African Americans and HIV/AIDS
Donna Hubbard McCree
Kenneth Terrill Jones • Ann O’Leary
Editors
African Americans
and HIV/AIDS
Understanding and Addressing
the Epidemic
Editors
Donna Hubbard McCree, PhD, MPH, RPh
Division of HIV/AIDS Prevention
National Center for HIV
Viral Hepatitis, STD and TB Prevention
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention
1600 Clifton Road NE MS E-37
Atlanta, Georgia 30333
USA
zyr1@cdc.gov
Ann O’Leary, Ph.D.
Division of HIV/AIDS Prevention
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention
1600 Clifton Road, MS E-37
Atlanta, GA 30333
USA
aoleary@cdc.gov
Kenneth Terrill Jones, MSW
Division of HIV/AIDS Prevention
National Center for HIV
Viral Hepatitis, STD and TB Prevention
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention
1600 Clifton Road NE MS E-37
Atlanta, Georgia 30333
USA
kennethjones76@aol.com
ISBN 978-0-387-78320-8
e-ISBN 978-0-387-78321-5
DOI 10.1007/978-0-387-78321-5
Springer New York Dordrecht Heidelberg London
Library of Congress Control Number: 2010935484
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Preface
Among U.S. racial and ethnic minority populations, African American communities
are the most disproportionately impacted and affected by HIV/AIDS (CDC, 2009;
CDC, 2008). The chapters in this volume seek to explore factors that contribute to
this disparity as well as methods for intervening and positively impacting the epidemic in the U.S. The book is divided into two sections. The first section includes
chapters that explore specific contextual and structural factors related to HIV/AIDS
transmission and prevention in African Americans. The second section is composed
of chapters that address the latest in intervention strategies, including best-evidence
and promising-evidence based behavioral interventions, program evaluation, cost
effectiveness analyses and HIV testing and counseling. As background for the
book, the Introduction provides a summary of the context and importance of other
infectious disease rates, (i.e., sexually transmitted diseases [STDs] and tuberculosis), to HIV/AIDS prevention and treatment in African Americans and a brief
introductory discussion on the major contextual factors related to the acquisition
and transmission of STDs/HIV.
Contextual Chapters
Johnson & Dean author the first chapter in this section, which discusses the history
and epidemiology of HIV/AIDS among African Americans. Specifically, this chapter provides a definition for and description of the US surveillance systems used to
track HIV/AIDS and presents data on HIV or AIDS cases diagnosed between 2002
and 2006 and reported to CDC as of June 30, 2007. The chapter also includes a
discussion of the epidemiology of HIV/AIDS and describes how these data reflect
different populations. The chapters that follow address HIV/AIDS among African
Americans in the context of poverty and racism, organized religion, disparities
in incarceration rates, trauma, substance use, mental health issues, violence, and a
history of childhood sexual abuse.
Williams and Prather describe how experiences with racism and poverty and the
interactions between racism and poverty affect sexual behavior and consequently
HIV/AIDS transmission and acquisition among African Americans. They offer
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Preface
recommendations for measures of racism and poverty and methods for including
these constructs in behavioral interventions. Eke, Willis and Gaither follow with a
discussion of the “black church” and the influential role that this institution has on
African American communities. They provide a summary of the church’s historical
activities in health promotion and disease prevention efforts associated with chronic
diseases (e.g., diabetes, hypertension), and barriers to a role for the church in HIV/
AIDS prevention activities.
Spikes, Willis and Koenig explored the available literature to identify potential
links between exposure to traumatic events and HIV risk, mental health disorders
and HIV risk, and utilization of mental health services for the general population
and African Americans. Their chapter provides a discussion of these links and the
implications of this research to HIV/AIDS prevention efforts among African
Americans. El-Bassel, Gilbert, Witte, Wu and Vinocur describe the interpersonal
contexts that link experiencing intimate partner violence and engaging in HIV/STI
transmission risks among African American, drug-involved women and provide
evidence supporting the need for strategies preventing HIV and sexually transmitted infections (STIs) for African American women that address individual, interpersonal, community, macro and structural risk factors. Finally, in the concluding
chapter for this section, Sumner, Wyatt, Glover, Carmona, Loeb, Henderson, et al.,
focus on aspects of childhood sexual abuse that influence high-risk behaviors and
discuss the importance and challenges of implementing community interventions
that integrate HIV-risk reduction and child sexual abuse.
