Decolonizing the Archive: Digitizing Native Literature with Students and Tribal Communities
Author(s): Siobhan Senier
Source: Resilience: A Journal of the Environmental Humanities, Vol. 1, No. 3 (Fall 2014)
Published by: University of Nebraska Press
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Decolonizing the Archive
Digitizing Native Literature with Students and
Tribal Communities
Siobhan Senier
his essay describes an evolving website, Writing of Indigenous New
England, which I am building with regional Native American authors,
my students, and colleagues at other universities and local heritage institutions. I have come to think of this project—indigenous, digital, and
literary—as a sustainability project but not for the stereotypical reasons
some people might expect, such as indigenous literature representing
some kind of repository of ancient wisdom that is supposed to save us
from impending environmental doom. Sustainability, as I have been
taught to think about it, means the stewardship of cultural as well as
ecological systems and an understanding of how those systems are intertwined. Methodologically, sustainability is collaborative; it calls for
the dynamic coproduction of knowledge with our students and with local communities, including indigenous communities. Politically, I argue, sustainability requires a commitment to anticolonialism—to unsettling the hierarchies and appropriative practices that have structured
academic-indigenous relations as well as human-environmental relations. In a time when public universities are going under as inexorably as Miami, I derive some hope from collaborative anticolonial digital
projects for the sustainability of our future’s past.
For over a decade now, the stalwart staf, students, and faculty in the
University of New Hampshire’s Sustainability Institute have been trying
to prod humanities scholars into greater involvement with sustainability programming and curriculum. It has not been an easy sell. Ironi-
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cally, the scientists seem to understand better than we do why our various pools of expertise—in history, language, cultural production, and
philosophy—are so necessary to the future of this planet. hey have
their data on climate change and species depletion. And they are looking to us to igure out how to communicate these indings efectively;
how to work with vulnerable communities, particularly poor communities and communities of color; and, increasingly, how to understand
the relations of power and domination that structure any collaborative
work or intervention.
So far, though, most of my colleagues in the liberal arts have responded to sustainability with collective disinterest, even occasional hostility.
he ethnic-studies people assume that sustainability means feel-good
recycling, or some kind of bland pastoralism; the ecocritics think it’s
already covered under the study of natural resources. Some faculty are
understandably sick of the academic penchant for big-tent terms. As
one friend recently complained, “Sustainability means anything nowadays. hey just want to take what we do and call it sustainability.”
Granting that humanists have ample reason these days for paranoia
about what “they” want to do to “us,” I would like to ofer my colleagues
a way in to sustainability teaching and scholarship. We know too well
that the liberal arts are under siege, but in many places sustainability is
on the rise—in funding, in staing, and in program building. For material as well as intellectual reasons, sustainability might be in a position
to contribute to a robust, reinvigorated academic community, as well as
constituting an important ield of inquiry in itself.
In this essay’s irst half, I list some basic sustainability principles that
I ind many humanities scholars brush by. In the second, I ofer Writing
of Indigenous New England as an exercise in sustainability pedagogy.
When I say I “ofer” this project, I mean that in two ways: I invite readers to relect with me on sustainability as a pedagogical project committed to collaboration and anticolonialism, and I welcome anyone reading this essay to contact me and participate—to expand, redeine, and
sustain this particular project.
What Humanists Don’t Know about Sustainability1
Sustainability Science Is a New Field Centered on Collaboration.
Sustainability science has a timeline very close to that of Ecocriticism:
long roots going back to the 1960s and ‘70s but not coalescing formally in
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the academy till sometime in the 1990s.2 In the parlance of the National
Science Foundation, sustainability science addresses itself to “coupled
human-natural systems”; it looks at the ways humans afect particular
ecosystems (not unlike environmental history) and at the ways ecologies
afect humans (not unlike environmental justice). “Coupled human-natural
systems” is a framework that is, or should be, congenial to ecocritical
formulations like Bruno Latour’s “natureculture” or Stacy Alaimo’s “transcorporeality,” and vice versa. hese frameworks recognize that humans
and ecologies are constructed and mutually constitutive.
