Mushroom effigies in archaeology: a methodological approach

Published by: Fly Agaric Press Ellensburg, Washington Copyright © 2020 by Kevin Feeney et al. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 978-0-578-71442-4 Library of Congress Control Number: 2020917396 Cover photo by Rinus Motmans (https://www.flickr.com/photos/rinusmotmansD Back cover art by Christopher Yurkanin Cover design by Emma Mueller (https://sequanastudio.comL) Book design by Kevin Feeney DISCLAIMER: The information contained herein is intended for general informational and educational purposes only. The publisher and authors are not responsible for any damages or negative consequences that may arise from the use or misuse of the information provided in this volume. TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgements IX Introduction Kevin Feeney Xl PART I: MUSHROOM HUNTING & IDENTIFICATION 1. Mushroom Hunting Kevin Feeney 3 2. Amanita Basics Kevin Feeney 7 3. Psychoactive Amanitas of North America Kevin Feeney PART II: 19 RELIGION, CULTURE, & FOLKLORE 4. Soma's Third Filter: New Findings Supporting the Identification of Amanita muscariaas the Ancient Sacrament of the Vedas. Kevin Feeney & TrentAustin 51 5. Travels with Santa and his Reindeer LawrenceMillman 63 6. A Search for Soma in Russia's Kamchatka Peninsula Jason Salzman, Emanuel Salzman,Joanne Salzman & Gary Lincoff 71 7. In Pursuit of Yaga Mukhomorovna: The Finno-Ugric Connection and Beyond Frank M Dugan 93 8. Magical Potions: Entheogenic Themes in Scandinavian Mythology Steven Leto 101 9. An Attempt to Explain the Battle-Fury of the Ancient Berserker Warriors through Natural History Samuel Odman 129 10. The Berserkers: Odin's Warriors & the Mead of Inspiration Mark A. Hoffman & Carl A. P. Ruck 135 11. Speckled Snake, Brother of Birch: Amanita muscaria Motifs in Celtic Legends Erynn Rowan Laurie & Timothy White 143 12. Fly Agaric Motifs in the Cu Chulaind Myth Cycle Thomas J. Riedlinger 177 13. Bride of Brightness & Mother of all Wisdom: An Ethnomycological Reassessment of Brigid, Celtic Fertility Goddess and Patron Saint of Ireland Peter McCoy 195 14. Mail-Order Mushrooms: An Interview with Mark Niemoller Kevin Feeney & Mark Niemoller 221 15. Gliickspilz: The Lucky Mushroom Kevin Feeney 241 16. The Lucky Mushroom: A New Fairy Tale Story Marie Meissner, Karl Schicktanz, Sandra Grecki 247 PARTIII: ARCHAEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE 17. Mushroom Effigies in Archaeology: A Methodological Approach Giorgio Samorini 269 18. Beyond the Ballgame: Mushrooms, Trophy Heads, and the Great Maya Collapse Carl de Borhegyi 297 PART IV: DmT & CUISINE 19. The Fly Amanita Frederick Coville 331 20. Amanitas in the Family: "Brownie Seats for dinner ... again?" Danny Curry 335 21. Cooking with Fly Agaric Kevin Feeney 339 PARTY: PHARMACOLOGY & PHYSIOLOGICAL EFFECTS 22. Amanita muscaria Chemistry: The Mystery Demystified? Ewa Maciejczyk 351 23. Re-examining the role of Muscarine in Fly Agaric inebriation Kevin Feeney & Tjakko Stijve 367 24. Agaricus Muscarius: the use of Fly Agaric in Homeopathy Kevin Feeney & Bill Mann 377 25. Agaricus Muscarius (1894) Horace P Holmes 391 26. Fly Agaric as Medicine: From Traditional to Modern Use Kevin Feeney 397 27. How to make Medical Preparations Kevin Feeney 419 28. The Experience Kevin Feeney 425 29. The Formula? Kevin Feeney 445 References 459 Index 483 Chapter 17 Mushroom Effigies in Archaeology: A MethodologicalApproach Giorgio Samorini In 1989 I became the librarian for the World Rock Art Archive (WRAA), the UNESCO body dedicated to rock art. Under the direction of Emmanuel Anati, then director of WRAA, I participated in the drawing up of the first lisf of fifty prehistoric rock art sites declared a UNESCO World Heritage Site. This work gave me the privileged opportunity to observe the prehistoric rock art from all over the world, and to deepen my research in the field of archaeo-ethnomycology. In this chapter I propose some methodological considerations regarding the archaeoethnomycology of psychoactive mushrooms, with the aim of delimiting the area of scientific research from what I have previously defined as "phanta-ethnomycology" (Samorini, 2001 b: 175-9): a literary vein that has produced and continues to produce pretentious theses based on superficial or preconceived observations. This article provides an updated review of two archaeological sites I studied during this period, which are located in the heart of the Sahara Desert and in South India. Methodological Aspects Mushroom-like images are frequently observed in rock art and on archaeological artefacts around the world. There are a great variety of forms the stem can be stocky, long, wavy or filiform, and the hemispherical, bell-shaped cap, umbonate or pointed. There is also considerable contextual variability - with mushroom-like objects drawn alone or grouped, held in the hands, on the head, or coming out of the body of anthropomorphic or theriomorphic beings. Interpreting these objects requires determining whether their mushroom-like form was intentional, or not, what type of mushroom is depicted, and whether it 270 • Samorini is edible, poisonous, 'insignificant' (mycological terminology considers any nonedible and non-poisonous mushroom 'insignificant'), or intoxicating. Issues with identification are generally minor, because in most cases the morphological details, or the ritual and religious contexts in which they are represented, lead to their identification as psychoactive fungi. Depictions of non-psychoactive fungi are rare. This observation led me to establish the following axiom of archaeo-ethnomycology: "if in ancient art mushrooms are depicted, then they most probably concern psychoactive and nonedible or poisonous mushrooms". This conforms with the basic motivation for the production of ancient art, which in most cases is dictated by religious, shamanic, initiatory and ritual motifs. In other words, mushrooms depicted in a religious or initiatory context are much more likely to be a psychoactive fungus that allows contact with the afterlife, with the divine or with the spirit world, than an edible or poisonous species with no such potential. Interpreting mushroom-like objects as true psychoactive fungi and deducing ancient mushroom cults on the sole basis of the analogy with its form, produces an excessively speculative and weak hypothesis. A methodologically rigorous ethnomycological interpretation is almost always supported by some other element: a morphological detail or a scenic context that includes an ethnographic, mythicoreligious, ritual, or ecological association with psychoactive fungi. Another factor usually necessary, although not sufficient, to prove an ethnomycological interpretation, is the repetitiveness of the fungal reproduction, as is seen with the well-known Mayan mushroom-stones, dated between the first millennium BC and the first millennium AD. Their identification as objects of a fungal cult would have been weak if it had been based on only one of these finds, but instead, this explication is based upon the four hundred mushroom-stones discovered so far (Mayer, 1977: 2). Scenic variability can also bring useful interpretative clues, as is the case with the same Mayan mushroom-stones, where adoration scenes, women kneeling on a millstone, ecstatic or dreamy individuals upside down, etc., are depicted in the area corresponding to the stem of the mushroom solar gods. The importance of scenic variability in the