Intervention Chapters
The chapters in this section discuss evidence-based interventions developed for
subgroups within the African American community. Marshall, O’Leary and Crepaz
conducted a systematic review of evidence-based interventions (EBIs) for African
American youth at risk for HIV; 11 EBIs were identified. Their chapter describes
the process for identifying and evaluating the interventions, and discusses what was
addressed in the EBIs, what research gaps exist, and research recommendations
derived from the review. Henny, Williams and Patterson follow with a critical
review of HIV behavioral prevention interventions for heterosexually active African
American men (EBIs and other interventions) and the extent to which these interventions include elements of cultural competency. Further, the chapter includes a
discussion of definitions and measures of cultural competency and identifies gaps
and future directions regarding the use of cultural competency in HIV behavioral
prevention intervention activities with these men. Wingood follows with a discussion of HIV prevention for heterosexually active African American women that
describes correlates of HIV risk, how the Theory of Gender and Power may be used
to understand women’s HIV risk, and concludes with a critical review of the available literature on prevention interventions for this population. Jones, Wilton,
Millett, and Johnson then provide a complimentary chapter on MSM that describes
Preface
vii
currently available interventions and describes a model to explain how racial socialization and other culturally appropriate strategies might reduce the HIV risk of
black MSM.
The next three chapters examine structural interventions, behavioral interventions for injection drug users (IDU), and interventions in correctional settings.
Purcell, Mizuno and Lyles discuss the contribution of injection drug use to the HIV
epidemic among African Americans and the interventions designed to reduce HIV
transmission among IDUs, and specifically African American IDUs. Sanders and
Ellen examine structural factors that may facilitate transmission of HIV and discuss
the available literature on structural interventions that have been associated with
decreasing HIV transmission risk. Finally, Seal, MacGowan, Eldridge, Charania,
and Margolis provide a summary of the available literature on HIV prevention
interventions for correctional populations in the United States and discuss gaps in
the literature and needs for future intervention in this populations. This volume
concludes with a final closing chapter by the co-editors that provides recommendations for future HIV/AIDS prevention strategies among African Americans.
It is our intent that this book contribute to a greater understanding of HIV among
African Americans and other emerging risk populations in the US and globally. As
such, one goal of African Americans and HIV/AIDS is to provide practitioners,
health workers, researchers, academics, students, and activists with an additional
prevention tool to combat HIV. As evidenced by the book as a whole and individual
chapters, much work has already occurred in halting the devastating spread of HIV
in African American communities. However, also demonstrated in these chapters is
the work that is yet to be completed. Only through collaborative efforts between
community members, families, practitioners, activists, health officials, and researchers will we have a positive impact on the HIV/AIDS epidemic among African
Americans.
References
CDC. (2009) Fighting HIV Among African Americans. Atlanta, GA: US Department of Health
and Human Services. http://www.cdc.gov/.
CDC. (2008) HIV/AIDS Surveillance Report, 2007, volume 19. Atlanta, GA: CDC.
About the Editors
Donna Hubbard McCree, PhD, MPH, RPh is Team Leader/Behavioral Scientist,
Intervention Research Team, Prevention Research Branch, Division of HIV/AIDS
Prevention, National Center for HIV, Viral Hepatitis, STD and TB Prevention
(NCHSTP), Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) in Atlanta, Georgia.
Dr. McCree has over 27 years of experience in Public Health and Pharmacy. She
completed the Doctor of Philosophy with Honors (1997) and Master of Public
Health (1987) degrees at The Johns Hopkins University School of Public Health,
Baltimore, Maryland in Health Policy and Management with a specialty in Social
and Behavioral Sciences. She also completed a postdoctoral fellowship through the
former Association of Teachers of Preventive Medicine (ATPM) with a specialty in
Sexually Transmitted Disease (STD) prevention. Additionally, she holds a Bachelor
of Science degree, summa cum laude, in Pharmacy from Howard University (1982)
and is a registered pharmacist in the states of Maryland and Connecticut, and the
District of Columbia. She has held numerous positions in the fields of Public Health
and Pharmacy including academia, bioavailability research, professional association management, and retail and hospital pharmacy practice. She was on the faculty
of the former College of Pharmacy at Howard University for over 7 years where she
served as Acting Chair of the Department of Pharmacy Administration. Her training
and expertise are in developing and conducting STD/HIV behavioral interventions.
Her work has resulted in over 80 peer-reviewed publications and presentations at
both international and national scientific meetings. Additionally, she is the recipient
of numerous awards and was recently awarded the 2009 Minority Health Mentor/
Champion of Excellence Award from the Division of HIV/AIDS Prevention for
outstanding commitment and achievement as a mentor for the ORISE Community
of Color Postdoctoral Research Fellowship.