Among the so-called hard sciences, in fact, sustainability science has
come in for some attack for not being empirical enough. his is due
in no small part to its commitment to radically transdisciplinary work,
including community-based participatory research—another feature
that should make it attractive to humanities scholars. Instead of discrete
disciplines and methods, sustainability science emphasizes systems—
not only speciic systems like earth systems or biological systems but
also systems thinking, an epistemology that stresses interrelatedness.3 It
is concerned with “the limits of resilience and sources of vulnerability
for [the earth’s] interactive systems” (Kates 2010, 21), a concern that has
clear ideological and representational (in both the legislative and aesthetic senses of that word) implications.
Sustainability scientists are reaching out to colleagues in the humanities who can help them think about the cultural practices that represent
and shape human behavior. he University of New Hampshire’s Sustainability Institute sees a need for contributions from every conceivable discipline and perspective, including such allegedly metronormative ields as queer studies, disability studies, and critical-race studies.
It has been unique, I believe, in reaching out in quite material ways to
such scholars and teachers: it has granted course-development funds to
such classes as he Global Sex Industry: Exploring Transnational Feminism, Ecocriticism, and Sex Worker Rights; and Why (Black) English
Matters: Sustaining the Early Language of African American Diference.4 Critically, the Sustainability Institute has also given some of these
funds to non-tenure-track faculty, acknowledging another dire sustainability issue afecting higher education. Additionally, the institute has
been a steady supporter of the University of New Hampshire’s annual
Indigenous New England Conference, which has in recent years been
devoted to the web archive that is the subject of this essay’s second half.
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While humanities faculty are joining the conversation slowly, the Sustainability Institute is opening the door for us to explain how our work
on cultural production, and relations of power, can contribute to pressing global problems.
Sustainability Has a History of Honoring
Cultural Diversity alongside Biodiversity.
Although journals like American Literary History, pmla, and Resilience
have begun to publish articles in this ield, sustainability is not without
its critics in the humanities. Ecocritics have been especially suspicious
of the term’s ready co-optation by corporate and other nefarious interests. In “Sustainable his, Sustainable hat,” Stacy Alaimo contends that
“although the concept of sustainability emerges in part from economic
theories that critique the assumption that economic prosperity must be
fueled by continual growth, the term is frequently invoked in economic
and other news stories that do not in any way question capitalist ideals of unfettered expansion” (2012, 559). Some ecologists, meanwhile,
believe that sustainability inverts and subverts the “Earth First!” paradigm: “When sustainability is deined broadly to include the full range
of economic and social aspirations, it poses the particular risk that
ecological and biodiversity concerns will be cast aside in favor of more
pressing human wants” (Newton and Freyfogle 2005, 23).
While it’s not diicult to see where these critics are coming from,
too few of them show much awareness of sustainability’s history—a history that includes signiicant contestation, most notably from indigenous and antipoverty activist communities, particularly from the global
South. he single most commonly cited deinition of sustainability—
“meet[ing] the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their needs”—comes from the World
Commission on Environment and Development (wced) (1987, 2.1.1),
also known as the Brundtland Commission. his deinition, and many
subsequent iterations, yoked sustainability to development; and in the
minds of many, sustainability lovers and haters alike, development is
what sustainability means. But the Brundtland report was written in
1987, and since then, as Tom Kelly has shown, many richer deinitions
have emerged. A continuing grassroots opposition has been adamant
that the world’s wealthiest nations cannot keep calling all the shots—
that cultures need to be sustained alongside ecologies, even if (or when)
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that means resisting development. he Global Scenarios Group has described a “great transition” devoted to “changing the relationship between well-being and income”; the Earth Charter of the World Commission on Culture and Development redeined development itself as
“being more, not having more.” here are thus already some deep ways
of thinking about sustainability that insist on the interrelatedness of environment, equity, cultural practices, and cultural values.5
Some of the strongest articulations have come from global indigenous activists. Take, for instance, a document that should rightfully be
common knowledge by now, the Kari-Oca 2 Declaration. he Indigenous Peoples basically crated the document outside Rio + 20, the 2012