context of archaeological finds is analogous to the importance of variability in the different versions of a myth or a folk tale, which often contain different and sometimes apparently contradictory elements. It is precisely this Mushroom Effigies in Archaeology • 271 plurality that helps us to better understand aspects and themes of the story that otherwise would remain enigmatic. As Wendy Doniger (1977: 19) stated in a study of Hindu mythology, "no myth, taken individually, contains the key: it is given by the totality of variants of the myth". To confirm an ethnomycological interpretation of archaeological findings, the morphological details associated with mushroom-like images should, where possible, be identified. The two hallucinogenic mushrooms Amanita muscaria (fly agaric) and A. pantherina (panther cap) have certain characteristics that, when depicted in ancient art, leave little doubt about the identification of the species drawn: a ring around the stem, the maculation present on the cap, and the birth of these mushrooms from an ovule. In the case of psilocybin fungi belonging to the genus Psilocybe, Panaeolus, etc., a frequent feature, although not required, is the presence of a protuberance (a papilla or umbo) on the upper part of the cap. Another characteristic feature is the bluish hue of spots that appear on the stem and-more rarely on the cap of psilocybin fungi when they age or following harvesting. This distinctive feature will not have escaped the attentive observers and consumers of these mushrooms, but has hardly been represented in ancient art, or at least in that which has been preserved. In the case of rock paintings, it should be considered that the original color may have been subject to mutation due to oxidative processes that lead, for example, to a change in the bluish hues in greenish tones or other colors, depending on the type of organic or inorganic pigment employed (Soleilhavoup, 1978: 83). The maculation on fly agaric and panther cap - which is due to the remains of the veil that originally surrounds the ovule -is indicated in two ways in twodimensional artistic representations: either with "dots" or small round patches that cover the inside area of the hat, as seen in the rock carving of Mount Bego (Figure 4 ), or with small bumps scattered on the upper edge of the hat. The latter can be seen on some Siberian rock engravings, where so-called "mushroom-men" are depicted. These anthropomorphic figures have a 'head' in the shape of a mushroom hat, which as Marianna Dev let noted (2001: 11), contain a series of small bumps on the upper part of the 'head' that must have been purposefully engraved (Figure 1). An ethnomycological interpretation of these "mushroom-men" is further confirmed by other stylistic elements and ethnographic correspondences, long recognized and re-discussed by other authors in this same volume. 272 • Samorini Fig 1: Rock engravings: a) Aldy-Mozaga, Yenisei (Dikov, 2004: f. 65/4); b,c) Kalbak-Tash I, Siberia (Kubarev & Jacobson, 1996: f. 208, 284). In plastic (three-dimensional) representations there are two ways to represent the "dots" of fly-agaric and panther cap: through protuberances that come out on the upper surface of the hat - as in the case of the Nayarit (Mexico) terracotta dated to about 2000 years ago, studied by Peter Furst (1974: 60; Figure 2), where· an individual is depicted sitting under a "mushroom-tree"; or otherwise by making small grooves or holes on the upper surface of what corresponds to the mushroom cap. The latter can be found on a small stone object excavated in the Patzcuaro Basin, Michoacan, Mexico, and which the late Gaston Guzman gave me the opportunity to hold and carefully examine. This object is approximately 5 cm tall and has an ovoid shape with the two hemispheres separated by a narrowing. On the surface of the upper hemisphere numerous small concavities are engraved (Figure 3). The interpretation of this object as a newborn ovule of Amanita muscaria is quite indisputable (Guzman, 1997: 14). It should be noted that most of the time these morphological details are not depicted - or when they are depicted, only one of these details is drawn. This is the case with the Nayarit sculpture previously mentioned, where the protuberances on the hat, though not on the ring around the stem, are shown - which indicates that their presence is not necessarily required for fungal identification. Often the prehistoric artist represented a mushroom in a standardized form, sufficient for its immediate interpretation as a "generic" mushroom, similar to the standardized way in which he depicted a fruit, a branch or any other vegetable element, without reproducing the finer details for a more precise determination. The reasons for this lack of detail are various: from practical ones - such as a difficulty in reproducing them due to lack of space or the excessively small size of the feature to be reproduced - to the Mushroom Effigies in Archaeology • 273 lack of interest in reproducing them as they were considered unnecessary for the purpose of the visual message the artist intended to communicate. It is plausible that the artist considered it entirely obvious that if he reproduced a mushroom in an artistic context, it was meant to represent a specific intoxicating mushroom, and that the difficulty in interpreting the image is only a problem for modem scholars (Samorini, 2001a). An interesting case of the contemporary presence of the ring and the "dots" on a fungal object comes from the Mount Bego rock engravings, in southern France. Along the main valley of this mountain, the Valley of Wonders, there are thousands of rock engravings dating back to the Bronze Age, starting from 2500 BC. The main feature of these rock engravings, which are located at an altitude of 2000-2500 m, is the significant, one could say obsessive, presence of homed zoomorphic images, in particular the bovine bucrane, which consists of the frontal part of the skull and the horns. A further characteristic is that all of these homed figures are ·engraved in such a way that the tips of the horns point towards the top of the mountain. This is not accidental. It has been observed that Mount Bego is one of the mountains of the Maritime Alps most frequently affected by lightning, and it has been repeatedly suggested that this mountain was chosen by prehistoric populations as a "sanctuary" precisely because of this meteorological feature. In ancient times it was generally believed that the sacredness of certain places derived from this feature. It is also appropriate to observe the zigzag shape of many horns engraved on Mount Bego, which recall the shape of lightning (Bicknell, 1972; Marro, 1945-46). In the highest part of the Valley of Wonders, there is an engraved stone, considered one of the most significant finds in the region's rock art, popularly called the "Rock of the Altar". This Fig 2: A Nayarit (Mexico) terracotta (Furst, 1974: 60). 