Kenneth Terrill Jones, MSW, is a behavioral scientist with the Centers for Disease
Control and Prevention’s (CDC) Division of HIV/AIDS Prevention (DHAP). He
has served as the project coordinator of the Social Networks Demonstration Project
and the technical lead for d-up: Defend Yourself! (d-up!) – a cultually adapted evidence- and network-based intervention for young men who have sex with men
(MSM). Also, he has served as the project officer for a randomized controlled trial
of a community-level intervention adapted for young Black MSM. Most recently, he
ix
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About the Editors
lead an initiative to package intervention and training materials for d-up!, which is
being disseminated nationwide to community-based organizations (CBOs) and
health departments through the CDC’s Diffusion of Evidence-Based Interventions
(DEBI) initiative. He has served on several planning committees and workgroups at
the CDC, including the Workgroup to address HIV/AIDS and STDs among African
Americans and the DHAP Executive Committee on HIV/AIDS among MSMs. Prior
to joining the CDC, Jones served as the Director of Research for the Policy Institute
of the National Gay and Lesbian Task Force, where he also participated in two liaison panels with the Institute of Medicine. He also coauthored and edited several
research and policy reports including Say It Loud: I’m Black and I’m Proud, one of
the largest multicity studies of Black lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT)
men and women attending Black Gay Pride celebrations in the United States, and
Leaving Our Children Behind: Welfare Reform and the Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual, and
Transgender Community, which examines the impact of 1996 legislation on a segment of Americans largely excluded from the debate. He has served as a research
and curriculum consultant with various AIDS service organizations including Gay
Men of African Descent and People of Color in Crisis. He is a founding member of
the Black Gay Research Group, a multidisciplinary team of Black gay researchers
brought together to address the dearth of research on Black MSM, and the former
board president of In the Life Atlanta, a nonprofit community-based organization
whose mission is to increase positive visibility of LGBT individuals of African
Descent. Jones received a Bachelor of Arts degree in Sociology from the University
of Michigana and a Masters of Science in Social Work degree from Columbia
University in the City of New York. He has recently returned back to Columbia
University where he is receiving doctoral training in social work and serving as a
Predoctoral Research Fellow at the Social Intervention Group, a multidisciplinary
intervention development and prevention organization at the Columbia University
School of Social Work. Jones’s recent manuscripts have appeared in the American
Journal of Public Health, AIDS & Behavior, and Sexually Transmitted Diseases.
Ann O’Leary, PhD is a Senior Behavioral Scientist in the Division of HIV/AIDS
Prevention, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Her training included a
summa cum laude undergraduate degree from the University of Pennsylvania; a
Ph.D. in Psychology from Stanford University, supported by a National Science
Foundation fellowship; and 1 year of postdoctoral training in Health Psychology at
the University of California at San Francisco. She served on the faculty of the
Psychology Department at Rutgers University from 1986 to 1999. She has conducted research on HIV prevention for the past 27 years, and has also published
many articles on other aspects of Health Psychology. Dr. O’Leary has published
more than 150 scientific articles and chapters, and has edited or coedited three
books, Women at Risk: Issues in the Prevention of AIDS, Women and AIDS: Coping
and Care, Beyond Condoms: Alternative Approaches to HIV Prevention, and From
Child Sexual Abuse to Adult Sexual Risk: Trauma, Revictimization and Intervention.
She is a Fellow of the American Psychological Association and won the inaugural
“Distinguished Leader” award from the APA’s Committee on Psychology and
AIDS. She serves on the editorial boards of several scientific journals, and is a
frequent consultant to NIH and other scientific organizations.
Contents
Part I Introduction
1
The Contribution to and Context of Other Sexually Transmitted
Diseases and Tuberculosis in the HIV/AIDS Epidemic Among
African Americans ..................................................................................
Donna Hubbard McCree and Matthew Hogben
Part II
2
Context Chapters
Epidemiology and Surveillance of HIV Infection and AIDS
Among Non-Hispanic Blacks in the United States ...............................
Anna Satcher Johnson, Xiangming Wei, Xiaohong Hu,
and Hazel D. Dean
3
Racism, Poverty and HIV/AIDS Among African Americans .............
Kim M. Williams and Cynthia M. Prather
4
Organized Religion and the Fight Against HIV/AIDS in the
Black Community: The Role of the Black Church ..............................
Agatha N. Eke, Aisha L. Wilkes, and Juarlyn Gaiter
5
6
3
Disproportionate Drug Imprisonment Perpetuates
the HIV/AIDS Epidemic in African
American Communities ..........................................................................
Juarlyn L. Gaiter and Ann O’Leary
Violence, Trauma, and Mental Health Disorders: Are They
Related to Higher HIV Risk for African Americans? .........................
