutne nau{nice iz II i III faze SMK. Kona~no, u drugom delu kwige zasebno su predstavqene nau{nice i to grupisane u 31 tip (str. 141–231). Obuhva}en je materijal iz preko stotinu istra`enih nekropola, ~iji se popis sa referentnom literaturom nalazi na po~etku poglavqa. Brojno stawe nau{nica iznosi navodno oko 5000 primeraka, ali poreklo tog podatka nije obja{weno. Davna{we brojno stawe u muzejskim ustanovama izno- STARINAR LXVII/2017 KRITIKE I PRIKAZI – COMPTES RENDUS (241–258) silo je tek ne{to vi{e od 2000 primeraka (Jelovina 1963, 116), pa bi se dalo pretpostaviti da je preostalih nekoliko hiqada otkriveno u me|uvremenu. U uvodnom delu kwige (str. 1) na~iwen je previd tako {to je istaknuto da se (najobimniji?) raspolo`ivi fond nau{nica ~uva u Kninskom muzeju, umesto u Muzeju hrvatskih arheolo{kih spomenika u Splitu, gde su upravo najbrojniji primerci iz nekropola {ire okoline Knina, odnosno gorweg toka Cetine (e. g. Petrinec 1996; Petrinec 2009b; Gunja~a 2009). Mora se posebno ista}i da ovde nije ura|ena standardna tipologija nakita koja se zasniva na genezi samih oblika (zato i nisu razmatrane morfolo{ke karakteristike, a ni na~in izrade, stilske osobenosti i sl.), ve} su starohrvatske nau{nice zapravo hronolo{ki grupisane od najstarijih ka onim najmla|im. U pregled su uvr{tene i karike sa S zavr{etkom, koje ina~e predstavqaju izrazito obele`je Bjelobrdske kulture, jer se zbog wihove brojnosti pretpostavqa da su izra|ivane na dalmatinskom prostoru. Nazna~ene su op{te odlike svake grupe/tipa, navedena wihova teritorijalna rasprostrawenost i pojedina~na nalazi{ta, a ponegde se raspravqa i o kontekstima nalaza uz ponavqawe ranijih podataka proisteklih iz stratigrafske analize. Potcrtane su odre|ene pojave koje mogu biti od va`nosti za vremenski odnos nakita, mada ne nu`no, kao {to je, na primer, ~iwenica da nijednom nisu u istom kontekstu otkrivene nau{nice sa ~etiri jagode (tip 15) i one s jednom ovoidnom jagodom (tip 17). Jedan od pozitivnih doprinosa ovog rada jeste upravo hronolo{ko nijansirawe te dve vrste, budu}i da su one dugo u hrvatskoj literaturi pripisivane {irokom vremenskom razdobqu 9–12. veka. Ovde je V. Sokol istakao da bi upotrebu prvopomenutih nau{nica trebalo ograni~iti na drugu polovinu 9. i rani 10. vek, dok se drugi tip koristio tokom 10. stole}a. Ipak, ~ini se da je argumentovanije datovawe ~etvorojagodnih nau{nica koje je ponudila M. Petrinec. Prema woj se te nau{nice, ina~e zastupqene u brojnim varijantama, datuju od druge polovine 9. do prvih decenija 11. veka, ~emu u prilog svedo~e i veoma sli~ni, dobro datovani primeri iz okru`ewa (cf. Petrinec 2009a, 216–222). Naposletku sledi tabelarni prikaz apsolutnog datovawa klasifikovanih nalaza, gde je upotreba nau{nica odre|ena u vremenskim etapama od oko stotinu godina (str. 230–231). Iz ukupnog pregleda se zakqu~uje da je u ranijim periodima istovremeno kori{}eno vi{e vrsta, dok su u etapama 13–15. veka bili aktuelni samo po jedan do dva oblika. Na~elno je prihvatqivo gledi{te V. Sokola da je moda svakog pojedina~nog ukrasa trajala najvi{e tri generacije, jer su trendovi ukra{avawa podlo`ni relativno brzim promenama. Me|utim, smatramo da nije mogu}e sasvim precizno odrediti vek upotrebe nau{nica na {irem prostoru. Postoji mogu}nost da su u nekim sredinama odre|eni ukrasi bili u produ`enoj upotrebi ili da su ~uvani kao porodi~na dragocenost pa pohrawivani nakon du`eg vremena. U tom smislu, primera radi, ostaje otvoreno pitawe gorwe hronolo{ke granice trojagodnih nau{nica (tip 30), koju je autor opredelio u kraj 14. veka. Neosporno je da su one masovno kori{}ene u tom veku, ali se ne mo`e sasvim prenebregnuti ~iwenica da se ponekad javqaju i u kontekstima (prve polovine) 15. stole}a (str. 222–223, 231; cf. Jak{i} 1996, 154–156). 257 U zavr{nim razmatrawima kwige ukratko su ponovqeni rezultati istra`ivawa, odnosno grupisawe nau{nica i tipovi grobnih konstrukcija (str. 232–236). Ovde autor jasno isti~e da ne prihvata ideju o vizantijskom poreklu nakita, uz argument da isti oblici nisu potvr|eni na prostorima vizantijskog kulturnog kruga, {to se ne bi moglo prihvatiti kao ta~na tvrdwa. Nedavno je pisano upravo o prepoznatqivim elementima vizantijskog obele`ja na nakitu iz Dalmacije (Petrinec 2010), koji se ne ogledaju uvek u samom obliku ukrasa, ve} i u ornamentalnim detaqima, tehnikama izrade i sl. Poznato je da su politi~ki interesi Carstva u Dalmaciji ostvarivani kroz periodi~no nametawe vlasti primorskim gradovima, kada je dolazilo i do kontakata sa hrvatskom dr`avom (cf. Basi} 2015), o ~emu svedo~e nalazi vizantijskog novca (Petrinec 2009a, 195–198). U svakom slu~aju, opravdana je pretpostavka da su nau{nice izra|ivane u doma}im radionicama, kako zbog same brojnosti nalaza, tako i zbog prisustva nedovr{enih primeraka iz Solina i Knina. Posledwi pasusi donose zakqu~ak o tzv. zlatnom dobu proizvodwe nakita na kraju 9. i tokom 10. veka, kada se uticaji dalmatinsko-hrvatskog kulturnog kruga {ire na okolne oblasti, u pravcu Istre i unutra{wosti Bosne, a potom ka Posavini. Tokom 11. veka dolazi i do intenzivnog razvoja zlatarstva u oblastima dana{we severne Hrvatske, gde je najva`nije sredi{te bio Sisak (v. str. 107). Tako|e se akcentuje prete`ni uticaj ju`nog zanatskog kruga na severne oblasti i u kasnijim odse~cima sredweg veka. *** Privode}i prikaz kraju, mo`emo konstatovati da je celokupan nakitni repertoar na nekropolama u Dalmaciji i wenom zale|u prili~no razli~it od onoga koji je poznat iz unutra{wosti Balkana. Pored nau{nica, najbrojniju vrstu nalaza predstavqa prstewe. Veoma je retko prisustvo ogrlica, dugmadi i ukrasnih aplikacija, dok narukvice sasvim izostaju u ansamblima grobnih nalaza tokom ~itavog sredweg veka. Uz neke druge pojave, kao {to je kontinuirana upotreba kamenih grobnih cista, sve to oslikava izvesnu specifi~nost razmatranog prostora, koja u arheolo{koj literaturi, kako se ~ini, jo{ nije obja{wena na odgovaraju}i na~in. S druge strane, tako|e je evidentno da postoje i nalazi sa veoma bliskim analogijama na teritoriji dana{we Srbije, poput nekih varijanti nau{nica sa ~etiri jagode ili tzv. naroskanih nau{nica (cf. Biki} 2010, 47–48, 60–62). Zato bi, u ciqu utvr|ivawa karaktera i intenziteta kulturnih veza izme|u Zapadnog i Centralnog Balkana u sredwem veku, tokom budu}ih istra`ivawa trebalo usmeriti detaqniju pa`wu upravo ka tim analognim pojavama. V. Sokol je do{ao do veoma podsticajnih zakqu~aka o promenama u materijalnoj kulturi i postavio je detaqnu hronologiju nau{nica, uz primedbu da ipak nisu uzete u razmatrawe sve poznate vrste, a po svoj prilici ostaje upitna i gorwa granica upotrebe nekih obra|enih nalaza. Glavni komentar upu}en monografiji odnosi se pak na nedostatak {ireg pristupa u razumevawu fenomena vezanih za razvoj nakita, {to je u prvom redu posledica autorovog negirawa (neprepoznavawa) uticaja anti~kih, odnosno vizantijskih uzora, a nagla{enog isticawa zapadnog i sredwoevropskog kulturnog miqea. Ako se ima u vidu ~iwenica STARINAR LXVII/2017 KRITIKE I PRIKAZI – COMPTES RENDUS (241–258) da se hrvatska dr`ava jo{ od samih po~etaka nalazila na razme|u Zapada i Istoka (cf. Petrinec 2012), mo`e se razumeti za{to je geneza tamo{we materijalne kulture unekoliko kompleksnija nego u balkanskoj unutra{wosti, na primer u Srbiji, gde su mnogo izra`eniji uticaji ~istog vizantijskog nasle|a (cf. Biki} 2010). Utoliko je i potrebniji jedan druga~iji – pre svega mnogo objektivniji – pristup tom problemu. Izvesna ograni~ewa proistekla su verovatno i iz autorovog fokusa na samo jednu vrstu raspolo`ivih nalaza. Zbog svega navedenog, {iroka publika, kojoj je ovo delo i nameweno, ne}e imati priliku da stekne celovitu sliku o umetni~ko-zanatskim tokovima i kulturnim strujawima koja su oblikovala sredwovekovno nasle|e na prostoru Hrvatske. Ipak, uz obazrivo kori{}ewe samih rezultata, monografija V. Sokola mo`e se preporu~iti na{im stru~wacima kao korisno polazi{te za odgovaraju}e sredwovekovne teme, jer nudi sistematizaciju gra|e i prezentuje trenutno stawe istra`enosti tamo{wih nekropola. BIBLIOGRAFIJA: Alimov 2016 – D. Alimov, Ûðnoáenez horvaðov: Formirovanie horvaðskoç ûðnoíoliði~eskoç ob÷nosði v VII–IX vv., Sankt-Peterburg 2016. Jelovina 1963 – D. Jelovina, Statisti~ki tipolo{ko-topografski pregled starohrvatskih nau{nica na podru~ju SR Hrvatske, Starohrvatska prosvjeta III/8–9, 101–119. Bálint et al. 2003 – M. Bálint, J. Laszlovszky, B. Romhányi, M. Takács, Medieval Villages and their Fields, in: Z. Visy (ed.), Hungarian Archaeology at the turn of the Millennium, Budapest 2003, 383–388. Jelovina 1976 – D. Jelovina, Starohrvatske nekropole na podru~ju izme|u Zrmanje i Cetine, Split 1976. Basi} 2015 – I. Basi}, Sjeverna i srednja Dalmacija u ranome srednjem vijeku, u: Z. Nikoli}-Jakus (ur.), Nova zraka u europskom svjetlu. Hrvatske zemlje u ranome srednjem vijeku (oko 550 – oko 1150), Zagreb 2015, 427–462. Biki} 2010 – V. Biki}, Vizantijski nakit u Srbiji – modeli i nasle|e, Beograd 2010. Gáll 2013 – E. Gáll, Churchyards in the Transylvanian Basin from the 11th to the First Half of the 13th Centuries. On the Beginning of Institutionalized Christianity, Marisia XXXIII, 135–250. Gra~anin 2011 – H. Gra~anin, Ju`na Panonija u kasnoj antici i ranom srednjovjekovlju (od konca 4. do konca 11. stolje}a), Zagreb 2011. Gunja~a 2009 – S. Gunja~a, Tiniensia archaeologica historica – topographica (priredili M. Petrinec, A. Jur~evi}), Split 2009. Demo 2009 – @. Demo, Ranosrednjovjekovno groblje bjelobrdske kulture: Vukovar – Lijeva Bara (X–XI. stolje}e), Zagreb 2009. Dzino 2010 – D. Dzino, Becoming Slav, Becoming Croat. Identity Transformations in Post-Roman and Early Medieval Dalmatia, East Central and Eastern Europe in the Middle Ages 450–1450, vol. 12, Leiden–Boston 2010. Dzino 2012 – D. Dzino, Razgovor s duhovima: percepcije hrvatskog srednjovjekovlja Vladimira Sokola, Radovi Zavoda za hrvatsku povijest Filozofskoga fakulteta Sveu~ili{ta u Zagrebu 44, 451–470. Jak{i} 1989 – N. Jak{i}, Crkve na Begova~i i problem starohrvatskih nekropola, Diadora 11, 407–440. Jak{i} 1996 – N. Jak{i}, Kasnosrednovjekovno groblje kod crkve Sv. Spasa u Vrh Rici (analiza), Starohrvatska prosvjeta III/23, 139–172. Kova~evi} 1950 – J. Kova~evi}, Prilozi re{avanju postanka i razvoja ju`noslovenskog zlatarstva i zlatarskih proizvoda u ranom srednjem veku, Istoriski glasnik 3–4, 3–84. Milo{evi} 2009 – A. Milo{evi}, Ponovo o nalazima „komanskog“ obilje`ja u Dalmaciji, Godi{njak. Centar za balkanolo{ka ispitivanja Akademije nauka i umjetnosti BiH XXXVIII, knj. 36, 97–120. Petrinec 1996 – M. Petrinec, Kasnosrednjovjekovno groblje kod crkve Sv. Spasa u Vrh Rici (katalog), Starohrvatska prosvjeta III/23, 7–138. Petrinec 2009a – M. Petrinec, Groblja od 8. do 11. stolje}a na podru~ju ranosrednjovjekovne hrvatske dr`ave / Gräberfelder aus dem 8. bis 11. Jahrhundert im Gebiet des frühmittelalterlichen kroatischen Staates, Split 2009. Petrinec 2009b – M. Petrinec, Groblje na Crkvini u Biskupiji – rezultati revizijskih istra`ivanja Stjepana Gunja~e, Starohrvatska prosvjeta III/36, 163–197. Petrinec 2010 – M. Petrinec, Metal Objects of Byzantine Origin