United Nations Conference on Sustainable Development, held in Brazil. Rio + 20 was supposed to be a celebration of Agenda 21, the “global
consensus and political commitment at the highest level on development and environment cooperation” (United Nations Division for Sustainable Development 1992, 1.3).6 But while heads of state dithered over
a plan that is by now much better known as the scourge of Glenn Beck,7
the Peoples’ Summit got to work, writing a strong critique of
the “Green Economy” and its premise that the world can only “save”
nature by commodifying its life giving and life sustaining capacities
as a continuation of the colonialism that Indigenous Peoples and
our Mother Earth have faced and resisted for 520 years. he “Green
Economy” promises to eradicate poverty but in fact will only favor
and respond to multinational enterprises and capitalism. It is a continuation of a global economy based upon fossil fuels, the destruction of the environment by exploiting nature through extractive industries such as mining, oil exploration and production, intensive
mono-culture agriculture, and other capitalist investments. (Indigenous Environmental Network 2012, 1)
he declaration demands that indigenous people get “Free Prior and
Informed Consent” for any “development” happening on their lands:
As peoples, we reairm our rights to self-determination and to own,
control and manage our traditional lands and territories, waters
and other resources. Our lands and territories are at the core of our
existence—we are the land and the land is us; we have a distinct
spiritual and material relationship with our lands and territories and
they are inextricably linked to our survival and to the preservation
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and further development of our knowledge systems and cultures,
conservation and sustainable use of biodiversity and ecosystem
management. (Indigenous Environmental Network 2012, 4)
his powerful document positions indigenous people, not as spiritual fetishes or passive repositories of ancient wisdom, but as political
agents. It questions one common misconstruction of sustainability (as
continued capitalist production, with a nod to planetary constraints)
while claiming—perhaps most radically—a diferent path to modernity
for indigenous people. Too many environmental discourses position
Indians either as tragic (and long gone) victims of “white man’s” disregard for the environment or, ironically, as obstacles to development and
modernity, including green modernity. he Kari-Oca 2 insists that sustainability projects must look irst to autochthonous peoples for knowledge, not only of particular ecosystems, but also of systems of power
and domination.
“Wicked Problems” Demand Attention to Colonialism,
Race, and Inequality.
In a previous issue of this journal, a group of us who participated in
University of New Hampshire’s irst Summer Seminar in Culture and
Sustainability issued a manifesto: we called for all work under the rubrics of sustainability, resilience, and environmental justice to put the
“wicked problem” of race front and center.8 We borrowed the term
“wicked problem” from sustainability science, which uses it to describe
intractable, multivalent, and global phenomena like climate change,
species depletion, and poverty—problems that by their very nature require us to work across disciplinary and academic conines and with
communities outside our hallowed halls. If wicked problems are those
that have no single, simple solution—that, indeed, involve competing
stakeholders who desire diferent solutions—then race itself is surely a
wicked problem. In “he Resilience of Race: A Cultural Sustainability
Manifesto” we avowed, “Race is the node around which environmental
damage, community vulnerability, and economic imperatives collide. It
(over)determines what (and who) gets protected, preserved, and stewarded” (Senier 2014). For us, then, sustainability always raises questions
of power, public memory, and archive.
Scientists and social scientists are aware that race, gender, and class
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underwrite the diferential efects of environmental devastation; but humanists can explain how history and ideology drove this destruction in
the irst instance. In the context of the United States, that means pointing
to indigenous land expropriation and chattel slavery as not only ecologically disastrous but as nationally formative. hese are cultural problems
insofar as they are ideologically driven—dependent on cultural formations for their maintenance and for their strategic, willful erasure from
public memory. And neither is a thing of the past. Settler colonialism, as
historian Patrick Wolfe has famously put it, is “a structure, not an event”
(2006, 7). Invasion didn’t only happen in 1492 or 1620 and mark the end
of indigenous communities; it continues to this day—in the removal of
indigenous people from places where permafrost is melting and sea levels are rising, in the construction of tar sands pipelines in abrogation of
First Nations territorial sovereignty, in the continued misappropriation
of indigenous cultural materials and signiiers.