274 • Samorini is engraved with a scene called the "Chief of the Tribe", dated to approximately 1800 BC (Lumley, Beguin-Ducornet, Echassoux, & Giusto-Magnardi Romain, 1990: 45). On the surface of the rocky "altar" some daggers are engraved, a scaly design, a small "prayer" and a larger anthropomorphic figure which has been given the name "Chief of the Tribe" (Figure 4a). This last figure has been executed in two phases: in the first, three bucranes have been Fig 3: Stone artefact, Patzcuaro, Michoacan, Mexico (Guzman, 1997: 14). engraved which, going up from the bottom upwards, are reduced in size; in the second, the three horned figures have been joined together in such a way as to give an anthropomorphic form to the whole. Among the various interpretations proposed for this anthropomorphic figure -including a tribal chief, an officiant or a sacrificial victim, because of the supposed dagger pointed at his head - the most interesting is that given by Patrick Duvivier, who sees the depiction of a shaman, in addition to interpreting the other significant object that I am about to present, as a mushroom of the fly-agaric species: "Exactly like with the Siberian or the Ojibway shamans for whom the power of the sacred A. muscaria was also closely linked with lightning, our 'Chief of the Tribe' is enlightened (symbolized by the lightning bolt) with the power of the mushroom" (Duvivier, 1998: 34). The fungiform object (Figure 4b), considered :firstly as such by Duvivier himself, is at the center of the scene, and has been mostly interpreted as an abstract design, a dagger or a bucrane. Also in this case, as for that of the "Chief of the Tribe", the object appears to have been executed in two phases, where in the first a bucrane had been engraved, subsequently completed in the upper part by joining the two horns with a line and internally engraving small cupels. It is worth considering that in several other engravings from Mount Bego, objects have been engraved starting from previous representations of a bucrane, a Mushroom Effigiesin Archaeology • 275 fact that underlines the symbolic importance of bovine horns (Lumley et al. 1990). In the drawings reproducing this scene in archaeological books and magazines, the number of small cupels - which would correspond to the "dots" of the mushroom cap - were frequently recorded incorrectly and, as I could verify by looking directly at the preserved original at the Musee des Merveilles of Tenda (France), their exact number is eleven. The presence of these "dots", together with the original head of the bucrane, which with the completion of the object during the second phase of elaboration would correspond to the ring on the stem, would seem to lead to an immediate interpretation as A. muscariaor A. pantherina (Samorini, 1998). In addition to images of real mushrooms, in ancient art we observe the socalled "mushroom-men". These are anthropomorphic figures that have a head shaped like a mushroom hat and a stem-shaped neck, which gives them a decidedly fungal-shape. This iconographic scheme is spread all over the world - from Siberia to Central America, to North Africa- and, in cases where it has been possible to ascertain an ethnomycological interpretation, it appears to represent the idea of anthropomorphization or anthropomorphized deification of psychoactive fungi. Nikolai Dikov pointed out that these representations and the associated knowledge of psychoactive fungi are a common thread running through central and northern Asia, and that this could be evidence of a Paleo-Eurasian substratum of r Fig 4: a) design from the rock engraving "The Chief of the Tribe", Mount Bego, France (Lumley et al., 1990: f. 63, p. 59); b) particular of the engraving (photo by author). 276 • Samorini ethnic and cultural migrations. The same author, together with other Russian scholars, added that this "fungal" theme would also include the images of "mushroom-men" of the Stone Age found in the Iberian peninsula, as well as the origins of the Vedic Soma and, indeed the knowledge and anthropomorphisms of psychoactive fungi in the pre-Columbian cultures of Mexico and Central America (Dikov, 2004: 124-7). However, this generalization is likely to be a stretch. Attention must be paid not to force diffusionist hypotheses concerning the knowledge of psychoactive plants, as this knowledge may have been acquired in different places independently and at different times, which would explain the iconographic analogies as a phenomenon of cultural convergence. The showiness of the :fly-agaric, with the red cap sprinkled with white spots, renders it more than plausible that its intoxicating properties were independently discovered in different chronological and ethnic environments (Samorini, 2012). Returning to the "mushroom-men", there is a variant widespread in Siberian rock art, in which a mushroom is depicted above the head of the anthropomorph, rather than the head itself being mushroom shaped. Among the rock engravings of the Pegtymel river, the fungus is almost always designed hanging above the head (Dikov, 1971), and in cases where it is not suspended but attached to the head, it is clear that this is due to problems of creating the rock engraving, due to the miniature dimensions of these anthropomorphic figures, which are often no higher than5cm. The detail of the suspension of the fungal object might have meant that the ,,mushroomwas an attribute of an anthropomorphic figure understood to be divine. i:Butitis alsoopportune to consider, that one of the ways to depict an individual under the influence of a certain intoxicant source in ancient art was to draw the inebriating sourcesuspended on the head of the anthropomorphic figure, and at other times, beside it. I refer to the case of the blue water-lily :flowers (Nymphaea nouchali var. caerulea), that in Egyptian Pharaonic art are often depicted on the heads of women, clearly detached from the head, such as to exclude the representation of a flower actually resting on the head. This suspended flower most likely indicated that those women were under the effect of a female aphrodisiac - the petals of the blue waterlily - and not by chance the context of these representations is often of a sensual, sexual, or even obscene nature (Samorini, 2012-13). It is possible to consider the empty space between the head and the vegetable or fungal source as a semantic Mushroom Effigiesin Archaeology • 277 void, as this "void" communicates something: that the mind is under the effect of that intoxicating source. Further evidence for an ethnomycological interpretation is provided by ethnographic correspondences. Fungal-like images can be accompanied by objects or symbols on the body or around the body. An exemplary case is that of the "mushroom-men" engraved on the Siberian rocks of Ortaa-Sargol, studied by Devlet (1982) and dated to the second half of the second millennium BC (Figure 5). Several of these "mushroom-men" have a protuberance protruding from the area of the belt, ending in a roundish shape. This object has variously been interpreted as a zoomorphic attribute - such as a tail, a war bat, - either real or ritual (many "mushroom-men" hold a bow or spear), or a shamanic drum (see discussion in Devlet, 2001a: 34). More convincingly, Devlet has interpreted this protuberance as a bag made from leather or an animal bladder, an object used by Asian nomadic ethnic groups as containers of liquids; but it could even more specifically ·be a "medicine-bag", held by the shamans and containing intoxicating substances used for the "journey" into the other world. The intoxicant par excellence of northern Asia is the mukhomor, the fiy-agaric, which would be precisely the fungus that is represented by the "mushroom-men". Dikov (1971: 118) suggested that this leather bag contained an infusion of fly-agaric. In this case the fungal image of the "mushroom-man" head and the "medicine-bag" mutually reinforce each other in the ethnomycological interpretation. Among the ethnographic correspondences there are also those of a mythico-religious nature. Remaining in Siberia, the rock engravings of the Pegtymel river present a scenic scheme in which two anthropomorphic figures are depicted, one with a large mushroom suspended above the head and the other without. The one with the mushroom is often or always female, and is shown taking the hand of the figure without the mushroom on the head (Figure 6). This corresponds to a common theme among the Siberian populations that use the :fly-agaric, of the mushroom-induced vision of anthropomorphic spirits-the spirits of the amanita Fig. 5: Rock engraving from Ortaa-Sargol, Yenisei, Siberia (Devlet, 1982: 118). 