in Medieval Graves from Croatia, Series Byzantina. Studies on Byzantine and Post-Byzantine Art VIII, 11–25. Petrinec 2012 – M. Petrinec, Croatia between the East and the West – evidence from early medieval graves, in: M. Salamon et al. (eds.), Rome, Constantinople and Newly-Converted Europe. Archaeological and Historical Evidence, Kraków–Leipzig– Rzeszów–Warszawa 2012, 461–473. Popovi} 1988 – V. Popovi}, Albanija u kasnoj antici, u: M. Gara{anin (ur.), Iliri i Albanci, Beograd 1988, 201–250. Sokol 2006 – V. Sokol, Hrvatska srednjovjekovna arheolo{ka ba{tina od Jadrana do Save, Zagreb 2006. Filipec 2015 – K. Filipec, Donja Panonija od 9. do 11. stolje}a, Sarajevo 2015. Milica RADI[I] 258 STARINAR LXVII/2017 IN MEMORIAM (259–270) IN MEMORIAM NIKOLA TASI] (1932–2017) Nikola Tasi} bio je redovni ~lan SANU, redovni profesor Univerziteta, redovni ~lan Evropske akademije nauka, sa sedi{tem u Salcburgu, direktor Balkanolo{kog instituta SANU, direktor Narodnog muzeja u Beogradu, generalni sekretar SANU, potpredsednik SANU, upravnik Centra za nau~na istra`ivawa SANU i Univerziteta u Kragujevcu, predsednik Odbora za arheologiju SANU, potpredsednik Odbora za Re~nik pojmova iz oblasti likovnih umetnosti, kao i ~lan Odbora za istra`ivawe lokaliteta Belo brdo u Vin~i i Centra za balkanolo{ka ispitivawa ANUBiH.1 Karijeru je zapo~eo kao kustos u Narodnom muzeju u Kragujevcu i, ne{to kasnije, nastavio je kao kustos u Zavi~ajnom muzeju u Zemunu. Bio je saradnik Instituta za istoriju Vojvodine, po~asni ~lan Trakolo{kog instituta u Bukure{tu i Trakolo{kog instituta Bugarske akademije nauka u Sofiji, kao i ~lan Nacionalnog komiteta za balkanologiju, Me|unarodnog me|uakademijskog odbora za praistoriju Balkana, sa sedi{tem u Hajdelbergu, Nacionalnog komiteta za praistoriju i protoistoriju, Upravnog odbora Matice srpske u Novom Sadu, Komiteta za slovenske kulture, Saveta Galerije SANU. Objavio je vi{e od 300 nau~nih radova, kao i vi{e monografija samostalno ili kao koautor. Kolege svrstavaju akademika Tasi}a u velikane srpske arheologije, kao {to su Mihajlo Valtrovi} (osniva~ srpske arheologije), Miloje M. Vasi} (zaslu`an {to je omogu}io da svet upozna vin~ansku kulturu), Miodrag Grbi} (koji je u uslovima ograni~ene koli~ine arheolo{ke gra|e uspeo da uobli~i sliku o vi{e razdobqa praistorije Srbije), Milutin Gara{anin (neprevazi|eni erudita), Dragoslav Sre- 259 jovi} (s kojim je srpska arheologija do`ivela zvezdane trenutke) i Borislav Jovanovi} (sa svojim otkri}em u arheometalurgiji globalnog zna~aja). Tako visok ugled stekao je rade}i kao istra`iva~, rukovodilac, autor znatnog broja nau~nih radova, organizator velikog broja nau~nih skupova, ali i kao neko ko je bio spreman da savetima i na drugi na~in pomogne kolegama u wihovom radu. Posebno je podsticao kolege da objavquju {to vi{e arheolo{ke gra|e i zbog toga je ~esto navodio re~i svog kolege i bliskog prijateqa Jovana Todorovi}a da „onoliko vredi{ kao arheolog koliko si publikovao” (arheolo{ke gra|e). Istra`ivao je arheolo{ka nalazi{ta {irom Srbije. Najzna~ajnije rezultate postigao je u Sremu, kru{eva~koj regiji, [umadiji, isto~noj Srbiji i na Kosovu i u Metohiji. Ti rezultati ~ine okosnicu wegovih priloga u veoma cewenoj monografiji Praistorija Vojvodine (1974) i ediciji Preistorija jugoslavenskih zemaqa, III kwiga (1979), kao i u wegovim monografijama Badenski i vu~edolski kompleks u Jugoslaviji (1967), Srpsko Podunavqe od indoevropske seobe do prodora Skita (1983) i The Eneolithic Cultures of the Central and West Balkans (1995). Odlu~uju}u ulogu imao je u organizaciji velike arheolo{ke izlo`be o Kosovu i Metohiji u Galeriji SANU i objavqivawu wenog iscrpnog kataloga. Neprevazi|en je kao organizator i suorganizator velikog broja nau~nih skupova, a posebno onih o problematici iz bakarnog, bronzanog i gvozdenog doba, kojima su naj~e{}e upravo wegova saop{tewa davala nau~ni ton. Radovi sa nau~nog skupa Kulturen der Frühbronzezeit des Karpatbeckens und STARINAR LXVII/2017 IN MEMORIAM (259–270) Nordbalkans, koji je Nikola Tasi} organizovao u Beogradu 1984. godine, predstavqaju i daqe osnovu u istra`ivawu ranog bronzanog doba znatnog dela sredwe Evrope i Balkanskog poluostrva. Veoma je zaslu`an za uspostavqawe ~vrstih veza me|u kolegama iz sredwe i jugoisto~ne Evrope, iz podru~ja okarakterisanih sli~nim arheolo{kim razvojem, posebno u bakarno i bronzano doba. Zahvaquju}i svom renomeu, ali i li~nom {armu, veoma brzo je uspostavqao kontakte i pridobijao i strane kolege za zajedni~ke projekte. Krasile su ga osobine koje se veoma retko mogu na}i u jednoj li~nosti, kao {to su erudicija, elokventnost, mirno}a, istrajnost, tolerantnost, vernost prema prijateqima, spremnost da svakog saslu{a i svakom pomogne koliko mo`e, ali i da jasno iznese svoj stav o bilo kom pitawu. Svakako da je va`an udeo u formirawu jedne takve li~nosti bio wegov sportski duh koji ga je dominantno obele`a- 260 vao – N. Tasi} je u mladosti, naro~ito dok je `iveo u Kragujevcu, bio odli~an fudbaler, ali i pliva~ i skija{. Plivawem i skijawem bavio se do svojih poznih godina. U trenucima opu{tawa znao je da zaigra (posebno sirtaki) i zapeva (najradije pesme iz Vrawa). Bio je blizak s mnogim kolegama iz svoje generacije (Jovan Todorovi}, Dragoslav Srejovi}, Borislav Jovanovi}, Bogdan Brukner, Dragan Popovi}, Milorad Giri}), a veoma je po{tovao Milutina Gara{anina i Alojza Benca. 1 Biografija i bibliografija: Godi{wak SANU, 95 (1989), 639–652; 104 (1998), 525–529; Balcanica, 23 (1992), 11–32; 30/31 (2000), 187–205. Milorad STOJI] STARINAR LXVII/2017 IN MEMORIAM (259–270) IN MEMORIAM BERNHARD HÄNSEL (1937–2017) Bernhard Hensel u Negotinu, juna 1981. Bernhard Hensel, jedno od velikih imena evropske arheologije, ostavio je dubok trag za sobom, pre svega u protoistoriji ali i u drugim periodima qudske pro{losti, svojim brojnim spisima, svojim iskopavawima, stvarawem Berlinske arheolo{ke {kole, brojnim u~enicima koji idu wegovim stopama i, kona~no, svojom izuzetnom li~no{}u. Bio je uvek optimisti~ki raspolo`en, poletan, inspirativan, pun ideja, podsticajan. Za nas na Balkanu je wegovo delovawe bilo od naro~itog zna~aja, jer on je dobar deo svog istra`ivawa posvetio balkanskoj arheologiji, na prvom mestu bronzanom dobu, periodu koji je oduvek bio zagonetan i zanimqiv budu}i da je postavqao pitawa koja su zahtevala slo`ene odgovore, a gde je Hensel u~inio va`ne korake unapred u prou~avawu i razumevawu nastanka bronzanodobnih kultura i grupa na ovom prostoru, kao i wihovih me|usobnih preplitawa i nestajawa. Zbog toga svi arheolozi balkanskih zemaqa treba da mu budu duboko zahvalni. Bernhard Hensel ro|en je 24. maja 1937. godine u [tutgartu. Arheologiju je studirao u Berlinu, Jeni, Hajdelbergu i Be~u. Kao asistent radio je u Hajdelbergu i Bohumu, a kao docent u Erlangenu. Godine 1976. postao je profesor u Kilu (1976–1981), a zatim i profesor na Universitetu Fraje u Berlinu, gde je 2006. penzionisan. Umro je 1. aprila 2017. u Malnicu (Meklenburg). Doktorsku disertaciju „Beiträge zur Chronologie zur mittleren Bronzezeit im Karpatenbecken” odbranio je 1964, a 1972. habilitaciju „Beiträge zur regionalen und chronologischen Gliederung der älteren Hallstattzeit an der unteren Donau”. 261 U svojoj tezi ustanovio je novu hronolo{ku podelu bronzanog doba, za tada{we stawe u nauci znatno operativniju od dotad op{teva`e}e zastarele podele Paula Rajnekea, ali je ona bila samo delimi~no prihva}ena i nije preovladala. Bio je jo{ mlad da bi mogao da konkuri{e ustaqenim dogmatskim mi{qewima. Obe disertacije jasno ukazuju na wegov interes za Karpate i jugoisto~nu Evropu, koji }e pokazati i osnivawem praistorijske serije „Prähistorische Archäologie in Südosteuropa” (PAS), u kojoj je do sada objavqeno preko 30 svezaka. Prva sveska ove serije, „Südosteuropa zwischen 1600 und 1000 v.Chr.” (1982), obuhvatila je akta nau~nog skupa odr`anog oktobra 1980. u Tucingu, kod Minhena, gde su u~esnici bili mahom praistori~ari balkanskih i karpatskih zemaqa. U jedanaestoj svesci, pod nazivom „Handel, Tausch und Verkehr im Bronze- und Früheisenzeitlichen Südosteuropa”, objavqena su (1995) akta skupa odr`anog u novembru 1992. u Berlinu, sa sli~nim sastavom u~esnika. Oba ova skupa, koje je on organizovao, na~inila su zna~ajan korak napred u prou~avawu balkanske protoistorije. Jo{ jedan wegov poseban poduhvat vezan za balkansku arheologiju, koji ovde treba neizostavno pomenuti, jeste organizovawe monumentalne izlo`be „Das Mykenische Hellas, Heimat der Helden Homers”, u avgustu 1988. u Berlinu, povodom 13. Me|unarodnog kongresa klasi~ne arheologije. Svoj interes za balkansku praistoriju pokazao je i sistematskim iskopavawima, prvo u gr~koj Makedoniji tumbe Kastanas od 1975. do 1980, koja su rasvetlila brojne zagonetke i nedoumice o makedonskoj protoistoriji. Wegova namera bila je da posle Kastanasa istra`uje sli~an loka- STARINAR LXVII/2017 IN MEMORIAM (259–270) litet negde u ju`noj Srbiji, pa se u tu svrhu dogovarao sa tada{wim direktorom Arheolo{kog instituta u Beogradu Borislavom Jovanovi}em, ali kratkotrajna rekognoscirawa okoline Vrawa nisu otkrila ni{ta pogodno. Kako ni politi~ka situacija u tom trenutku nije bila najpovoqnija, on je svoj interes usmerio severnije, te je sa Predragom Medovi}em i Vojvo|anskim muzejom u Novom Sadu iskopavao gradinu Feudvar na Tisi kod Mo{orina od 1986. do 1990. Na`alost, tada je nastupilo vreme haosa, mr`we i smrti na prostoru koji se nekad zvao Jugoslavija, pa su i iskopavawa Feudvara morala da budu prekinuta. Ipak, bilo je istra`eno i objavqeno dovoqno da Feudvar postane zna~ajan reper za poznavawe i daqe prou~avawe bronzanog i gvozdenog doba ne samo Vojvodine nego i susednih oblasti. Usledila su iskopavawa tumbe Hagios Mamas kod Olinta u Makedoniji, od 1994. do 1996, a potom se on okrenuo ka zapadu Balkana, pa je u Istri, od 1997. do 2008, iskopavao sa Kristinom Mihovili~ i Bibom Ter`an kasteqer Monkodowa kod Roviwa. Interes za istarske kasteqere traje ve} vi{e od stotinu godina, ali su tada prvi put organizovana velika sistematska kompleksna iskopavawa koja su omogu}ila da se pobli`e upoznaju struktura, razvoj i karakteristike jednog istarskog gradinskog naseqa. Time su mnoga pitawa dobila odgovore i udaren je temeq za daqa i sigurnija prou~avawa bronzanog doba Kaput Adrije. U Srbiji je Bernhard Hensel u~estvovao na vi{e nau~nih skupova – prvi put na me|unarodnom kongresu u Novom Sadu, oktobra 1979, gde je prikazao svoja istra`ivawa na Kastanasu, zatim u Jagodini 1984. i u Ni{u 1989, a posled- 262 wi put na 30. skupu Srpskog arheolo{kog dru{tva, posve}enom proslavi 125. godi{wice SAD, juna 2008. u Zaje~aru, gde je govorio o kalupima za metal i ranoj nov~anoj privredi u bronzanom dobu jugoisto~ne Evrope. Bio je to onaj skup i onaj nezaboravan trenutak srpske arheologije koji se de{ava samo jednom – kada je ministar nauke Srbije Ana Pe{ikan podigla u Gamzigradu zastavu Srpskog arheolo{kog dru{tva. Ovde nije mesto da se govori o svim Henselovim nau~nim podvizima, svim wegovim kwigama i ~lancima, svim wegovim aktivnostima na poqu arheologije ili o wegovom u~e{}u u mnogim arheolo{kim redakcijama i komisijama – o tome }e biti re~i op{irnije i detaqnije na odgovaraju}im mestima, pre svega u Nema~koj. No, kada je u pitawu Balkanski potkontinent, kako je Hensel uobi~ajavao da naziva ovaj na{ geografski prostor, treba svakako dodati da je za nas, uz svu arheolo{ku delatnost i sve rezultate koje je postigao u tim podru~jima, bilo od va`nosti i wegovo prisustvo me|u nama, jer je {irio pozitivan duh, ja~ao radnu atmosferu i podsticao `equ da se ne stoji, da se ide napred. Bio je radan, i to je svojim primerom najboqe pokazivao – prvi je ustajao a posledwi prestajao sa radom. Bio je dobar ~ovek, qubazan i predusretqiv, spreman da svakom pomogne. Po{tovao je svakog, nije u tome pravio razliku izme|u predsednika Akademije nauka i {efa ciganske kapele koja je svirala na godi{woj fe{ti povodom zavr{etka iskopavawa u Mo{orinu. Rastko VASI] STARINAR LXVII/2017 IN MEMORIAM (259–270) MIROSLAV JEREMI] (16. novembar 1943 – 3. jul 2016) Miroslav Mi}a Jeremi}, nau~ni savetnik Arheolo{kog instituta u Beogradu i vrhunski poznavalac istorije arhitekture i urbanizma, prerano nas je napustio 3. jula 2016. godine. Ro|en je 1943. godine u Ranovcu, kod Petrovca na Mlavi, u uglednoj sve{teni~koj porodici. Na Arhitektonskom fakultetu u Beogradu diplomirao je 1968, magistrirao 1981, a doktorirao 1998. godine. Od 1970. godine bio je zaposlen u Arheolo{kom institutu u Beogradu, instituciji u kojoj je proveo ceo svoj radni vek, pro{av{i sve etape napredovawa – od stru~nog saradnika do nau~nog savetnika. Presudan momenat u wegovom profesionalnom `ivotu bio je dolazak u Sremsku Mitrovicu 1973. godine, kada se pridru`io istra`iva~koj ekipi anti~kog Sirmijuma, na ~ijem je ~elu bio akademik Vladislav Popovi}. Ve} slede}e godine postao je ~lan me|unarodnog projekta istra`ivawa ovog lokaliteta, koji je Arheolo{ki institut u Beogradu, pod rukovodstvom Vladislava Popovi}a, organizovao u saradwi sa Univerzitetom Sorbona iz Pariza, Muzejom Luvr i Francuskom {kolom u Rimu. Rukovodilac francuskog dela ove ekipe bio je Noel Dival (Noël Duval), istaknuti profesor rimske i ranohri{}anske arheologije. Pod budnim okom V. Popovi}a i N. Divala, Miroslav Jeremi} formirao se u evropski priznatog eksperta za istoriju anti~ke arhitekture i urbanizma. Ova dva wegova u~iteqa, ali i prijateqa, omogu}ila su mu da svoja znawa specijalizuje tokom studijskih boravaka u Muzeju Luvr u Parizu, u Francuskoj {koli u Rimu i u Centru za anti~ku arhitekturu u francuskom gradu Po. Kada su 1978. godine, pod egidom istih nau~nika koji su vodili i istra`ivawa 263 Sirmijuma, otpo~ela jugoslovensko-francuska iskopavawa Cari~inog grada, Miroslav Jeremi} postao je nezaobilazni ~lan ove me|unarodne nau~noistra`iva~ke ekipe. Rezultat dugogodi{weg rada na analizi spomenika tog ranovizantijskog lokaliteta predstavqaju 263 strane teksta, odnosno tri poglavqa koja je, kao koautor sa rukovodiocima iskopavawa V. Popovi}em i N. Divalom, publikovao u tre}em tomu eminentne edicije Cari~in Grad, u izdawu Francuske {kole u Rimu (2010). Ovi tekstovi Miroslava Jeremi}a, u kojima je do{la do izra`aja wegova istan~ana analiza tehnika gradwe i arhitektonskih osobenosti katedralne crkve i baptisterijuma Cari~inog grada, pra}eni su i wegovim izvanrednim planovima, koji su potvrdili jo{ ranije izre~eno mi{qewe profesora Divala o crta~kim sposobnostima Miroslava Jeremi}a: „On je jo{ pre dominacije mernih instrumenata koje danas koristimo, objedinio tri osnovna kvaliteta: preciznost i razumqivost crte`a, da ne ra~unamo brzinu obavqawa posla, koji ~ine osnovu deskripcije izve{taja sa iskopavawa. To su pouzdana ta~nost, finese i elegancija crte`a, izvedenih ru~no, a kakve retko dobijamo u radu na kompjuteru.” Saradwu sa profesorom Divalom nastavio je Miroslav Jeremi} i tokom istra`ivawa anti~ke Salone, postav{i potom ~lan me|unarodne Asocijacije za prou~avawe kasne antike (L’association pour l’Antiquité Tardive), sa sedi{tem u Parizu. Logi~an nastavak wegove dugogodi{we saradwe sa eminentnim stru~wacima iz Francuske bio je poziv N. Divala i Fransoa Barata (Francois Baratte) da na Univerzitetu Sorbona u Parizu odr`i predavawa o rezultatima istra`ivawa u Sirmijumu STARINAR LXVII/2017 IN MEMORIAM (259–270) i Saloni, {to je izuzetna po~ast koju, podsetimo se, francuska nau~na zajednica retko dodequje stru~wacima iz drugih zemaqa. Stoga ne ~udi {to je 2010. godine, na osnovu odluke francuskog ministra obrazovawa, Miroslav Jeremi} primio Orden viteza akademske palme za unapre|ewe arheolo{ke saradwe i doprinos razvoju francusko-srpskog prijateqstva. Iako je bio stalni ~lan ekipa koje su istra`ivale brojne anti~ke lokalitete u Srbiji – Viminacijum, Medijanu, Kale-Kr{evicu, Miroslav Jeremi} }e, ipak, ostati najvi{e upam}en po onome za {ta je i sam bio najdubqe vezan, a to su svestrana prou~avawa rimskog Sirmijuma. Zapo~ev{i na ovom lokalitetu svoju nau~nu karijeru jo{ 1973. godine, on se u ovaj grad stalno vra}ao – najpre kao terenski rukovodilac arheolo{kih istra`ivawaa potom od 1999. godine kao nau~ni rukovodilac projekta „Sirmijum”, ali i kao neko ko je neprestano bdeo nad izgradwom modernih gra|evina, znaju}i da se ispod svakog zabodenog a{ova u gradu nalaze ostaci neprocenqive va`nosti. Zanimali su ga svi aspekti `ivota rimskog Sirmijuma, tako da je prou~avao pedolo{ke, geomorfolo{ke i hidrolo{ke karakteristike terena, koje su bitno uticale na razvoj i urbanu strukturu grada. Izdvojio je drveno-zemqane objekte nastale u najranijoj fazi razvoja grada i detaqno je opisao tehnike wihove gradwe (Drveni skelet u arhitekturi Sirmijuma I–IV veka, StarinarXXXVI, 1985, 79–90). Pozabavio se i na~inom izvo|ewa kasnoanti~kih dekorativnih elemenata (Tehnika champlevé na klesanom arhitektonskom dekoru Sirmijuma IVveka, u: Dragoslav Srejovi} i umetnost, Memorijal Dragoslava Srejovi}a. Zbornik radova 3, ur. V. Jovi}, Kragujevac 2008, 135–149), ali i pravcima osnovnih gradskih komunikacija (Main Urban Comunication in Sirmium, in: Römische Städte und Festungenan der Donau, ed. M. Mirkovi}, Beograd 2005, 90–96). Istorijat arheolo{kih istra`ivawa u Sirmijumu poslu`io mu je za vi{eslojnu analizu sakralnih objekata otkrivenih krajem XIX i po~etkom XX veka (Adolf Hytrek et les premières fouilles archéologiques à Sirmium, Starinar LV (2005), 2006, 115–132), a dokumentacioni materijal sa iskopavawa centralnog gradskog jezgra bio mu je polazi{te za detektivsko tragawe i kona~nu ubikaciju paganskih gradskih svetili{ta (Les temples paðenes de Sirmium, Starinar LVI (2006), 2008, 167–200). Ipak, najvi{e ga je privla~io kompleks carske palate. Rade}i na analizi dokumentacije arhitektonskih ostataka, korigovao je interpretaciju prvobitnih istra`iva~a carske palate da su baze ~etiri monumentalna stupca ostaci tetrapilona, jasno pokazav{i da je re~ o stubovima koji su pripadali malom hramu, fanumu, podignutom tokom prve graditeqske faze palate (Sirmijumski tetrapilon, u: Rad Dragoslava Srejovi}a na istra`ivawu anti~ke arheologije, Memorijal Dragoslava Srejovi}a. Zbornik radova 2, Kragujevac 2003, 137–145). Na wegovu inicijativu zapo~ela su 2002. godine sistematska iskopavawa severnog dela sirmijumskog palatijalnog kompleksa (lokalitet 85), gde je, pored ostataka kasnorimske arhitekture i mermernih skulptura izvanredne lepote, registrovana i katedralna crkva sredwovekovne Dmitrovice, o ~ijem se postojawu do tada znalo samo iz {turih podataka u pisanim izvorima. Ostatke anti~ke arhitekture na ovom lokalitetu, kao i 264 gra|evinske celine na prostoru celog kompleksa carske palate jasno je definisao (The Sirmium Imperial Palace Complex, in Light of theRecent Archaeological Investigations, in: Diocletian, Tetrarchy and Diocletian’s Palace on the 1700th Anniversary of Existence (International Conference, Split, September 2005), eds. N. Cambi, J. Belamari} and T. Marasovi}, Split 2009, 471–499), dok je izgled i dimenzije carskog hipodroma temeqno analizirao i precizno predstavio, koriguju}i neka prethodna re{ewa (L’hippodrome de Sirmium à la lumière de nouvelles recherches, in: Studiola in honorem Noël Duval, C. Balmelle, P. Chevalier and G. Ripoll, eds., Mélanges ’Antiquité Tardive 5, Turnhout 2004, l–15). Kako je, i pored izvanrednih rezultata, finansirawe daqih istra`ivawa na lokalitetu 85 bilo obustavqeno u periodu od 2006. do 2010. godine, kada je Miroslav Jeremi} oti{ao u penziju, on nije, na`alost, bio prisutan prilikom otkrivawa izuzetnih nalaza iz vremena prve tetrarhije – osmougaonog kultnog objekta i fragmenata vi{e skulptura od porfira. Dolazio je, svakako, da u svojstvu konsultanta pogleda te nalaze i o wima dâ svoje mi{qewe, budu}i da je jo{ 2002. godine, kada je zajedno sa potpisnicom ovih redova zapo~eo iskopavawa na ovoj lokaciji, precizno uo~io nivo gradwe iz vremena prve tetrarhije i tako anticipirao budu}e nalaze. Jer, Miroslav Jeremi} bio je ne samo vrstan poznavalac istorije arhitekture ve} i odli~an terenski arheolog, {to je rezultat wegovog dugogodi{weg iskustva, a ne formalnog obrazovawa. Za ostvarene rezultate na planu istra`ivawa i afirmacije Sirmijuma dodeqena mu je 1993. godine Plaketa grada Sremske Mitrovice, {to je bilo priznawe koje mu je mnogo zna~ilo. Uprkos brojnim objektivnim problemima, uspevao je da, u meri u kojoj je to bilo mogu}e, nastavi rad na realizaciji ideje o kompleksnim istra`ivawima Sirmijuma koju je trasirao dugogodi{wi nau~ni rukovodilac ovog projekta Vladislav Popovi}. Saradwu s wim, koja je prerasla u iskreno prijateqstvo i me|usobno uva`avawe, Miroslav Jeremi} zapo~eo je upravo u Sremskoj Mitrovici, te mu je i zbog toga ovaj grad veoma mnogo zna~io. Kao grad koji je u IV veku postao jedna od ~etiri zvani~ne prestonice Rimskog carstva Sirmijum je zaslu`ivao istra`ivawa na razli~itim poqima – od istorije, arheologije, istorije arhitekture i urbanizma do istorije umetnosti. Rezultat svog dugogodi{weg rada na sa`imawu svih aspekata urbanog `ivota i transformacija ove panonske metropole – {tampawe monografije Sirmium – grad na vodi. Razvoj arhitekture i urbanizma od I do VI veka – Miroslav Jeremi} nije do~ekao. Te{ka bolest spre~ila ga je da joj dâ finalnu, `eqenu formu. Ali postoje}i rukopis, posthumno od{tampan 2017. godine, svedo~anstvo je erudicije wegovog autora, ~ije delo predstavqa oma` kako carskom gradu, tako i autorovim u~iteqima – Vladislavu Popovi}u i Noelu Divalu. Kratak osvrt na nau~ni doprinos Miroslava Jeremi}a pru`a nepotpunu i {turu sliku wegove li~nosti. Iako po profesiji arhitekta, on je bio vrstan poznavalac ne samo arheologije ve} i istorije kwi`evnosti i slikarstva. I sam je u`ivao slikaju}i, uz umetni~ko poigravawe na razli~ite teme. Ali, `eqa da se po penzionisawu vi{e posveti tom hobiju, usled pogor{anog vida, nije mu se ostvarila. No, wegove slike pru`aju uvid u one osobine koje nau~ni STARINAR LXVII/2017 IN MEMORIAM (259–270) radovi ne otkrivaju, a to su suptilnost i ose}aj za lepo, za apstraktno razmi{qawe i za wemu svojstven do`ivqaj stvarnosti – jer je Mi}a, kako su ga zvali srpski prijateqi i kolege, a Mi{el oni francuski, uvek bio racionalan i iracionalan, duhovit i ma{tovit. Nije se mirio s la`nim dru{tvenim normama, uvek te`e}i pravim vrednostima i iskrenim odnosima. 