Many Native intellectuals employ the language of sustainability,
because it enables them to foreground indigenous survival over the
long term while insisting on decolonization. Dakota scholar Waziyatawin, for instance, has said that as we face the implosion of imperialism and extractive capitalism, “the paradigm we need is the Indigenous
paradigm based on sustainability. Not the kind of sustainability that is
tossed around in corporate or governmental discussions of ‘sustainable development,’ but the kind of sustainability that allows a human
population to live on the same landbase for thousands of years without
destroying it” (2012, 77). Jef Corntassel (Cherokee) has called for replacing existing rights discourses with “sustainable self-determination,”
making indigenous self-determination “economically, environmentally,
and culturally viable and inextricably linked to indigenous relationships to the natural world” (2008, 108). And Penobscot attorney Sherri
Mitchell (2014) casts sustainability and decolonization as inextricable:
“We are ighting for more than cultural survival and the protection of
a way of life. We are ighting for nothing less than our survival, and the
survival of all life on this planet.” hese claims are not romantic or essentialist but eminently practical and thoroughly political.
How can humanities scholars and teachers support this work? At the
very least, we need a pedagogy that can (a) redistribute authority and
power, not only from teacher to student but from the academy to the
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public (foregrounding the obvious but oten forgotten fact that indigenous people are part of that “public”) and (b) produce knowledge and
artifacts that are available for addition and revision over the long term.
In our “Race” manifesto, our summer cohort wrote that “our traditional
tools of resistance—the library, the archive, the oral tradition, and the
academy itself—may not be prepared for the scale of the current crisis. . . . When we reach out and make connections across disciplines and
with the public, we begin to transcend the academic and institutional
silos that chain knowledge production to a status quo of systemic inequality” (Senier 2014).
Indigenousnewengland.com
Decolonizing and Sustaining Native Literary History
From these loty aspirations, I turn to a humble project. I started Writing of Indigenous New England (indigenousnewengland.com), with
my students and a handful of Native consultants, while I was inishing a print anthology of this literature. Dawnland Voices: An Anthology
of Writing from Indigenous New England (University of Nebraska Press,
2014) clocks in at 716 pages; it involved eleven tribal community editors and dozens of living authors and covers nations from the Mi’kmaq
of Maine and the Maritimes to the Schaghticoke in southwestern Connecticut as well as texts from seventeenth-century petitions to twentyirst-century blog entries.
his book was almost ten years in the making, and the process let
me feeling heretically skeptical about the sustainability of the print archive. In some sense this is not a new feeling: anyone who has ever published anything knows that by the time your work sees print, you have
changed your mind about some things. But the tribal editors, too, often chafed against the limits of print and the publishing process. here
was just no way they could include every text or writer they wanted
to include, no way they could consult with their communities as thoroughly as they wished. More profoundly, several editors were reluctant
to “speak for” the literature by annotating and contextualizing it, as is
typically done in anthologies. hey intuited what Karen Kilcup, who
has created quite a few anthologies of her own, has said: “an anthology
creates a miniature canon, no matter how resistant the editor is to the
vexed notions of goodness and importance” (2004, 113).
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Literary scholars are accustomed to thinking of (and interrogating)
anthologies as canon makers, but we can think of them, too, as sustainability interventions—interventions that can have unintended consequences. I take this idea from Jef Todd Titon, an ethnomusicologist
who has been using ecological concepts to retool earlier anthropological models of heritage management. In the older model, Titon notes,
heritage professionals identiied “folk masterpieces” (not unlike literary
anthologizers) and created institutions to protect these. He inds fascinating cases where these decisions, like ecological interventions, have
had surprising efects. For example, when unesco designated the Royal
Ballet of Cambodia a masterpiece of intangible cultural heritage, it unwittingly prompted the creation of a speciic display repertoire for tourists, while stymieing the development of more dynamic and modern
dance forms, which came to be seen as less “authentic.” Titon suggests
we consider cultural forms as biocultural resources embedded in systems (“ecosystems”) comprised by sets of ideas, behaviors, artifacts, and
institutions. In other words, musical forms and literary texts have the
best prospects for, and the most to contribute to, sustainability when
their creators and their stewards are mindful of such concepts as diversity and interconnectedness.9
As a literary historian, I know that “great literature” does not magically survive the test of time, any more than the “ittest” organisms survive without help from the rest of the system. Indigenous literary traditions have historically been excluded from “major” literary canons,
because settler colonialism has had to disavow indigenous presence. In
New England speciically, the disavowal of Native writing is an extension of the disavowal of ongoing Native claims to territory, resources,
and rights—for how can a people make a claim to territory desired for,
say, wind turbines, when they no longer really exist?10 When we make
choices about what literature to preserve (what to teach, what to publish, what to archive), we are also making sustainability interventions.