278 • Samorini called "mannequins" (Saar, 1991a: 162) - and the notion that these "women-amanita" take the fly-agaric eater by the hand and carry him through the afterlife (Bogoraz, 1904-09: 282). Other ethnographic correspondences include the recognized use, ancient and/or modem, of psychoactive mushrooms in the region where the archaeological find was found (as is the case of the Mayan mushroom-stones described above). Further evidence to validate an ethnomycological interpretation can be drawn from the ecology in which the artefact is found: Fig. 6: Rock engraving from Pegtymel, Siberia (Dikov, 1971: 93). it is always advisable to verify the territorial presence of the psychoactive fungi identified in the archaeological findings when drawing conclusions. In the case of the kuda-kallus of Kerala, India - huge mushroom-stones that I will describe further - the fact that both Amanita muscaria and A. pantherina grow a few tens of kilometers away from the kuda-kallu presence area is an ecological correspondence that reinforces the hypothesis that the kuda-kallus were intended to represent these fungi. Another important ecological factor is the fact that numerous species of psilocybin fungi grow in association with the dung of large quadrupeds - bovids, cervids, pachyderms, etc. This association is widespread throughout the world and is represented in one of the prehistoric paintings of the Sahara. In the Tin-Abouteka site, in the Algerian Tassili, an anthropomorphic figure is depicted forward bending, with a pair of fungiform elements that seem to come out from the lower back of the anthropomorphic subject (Figure 7). Assuming that those fungiform objects were really meant to depict intoxicating fungi as corroborated by other details that I will present below - this bizarre association of a scatological nature could find justification in the possible dung-habitat of the mushrooms painted in the Saharan scenes. Another important source of information is the scenic context in which the fungal representation is inserted. A context of adoration of the mushroom is strong evidence of the fact that it is a psychoactive mushroom, following the axiom of Mushroom Effigiesin Archaeology • 279 the archaeo-ethnomycology that I have previously described. Exemplifying this is a terracotta sculpture from the Colima culture of western Mexico, where a "mushroom-tree" is depicted surrounded by four individuals holding each other in a circle, like in the child's game "ring-around-the-rosie" (Furst, 1974: 62; Figure 8). In this case, supporting the identification of the tree as a psychoactive fungus are the following elements: the umbo on the cap, a characteristic common to many Psilocybe species (morphological detail); the presence of similar Colima sculptures in which fungal objects are shown held in the hand or in scenes of a cultic nature (repetition of the representation) (De La Garza, 2012: 63); the geographical area to which these findings belong, Mexico, where the ancient and modem use of psychoactive mushrooms is recognized (ethnographic correspondence); and lastly, the fact that the four individuals are embraced can be considered an added value, both for a certain analogy of the intoxicating effects of the mushroom with vertigo in the game of ring-around-the-rosie, and as a possible gesture of collective adoration (scenic context). In several cases of fungal depictions, it is often sufficient to have one of the details I have listed - the "dots" on the hat or an unequivocal ethnographic correspondence - to exclude alternative interpretations: graphic elements that I Fig. 7: Rock painting from Tin Abouteka, Tassili,Algeria (photo by author). 280 • Samorini indicate as "killer-details", in the sense of details that remove ("kill") any doubt. One of the most striking of these "killer-details" will be discussed in the description of the prehistoric Saharan paintings. As for the psychoactive fungi of the genus Amanita - which fall into the biochemical class of isoxazole fungi, as producers of isoxazole alkaloids (ibotenic acid and muscimol)- in archaeo-ethnomycological interpretations there is a general tendency to attribute the fungiform identifications to Amanitamuscaria,undoubtedly the best-known and most striking species, to the detriment of the A. pantherina congener; the latter being generally smaller in size and less showy than fly agaric. In reality this last species is frequently present in the same areas occupied by fly agaric. Furthermore, the chemical analyses developed on samples of both species collected in different geographical areas, frequently show a greater concentration of the active ingredients in panther cap compared to fly agaric. For example, analyses described by Feeney and Stijve (2010; see Ch. 23) on samples collected in central Europe (Germany, France, Switzerland) showed a muscimol concentration of0.010.22% on the dry weight in fly agaric, and of 0.025 -0.31 % in the panther cap. Furthermore, the concentrations of muscarine - an alkaloid with toxic properties - are considerably lower in the panther cap than in the fly agaric. It is therefore possible that panther cap is generally more psychoactive and less toxic than fly agaric, and thus more reliable for use as an intoxicant. When studying the ancient use of psychoactive fungi it would seem appropriate to consider the panther cap, more than has been done so far. Below I present two cases of ethnomycological Fig. 8: Colima terracotta, Mexico (Furst, 1974: 62). interpretations of archaeological finds that I have personally studied during my Mushroom Effigies in Archaeology • 281 research - in the Sahara Desert and in South India - and that have been accompanied by my research missions on site. In this regard, the importance of directly observing the archaeological :findings cannot be underemphasized. Depending solely on the observation of photos or graphic reliefs is limited for various reasons, one of which being that the :findings have often been imprecisely graphically reproduced, as I have personally noted for several rock engravings. The "Round Heads" of prehistoric Sahara For over 100,000 years the huge basin of the Sahara has been subject to climatic cycles that have transformed it from an area rich in water sources (rivers, lakes) and consequent luxuriant flora, to a partial or total desert. During the most recent wet phases, dated between 9000 and 3000 years BC (White & Mattingly, 2006), the Sahara has been inhabited by human populations that have produced a rich set of rock engravings and paintings distributed along the banks of the ancient rivers and on the mountain buttresses, which have been preserved in an exceptional way because of the subsequent drying up of the territory. This artistic production has been studied for over a century, predominantly by French