Pilgrim S. Spikes, Leigh A. Willis, and Linda J. Koenig
15
31
53
69
85
xi
xii
Contents
7
Countering the Surge of HIV/STIs and Co-occurring
Problems of Intimate Partner Violence and Drug
Abuse Among African American Women: Implications
for HIV/STI Prevention .......................................................................... 113
Nabila El-Bassel, Louisa Gilbert, Susan Witte, Elwin Wu,
and Danielle Vinocur
8
Childhood Sexual Abuse, African American Women,
and HIV Risk ........................................................................................... 131
Lekeisha A. Sumner, Gail E. Wyatt, Dorie Glover,
Jennifer V. Carmona, Tamra B. Loeb, Tina B. Henderson,
Dorothy Chin, and Rotrease S. Regan
Part III
Interventions
9
A Systematic Review of Evidence-Based Behavioral
Interventions for African American Youth at Risk for
HIV/STI Infection, 1988–2007 ............................................................... 151
Khiya Marshall, Nicole Crepaz, and Ann O’Leary
10
HIV Behavioral Interventions for Heterosexual African
American Men: A Critical Review of Cultural Competence .............. 181
Kirk D. Henny, Kim M. Williams, and Jocelyn Patterson
11
HIV Prevention for Heterosexual African-American Women ............ 211
Gina M. Wingood and Ralph J. DiClemente
12
Formulating the Stress and Severity Model of Minority Social
Stress for Black Men Who Have Sex with Men.................................... 223
Kenneth Terrill Jones, Leo Wilton, Gregorio Millett,
and Wayne D. Johnson
13
HIV Prevention Interventions for African American
Injection Drug Users ............................................................................... 239
David W. Purcell, Yuko Mizuno, and Cynthia M. Lyles
14
Structural Interventions with an Emphasis on Poverty
and Racism .............................................................................................. 255
Renata Arrington Sanders and Jonathan M. Ellen
15
HIV Behavioral Interventions for Incarcerated Populations
in the United States: A Critical Review ................................................ 271
David Wyatt Seal, Robin J. MacGowan, Gloria D. Eldridge,
Mahnaz R. Charania, and Andrew D. Margolis
Contents
16
xiii
The HIV/AIDS Epidemic in the African American
Community: Where Do We Go from Here? ......................................... 311
Ann O’Leary, Kenneth Terrill Jones, and Donna Hubbard McCree
Index ................................................................................................................. 317
Contributors
Jennifer Vargas Carmona
Associate Research Psychologist, UCLA Psychiatry & Biobehavioral Sciences,
760 Westwood Plaza, C9-539 Semel Institute, UCLA BOX 951759,
Los Angeles CA, 90095-1759, USA
Mahnaz R. Charania
Behavioral Scientist, Research Synthesis & Translation Team - PRS Project,
Prevention Research Branch, Division of HIV/AIDS Prevention,
National Center for HIV, Viral Hepatitis, STD and TB Prevention,
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 1600 Clifton Road NE,
Mailstop E-37 Atlanta GA, 30333, USA
Dorothy Chin
Associate Research Psychologist, UCLA, Department of Psychiatry
& Biobehavioral Sciences,760 Westwood Plaza,
C8-668 Semel Institute, BOX 951759, Los Angeles CA, 90095-1759, USA
Nicole Crepaz
Senior Behavioral Scientist, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention,
1600 Clifton Road, MS E-27 Atlanta GA, 30333, USA
Hazel D. Dean
Deputy Director, National Center for HIV/AIDS, Viral Hepatitis, STD,
and TB Prevention, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention,
1600 Clifton Road Mailstop E-07 Atlanta GA, 30333, USA
Agatha N. Eke
Behavioral Scientist, Prevention Research Branch,
Division of HIV Prevention National Centre for HIV/STD/TB Prevention,
Centres for Disease Control and Prevention,
1600 Clifton Road NE Atlanta, GA 30333, USA
xv
xvi
Contributors
Nabila El-Bassel
Professor, Columbia University School of Social Work;
Director, Social Intervention Group (SIG);
Director, Global Health Research Center of Central Asia (GHRCCA)
Columbia University, Columbia University School of Social Work,
1255 Amsterdam Ave, Office 814 New York NY, 10027, USA
Gloria D. Eldridge
Associate Professor, Department of Psychology and Center
for Behavioral Health Research and Services, University of Alaska Anchorage,
3211 Providence Drive Anchorage AK, 99508, USA
Jonathan M. Ellen
Professor and Vice Chair, Department of Pediatrics,
Johns Hopkins School of Medicine; Director, Department of Pediatrics,
Johns Hopkins Bayview Medical center, Mason F. Lord, Center Tower,
5200 Eastern Ave, Ste 4200 Baltimore MD, 21224, USA
Juarlyn L. Gaiter
Senior Behavioral Scientist, Division of HIV/AIDS Prevention,
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 1600 Clifton Road,