And when we involve our students critically in that process, alongside
the communities producing a particular literary or cultural tradition,
we are engaging in sustainability pedagogy.
Writing of Indigenous New England aims to be a living document—
one that can expand continually, remain open to revision, and be available to tribal community discussion and even disagreement. In the
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spirit of sustainability methodology, it invites tribal communities and
authors to determine, indeed to provide, its content. he site is currently built using Omeka, a content management system developed at
George Mason University’s Center for History and New Media expressly to prompt the creation of diverse, grassroots, collaborative, and sustainable projects. Omeka is free, open source, and highly intuitive; it
lets local historical societies, nonproits, or really any group with a story
to tell create online exhibits and archives. he system has been used to
generate some radically democratic cultural heritage websites, like the
Hurricane Digital Memory Bank (http://hurricanearchive.org/), which
stores and curates stories about Katrina and Rita. Users in multiple locations can upload documents, images, video content, and other objects; and they can curate that content by organizing it and writing explanatory text. And perhaps best of all for nonspecialists, Omeka has
text boxes where users can insert the necessary metadata to ensure that
all of this content is interoperable with other systems and with whatever
new platforms might arise in the future.
here have been other collaborative, digital indigenous projects from
which Writing of Indigenous New England takes important cues. he
Yale Indian Papers Project (http://www.library.yale.edu/yipp/) consults
closely with tribal scholars as it digitizes documents related to regional
Native history; the Plateau Peoples Portal (http://plateauportal.wsulibs.
wsu.edu/html/ppp/index.php), built on the justly admired Mukurtu
cms, has tribal consultants selecting and curating materials held in the
Washington State University Libraries. A critical diference, however, is
that most of these projects are “digitally repatriating” items held in nonNative collections. By setting out, instead, to support and supplement
tribal people’s own archiving eforts, Writing of Indigenous New England also hopes to sustain community uptake—a problem with many
digital archives, which oten have an initial burst of enthusiasm and use
and then silence. he National Endowment for the Humanities, which
in recent years has supported the rush to build more and more new digital tools, has now awarded Writing of Indigenous New England a grant
to assess what is needed to get these tools more broadly used in tribal
communities. In addition to training tribal elders and youth in digitization so they can build their own exhibits, we will be assessing what we
need for the long-term sustainability of the website—what kinds of data
storage, expertise, partnerships.
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Fig. 1. Adding items via Omeka to Writing of Indigenous New England.
Courtesy of the author.
In the Classroom
In what follows, I will describe how students built one particular digital
exhibit, ofering some practical advice along the way to instructors who
might want to try this kind of project (or even sign on to this one). he
most polished exhibit on the site to date is Along the Basket Trail, begun
in a iteen-week class on early American Indian literature, with thirty junior and senior English majors. For the irst half of the semester,
we read from Kristina Bross and Hillary Wyss’s documentary anthology, Early Indigenous Literacies in New England, whose authors model
sustainable literary criticism: consulting with tribal members and indeed decentering the authority of the critic; considering the nexus of
ecological and cultural systems that helped produce these early texts;
and decolonizing literary history by reading nonalphabetic forms (e.g.,
medicine bundles, baskets) as texts. In these early weeks, our class also
evaluated other digital archives and online literary editions, asking each
other, What is an archive? An anthology? A “portal”? What’s in them?
What’s not in them? How are they organized, and for whom?
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he second half of the syllabus was open for students to choose and
write about their own primary texts. It was extremely helpful to conduct this class in a digital lab, because whatever myths we entertain
about “digital natives,” too many undergraduates still lack basic web literacy when it comes to signing up for new accounts and navigating new
platforms. Omeka helped facilitate collaboration that went far beyond
small group work: it let students, working alongside Native community
members, become coproducers of the knowledge usually determined
by the syllabus. I hasten to note that successful collaboration did not
happen only on the web; this was not a mooc (massive open online
course). In fact, the less successful exhibits (those that never went live)
failed when students preferred to work “alone together,” to borrow Sherry Turkle’s phrasing.11 Collaboration meant sharing work in progress on
the screen at the front of the class; it meant Skyping with Native authors
and bringing Native historians into the lab; it meant traveling out of the
lab to Native spaces—museums, people’s homes, heritage sites.