and Italian researchers. Among the prehistoric Saharan paintings, those that stand out for their richness of color and scenic originality are the paintings of the so called "Round Heads" phase, concentrated in the plateau of Tassili (Algeria), with minor presences in other mountainous regions of the central Sahara such as the Tadrart Acacus (Libya), the Ennedi (Chad) and the Jebel Uweinat (Egypt) (Muzzolini, 1986). The chronology of this stylistic horizon has been hotly debated over decades between the supporters of a "high chronology" (before 6000 BC; Mori, 1968) and those of a "low chronology" (4000-1000 BC; Muzzolini, 1991). However, recent analyses of micro-samples of the paintings and deposits found at their feet, have determined a date not earlier than 8000-7000 BC (Mercier, Le Quellec, Hachid & Agsous, 2012) and, for the pictorial phase of the "Round Heads", the period of 6000-4500 BC (Le Quellec, 2013). On the Tassili plateau, at approximately 2000 meters high, images of gigantic mythological beings in human and animal form, together with a myriad of smaller creatures with horns and feathers, mostly appearing in dancing positions, cover the rock shelters, which in certain places intertwine in a play ofrocks so as to constitute real "citadels", with streets, squares and terraces. The religious and initiatory 282 • Samorini context of the art of the "Round Heads" has been firmly established by scholars. Fabrizio Mori (1975: 346) highlighted the close relationship that had to exist between the artist of the paintings and the figure common to all prehistoric societies, whose main characteristic is the role of mediator between the earth and the sky: the priestsorcerer or the shaman; while for Henri Lhote ( 1968: 280) "it seems clear that these painted shelters were secret sanctuaries". For Umberto Sansoni (1994: 25) in these paintings "the imaginary and perhaps the dreamlike and the ecstatic enters forcefully". In different scenes we observe Fig. 9: Rock painting anthropomorph from Tin-n-Tarim, Tassili, Algeria (illustrated by author). mushroom-like objects. These are rarely isolated and in most cases are held in the hands of, or emerging from the body of, anthropomorphic figures, or are inserted into the masks frequently worn by them. The masks appear to hold a particular value, since in many cases they are painted in isolation, or almost covering the entire anthropomorphic, or divine figure. Throughout the scenes there are a wealth of figurative constants that allow us to glimpsea definite conceptual, mythological and religious structure. To exemplify this are the two characters of the southern Tassili - located in In-Aouanrhat or In-Aouanghad, and Ti-n-Tarin (apparently erroneously cited as the location of Matalem-Amazarby Lajoux (1964); see also Fouilleux & Mouchet, 2010: 132) (Figures 9, 10) - both of which are about 0.8 m tall, bearing the typical mask of this pictorial phase, with a similar bearing (legs bent and arms bent downwards), and with the body entirely reticulated. Another common feature is the presence of fungiform objects that depart from the forearms and thighs, while others are held in the hands. In the character found at Ti-n-Tarin these objects entirely cover the outer contour of the body. Other anthropomorphic characters are characterized by a mushroom-shaped head, some pointed (in a couple of cases with a bluish shade, although it is not Mushroom Effigies in Archaeology • 283 clear whether it is the original color or its color change from subsequent oxidation), while others bear a leaf or a vegetable branch in their hands (Figures 1la, b).In a painting at the Tin-Abouteka site we observe a curious and unique representation, that appears at least twice, of a fish with two large mushroom-like objects painted opposite each other on either side of the caudal fin (Figure 12). In a scene from the Techekalaouen site, an anthropomorph in a slightly bowed position appears to be holding a large mushroom in one hand, in the act of offering it to a second human figure, while in the other hand it holds what appears to be a toad or other small animal being (Figure 13). In the case of a toad, this would surprisingly confirm the ubiquitous symbolic association between the toad and the fungus already recognized in Eurasia (Wasson & Wasson, 1957, I: 65-91). However, the "killerdetail" that led me to a definitive ethnomycological interpretation of the "Round Heads" rock paintings can be found in a complex scene painted in a shelter at Tin Tazarift, where five homed masked individuals are painted, in a line or procession and in a hieratic/dancing arrangement, surrounded by long and lively festoons of phosphenic designs. Each dancer holds in his right hand a fungal object, from which two parallel dashed lines branch out, reaching the central area of the head, where Fig. 10: Rock painting anthropomorph from ln-Aouanrhat, Tassili, Algeria (illustrated by author). 284 • Samorini the two horns emerge (Figure 14). The double dashed line could mean an indirect association or an immaterial fluid passing between the object held in the hand and the human mind, which is well suited to the interpretation of these objects as psychoactive fungi. In a previous study of mine (Samorini 1995b) I pointed out that the grapheme "linear sequence of points" is an ideogram representing something immaterial in archaic artistic horizons, which seems to have kept the meaning constant from the Paleolithic to the present day, and thus could be considered as a "fossil-guide" in the semiotic approach to rock art. A clear example of this is a Tamgali rock engraving, found in Kazakhstan, and dated to the Bronze Age. This engraving depicts an individual with zoomorphic features (the tail and animal features in the face), interpretable as a shaman who is turning into his animal guide, which is drawn next to him (Figure 15). In this case the shamanic transformation - an event of a psychic nature - was represented by the concentric series of points that depart from the head of the individual. This design well expresses the modified state of consciousness experienced by the individual. Another example of this can be found at the Pahl site, Kondoa, Tanzania, in the painting of a flute player and the specific way in which the sound of the Fig. 11: a,b: Rock paintings from Tin-Teferiest, Tassili, Algeria (photos by author). Mushroom Effigiesin Archaeology • 285 flute is depicted. The sound of the flute, which is understood to be immaterial and unseeable, is represented with a series of dots (Figure 16). The immaterial value of the series of points can also be seen in the most ancient Paleolithic art, the geometric drawings of the Castillo Cave, in Spain (Figure 17), where on several occasions linear sets of dots are painted alongside full-contour quadrangular figures. These juxtapositions have been seen as representations of opposing feminine and masculine values (Anati, 1989: 173), but it is Fig. 12: Motif from a rock painting, Tin-Abouteka, Tassili, Algeria (illustrated by author). also possible to interpret them as combinations of material elements - the fullcontoured figures - and immaterial ones, the latter being the sets of points. The dotted, dashed, or otherwise interrupted lines represent something immaterial, unseeable, but penetrable (like the dashed lines drawn on the roadways, indicators of the possibility of overtaking). In modem day comic books, when the author wants to make it clear that a character is saying