265 Wegovim odlaskom Arheolo{ki institut izgubio je jednog od posledwih pripadnika one generacije nau~nika koja je afirmisala Arheolo{ki institut u Beogradu kao instituciju respektabilnog me|unarodnog ugleda, zatim arheologiju kao nauku i, najva`nije, po{ten rad kao imperativ. Ivana POPOVI] STARINAR LXVII/2017 IN MEMORIAM (259–270) NEBOJ[A BORI] (19. januar 1951 – 17. mart 2017) Neboj{a Bori}, rukovodilac foto-dokumentacije Arheolo{kog instituta u Beogradu, zauvek nas je napustio 17. marta 2017. godine. Ro|en je u Zagrebu 1951. godine, a u Beogradu je zavr{io klasi~nu gimnaziju i na Filozofskom fakultetu studirao arheologiju. Me|utim, wegov izbor bila je fotografija, koja je kasnije postala i wegov `ivotni poziv. Po~ev od poznih 60-ih godina 20. veka pa sve do odlaska u penziju, januara 2016. godine, u~estvovao je na brojnim arheolo{kim iskopavawima, bele`e}i svojim fotografskim aparatom, ali pre svega svojim ume}em tragove minulih vekova. Fotografisao je na{e najzna~ajnije arheolo{ke lokalitete – Beogradsku tvr|avu, svetski poznata nalazi{ta na \erdapu, rimski carski grad Sirmijum, Timakum Minus kod Kwa`evca, Justinijanu Primu (Cari~in Grad), Ni{ sa Medijanom i niz drugih. Trajno je zabele`io razli~ite faze istra`ivawa tih lokaliteta i objekata otkrivenih na wima. Prvi je kod nas fotografisao arheolo{ka nalazi{ta i iz vazduha, ~esto u improvizovanim uslovima. Prona|ene predmete – keramiku, staklo, nakit, novac – fotografisao je uvek iz vi{e uglova, ne zanemariv{i nikad visoke estetske kriterijume. Od 1985. godine, kada je postao stalno zaposlen u Arheolo{kom institutu u Beogradu na poslovima foto-dokumentacije, marqivo je i veoma uredno klasifikovao i sre|ivao ovo dokumentaciono blago. S predanim radom nastavio je i kada mu je bolest te{ko ugrozila vid. Fotografije nastale tokom prvih decenija wegovog rada ra|ene su klasi~nim fotografskim aparatima, koji su uvek bili vrhunskog kvaliteta, {to je bila wegova zasluga, 266 a ~esto i wegova investicija. Sa pojavom digitalnih fotografskih aparata, Neboj{a Bori} je veoma brzo prihvatio novu tehnologiju, stalno usavr{avaju}i svoja znawa, tako da se s pravom smatra jednim od najboqih fotografa na{eg arheolo{kog nasle|a. Publikacije Arheolo{kog instituta (M. Popovi}, Beogradska tvr|ava, 1982; V. Biki}, Sredwovekovna keramika Beograda, 1994; I. Popovi}, Zlatni avarski pojas iz okoline Sirmijuma, 1997; M. Popovi}, Tvr|ava Ras, 1999; M. Popovi}, V. Biki}, Kompleks sredwovekovne mitropolije u Beogradu, 2004; V. Biki}, Gradska keramika Beograda (16–17. vek), 2004; M. Popovi} i dr., Crkva sv. Nikole u Stani~ewu, 2005; Felix Romuliana – Gamzigrad, ur. I. Popovi}, 2010; I. Popovi}, Sirmium – Mermerne skulpture, 2012), ali i drugih institucija s kojima je Neboj{a Bori} sara|ivao, pre svega one Narodnog muzeja u Beogradu u kojima su ~esto autori ili koautori bili saradnici Arheolo{kog instituta (I. Popovi}, B. Bori}-Bre{kovi}, Ostava iz Bele Reke, 1994; I. Popovi}, B. Bori}-Bre{kovi}, Ostava iz Bara, 1994; I. Popovi}, Kasnoanti~ki i ranovizantijski nakit od zlata u Narodnom muzeju u Beogradu, 2001; B. Bori}-Bre{kovi}, P. Popovi}, Novac Rimske Republike. Zbirke Narodnog muzeja u Beogradu i Beogradskog univerziteta, 2006; M. Vasi}, Zlatni i srebrni novac kasne antike (284–450. godine) iz zbirke Narodnog muzeja u Beogradu, 2008; Konstantin Veliki i Milanski edikt 313. Ra|awe hri{}anstva u rimskim provincijama na tlu Srbije, ur. I. Popovi}, B. Bori}-Bre{kovi}, 2013) – ne mogu se zamisliti bez wegovih fotografija koje spajaju umetni~ki i dokumentacioni pristup, a kao rezultat STARINAR LXVII/2017 IN MEMORIAM (259–270) stvaraju izuzetan vizuelni efekat. Ove kwige pokazuju da se vaqano publikovawe na{e arheolo{ke ba{tine ne mo`e ostvariti bez prisustva stru~waka fotografa, umetnika fotografa i poznavaoca arheolo{ke problematike – tri svojstva koja je Neboj{a Bori} objediwavao i u svojim radovima na najboqi na~in prezentovao. Wegov doprinos na poqu dokumentacije i prezentacije na{eg kulturno-istorijskog nasle|a prepoznala je i Kulturno-prosvetna zajednica Beograda, koja mu je 2006. godine dodelila nagradu Zlatni beo~ug. Kratak osvrt na profesionalnu delatnost Neboj{e Bori}a pru`a nepotpunu i {turu sliku wegove li~nosti. Bes- 267 krajno po{tovawe i qubav koje su prema wemu ose}ale sve wegove kolege posledica su ne samo wegovog fotografskog ume}a ve}, pre svega, wegove dobrote i po{tewa. Za svaku nedoumicu, poslovnu ili privatnu, znalo se da je wegovo mi{qewe, diskretno saop{teno, uvek bilo dobronamerno i li{eno bilo kakve li~ne koristi. Bio je svojevrsni arbiter moralitatis, {to je posledica wegovog klasi~nog obrazovawa i, svakako, doma}eg vaspitawa. Ili je samo re~ o uro|enoj fino}i du{e, dragocenoj osobini kojom su obdareni tek retki pojedinci. Ivana POPOVI] STARINAR LXVII/2017 IN MEMORIAM (259–270) @IVKO MIKI] (1946–2016)19. januar 1951 – 17. mart 2017) Ro|en je 1946. godine u Banatskom Aran|elovu, a preminuo je 2016. godine u Beogradu. Osnovnu {kolu u~io je u rodnom mestu, a gimnaziju u Kikindi i Novom Sadu. Na Filozofskom fakultetu u Beogradu, Odeqewu za arheologiju, diplomirao je 1970. godine. Ve} kao student opredelio se za fizi~ku antropologiju. Budu}i da tada na na{im prostorima nije bilo specijalista iz oblasti fizi~ke antropologije, on ju je u~io od vode}ih antropologa kao {to su Ilse Schweditzky i János Nemeskéri, koji su upravo u to doba u~estvovali u terenskim i studijskim istra`ivawima na Lepenskom Viru i na Vlascu. Godine 1974. magistrirao je tako|e na Filozofskom fakultetu, na temi „Afri~ki varijeteti diluvijalnih qudi”, na kom je 1979. godine odbranio i doktorsku disertaciju „Antropolo{ki problemi praistorijskih populacija centralnog Balkana od ranog neolita do kraja latenske epohe”. Antropologiju je studirao i specijalizirao tokom dva semestra {kolske 1970/1971. godine na Univerzitetu u Kelnu (Institut für Ur-und Frühgeschichte der Universität Köln), kao DAAD stipendista, a potom, tokom 1974, 1976. i 1798. godine (u trajawu od 10 meseci), i na Univerzitetu u Majncu (Antropologische Institut der Universität Mainz), gde je kao stipendista Humbolt fondacije i student postdiplomskih studija boravio od oktobra 1980. godine do jula 1982. godine. U julu 1982. godine, na Odseku za biologiju i antropologiju Univerziteta Johanes Gutenberg u Majncu odbranio je dok- 268 torsku disertaciju Beitrag zur Anthropologie spätrömischer bis zum spätmittelalterlicher Bevölkerungen Jugoslawiens, sa ocenom cum laude. Od 1972. do 1985. bio je zaposlen u Balkanolo{kom centru Akademije nauka i umjetnosti BiH u Sarajevu kao stru~ni, a potom i nau~ni saradnik-antropolog. Nakon 14 godina plodnog rada, od 1985. godine radio je na Filozofskom fakultetu u Beogradu u zvawu vanrednog profesora, a 1991. izabran je za redovnog profesora na predmetu Fizi~ka antropologija. Na Fakultetu i u Odeqewu za arheologiju nalazio se @ivko Miki} na gotovo svim funkcijama – od prodekana, preko upravnika Odeqewa, upravnika Arheolo{ke zbirke, upravnika Centra za arheolo{ka istra`ivawa, pa do {efa Katedre za fizi~ku antropologiju (osnovane 1998. godine). Bio je ~lan antropolo{kih dru{tava Srpskog, Jugoslovenskog i Evropskog, kao i rukovodilac ili saradnik na nekoliko zna~ajnih doma}ih i me|unarodnih projekata iz oblasti fizi~ke antropologije, paleodemografije, drevne ishrane i antropolo{ke istorije stanovni{tva minulih populacija sa prostora Balkanskog poluostrva. Bibliografija @ivka Miki}a iz oblasti fizi~ke antropologije sadr`i 165 naslova, objavqenih u referentnim ~asopisima i monografijama kako u zemqi tako i u inostranstvu, od ~ega je tre}ina {tampana na stranim jezicima. Miomir KORA] STARINAR LXVII/2017 IN MEMORIAM (259–270) \OR\E JANKOVI] (1947–2016)19. januar 1951 – 17. mart 2017) \or|e Jankovi} je ro|en u Beogradu 1947. godine. Posle zavr{etka studija arheologije u rodnom gradu, od 1971. godine radio je kao kustos u Muzeju Krajine u Negotinu. U negotinskom Muzeju ostao je do 1977. godine, kada se vratio u Beograd i postao asistent Arheolo{kog instituta. Iste godine magistrirao je na temi Kqu~ i Krajina u sredwem veku, a slede}e godine pre{ao je na Filozofski fakultet gde je bio anga`ovan kao asistent Odeqewa za arheologiju. Na istom fakultetu najpre je 1986. godine odbranio doktorsku disertaciju Stanovni{tvo Balkana u VI–VII stole}u, arheolo{ka istra`ivawa, a potom je, u zvawu docenta, dr`ao nastavu do 2008. godine. Penzionisan je ~etiri godine kasnije, kao istra`iva~-savetnik Arheolo{ke zbirke Odeqewa za arheologiju. Od po~etka nastavni~kog rada predavao je Sredwovekovnu arheologiju, a od 2002. godine i nakon promena u sistemu studija Nacionalnu arheologiju sredweg veka, kao obavezni predmet i kao predmet vi{e izbornih kurseva iz oblasti sredwovekovne i slovenske arheologije. Posledwih godina, paralelno sa radom na Filozofskom fakultetu, predavao je arheologiju i na Akademiji Srpske pravoslavne crkve za umetnost i konservaciju. U mnogo ~emu je dr \or|e Jankovi} bio osobena li~nost na{e arheologije. On nije bio samo kabinetski profesor, ve} i neumorni istra`iva~, uvek u potrazi za novim nalazi{tima i nalazima, te izuzetan poznavalac kako terenskog rada, tako i arheolo{kog materijala. Brojni su lokaliteti na kojima je iskopavao – naseqa i nekropole, manastiri, gradovi i tvr|ave, i to ne samo u Srbiji nego i u Crnoj Gori, Kninskoj Krajini i Republici Srpskoj. Obilasci te- 269 rena, u okviru sopstvenih istra`iva~kih poduhvata ili projekata mnogih kolega i ustanova sa kojima je sara|ivao, ~inili su zna~ajan deo wegovih aktivnosti tokom ~itavog radnog veka. Poqa wegovog nau~nog interesovawa bila su {iroko postavqena i ~esto su se preklapala i pro`imala. Bogata bibliografija koju je ostavio za sobom svedo~i da se bavio raznovrsnim temama i razli~itim vrstama arheolo{ke gra|e – od praistorije do turskog doba. Po~etak karijere vezan je za severoisto~nu Srbiju, gde je postavio osnove za prou~avawa materijalne kulture ranovizantijskog doba, pa i epohe ranog sredweg veka uop{te. Prvu fazu nau~noistra`iva~kog rada zakqu~io je izvanrednim magistarskim radom, koji je 1981. godine publikovan pod naslovom Podunavski deo oblasti Akvisa u VI i po~etkom VII veka. Prou~avawa ranovizantijskog doba na ~itavom prostoru Balkanskog poluostrva zaokru`io je doktorskom disertacijom. U tom zna~ajnom, ali do danas, na`alost, nepublikovanom radu, na sveobuhvatan na~in analizirao je podatke iz pisanih izvora, stratigrafiju nalazi{ta i materijalnu kulturu, na osnovu ~ega je ustanovio kulturne zone domoroda~kog stanovni{tva, kao i ulogu doseqenika – Germana i, naro~ito, Slovena. Istra`ivawe pro{losti Slovena zauzimalo je jedno od glavnih mesta u celokupnom delu \or|a Jankovi}a. Mo`e se re}i da je on svojim radovima otvorio novu stranicu slovenske arheologije na na{im prostorima. Prepoznao je i izdvojio slovensku grn~ariju u ranovizantijskim utvr|ewima i ukazao na proces ukqu~ivawa Slovena u vizantijsku STARINAR LXVII/2017 IN MEMORIAM (259–270) kulturu. Prvi je u ve}oj meri iskopavao ranoslovenska naseqa, na osnovu ~ega je definisao arheolo{ke osobine Slovena VI–VII veka i ukazao na mogu}e tokove slovenskog naseqavawa na