In the spirit of coauthorship, Along the Basket Trail was not actually initiated by me but by the Mt. Kearsarge Indian Museum (mkim) in
Warner, New Hampshire. he museum had already launched a physical exhibit, but this too was an exercise in sustainable heritage management: partnering with neighboring historical societies, the mkim created a traveling collection with workshops and talks by Native basket
makers and historians. hey also ran what they called Baskets out of
the Attic days, inviting area residents to bring in old baskets for evaluation, a la Antiques Road Show. he mkim thus conceptualized this exhibit as ininitely collaborative and extensible: they knew that members
of the public hold knowledge about New Hampshire’s invisible Native
histories, including stories about how a basket was made or came to
be possessed and stories about where Native people continued living
and working long ater their alleged disappearance. Just as importantly,
the original exhibit was profoundly anticolonial. New Hampshire has
no federally recognized tribes and an especially pervasive myth that the
Native peoples (speciically the Abenaki) “let” in the eighteenth century. In putting members of the public into intentional contact with
contemporary indigenous artists and activists, the mkim decolonized
museum space. he opportunity to continue crowdsourcing and decolonizing this knowledge by putting some of it online was their further
bid for sustainability.
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Omeka sites are divided into “items” (individual entries like photos
or text); “collections” (which in the case of our site are tribal nations);
and “exhibits” (which can be built and rearranged at will, to organize
and curate the items). I asked each student to take responsibility for one
“item,” the researching and writing of which would constitute the inal
semester project (or research paper). We wrote the introductory exhibit
text as a class and shared the writing, editing, and organization of all the
items. Here are just two examples of how sustainability worked as both
content and method.
Eel Weir Basket in Mt. Kearsarge Indian Museum
he eel weir basket prompted one student to investigate the network
of historic, political, and ecological relations embedded therein. Herself
an avid isher, the student became intrigued by the basket during our
class trip to the mkim and made a second trip to the museum to photograph it. he origin of the basket is unknown, so she researched around
it, inding out what she could about where and how such traps were
historically used. She visited and e-mailed back and forth with a living
basket maker, Bill Gould, who still makes these traps. Her curatorial
essay argues that such baskets constitute not only historic indigenous
methods of sustenance but also indigenous political sovereignty, for she
learned that ishing grounds in New England were (and are) historically
sites of ierce resistance to colonial encroachment. It was only, however,
through collaborative investigation—with basket makers, with other
historical texts, and with other writers—that she was able to address the
wicked problem of settler colonialism, both in reading this basket and
in writing about it.
Baskets by Judy Dow (Abenaki)
Another group, in a later class, sustained the project by interviewing
contemporary basket maker Judy Dow via conference call and e-mail.
Dow works with traditional materials like wood splint and sweet grass;
but she oten makes the same forms using contemporary materials like
gum wrappers, pantyhose, or industrial strapping. his is partly an artistic commentary on the destruction of the black ash by the emerald
ash borer, an invasive species ushered into the Northeast by climate
change.12 But it is also a performance of indigenous resilience—the ability to continue traditions and communities by adapting.
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Again, students arrived at this insight only through talking with
Dow. We worked hard to avoid imposing readings on the baskets, trying rather to create a space where indigenous arguments about indigenous cultural production could be heard. hat is a diferent kind of
training than many English majors are accustomed to, having spent
their college careers being told to “come up with a thesis.” In a sense, we
want instead to give basket makers and tribal historians Free Prior and
Informed Consent over everything we post, thus unsettling this archive.