something aloud, then what the character says is surrounded by a closed line (the words in the comics are considered visible). But when the character is in thought, an action that is considered invisible, the thought is represented within a dotted line. In these modem cases, the same grapheme - the linear series of points - has retained the meaning that originated in the Paleolithic: to represent something immaterial, invisible, a thought or a mental process. Returning to the scene of Tin Tazarift, it would appear that the dashed lines uniting the mushroom with the head of the dancer are meant to represent the effect that the mushroom has on the human mind, making this depiction one of the most surprising and exemplary cases of"killer-details" of global archaeo-ethnomycology. This scene is imbued with a profound ritual meaning and represents a cult event that has occurred and been periodically renewed over time. Perhaps we are faced with a realistic representation of one of the most salient moments in the religious and emotional life of the populations of the "Round Heads". The repetition of physical characteristics and attitudes of the five dancing figures reveals a coordinated collective understanding of scenic representation for collective 286 • Samorini contexts. The dance depicted here has all the air of being a ritual dance and, perhaps, from a certain moment within the ritual, of being ecstatic. In a painting in the Jabbaren site, which is also located in the Tassili, five individuals are depicted one behind the other, kneeling down and with their arms stretched forward, placed in front of three upright figures, two of which are clearly anthropomorphic (Figure 18). It would appear to be a scene of adoration in which the three Fig. 13: Scene from a rock painting, Techekalaouen, Tassili, Algeria (illustrated by author). figures standing represent gods or mythological characters. Two anthropomorphic figures are equipped with large horns, while the third, behind these, has the upper part of the body in the form of a large mushroom. If the interpretation of this as an act of worship were correct, this scene could be revealing of a "divine trinity". The trine production of the images is frequently depicted in the art of the "Round Heads", and an important case concerns the three masks painted on the Sefar site. As already anticipated, the isolated representation of a mask would seem to symbolize a divine presence, and the three masks of Sefar, placed side by side in an isolated shelter, may indicate the presence Fig. 14: a) Scene from a rock painting, Tin Tazarift, Tassili, Algeria (illustrated by author). Mushroom Effigiesin Archaeology • 287 Fig. 14: b) detail from Fig. 14(a) (illustrated by author). of a divine trinity. It is significant that one of the three figures "adored" in the Jabbaren scene has the upper part of the body in the form of a mushroom. This could be related to the anthropomorphic figures, perhaps divinities, of the previously described In-Aouanrhat and Ti-n-Tarin paintings. Fungal images are observed in the artistic production of the "Round Heads" of other regions of the Sahara. In a painting from the Uan Muhuggiag site of the Tadrart Acacus, in the Libyan Fezzan, a procession of individuals is painted in which the lower part of their bodies are hidden by a longitudinal band, tnitially interpreted by Mori (1975) as a probable boat (Figure 19). From this band (or boat) the figures protrude halfway up, as if they were sitting, and the serpentine line inside the area corresponding to the hull could indicate the surface of the water. Subsequently Mori (1990) interpreted this scene as a reproduction of the same rocky shelter, in which the painting is housed, seen from the outside, where the wavy line would indicate the surface of the water of the river that flowed alongside the times of painting production. The presence among the characters of an individual painted in an upside-down position and with spread-out legs would seem to represent a deceased, and the whole scene would be characteristic of a funeral. Above the procession there are four fungal images, of red color, which Mori interprets as arrowheads or oars. However, the ethnomycological interpretation, strengthened by the previous interpretations Fig. 15: Scene from a rock engraving, Tamgali, Kazakhstan (Anati, 1989: 220). 288 • Samorini of the Tassili "Round Heads", would fit neatly with these fungal images being reproduced in a funeral context. The fungal objects of the art of the "Round Heads" have been interpreted by scholars as arrowheads, oars, undefined vegetables, flowers or as undefined enigmatic symbols (Samorini, 1989). The set of details presented here suggests that we are in the presence of a very ancient cult of hallucinogenic mushrooms and related mythological representations. The mushroom species represented are not easy to determine, belonging to a flora that disappeared or ~ ~ · withdrew from the now desertified Saharan basin. From the paintings it seems deducible that there were painting, Pahi, Kondoa, Tan- at least two species: one small in size, in some cases zania (Anati, 1989: 206). endowed with a papilla at the upper end of the cap, Fig. 16: Design from a rock which is characteristic of many hallucinogenic Psilocybes,· and another of greater dimensions, such as Boletus or Amanita. The colors used are white and different shades of ochre, and in rare cases the pointed shape is painted blue (although the latter could be the possible result of oxidation of the original color). The kuda-kallus of Kerala In southern India there are archaeological finds of a megalithic culture whose origins are still uncertain; these are distributed mainly in the territories ofKamataka, Kerala and Tamil N adu and belong to the Iron Age of the Indian peninsula. In Kerala, the megalithic production has been dated to the beginning of the first millennium BC (Satyamurthy, 1992). The large stone monuments would have been erected in a late phase of the megalithic culture, from 550 BC. to 100 AD, and the artefacts found in association with these vestiges belong to the "Black and Red Ware" culture (McIntosh, 1985). A monument made of laterite stone, characteristic of this culture and specific to the region of Kerala, is the kuda-kallu ("umbrellastone"), which resembles a large mushroom (Figure 20). It makes a certain impression to walk among the dozens of kuda-kallus present in the megalithic sites, and their gigantism transports the observer to the land of Alice, as described in the Mushroom Effigies in Archaeology • 289 famous novel by Lewis Carroll. Despite being the main cultural symbol of Kerala, the kuda-kallus continue to be mistreated by local archaeology. It is sufficient to note what was reported in a recent review of these megalithic finds: "Though excavations of Kudakall were attempted by various institutions like the Kerala State Department of Archaeology, the Archaeological Survey of India and Mahatma Gandhi University, no detailed reports of the excavations are available. Even reports of the recently excavated sites are not published. Hence much of the discussions on Umbrella Stones are still dependent on the colonial writings" (Peter, 2015: 291). The authors would seem to agree on .... •• •• • • ·1 , •• ••• ·11.·& •.-. ., •. .. ...~t ~ ,~ \lti ~:-:, \\:e..• .... ·,.·., •., .