podru~ju centralnog i zapadnog Balkana. Ta faza wegovog rada krunisana je izlo`bom „Sloveni u jugoslovenskom Podunavqu“, koja je odr`ana u Beogradu 1990. godine. Bila je to prva, a do danas i jedina, izlo`ba na kojoj je sveobuhvatno predstavqen slovenski materijal VI–XIII veka iz dana{weg srpskog Podunavqa. Devedesetih godina pro{log veka u radu \or|a Jankovi}a izdvojile su se dve teme, za koje je potom ostao vezan do samog kraja svog istra`iva~kog puta. Prva je okrenuta prou~avawu stanovni{tva rimskog doba u Banatu i Ba~koj. Na me|unarodnom kongresu slovenske arheologije, u Novgorodu 1996. godine, on je prvi put izneo tezu o slovenskom karakteru naseqa pripisanih stanovni{tvu koje se u pisanim izvorima naziva Sarmatima Limiganatima. Na taj na~in o`iveo je, tada ve} pomalo zaboravqeno, pitawe slovenskog prisustva na jugoistoku Panonije pre najranijih pisanih pomena. Toj temi vra}ao se u vi{e navrata i kasnije, ukqu~uju}i i posledwu kwigu na kojoj je radio – „Sloveni u srpskom Podunavqu rimskog doba“, zami{qenu kao zbornik izabranih objavqenih tekstova i prevedenih pisanih izvora. Na`alost, weno {tampawe nije do~ekao. Druga oblast wegovih istra`ivawa bila je posve}ena pro{losti Srba na Balkanu. Kao sinteza terenskih radova koje je sproveo na {irokom prostoru od [ar-planine do Kninske Krajine, godine 1998. objavqena je wegova monografija Srpske gromile. Bila je to prva arheolo{ka monografija o Srbima u ranom sredwem veku, posve}ena gromilama/humkama, koje su okarakterisane kao ostaci pogreba iz vremena pre kona~nog pokr{tavawa. Wom je na~iwen pionirski poku{aj da se ponudi novo arheolo{ko tuma~ewe raspolo`ivih podataka iz pisanih izvora i da se arheolo{kim metodom poka`e ispravnost pretpostavke po kojoj su se Srbi razlikovali od susednih Slovena. Po~ev od 1996. i 1997. godine, u samom sredi{tu wegovog nau~nog interesovawa bila su sistematska iskopavawa u manastiru Tvrdo{, nedaleko od Trebiwa i na Svetomihoqskoj prevlaci kod Tivta. Svojim novim istra`ivawima u potpunosti je izmenio datovawe tih manastira – spu{tawem wihovog osnivawa u po~etak ranovizantijskog doba i potvrdama kontinuiteta kroz ~itavo sredwovekovno razdobqe. Poku{ao je da arheolo{kim putem uka`e na prisustvo Srba i na wihovu ulogu u ranim fazama `ivota tih manastira, {to bi se uzelo kao dokaz podatka zabele`enog kod Konstantina VII Porfirogenita da su Srbi kr{teni odmah po dolasku na prostor rimske Dalmacije. Monografiju Manastir Tvrdo{ objavio je 2003. godine, dok su dugogodi{wa istra`ivawa na jadranskom priobaqu i u neposrednom zale|u 2007. godine rezultirala kwigom Srpsko Pomorje od 7. do 10. stole}a. Na osnovu analize kako starih istra`ivawa, tako i ranije neobjavqenih arheolo{kih podataka, u toj monografiji predlo`io je i novo datovawe pojedinih crkava te grobnih i drugih nalaza iz VII–X veka, kao i novo vi|ewe naseqavawa Hrvata i Komani-Kroja kulture. 270 Posledwe godine svog rada dr \or|e Jankovi} posvetio je istra`ivawima porekla Slovena i Srba. Bio je zastupnik teze da su Sloveni poreklom iz Podunavqa, onako kako je to zabele`eno u ruskoj Povesti vremenih qet. Sa tom tezom preklapala se i ideja o poreklu Srba, {to je prepoznavao u materijalnoj kulturi Ilira na Balkanu i u Podunavqu. Tuma~ewe mnogih arheolo{kih nalaza, od praistorije i rimskog doba do kraja sredweg veka, kao i legendi, predawa i obi~aja kod Srba na Balkanu sintetizovao je u posledwoj monografiji Predawe i istorija Crkve Srba u svetlu arheologije, objavqenoj u Beogradu 2015. godine, u kojoj je na~iwen, kako to sam navodi na po~etku, „poku{aj da se arheolo{kom metodologijom sagleda preistorija i istorija Pomesne Crkve Srba u doba Starog i Novog zaveta, imaju}i na umu Na~alo (na~alstvo) srpskog naroda, dakle Srbe i wihov put pre Hrista i u hri{}anstvu.“ Istra`ivawa slovenske i srpske pro{losti dr \or|a Jankovi}a karakteri{u pristup i vi|ewa koja nisu bila u saglasju sa onim op{teprihva}enim. Umela su da izazovu kontroverze i ~esto nisu bila prihva}ena u vode}im arheolo{kim krugovima. Kritikovan je wegov metodolo{ki postupak, kao i zakqu~ci za koje se smatralo da su gra|eni ili na pogre{nim premisama ili na nedokazanim hipotezama. Neslagawe je kulminiralo wegovim gubitkom nastavni~kog zvawa na Filozofskom fakultetu u Beogradu. Na`alost, posmatrano sa ve} decenijske distance, ~ini se da bi za budu}a arheolo{ka pokolewa bilo mnogo korisnije da se, umesto zabrana, razvila plodna nau~na diskusija o iznetim tezama i interpretacijama i da su se diskusije koje su vo|ene zamenile publikovanim argumentovanim kritikama. Kona~ni sud o kompleksnom delu dr \or|a Jankovi}a treba prepustiti budu}im istra`ivawima i istra`iva~ima koji }e ga koristiti i o wemu diskutovati. U wegovom radu, pa i u `ivotu u celini, postojao je jo{ jedan, ne mawe va`an segment – wegov pedago{ki rad i wegova posve}enost studentima. Naime, vest o wegovoj smrti naro~ito je rastu`ila arheologe sredwe i mla|e generacije, kojima je on bio po{tovan i veoma drag profesor. Mada se znalo da ima ozbiqne probleme sa zdravqem, ipak je oti{ao iznenada i neo~ekivano – za mnoge od nas, wegove u~enike i saradnike, usred razgovora koji smo vodili. Taj razgovor je po~eo onog dana kad nas je do~ekao na prijemnom ispitu za studije arheologije. Nastavqen je na ~asovima iz sredwovekovne arheologije i naro~ito sadr`ajan postajao na terenima kuda nas je upravo on prvi vodio. Mnogima od nas bio je ne samo formalni mentor u izradi diplomskih i drugih radova ve} prava u~iteqska pomo} da ti radovi budu {to kvalitetniji. I kasnije, kada smo ve} postali mla|e kolege, wegova vrata bila su nam {irom otvorena, a taj po{ten i dobronameran ~ovek, skriven iza pomalo namrgo|enog lica, uvek je bio spreman da pru`i qudsku podr{ku i iskreno posavetuje ne samo o problemima u struci i nauci – mada je za wega arheologija bila na najvi{em mestu i woj je bezrezervno bio odan do samog kraja. Dejan R. RADI^EVI] STARINAR LXVII/2017 EDITORIAL POLICY AND SUBMISSION INSTRUCTIONS FOR THE STARINAR JOURNAL EDITORIAL POLICY OF THE JOURNAL STARINAR The journal Starinar is dedicated to topics in the areas of archaeology, history, history of arts, architecture and similar scholarly disciplines. The journal Starinar started to be published in 1884 as a periodical publication issued by the Serbian Archaeological Society, and in 1950 it became the periodical of the Institute of Archaeology in Belgrade. The journal Starinar publishes original papers that have not been published previously: original scientific articles, excavation reports, scientific reviews, book reviews, critiqical reviews, bibliographies, necrologies. Some issues of Starinar can be dedicated to emeritus researchers in the field of archaeology. Starinar is an Open Access journal. Articles can be submitted in English, German or French. If the paper is written in English, summary can be in Serbian (for authors from Serbia) or English (for international authors), while articles submitted in German or French need to have a summary in English. Papers for Starinar have to be submitted to the editorial secretary and must be formatted in accordance with the Guidelines/ Submission instructions for authors. The Journal is issued once a year. Online First option is applied in Starinar: an electronic version of an accepted manuscript is made available online after the Editorial Board accepts the manuscript for publishing and after the editing and proofreading procedure. Journal Starinar publishes articles from the fields of archaeology, history, architecture, history of arts, classical philology, physical anthropology, etc. EDITORIAL RESPONSIBILITIES The Editorial Board is responsible for deciding which articles submitted to Starinar will be published. The Editorial Board is guided by the Editorial Policy and constrained by legal requirements in force regarding libel, copyright infringement and plagiarism. The Editorial Board reserves the right to decide not to publish submitted manuscripts in case it is found that they do not meet relevant standards concerning the content and formal aspects. The Editorial Staff will inform the authors whether the manuscript is accepted for publication within 120 days from the date of the manuscript submission. Editorial Board must hold no conflict of interest with regard to the articles they consider for publication. If an Editor feels that there is likely to be a perception of a conflict of interest in relation to their handling of a submission, the selection of revie- 271 wers and all decisions on the paper shall be made by the editor and editorial board. Editorial Board shall evaluate manuscripts for their intellectual content free from any racial, gender, sexual, religious, ethnic, or political bias. The Editor and the Editorial Staff must not use unpublished materials disclosed in submitted manuscripts without the express written consent of the authors. The information and ideas presented in submitted manuscripts shall be kept confidential and must not be used for personal gain. The journal Starinar applies the system of double-blind peer review. Editors and the Editorial Staff shall take all reasonable measures to ensure that the reviewers remain anonymous to the authors before, during and after the evaluation process and the authors remain anonymous to reviewers until the end of the review procedure. STARINAR LXVII/2017 EDITORIAL POLICY AND SUBMISSION INSTRUCTIONS FOR THE STARINAR JOURNAL Papers prepared for publishing should be submitted to the editorial secretary between 20 November to 20 December of the current year for the volume that will be published the following year. The Editorial board meets after the submission of all papers. At the first meeting, reviewers are selected and assigned manuscripts for review. AUTHORS’ RESPONSIBILITIES Authors warrant that their manuscript is their original work, that it has not been published before and is not under consideration for publication elsewhere. Parallel submission of the same paper to another journal constitutes a misconduct and eliminates the manuscript from consideration by Starinar. The Authors also warrant that the manuscript is not and will not be published elsewhere (after the publication in Starinar) in any other language without the consent of the Publisher. In case a submitted manuscript is a result of a research project, or its previous version has been presented at a conference in the form of an oral presentation (under the same or similar title), detailed information about the project, the conference, etc. shall be provided in front of the first footnote and it should be marked with a star. A paper that has already been published in another journal cannot be reprinted in Starinar. It is the responsibility of each author to ensure that papers submitted to Starinar are written with ethical standards in mind. Authors affirm that the article contains no unfounded or unlawful statements and does not violate the rights of third parties. The Publisher will not be held legally responsible should there be any claims for compensation. Reporting standards A submitted manuscript should contain sufficient detail