Literary historian Jerome McGann has argued that the entirety of our
cultural heritage is going to have to be reorganized and reedited within
a digital horizon. his means that we don’t simply replace one system
with another but that we begin to embrace more diverse archival and
communicative ecosystems. Indeed, I have learned, Native communities have sustained their own literary histories—oten without the help
of academics, libraries, publishers, or Google—by doing just that. hey
circulate Xeroxed copies of their most cherished books, bundle old
newsletters in tribal oices, share and annotate historic photographs
on Facebook, all while maintaining their oral traditions—reciting their
grandmothers’ poems at community events and sharing stories about
ancestors who wrote letters giving hell to colonial oicials. When I’m
feeling apocalyptic, I imagine that when the Library of Congress gets
completely defunded or looded, indigenous archiving systems will still
be around. Waziyatawin has called this “the paradox of indigenous resurgence” (2012, 68)—that indigenous people seem poised for liberation and leadership on sustainability at the very moment we confront
planetary disaster.
hroughout this essay, I have used the term “sustainable” in deliberately and probably annoyingly slippery ways: to refer to a website, pedagogy, literary criticism, cultural heritage, ecologies, and communities.
My colleagues at the Sustainability Institute have taught me to think
that sustainability actually requires such constantly shiting deinitions,
that we need to be continually asking and renegotiating what is being
sustained, for whom, by whom, and why. No single deinition, ater all,
could possibly solve the wicked problems facing even a single English
department, let alone our planet.
hus, Stephanie LeManager and Stephanie Foote have ofered capacious suggestions for what they call “the sustainable humanities,” which
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would include “a clear articulation of the relation between our pedagogical practice and our species’ ecological resilience” (2012, 575). Like many
other literature scholars nowadays, Foote and LeMenager point out that
literature is the place where human beings imagine worlds otherwise. In
indigenous literature, communities with the beneit of very long-term
existence in place have described worlds otherwise. Sustainable pedagogy,
at the very least, means teaching our students to listen and training them
to help protect and promote those worlds and visions.
About the Author
Siobhan Senier is an associate professor of English at the University of New
Hampshire. She is the editor of Dawnland Voices: An Anthology of Writing from
Indigenous New England and Writing of Indigenous New England.
Notes
1. A longer version of this section appeared in (Senier 2014).
2. Compare the genealogy of ecocriticism provided by Glotfelty and Fromm (1996)
to that of sustainability science provided by Kates (2010), who includes a helpful annotated bibliography. Another brief but widely cited introduction to sustainability science
can be found in Clark and Dickson (2003).
3. See Silka (2010) and Meadows (2008)
4. “Liberal Arts and Sustainability Curriculum Grant,” University of New Hampshire Sustainability Institute, http://sustainableunh.unh.edu/courserfp.
5. Cited in the thorough historical overview of international sustainability discourse
provided by Tom Kelly in his introduction to he Sustainable Learning Community, edited by Aber, Kelly, and Mallory (2009).
6. If the aspirations of this document seem vague, loty, or lacking in backbone, Tea
Party activists have nevertheless been passing legislation at the state level to “outlaw”
it. In 2012 Alabama passed the irst oicial ban on what the John Birch Society calls the
un’s conspiracy against “your freedom to travel as you please, own a gas-powered car,
live in the suburbs or rural areas, and raise a family” (John Birch Society n.d.).
7. See, for instance, coverage in hinkProgress (Lacey 2012) and the Guardian (Monbiot 2012).
8. A description is at “Summer Seminar—Ecology and Sustainability: Sustainability
Studies’ Contributions to Place,” University of New Hampshire Sustainability Institute,
http://www.sustainableunh.unh.edu/summerseminar. Our manifesto appeared in Resilience 1, no. 2 (June 2014).
9. See Titon (2009).
10. he Aquinnah Wampanoag of Martha’s Vineyard have been ighting the Cape
Wind project, intended to be located on their sacred and ishing territories—a suit that
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the editor of the Boston Globe called “A Cynical Gimmick” (“Cynical Gimmick against
Cape Wind” 2009); see also Toensing (2011).
11. See Turkle (2011).
12. he University of Maine runs a model sustainability research program around
the emerald ash borer, bringing together scientists, anthropologists, and Native basket makers; see “Mobilizing to Fight the Emerald Ash Borer,” Senator George J. Mitchell Center for Sustainability, University of Maine, http://umaine.edu/mitchellcenter/
mobilizing-to-ight-the-emerald-ash-borer/.
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