•.... .. \,. J • •• •• Fig. 17: Design from a TOck painting, Castillo Cave, Spain (Anati, 1989: 172). the hypothesis that the builders of South Indian megalithic works belonged to populations speaking Dravidian languages. Even today the states of Kerala and Tamil N adu are inhabited by Dravidian ethnic groups preserving, in a rare case of historical continuity, megalithic traditions and customs. An example of this is the custom of erecting dolmens in honor of those who died in non-natural ways, as is the case of the Malarayaran of Kerala (Chinnian, 1983). In other regions of India menhirs and similar stone structures are erected alongside common burials. Among the Gonds of the Odhisa region, large stones that recall only the upper part of the kuda-kallu are sometimes erected. These ''umbrella stones" are considered by the Gonds as the places where the deities sit (Mendaly, 2017: 940). Although the findings associated with megalithic structures are indicative of a strong continuity with previous Neolithic cultures, megalithic architecture highlights Asian and Western influences (McIntosh, 1979). In Kerala, the most important concentrations of kuda-kallus are located in the regions ofTrichur and Palghat, north of Cochin, within the coastal region. The area is gently hilly, and its laterite rock is easily carved. The main sites where the kudakallus are found are: Chataparamba, Cherumangad (or Cheramangad), Porkulan, Ariyannur (or Aryannoor), Ummichipoyil, Kalkulam, and Anakkara. In the same 290 • Samorini Fig. 18: Design from a rock painting, Jabbaren, Tassili, Algeria (illustrated by author). archaeological sites other megalithic structures are present: dolmens, menhirs, topikals ("hat-stones"), stone circles, caves carved in the rock, and hood-stones. Some kuda-kallus stylistic classifications have been developed. The most recent, promoted by Jenee Peter (2015), considers the two subgroups, one with the upper stone in the form of a dome (hemispherical) and the other with a flat upper stone. Although for several authors the kuda-kallus appear as a tuft of giant mushrooms (Babington, 1823: 324; Longhurst, 1979: 11; Menon, 1991 : 40; Subramanian, 1995: 679; Sudyka, 2010: 380), nobody proposed the idea that they could actually represent mushrooms. The only exception would seem to be that of Malinal ( 1981), in which he sees a derivation of their forms from that of fungi, although he does not specifically consider the possibility that they might represent psychoactive fungi. The kuda-kallus measure on average 1.5-2 m in height and 1.5-2 m in width. They consist of four stones cut in the form of a half clove and gathered as a base, supporting a fifth stone, flat on the resting side and convex-uniform in shape from the other (Iyer, 1967). The kuda-kallus are not burials, and no furnishings have ever been found (Anujan Achachan, 1952-53; John, 1982; Narasimhaiah, 1995). According to Longhurst ( 1979), their function was that of a "memorial" to the dead, and they were probably erected to mark the place where the body was cremated. The same author associates them to the later stupa, a monument of hemispherical form enclosing the relics of the Buddha or of Buddhist saints, or even just commemorating important events in the life of the Buddha. More recently, the stupas have been seen as an evolution of the round mound, which is the simplest and perhaps most original form of the monumental megalithic expression, and which in Kerala and Mushroom Effigies in Archaeology • 291 Fig. 19: Design from a rock painting, Uan Muhuggiag, Tadrart Acacus, Lybia (Mori, 1975: 352). South India is expressed in the topikal or "hat-stone" (Menon, 2016). The most common association of kuda-kallus reported by scholars and local people is with the umbrella, known as an archaic symbol of power and authority, as well as of sacredness, widespread in ancient Egypt as well as among the Assyri~s and of other Oriental civilizations of later epoch. In some Buddhist countries the umbrella is an object of veneration. In India it acquired a religious significance. Buddha images never appear in early Buddhist art; he is represented by symbols such as a wheel, a throne, a pair of footprints, and these are placed under one or more honorary umbrellas. Even on the top of the stupas, wooden and fabric umbrellas are erected (Longhurst, 1979). There are those who wanted to see in kuda-kallu "a stone model of umbrellas of palm leaf used by the local people" (Sathyamurthy, 1992: 3). Local tradition attributes a Buddhist origin to megalithic monuments, which are seen as the homes of hermits in the days when Buddhism and Jainism were popular in Kerala (Iyer, 1967: 25). The term kuda-kallu, which literally means "umbrella-stone", is ofMalayalam language origin, currently the most widespread language in Kerala, which differed from the Tamil language only in the 9th century AD. It is an undoubtedly late appellation, after the time of the erection of monuments, and there is no reliable evidence that the name designated to these structures by the populations that erected them included the same meaning of "umbrella". Furthermore, as Longhurst (1979: 16-7) states, in all probability it was only during the Asoka period, several centuries after the erection of the kuda-kallus, that the royal umbrella was associated with the stupa, of which the kuda-kallus are seen as the precursors, both from an architectural and symbolic point of view. Perhaps, the umbrella was associated with the kuda- 292 • Samorini ka//u following the migration to southern India of Jainists and Brahamins, which began during the same period as the Asoka. There is also a substantial difference in shape between the kuda-ka//u and the classic honorary umbrellas represented in Egyptian, Assyrian and Indian bas-reliefs: the latter are characterized by a supporting rod, thin and equal in all its length, by a generally flat umbrella on both sides (the so-called "wheeled" umbrella), often fringed at the edge, and by a short central pivot exiting from the upper part. The kuda-kallu has a much more robust and compact appearance, is free of plumes or other striking decorations (unless they were built with perishable material) and morphologically recalls some large mushrooms of the genus Amanita or Boletus. Noting therefore the late association of the kuda-ka//u with the sacred symbol and sovereignty of the umbrella, and following my research in the region, I proposed the hypothesis that similar constructions were meant to represent mushrooms, whose form is remarkably close to an umbrella (Samorini, 1995a). If the kuda-ka//u were created in order to represent fungi, then according to the axiom of archaeoethnomycology that I previously noted, they most likely represent psychoactive fungi, with visionary properties, which can facilitate visions of the beyond and of Fig. 20a: Kuda-kallus from Cherumangad, Kerala, India (photo by author). Mushroom Effigies in Archaeology • 293 the underworld, making them a probable candidate for association with the cult of the dead. The presence of A. muscaria and A. pantherina is currently recorded in coniferous forests in the Kodaikanal region, in neighbouring Tamil Nadu, about 80 km from the sites of the kuda-kal/us (Natarajan & Raman, 1983: 176). According to Wasson, their presence was attributed by mycologists to the implantation of exotic conifers in the last century (Wasson, Kramrisch, Ott & Ruck, 1986: 136); but this is a non-referenced statement that I have not found confirmed in the literature (for example it is not considered in Natarajan & Raman [ 1983: 7-8] where the different types of forests in South India are described). In his pioneering ethnomycological study, Wasson mentioned the presence of "mushroom-stones" in Kerala (and Nepal) in a passage in which he discussed the symbolic association between the mushroom and the umbrella, but he mentioned it by hearsay. If he had instead seen them in person, he would certainly have been very impressed. He noted that in classical Sanskrit the term for mushroom was chattra, whose primary meaning is "parasol", and has for its root the verb chad, ''to cover". The parasol, as an object used to shelter from the scorching sun of southern India, was unknown to the Nordic peoples, and Fig. 20b: Kuda-kallus from Ariyannur, Kerala, India (photo by author). 