and references to permit reviewers and, subsequently, readers to verify the claims presented in it. The deliberate presentation of false claims is a violation of ethical standards. Book reviews, critical reviews, necrologies and other professional articles are reviewed as well and the decision on their acceptance or rejection is made by the Editorial Board based on reviews. Authors are exclusively responsible for the contents of their submissions and must make sure that they have permission from all involved parties to make the data public. Authors wishing to include figures, tables or other materials that have already been published elsewhere are required to obtain permission from the copyright holder(s). Any material received without such evidence will be assumed to originate from the authors. Authorship Authors must make sure that all only contributors who have significantly contributed to the submission are listed as authors and, conversely, that all contributors who have significantly contributed to the submission are listed as authors. If persons other than authors were involved in important aspects of the research project and the preparation of the manuscript, their contribution should be acknowledged in a footnote or the Acknowledgments section. Acknowledgment of Sources Authors are required to properly cite sources that have significantly influenced their research and their manuscript. Infor- 272 mation received in a private conversation or correspondence with third parties, in reviewing project applications, manuscripts and similar materials, must not be used without the express written consent of the information source. Plagiarism Plagiarism, where someone assumes another’s ideas, words, or other creative expression as one’s own, is a clear violation of scientific ethics. Plagiarism may also involve a violation of copyright law, punishable by legal action. Plagiarism includes the following: – Word for word, or almost word for word copying, or purposely paraphrasing portions of another author’s work without clearly indicating the source or marking the copied fragment (for example, using quotation marks); – Copying equations, figures or tables from someone else’s paper without properly citing the source and/or without permission from the original author or the copyright holder. Please note that all submissions are thoroughly checked for plagiarism. Any paper which shows obvious signs of plagiarism will be automatically rejected and authors will be temporary permitted to publish in Starinar. In case plagiarism is discovered in a paper that has already been published by the journal, it will be retracted in accordance with the procedure described below under Retraction policy, and authors will be temporary permitted to publish in Starinar. Conflict of interest Authors should disclose in their manuscript any financial or other substantive conflict of interest that might have influenced the presented results or their interpretation. Fundamental errors in published works When an author discovers a significant error or inaccuracy in his/her own published work, it is the author’s obligation to promptly notify the journal Editor or publisher and cooperate with the Editor to retract or correct the paper. By submitting a manuscript the authors agree to abide by the Starinar’s Editorial Policies. REVIEWERS’ RESPONSIBILITIES Reviewers are required to provide written, competent and unbiased feedback in a timely manner on the scholarly merits and the scientific value of the manuscript. The reviewers assess manuscript for the compliance with the profile of the journal, the relevance of the investigated topic and applied methods, the originality and scientific relevance of information presented in the manuscript, the presentation style and scholarly apparatus. Reviewers should alert the Editor to any well-founded suspicions or the knowledge of possible violations of ethical standards by the authors. Reviewers should recognize relevant published works that have not been cited by the authors and alert the Editor to substantial similarities between a reviewed manuscript and any manuscript published or under consideration for publication elsewhere, in the event they are aware of such. Reviewers should also alert the Editor to a parallel submission of the same paper to another journal, in the event they are aware of such. Reviewers must not have conflict of interest with respect to the research, the authors and/or the funding sources for the STARINAR LXVII/2017 EDITORIAL POLICY AND SUBMISSION INSTRUCTIONS FOR THE STARINAR JOURNAL research. If such conflicts exist, the reviewers must report them to the Editor without delay. Any selected referee who feels unqualified to review the research reported in a manuscript or knows that its prompt review will be impossible should notify the Editor without delay. Reviews must be conducted objectively. Personal criticism of the author is inappropriate. Reviewers should express their views clearly with supporting arguments. Any manuscripts received for review must be treated as confidential documents. Reviewers must not use unpublished materials disclosed in submitted manuscripts without the express written consent of the authors. The information and ideas presented in submitted manuscripts shall be kept confidential and must not be used for personal gain. PEER REVIEW The submitted manuscripts are subject to a peer review process. The purpose of peer review is to assists the Editorial Board in making editorial decisions and through the editorial communications with the author it may also assist the author in improving the paper. To every paper submitted to editorial board of Starinar two reviewers are assigned. Reviewers could be members of the Editorial Board, associates of the Institute of Archaeology or eternal associates, with the same or higher scientific degree as the author(s), competent in the field of the manuscript’s topic. The suggestions on who the reviewers should be are made by the Editorial Board, and adopted by the Editor-in-Chief. All papers are reviewed by using the double-blind peer review system: the identity of the author is not known to the reviewers and vice versa. Reviewers shall send their reviews within the period of 30 days after the receipt of the manuscript. Reviewers are not paid for this work. If a reviewer requires a revision of a manuscript, authors shall send a revised version with changes made in accordance with the reviewer’s suggestions within the period of 30 days. In case they consider the revision request unfounded, the authors should send their arguments explaining why they did not make the required revision. The same timeframe applies to revisions of manuscripts that are not written in accordance with the author guidelines. The decision of acceptance of the paper is made by the Editorial Board of Starinar by majority vote based on the peer reviews and the evaluation of the authors’ revision or their arguments, if they did not make changes to the manuscript. After the final decision on the content of a volume is made, manuscripts are sent for editing and proofreading, and then to a graphic designer, who is responsible for computer layout, design and prepress. Before printing, the authors will have the opportunity to proofread their paper twice in the PDF format. The final approval for printing is given by the Editor-in-Chief. The whole volume should be send to the printing press by 1 October. The reviewers selected by the Editorial Board, receive a peer review form with questions that they should answer. The purpose of the questions is to indicate all aspects that they should consider in order to make a decision on the destiny of a paper. In the final part of the form, reviewers are supposed to write their opinion and suggestions how to improve the paper. The identity of reviewers is unknown to authors, before, during and after the review procedure. The identity of authors is unknown 273 to reviewers before, during and after the review procedure (until the paper is published). It is suggested to authors to avoid formulations that could reveal their identity. The Editorial Board shall ensure that before sending a paper to a reviewer, all personal details of the author (name, affiliation, etc.) will be deleted and that all measures will be undertaken in order to keep the author’s identity unknown to the reviewer during the review procedure. The choice of reviewers is at the Editorial Board’s discretion. The reviewers must be knowledgeable about the subject area of the manuscript; and they should not have recent joint publications with any of the authors. All of the reviewers of a paper act independently and they are not aware of each other’s identities. If the decisions of the two reviewers are not the same (accept/reject), the Editor may assign additional reviewers. During the review process Editor may require authors to provide additional information (including raw data) if they are necessary for the evaluation of the scholarly merit of the manuscript. These materials shall be kept confidential and must not be used for personal gain. The Editorial team shall ensure reasonable quality control for the reviews. With respect to reviewers whose reviews are convincingly questioned by authors, special attention will be paid to ensure that the reviews are objective and high in academic standard. When there is any doubt with regard to the objectivity of the reviews or quality of the review, additional reviewers will be assigned. PROCEDURES FOR DEALING WITH UNETHICAL BEHAVIOUR Anyone may inform the editors and/or Editorial Staff at any time of suspected unethical behaviour or any type of misconduct by giving the necessary information/evidence to start an investigation. Investigation – Editor-in-Chief will consult with the Editorial Board on decisions regarding the initiation of an investigation. – During an investigation, any evidence should be treated as strictly confidential and only made available to those strictly involved in investigating. – The accused will always be given the chance to respond to any charges made against them. – If it is judged at the end of the investigation that misconduct has occurred, then it will be classified as either minor or serious. Minor misconduct Minor misconduct will be dealt directly with those involved without involving any other parties, e.g.: – Communicating to authors/reviewers whenever a minor issue involving misunderstanding or misapplication of academic standards has occurred. – A warning letter to an author or reviewer regarding fairly minor misconduct. Major misconduct The Editor-in-Chief, in consultation with the Editorial Board, and, when appropriate, further consultation with a small group of experts should make any decision regarding the course of STARINAR LXVII/2017 EDITORIAL POLICY AND SUBMISSION INSTRUCTIONS FOR THE STARINAR JOURNAL action to be taken using the evidence available. The possible outcomes are as follows (these can be used separately or jointly): – Publication of a