N.E. M.S. E-37 Atlanta GA, 30333, USA
Louisa Gilbert
Associate Research Scientist, School of Social Work,
1255 Amsterdam Avenue Room 818 Mail Code 4600, New York NY, 10027, USA
Dorie (Dorothy) A. Glover
Assistant Professor in Residence, Child Division, Department of Psychiatry,
Semel Institute of Neuroscience and Human Behavior UCLA,
1118 N. Beverly Glen Blvd Los Angeles CA, 90077, USA
Tina B. Henderson
Visiting Scholar, UCLA Institute of American Cultures,
Murphy Hall 4067 Abourne Road, Unit D Los Angeles CA, 90008, USA
Kirk D. Henny
Behavioral Scientist Division of HIV/AIDS Prevention,
National Center for HIV/AIDS, Viral Hepatitis, STD and TB Prevention,
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 1600 Clifton Road NE, MS E-37
Atlanta GA, 30333, USA
Matthew Hogben
Division of STD Prevention, National Center for HIV,
Viral Hepatitis, STD and TB Prevention, Centers for Disease Control
and Prevention, Mail Stop E-44 Atlanta GA, 30333, USA
Contributors
xvii
Anna Satcher Johnson
Epidemiologist, HIV Incidence and Case Surveillance Branch, Division
of HIV/AIDS Prevention, National Center for HIV/AIDS, Viral Hepatitis,
STD, and TB Prevention, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention,
1600 Clifton Rd NE MS E-47 Atlanta GA, 30333, USA
Wayne D. Johnson
Health Scientist, Division of HIV/AIDS Prevention, CDC,
Mailstop E-37 1600 Clifton Road NE Atlanta GA, 30333, USA
Kenneth Terrill Jones
Behavioral Scientist, Prevention Research Branch,
Division of HIV/AIDS Prevention, National Center for HIV, Viral Hepatitis,
STD and TB Prevention, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention,
1600 Clifton Road NE MS E-37 Atlanta GA, 30333, USA
Linda J. Koenig
Senior Scientist, Prevention Research Branch, Division of HIV/AIDS Prevention,
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 1600 Clifton Road,
Mailstop E37 Atlanta GA, 30333, USA
Tamra Burns Loeb
Associate Research Psychologist, Department of Psychiatry and
Biobehavioral Sciences, UCLA Semel Institute,
4458 Nogales Drive Tarzana CA, 91356, USA
Cindy Lyles
Mathematical Statistician, Prevention Research Branch,
Division of HIV/AIDS Prevention, Center for HIV, STD, and
TB Prevention, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention,
1600 Clifton Road, MS E-37 Atlanta GA, 30333, USA
LCDR Robin MacGowan
Expert Research Officer, US Public Health Service;
Deputy Team Leader, Interventions Research Team,
Prevention Research Branch, Division of HIV/AIDS Prevention,
National Center for HIV, Viral Hepatitis, STD and TB Prevention,
Centers for Disease Control & Prevention, 1600 Clifton Rd.,
MS E-37 Atlanta GA, 30333, USA
LCDR Andrew Margolis
Senior Research Officer, US Public Health Service,
Interventions Research Team, Prevention Research Branch,
Division of HIV/AIDS Prevention, National Center for HIV,
Viral Hepatitis, STD and TB Prevention, Centers for Disease Control
& Prevention, 1600 Clifton Rd., MS E-37 Atlanta GA, 30333, USA
xviii
Contributors
Khiya J. Marshall
Division of HIV/AIDS Prevention, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention,
Atlanta, GA 30333, USA
Donna Hubbard McCree
Team Leader, Interventions Research Team,
Prevention Research Branch, Division of HIV/AIDS Prevention,
National Center for HIV, Viral Hepatitis, STD and TB Prevention,
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 1600 Clifton Road NE MS E-37
Atlanta GA, 30333, USA
Yuko Mizuno
Behavioral Scientist, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention,
1600 Clifton Road NE, MS-E37 Atlanta GA, 30033, USA
Ann O’Leary
Senior Biomedical Research Service, Prevention Research Branch,
Division of HIV/AIDS Prevention, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention,
1600 Clifton Road, MS E-37 Atlanta GA, 30333, USA
Jocelyn D. Patterson
Division of HIV/AIDS Prevention, National Center for HIV, Viral Hepatitis,
STD and TB Prevention, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention,
1600 Clifton Rd, NE Mail stop E-37 Atlanta GA, 30333, USA
Cynthia Prather
Commander, USPHS CDC/NCHHSTP/DHAP-IRS/PRB,
1600 Clifton Road, MS E-37 Atlanta GA, 30333, USA
David W. Purcell
Chief, Prevention Research Branch,
CDC/NCHHSTP/DHAP, 1600 Clifton Road, MS E-37 Atlanta GA, 30333, USA
Rotrease S. Regan
Doctoral Candidate, Department of Community Health Sciences,
UCLA School of Public Health, 3767 Mentone Avenue Apt. #208
Los Angeles CA, 90034, USA
Renata Arrington Sanders
Assistant Professor,
Division of General Pediatrics & Adolescent Medicine
Johns Hopkins School of Medicine,
200 North Wolfe Street, Room 2063 Baltimore, Maryland, 21287, USA
David Wyatt Seal
Qualitative Methods Core Director,
Departments of Psychiatry & Behavioral Medicine//Population Health,
Center for AIDS Intervention Research, Medical College of Wisconsin,