294 • Samorini "when the Aryans invaded Iran and India, they gave this new instrument an Aryan name, chattra, and later they extended the meaning of that name to mushrooms with fleshy hat" (Wasson, 1968: 63-6). Wasson himself observed how the umbrella or parasol could have been associated with the fungus since the origins of its symbolic values, emphasizing the affinity of form between the mushroom and the umbrella and noting that "the fungus has lamellae that suggest the uprights of a parasol" (Wasson, Kramrisch, Ott & Ruck, 1986: 61). In the course of my observations at the Cheramangad site, where there are dozens of kuda-kallus, I have noticed an important detail for the determination of the mushroom species that the kuda-kallus could have represented. A structure present in the same archaeological sites is the hood-stone, consisting of a single large dome-shaped stone, with the flat part resting on the ground, placed at the end of a burial. The hood-stone could be seen as a kuda-kallu without a pedestal ("stem"), in which the stone that constitutes the "hat" rests directly on the ground, where it acts as a cover for a cylindrical pit, with the base pear-shaped, in which a cinerary urn is deposited. With a little imaginative effort, we could perceive of the missing foot of the hood-stone as the shape of the cylindrical pit placed below the ground level, and in this way the similarity in the form of the two structures appears evident. In the hood-stone, the pit carved in the laterite is large enough to contain a red terracotta urn with a piriform base, matching the bottom of the pit. This type of piriform background resembles the terminal part of the stem of numerous large mushrooms, in particular those that are born from an ovule, such as the species of Amanita. Even the appearance of the stones making up the hood-stones is similar to that of the upper stones of the kuda-kallus (the "hats"), although generally smaller. On a good part of the hood-stones that I was able to observe in the Cheramangad site there are deep holes, which however do not reach the opposite end of the stone (the one in contact with the ground): one or two holes that presumably had the purpose to facilitate the placement or removal of the stone by inserting wooden poles on which to pry. A detail on which my direct observation was focused, and which I have not found described in any of the archaeological publications concerning the Kerala megaliths, concerns some hood-stones in which there are numerous recesses excavated over the entire aerial surface of the stone. Although the surface is rather coarse, due to the type of lateritic rock, their presence appears undoubtedly man- Mushroom Effigies in Archaeology • 295 made. Measuring 4-5 cm deep and 4-10 cm wide, these grooves seem to have had a decorative function or to highlight a distinctive feature of the object that the kudakallus intended to represent (Figure 21). This detail, which could be considered as a "killer-detail", directly refers to the technique of representing the "dots" of flyagaric and panther cap in a three-dimensional artefact by performing recesses on its upper surface. At this point, the hypothesis that the hood-stone and the kuda-kallu intended to represent just the fly-agaric or panther cap mushrooms becomes more consistent. Moreover, the possibility that the kuda-kallus were intended to portray other species of mushrooms should not be excluded, and that their squat shape was due to structural requirements, to give strength to the artefact. In southern India the presence of some powerful species of psilocybin fungi is recognized, such as Psilocybe aztecorum var. aztecorum, P. aztecorum var. Bonetii, P. cubensis, Copelandia cyanescens, C. tropica, and C. bispora (Natarajan & Raman,.1983). In case the kuda-kallus intended to represent A. muscaria, the question may arise: what relationship exists between this megalithic cult and the cult of the Vedic soma? According to the well-known hypothesis of Wasson (1968), in hood-stone kuda-kallu Fig. 21: Depiction of a kuda-kallu and a hood-stone from the Ariyannur site, Kerala, India (illustrated by author). 296 • Samorini its original form the soma should be identified with a psychoactive source derived from the fly agaric. The knowledge of the psychoactive properties of this fungus would have been spread by the Aryan populations in the context of Indo-European migrations. This priority of the role oflndo-European migrations must not however be considered as a definitive consequence of the Wassonian hypothesis. Whilst it is true that there seems to be a geographic-cultural fulcrum to spread the knowledge of the fly agaric - roughly central-western Asia - it may be misleading to believe that this was the only original area of diffusion of this knowledge, or that this knowledge was promoted solely by the Indo-European populations in their long run migrations. There seems to be no direct relationship between the kuda-kallus and the soma, in the sense that these megalithic monuments do not appear to be emblems of a cult that either originated or was influenced by the cult of soma. The cult associated with the kuda-kallus began to develop in a period prior to the .contact of the Aryans with southern India, which occurred around 300-200 BC (Menon, 1991: 43-4). When they reached the Dravidian populations of southern India, they had lost the knowledge of the original soma and practiced worship with the use of substitute vegetable sources. Once again, care must be taken not to force the diffusionist hypotheses against cultural convergence phenomena. The discovery of the intoxicating properties of the fly agaric could be much older than the IndoEuropean times, and could reach as far back as the Stone Age. The recent discovery, along with various plant elements, of fragments of a mushroom fabric kind of Boletus perhaps a in the dental calculus of the remains of a woman who lived 18,700 years ago that was found in a cave in the Cantabrian Mountains, in Spain (Power, Salazar-Garcia, Straus, Gonzalez Morales & Henry, 2015), highlights how the Paleolithic man of the Magdalenian period, besides taking advantage of a vegetable diet alongside the animal diet, was able to discern between edible and poisonous mushrooms, making it plausible that he had already addressed attention to one of the most striking mushrooms in the woods, the fly agaric. References A Most Rewarding Experience (2000). Trips: Amanita muscaria. Lycaeum.org (defunct). Retrieved Jan 25, 2008 from http://leda.lycaeum.org/?Table=Trips&Ref ID=47 Academy Publishers (1872). Kungliga vitterhets historie och antiqvitets akademiens manadsblad [The History of the Royal Vitterhets and the Academy of Antiquities) Vol. 1. 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