formal announcement or editorial describing the misconduct. – Informing the author’s (or reviewer’s) head of department or employer of any misconduct by means of a formal letter. – The formal, announced retraction of publications from the journal in accordance with the Retraction Policy (see below). – A ban on submissions from an individual for a defined period. – Referring a case to a professional organization or legal authority for further investigation and action. When dealing with unethical behaviour, the Editorial Staff will rely on the guidelines and recommendations provided by the Committee on Publication Ethics (COPE): http://publication ethics.org/resources/. RETRACTION POLICY Legal limitations of the publisher, copyright holder or author(s), infringements of professional ethical codes, such as multiple submissions, bogus claims of authorship, plagiarism, fraudulent use of data or any major misconduct require retraction of an article. Occasionally a retraction can be used to correct errors in submission or publication. The main reason for withdrawal or retraction is to correct the mistake while preserving the integrity of science; it is not to punish the author. Standards for dealing with retractions have been developed by a number of library and scholarly bodies, and this practice has been adopted for article retraction by Starinar: in the electronic version of the retraction note, a link is made to the original article. In the electronic version of the original article, a link is made to the retraction note where it is clearly stated that the article has been retracted. The original article is retained unchanged, save for a watermark on the PDF indicating on each page that it is “retracted.” OPEN ACCESS POLICY Starinar is an Open Access Journal. All articles can be downloaded free of charge and used in accordance with the licence Creative Commons – Attribution-NonCommercial-No Derivs 3.0 Serbia (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-ncnd/3.0/rs/). The submission, review and publishing procedures are free of charge. Self-archiving Policy The journal Starinar allows authors to deposit the accepted, reviewed version of the manuscript, as well as final, published 274 PDF version of the paper in an institutional repository and noncommercial subject-based repositories, or to publish it on Author’s personal website (including social networking sites, such as ResearchGate, Academia.edu, etc.) and/or departmental website, and in accordance with the licence Attribution-NonCommercialNoDerivs 3.0 Serbia (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/bync-nd/3.0/rs/), at any time after publication. Full bibliographic information (authors, article title, journal title, volume, issue, pages) about the original publication must be provided and a link must be made to the article’s DOI. Copyright Once the manuscript is accepted for publication, authors shall transfer the copyright to the Publisher. Authors grant to the Publisher the following rights to the manuscript, including any supplemental material, and any parts, extracts or elements thereof: – the right to reproduce and distribute the Manuscript in printed form, including print-on-demand; – the right to produce prepublications, reprints, and special editions of the Manuscript; – the right to translate the Manuscript into other languages; – the right to reproduce the Manuscript using photomechanical or similar means including, but not limited to photocopy, and the right to distribute these reproductions; – the right to reproduce and distribute the Manuscript electronically or optically on any and all data carriers or storage media – especially in machine readable/digitalized form on data carriers such as hard drive, CD-Rom, DVD, Blu-ray Disc (BD), Mini-Disk, data tape – and the right to reproduce and distribute the Article via these data carriers; – the right to store the Manuscript in databases, including online databases, and the right of transmission of the Manuscript in all technical systems and modes; – the right to make the Manuscript available to the public or to closed user groups on individual demand, for use on monitors or other readers (including e-books), and in printable form for the user, either via the internet, other online services, or via internal or external networks. DISLAIMER The views expressed in the published works do not express the views of the Editors and Editorial Staff. The authors take legal and moral responsibility for the ideas expressed in the articles. Publisher shall have no liability in the event of issuance of any claims for damages. The Publisher will not be held legally responsible should there be any claims for compensation. STARINAR LXVII/2017 EDITORIAL POLICY AND SUBMISSION INSTRUCTIONS FOR THE STARINAR JOURNAL SUBMISSION INSTRUCTIONS FOR THE STARINAR JOURNAL By applying the new rules (Acta) for publishing activities issued by the Institute of Archaeology, Belgrade and in accordance with the editorial policy of the Starinar journal, the editorial board of the Starinar journal have decided to improve its quality and, thus, contribute to its full integration into the international system of exchanging scientific information. The Starinar journal is dedicated to topics from the scientific areas of archaeology, history, history of arts, architecture and similar scientific disciplines. The Starinar journal publishes original papers that have not been previously published: original scientific articles, excavation reports, scientific reviews, book reviews, critiques, bibliographies and necrologies. Articles can be submitted in English, German or French. If the paper is written in English, the summary can be written in Serbian (for authors from Serbia) or English (for foreign authors), while articles submitted in German or French need to have the summary in English. Articles submitted to the Starinar editorial board must contain customary data. Each article should therefore include: title; author’s forename and surname; affiliation; abstract; key words; main text; summary; graphic images with list of captions; bibliography; contact details. 1. The title should be short and clear, reflecting as much as possible the content of the article. The title should include words which are easy to index and search for. If there are no such words integrated into the title, it is preferable to have an added subtitle. The title should appear in either the fifth or sixth row under the upper margin, in bold, with a font size of 14 pts. 2. The author or authors should include their full names. 3. The author or authors should write the official name and address of the institution they represent, together with, where applicable, the official name and address of the location where they performed their research. With complex institutions, all names should be included (e.g. University of Belgrade, Philosophical Faculty, Department of Archaeology, Belgrade). 4. The abstract represents a short overview of the article (100–250 words). It is advisable for this to contain words which are easy to index or search for. The abstract should offer data about the research goal, method, results and conclusion. Abstracts should be written in the same language as the article 275 (English, German or French). It is necessary to use correct grammar and spelling and to have the document reviewed by a qualified native proof-reader. 5. The key words should include words or phrases that effectively describe the content of the article, and which are easy to index and search for. They should be selected according to an internationally recognised source (index, vocabulary, and thesaurus), such as the list of key words Web of Science. The number of key words should not exceed ten. 6. Articles should be no longer than 32 DIN A4 pages, including footnotes and illustrations. The body text should be written digitally, using Times New Roman or Arial font (font size 12 pts), MS Office Word 97 or later, with a line spacing of 1.5 and margins set to 2.54 cm. The body text must not contain illustrations. Illustrations must be submitted as separate files. 7. Manuscripts must be submitted in English, German or French, with the author obliged to state the name of the translator and the proof-reader who checked the paper. Words, statements STARINAR LXVII/2017 EDITORIAL POLICY AND SUBMISSION INSTRUCTIONS FOR THE STARINAR JOURNAL and titles written in a foreign language should be written using their original spelling and, in accordance with the editor’s or reviewer’s suggestions, transliterated (translated) into the submission language of the manuscript. Footnotes can be included in the main paper. They should contain less important data, required explanations and cited literature. (A separate chapter of the Submission Instructions details the required method for quoting that is to be applied when writing a paper). 8. The summary must have the same content as the abstract, only expanded, but not longer than 1/10 of the paper’s overall size. It is strongly advised to write the summary in a structural form. Papers submitted in English must have the summary in Serbian (for Serbian authors) or English (for foreign authors). Papers in German or French must have the summary in English. As well as the summary text, the title of the paper, the key words and the author’s affiliation should be written in the appropriate language. 9. Illustrations (photographs, tables, drawings, graphs etc.) should all be in the same format. Scanned illustrations should be in a resolution of 600 dpi, while photographs should be in a resolution of at least 300 dpi, and of a TIFF, PSD or JPG format. Illustrations are to be submitted as a separate part of the paper and should not be integrated into the basic text. Titles and captions should be submitted bilingually, where applicable, (the languages in which the paper and summary are written), and as a Word document. 10. The bibliography should include bibliographic sources (articles, monographs etc.). Within the paper it should be quoted with references in the footnotes and as a list of literature/bibliography at the end of the manuscript. The bibliography represents a part of every scientific paper, with precisely quoted bibliographical references. The list of used sources should follow a unique pattern, in a sequence based on the quoting standards determined by these instructions. The bibliography must be presented in the language and alphabet in which each source has been published. In cases when the publication is published bilingually, all data should also be written bilingually. In cases where the summary is written in another language, then the title of the summary should be written in the same language. In the list of references: Popovi} 2009 – I. Popovi}, Gilt Fibula with Christogram from the Imperial Palace in Sirmium (Rezime: Pozla}ena fibula sa hristogramom iz carske palate u Sirmijumu) Starinar LVII (2007), 2009, 101–112. Publications published in Cyrillic, Greek or any other non Latin alphabet should be transliterated into the Latin alphabet in accordance with the standards of The American Library Association and The Library of Congress of the United States (http://www.loc.gov/catdir/cpso/roman.html), for example: Quotation within a footnote: (Popovi} 1994, 65) In the list of references: Popovi} 1994 – I. Popovi}, (prir.), Anti~ko srebro u Srbiji, Beograd 1994. (I. Popovi}, (prir.), Anti~ko srebro u Srbiji, Beograd, 1994.) 