2071 N. Summit Avenue Milwaukee WI, 53202, USA
Contributors
Pilgrim S. Spikes
Behavioral Scientist, Centers for Disease Control - NCHHSTP,
1600 Clifton Road - MS E-37 Atlanta GA, 30333, USA
Lekeisha A. Sumner
Clinical Psychologist, Assistant Research Psychologist
Department of Psychiatry & Biobehavioral Sciences, Center for Culture,
Trauma and Mental Health Disparities, UCLA,
3750 Jasmine Ave. #204 Los Angeles CA, 90034, USA
Danielle Vinocur
Supervising Psychologist, Women’s Health Project,
Long Island University, Brooklyn Campus New York NY, USA
Aisha L. Wilkes
Behavioral Scientist, Prevention Research Branch/
DHAP/NCHHSTP, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention,
1600 Clifton Road, NE Mailstop E-37 Atlanta GA, 30333, USA
Kim M. Williams
Behavioral Scientist, Prevention Research Branch,
Division of HIV/AIDS, Prevention National Center for HIV, STD,
and TB Prevention, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention,
1600 Clifton Road, NE MS E-37 Atlanta GA, 30333, USA
Leigh A. Willis
Behavioral Scientist, Epidemiology Branch,
Division of HIV/AIDS Prevention,
Minority HIV/AIDS Research Initiative (MARI),
1600 Clifton Rd MS E-45 Atlanta GA, 30329, USA
Leo Wilton
CCPA Human Development, PO Box 6000,
Binghamton NY, 13902-6000, USA
Gina M. Wingood
Professor, Rollins School of Public Health,
Agnes Moore Faculty in HIV/AIDS Research, Emory University,
4279 Roswell Rd., Suite 102-256 Atlanta GA, 30342, USA
Susan Witte
Associate Professor, 1255 Amsterdam Ave Room 813
Mail Code: 4600, New York NY, 10027, USA
Elwin Wu
1255 Amsterdam Ave Room 830 Mail Code: 4600,
New York NY, 10027, USA
xix
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Contributors
Gail E. Wyatt
Professor, Department of Psychiatry & Biobehavioral Sciences;
Director, UCLA Sexual Health Program; Director, Center for Culture,
Trauma and Mental Health Disparities; Associate Director, UCLA AIDS Institute;
Director, UCLA HIV/AIDS Translational Training Program (HATT);
Clinical Psychologist, UCLA Semel Institute for Neuroscience and Human
Behavior, BOX 951759 760 Westwood Plaza, C8-871C Semel Institute
Los Angeles CA, 90095-1759, USA
Part I
Introduction
Chapter 1
The Contribution to and Context of Other
Sexually Transmitted Diseases and Tuberculosis
in the HIV/AIDS Epidemic Among African
Americans*
Donna Hubbard McCree and Matthew Hogben
Significant health disparities in chronic diseases, (e.g., cancer, cardiovascular
diseases, hypertension, and diabetes) (CDC, January, 2005; Farmer & Ferraro,
2005; Gehlert et al., 2008; Glover, Greenlund, Ayala CDC, Croft, 2005; LaVeist,
Bowie, & Cooley-Quille, 2000; Sudano & Baker, 2006; Williams, 1997) and
infectious diseases like Human Immunodeficiency Virus (HIV)/Acquired
Immunodeficiency Syndrome (AIDS) (Aral, Adimora, & Fenton, 2008; CDC
Sexually Transmitted Diseases Surveillance report, 2008, 2009; CDC, 2008 HIV/
AIDS Surveillance report, 2007), exist among ethnic minorities in the United
States (US). Among US racial and ethnic minority populations, African American
communities are the most disproportionately impacted. Further, rates of sexually
transmitted diseases (STDs) like Chlamydia, gonorrhea and HIV in African
American communities are the highest in the nation (CDC, 2007). Causes for
these disparities are interrelated and fundamentally due to contextual and structural factors like higher poverty rates, lack of access to adequate health care,
higher incarceration rates, lower income and educational attainment, and racism
(Adimora et al., 2006; Aral et al.; Chu & Selwyn, 2008; Gehlert et al.; LaVeist
et al., 2007). Therefore, interventions to address health disparities that exist
between African Americans and Caucasians should be integrated and address the
contextual and structural environment in which African Americans exist.
As background for the book, this Introduction provides a summary of other
important infectious disease rates, i.e., STDs and tuberculosis (TB), and their
contribution and importance to HIV/AIDS prevention and treatment in African
Americans and a brief introductory discussion on the major contextual factors
related to the acquisition and transmission of STDs/HIV.
*The contents of this article are solely the responsibility of the authors and do not necessarily
represent the views of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.
D.H. McCree (*)
Division of HIV/AIDS Prevention, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention,
1600 Clifton Road NE, MS E-37, Atlanta, GA 30333, USA
e-mail: zyr1@cdc.gov
D.H. McCree et al. (eds.), African Americans and HIV/AIDS,
DOI 10.1007/978-0-387-78321-5_1,
Chapter 1 was authored by employees of the U.S. government and is therefore not subject
to U.S. copyright protection.
3
4
D.H. McCree and M. Hogben
Importance of Co-infections with Other STDs and TB to HIV
Rates Among African Americans in the US
The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) estimates that about 19
million new STDs occur annually in the United States with the greatest burden of
diagnosis among 15–24 year olds (Weinstock, Berman, & Cates, 2004), women and
African Americans (CDC, January, 2009). Rates of Chlamydia, gonorrhea, and
syphilis are higher among African Americans than any racial/ethnic group. More
than 1.1 million cases of Chlamydia, a bacterial infection and the most commonly
reported STD in the United States, were diagnosed in 2007 (CDC, March, 2009a,
2009b). Of these cases approximately 48% were diagnosed in African Americans,
translating into a rate eight times as high as the rate among Caucasians (CDC,
January, 2009; CDC, March, 2009a, 2009b). Additionally, of the approximately
356,000 cases of gonorrhea reported in 2007, about 70% of the cases were in
African Americans (CDC, January, 2009; CDC, March, 2009a, 2009b). This translates into a gonorrhea rate among African Americans that is 19 times the rate in
Caucasians. Further, between 2005–2006 (CDC, November, 2007) and 2006–2007
(CDC, January, 2009), the rate of gonorrhea in African Americans increased by
6.3 and 1.8% respectively, while rates among all other US racial and ethnic groups
declined (CDC, January, 2009).
While the racial gap in syphilis rates has narrowed since 1999, significant
racial disparities still exist for African Americans. Approximately 11,466 cases
of syphilis were reported in 2007 (CDC, January, 2009). The syphilis rate
among African Americans (2.0 per 100,000 population) was seven times that
among Caucasians and rates of primary and secondary syphilis (P&S syphilis)
– the most infectious form of the disease – in African Americans increased for
the fourth consecutive year (CDC, January, 2009). This increase was 16.5%
between 2005 and 2006 (CDC, November, 2007) and 25% between 2006 and
2007 (CDC, January, 2009). Additionally, significant gender differences in
syphilis diagnosis exits within the community. The largest increase, 28.2%,
among African Americans was found in males, and mainly among men who
have sex with men (MSM); rates of P&S among females increased 14.3% (CDC,
January, 2009).
The disparities in STD diagnoses for African Americans are important because
there is evidence that the presence of STDs like Chlamydia, gonorrhea and syphilis can increase the risk of HIV acquisition (Cohen, 2004; Weinstock et al., 2004)
and transmission (Gavin & Cohen, 2004; Reynolds, Risbud, Shepherd et al.,
2003; CDC, 1998). The available literature suggests that co-transmission of HIV
and other STDs may be a common occurrence (Cohen, 2004) and that biological
mechanisms, (e.g., impaired integrity of the genital mucosa creating an environment more conducive to transmission) (Cohen, 2004; Gavin, & Cohen, 2004) and
immunologic mechanisms, (e.g., immune activation) (Reynolds, Risbue, Shepherd,
Zenilman, Brookmeyer, Paranjape, et al, 2003) are possible explanations for the
increased risk for HIV transmission in persons infected with STDs.
1
The Contribution to and Context of Other Sexually Transmitted Diseases
5
Also of importance to HIV/AIDS disparities among African Americans are
other infections that interact with an HIV infection. There are data linking tuberculosis (TB) to increase susceptibility to and worsening prognosis of an HIV infection
(Bentwich, 2003; Fleming & Wasserheit, 1999; Hotz, Molyneux, Stillwaggon,
Bentwich, & Kumaresan, 2006). The CDC estimates that 9–14 million Americans
are infected with the TB bacterium, and, in 2005, approximately 16% of the TB
cases among persons 25–44 years old were in those infected with HIV (CDC,
January, 2008). Further, 63% of the TB patients reported in 2005 were African
Americans (CDC, 2007). Given these data, identifying and treating co-infections,
i.e., STDs and TB, among African Americans may be important methods for
prevention and reduction of health disparities.
The Context of Behavioral Risk
A meaningful discussion of STD or HIV acquisition risk among African Americans
requires examination of behaviors and context. In some geographic areas and
among some African Americans, prevalence is sufficiently high that behaviors that
confer minimal risk for others confer substantial risk among African Americans.
For example, a syphilis outbreak in Rockdale County, Georgia almost a decade
ago revealed an extensive network of concurrent sexual partnerships among
predominantly white suburban adolescents (Rothenberg et al., 1998). Until a case
of syphilis was introduced into the network, the putatively high-risk sexual behaviors among this group conferred no known STD acquisition risk (syphilis certainly
spread quickly once the initial case entered the network). Had this network existed
in a setting with the prevalence of nearby Fulton County, the same behaviors
would have produced much faster spread of any STD. Given the racial demographics – Fulton County has a higher proportion of African Americans than does
Rockdale – the example illustrates the important role of the context in which
behaviors occur.
That noted, behaviors do matter, as do the psychosocial antecedents to behavior.
There are numerous data linking psychological constructs, social networks and other
contextual variables with risky sexual behaviors, and even data showing
correspondence between variables in each of these categories and STD rates. (e.g.,
Locke & Newcomb, 2008; Paz-Bailey et al., 2005) These general data are relevant
to STD and HIV among African Americans as they are relevant to any other
sociodemographic partition of the US population. However, some data are relevant
in particular ways to African Americans because (a) racial disparities in STD
prevalence show some behaviors connote greater risk for African Americans than for
most other Americans (e.g., Hallfors, Iritani, Miller, & Bauer, 2007) and (b) the
prevalence of some risk factors or markers may actually be greater among African
American populations.