11. Parts of references (authors’ names, title, source etc.) are to be quoted in accordance with the accepted quoting form. The most commonly quoted references are listed below: 276 (MONOGRAPHS) 1. How to quote an author’s books: a. A single author In a footnote: (Popovi} 2006, 21) In the list of references: Popovi} 2006 – I. Popovi}, Roma aeterna inter Savum et Danubium, Belgrade 2006. b. Two authors In a footnote: (Vasi}, Milo{evi} 2000, 125) In the list of references: Vasi}, Milo{evi} 2000 – M. Vasi}, G. Milo{evi}. 2000. Mansio Idimvm rimska po{tanska i putna stanica kod Medve|e, Beograd, 2000. c. Three or more authors In a footnote: (Petkovi} et al. 2005, 129–131) In the list of references: Petkovi} et al. 2005 – S. Petkovi}, M. Ru`i}, S. Jovanovi}, M. Vuksan, & Z. K. Zoffmann. 2005. Roman and Medieval Necropolis in Ravna near Knja`evac. Belgrade, 2005. 2. Quotation of papers in serial publication, collection of papers: In a footnote: (Popovi} 2014, 261) In the list of references: Popovi} 2014 – I. Popovi}, The Motif of Christogram on the Architectural Elements of the Imperial Palace in Sirmium, in: The Edict of Serdica (AD 311). Concepts and Realizations of the Idea of Religious Toleration, (ed.) V. Vachkova, D. Dimitrov, Sofia 2014, 261–276. 3. How to quote prepared editions (editor, translator or preparator instead of author): In a footnote: (Popovi} 1994, 65) In the list of references: Popovi} 1994 – I. Popovi}, (prir.), Anti~ko srebro u Srbiji, Beograd 1994. (I. Popovi}, (prir.), Anti~ko srebro u Srbiji, Beograd, 1994.) 4. How to quote books without indicated author: In a footnote: (Gamzigrad. Kasnoanti~ki carski dvorac 1983, 43) In the list of references: Gamzigrad. Kasnoanti~ki carski dvorac 1983 – Gamzigrad. Kasnoanti~ki carski dvorac, Beograd 1983. (Gamzigrad. Kasnoanti~ki dvorac, Beograd, 1983.) 5. Quoting several books of the same author: a. written in different alphabets In a footnote: (Popovi} 2002, 23–26; Popovi} 2006, 33) In the list of references: Popovi} 2002 – I. Popovi}, Nakit sa Juhora, ostava ili sakralni tezaurus, Beograd 2002. (I. Popovi}, Nakit sa Juhora, ostava ili sakralni tezaurus, Beograd, 2002.) Popovi} 2006 – I. Popovi}, Roma Aeterna inter Savum et Danubium. Belgrade, 2006. b. written in the same year In a footnote: (Dawkins 1996a; 1996b) In the list of references: Dawkins 1996a – R. Dawkins, Climbing Mount Improbable, London, 1996. Dawkins 1996b – R. Dawkins, River out of Eden, London, 1996. STARINAR LXVII/2017 EDITORIAL POLICY AND SUBMISSION INSTRUCTIONS FOR THE STARINAR JOURNAL 6. Quoting chapters or parts of books: In a footnote: (Kondi} 1994, 66 ) In the list of references: Kondi} 1994 – J. Kondi}, Ranovizantijsko srebro, u: Anti~ko srebro u Srbiji, I. Popovi}, (ur.), Beograd 1994, 65–67. (J. Kondi}, Ranovizantijsko srebro, u: Anti~ko srebro u Srbiji, I. Popovi}, (ur.), Beograd 1994, 65–67.) 7. Quoting chapters or parts of previously published books (as an original source): In a footnote: (Cicero 1986, 35) In the list of references: Cicero 1986 – Cicero Quintus Tullius, Handbook on canvassing for the consulship, in: Rome: Late republic and principate, W. E. Kaegi, P. White (eds.), vol. 2, Chicago, 1986, 33–46. Originally published in: E. Shuckburgh (trans.) The letters of Cicero, vol. 1, London, 1908. 8. Quoting books which have been published on-line: In a footnote: (Kurland, Lerner 1987) In the list of references: Kurland, Lerner 1987 – Ph. B. Kurland, R. Lerner, (eds.) The founders’ Constitution. Chicago 1987. //press-pubs.uchicago.edu/founders/, accessed (date of visit to the page) ARTICLES FROM PRINTED PERIODICALS OR PERIODICALS PUBLISHED ON-LINE 9. Quoting an article from a printed periodical: In a footnote: (Vasi} 2004, 91, fig. 17) In the list of references: Vasi} 2004 – M. Vasi}, Bronze railing from Mediana. Starinar LIII–LIV 2004, 79–109. to IV century A.D. Paper presented at the 10th Annual meeting of the European Association of Archaeologists, September 7–12, 2004 in Lyon, France. POPULAR MAGAZINES (PERIODICALS) AND NEWSPAPER ARTICLES 14. Quoting an article from a popular magazine: In a footnote: (Jawi} 2007, 32–33) In the list of references: Jawi} 2000 – J. Jawi}, Prvo hri{}ansko znamewe, NIN, jul 2007. (J. Janji}, Prvo hri{~ansko znamenje, NIN, jul 2007.) 15. Quoting an article from a newspaper: In a footnote: (Markovi}-[trbac 1999) In the list of references: Markovi}-[trbac 1999 – S. Markovi}-[trbac, Pustahije sa Juhora, Politika, 18. septembar 1999, Odeqak Kultura, umetnost, nauka. (S. Markovi}-[trbac, Pustahije sa Juhora, Politika, 18. septembar 1999, Odeljak Kultura, umetnost, nauka.) ELECTRONIC DATABASES, WEB PAGES, COMMENTS etc. 16. Quoting an electronic database (Name of the database. Address): In a footnote: (Pliny the Elder, Perseus Digital Library) In the list of references: Pliny the Elder, Perseus Digital Library – Perseus Digital Library. http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/, accessed (date of access) 10. Quoting an article from a periodical published on-line: In a footnote: (Van Eijck 2009, 41) In the list of references: Van Eijck 2009 – D. Van Eijck, Learning from simpler times, Risk Management, vol. 56, no 1, 2009, 40–44. http://proquest.umi.com/, accessed (date of visit to the page) 17. Quoting documents and data taken from institutional web pages (Name of institution. Name of document. Editor. Web site. (Date of access)): In a footnote: (Evanston Public Library Board of Trustees) In the list of references: Evanston Public Library Board of Trustees – Evanston Public Library Board of Trustees, Evanston Public Library strategic plan, 2000–2010, A decade of outreach, Evanston Public Library, http://www.epl.org/library/ strategic-plan-00.html, accessed (example: June 1, 2005). DOCTORAL AND MASTER THESES 11. Quoting doctoral or master theses: In a footnote: (Ili} 2005, 25–32) In the list of references: Ili} 2005 – O. Ili}, Ranohri{}anski pokretni nalazi na podru~ju dijeceze Dakije od IV do po~etka VII veka. Unpublished MA thesis, University of Belgrade, 2005. 12. All of the quoted bibliography/literature is to be listed in Latin alphabetic order, by the author’s surname initial or the first letter of the publication’s title (in cases where the author or editor is not listed). LECTURES FROM SCIENTIFIC GATHERINGS 12. Quoting a published lecture or communication presented at a scientific gathering: In a footnote: (Vasi} 2008, 69, fig. 3) In the list of references: Vasi} 2008 – M. Vasi}, Stibadium in Romuliana and Mediana. Felix Romvliana 50 years of archaeological excavations, M. Vasi} (ed.), (Papers from the International Conference, October, 27–29 2003, Zaje~ar, Serbia), Belgrade–Zaje~ar 2006, 69–75. 13. Quoting an unpublished lecture or communication presented at a scientific gathering: In a footnote: (Gavrilovi} 2004) In the list of references: Gavrilovi} 2004 – N. Gavrilovi}, Interpretatio Romana of Oriental Cults in Upper Moesia from I 277 13. When submitting a manuscript, the author should supply his/her contact details in a separate file: the address of his/her affiliation and his/her e-mail address and telephone number. In cases where there are several authors, the contact details of the first author should only be supplied. The author is also obliged to state the specific name and code of the project within which the paper was created, along with the name of the institution(s) that financed the project. The dates of birth of all authors should be written at the end. 14. Each of the submitted scientific papers will be forwarded to anonymous reviewers by the STARINAR editorial board. For further information concerning the peer review process and the editorial board’s, reviewer’s and author’s obligations and duties, authors can refer to the EDITORIAL POLICY OF THE STARINAR JOURNAL. STARINAR LXVII/2017 EDITORIAL POLICY AND SUBMISSION INSTRUCTIONS FOR THE STARINAR JOURNAL 15. Papers prepared for printing should be submitted to the secretary of the editorial board in the period between 20th November and 20th December of the year prior to the year of publication of the volume. Apart from a printed version, papers must also be submitted in digital form, on a CD or via e-mail j.andjelkovic@ai.ac.rs – The printed version should be arranged as follows: 1. title; 2. author’s forename and surname; 3. author’s affiliation; 4. abstract; 5. key words; 6. basic text; 7. Summary with translated title of the paper, author’s affiliation and key words; 8. bibliography; 9. illustrative section; 10. captions (list of illustrations); 11. contact details (address, e-mail and phone number). – The digital version should contain the following individual files: 1. a file with the six initial parts of the paper (1. title; 2. author’s forename, and surname; 3. author’s affiliation; 4. abstract; 5. key words; 6. basic text); 2. a file with the summary and other aforementioned data; 3. a file with quoted bibliography; 278 4. a file with illustrations; 5. a file with captions (bilingually, languages of text and summary); 6. a file with contact details. Manuscripts will only be accepted if they have been written and edited according to the rules listed above in this guideline and in accordance with the document entitled Editorial Policy of the Starinar Journal. Should the author disagree with the requirements of the editorial board, and the disagreement does not concern the reviewer or proof-reader’s remarks, the paper will not be printed. Changes to the content of papers after the completion of the review process are not allowed, unless the changes are to be made according to the reviewer’s suggestions. For additional explanations, please feel free to contact the secretary of the editorial board, Jelena An|elkovi} Gra{ar, available on: +381 11 2637 191, mobile number +381 69 809 85 23 or by e-mail: j.andjelkovic@ai.ac.rs. Starinar Editorial Board STARINAR LXVII/2017 CIP – Katalogizacija u publikaciji Narodna biblioteka Srbije, Beograd 902/904 STARINAR Srpskog arheolo{kog dru{tva / urednik Miomir Kora}. – God. 1, br. 1 (1884) – god. 12, kw. 1/4 (1895) ; novi red, god. 1, br. 1 (1906) – god. 4, br. 2 (1909) ; novi red, god. 5, br. 1/2 (1910) – god. 6, br. 1/2 (1911) ; tre}a serija, kw. 1 (1922) – kw. 15 (1940) ; nova serija, kw. 1, god. 1 (1950) – . – Beograd : Arheolo{ki institut, 1884–1895; 1906–1911; 1922–1940; 1950– (Novi Sad : Sajnos). – 30 cm Godi{we. – Naslov: od br. 1 (1906) Starinar; od 1923. Starinar = Starinar. – Tekst na srp. (}ir.) i engl. jeziku. – Drugo izdanje na drugom medijumu: Starinar (Online) = ISSN 2406-0739 ISSN 0350-0241 = Starinar COBISS.SR-ID 8111874 Institut Archéologique Belgrade Volume LXVII/2017