We have categorized risk factors and markers into three broad levels: psychosocial
antecedents, proximate social factors (e.g., peer networks), and broader context
6
D.H. McCree and M. Hogben
(e.g., health care availability). The levels are not cleanly delineated, mostly because
they often interact with one another to produce multiplicative or even exponential
effects upon the individual. Finally, each of the levels matters. To illustrate, if
community prevalence were 0, the number of partners is irrelevant to disease acquisition; if community prevalence were 100% (and for ease of calculation,
transmission probability were also 100%), any number of partners greater than 1 is
irrelevant. But at any other level of prevalence, the odds of acquisition vary with
number of partners; therefore both prevalence and number of partners interact to
produce the odds of acquisition. Hallfors et al. (2007) is instructive: the authors
provided an approximate continuum of risk behaviors ranging from categories such
as “few partners, low alcohol and other drug use” to “marijuana and other drug
use,” together with the prevalence of STD by white and black race. Blacks with few
partners and low drug use had a STD prevalence of 20.3% (3.2% for whites with
the same behaviors); blacks engaging in marijuana and other drug use had a
prevalence of 28.8% (7.5% for whites). The markedly different prevalences for the
same behaviors across race indicate the greater risk blacks encounter, compared to
whites, for each level of risk and illustrate the role of context.
Psychosocial constructs. Hallfors et al. (2007) also demonstrate that behaviors
matter: the increasing prevalences in the previous paragraph within race across
behaviors represent the effect of behavior. As influences upon, and explanations of,
behaviors, psychosocial constructs also matter. Conceptual clarity about causality
is often difficult because many psychosocial variables are both outcomes and
antecedents to risky sexual behavior (i.e., the behaviors and psychosocial variables
have recursive relationships). For example, a positive STD diagnosis may reduce
self-esteem, especially if the STD is viral, ergo incurable, or if the STD is particularly associated with stigmatized behavior. A longitudinal analysis conducted in a
cohort of HIV-infected African American women revealed an association between
experience of intimate partner violence at one time point and subsequent incident
STI, with depression as a mediating factor (Hogben et al., 2001). This particular
analysis is also an example of how the levels proposed in the preceding paragraph
combine: an experiential factor (violence) and a psychosocial measurement
(depression) are both present to predict STD incidence.
Self-esteem and depression are frequently linked to risky sexual behavior as
antecedents, with the putative mediating mechanisms ranging from poor negotiation
skills associated with both conditions to lack of a belief in one’s worth (e.g., Locke
& Newcomb, 2008). Reduced self-esteem and increased depression do not arise
from a vacuum. Depression may well have a substantial genetic component,
although none of this research points to differences in pre-disposing genetic
complements as a function of racial status. Negative life experiences are more
clearly associated with depression and self-esteem, and negative life experiences
are examples of social context. Childhood sexual abuse has often been shown to
predict sexual risk, both directly and through the advent of survival sex among
those who are fleeing abuse (e.g., van Roode, Dickson, Herbison, & Paul, 2009).
When negative life experiences contain large racial disparities, they can produce
disparities in psychosocial constructs like depression and contribute to the
1
The Contribution to and Context of Other Sexually Transmitted Diseases
7
behavioral outcomes. A much larger proportion of African Americans are or have
been incarcerated than whites. When that experience reduces a sense of control
over one’s life or when one is deprived of exercising control, risky behavior may
increase, preserving the disparity generated through incarceration.
Behavioral self-efficacy is frequently associated with risk behaviors, generally through the prism of avoiding potential disease, “I could refuse to have sex,”
or the prism of harm reduction, “I could insist my partner wears a condom
before we have sex.” The association is often not reliable as typically measured,
because self-reported broad self-efficacy is often high enough to compress
variance and create a ceiling effect. If self-efficacy is measured with qualifiers,
“I could insist my partner wears a condom … if I had not been drinking alcohol,”
responses tend to vary more widely across the response scale. In one study
(Hogben, Lawrence, Hennessy, & Eldridge, 2003), incarcerated women averaged 35.4 (SD = 6.2) on a 40-point composite scale for being able to tell their
partners to use a condom. With the qualification “…if I was high” added,
efficacy dropped significantly, p < 0.001.
Better news is that many of these variables are amenable to remediation; social
cognitive interventions that have focused upon such remediation have even shown
efficacy in STD reduction, including among African American samples (e.g.,
Jemmott, Jemmott, Braverman, & Fong, 2005; Kamb et al., 1998; Shain et al., 2004).
Most recently, Jemmott, Jemmott, and O’Leary (2007) conducted a trial of brief,
skills-building interventions (one-on-one versus small-group by skills-building
versus information plus a control group): skills-building groups reported fewer STD
at 12-month follow-up visits than did control (15% versus 27%, p < 0.05). In setting
the tone of the interventions, the authors emphasized a culturally sensitive, communal modality – “Sister To Sister! Respect Yourself! Protect Yourself! Because
You Are Worth It!” The emphatic tone, assertion of worth, and peer to peer approach
remove the sense of being lectured to and build mutual support for skills building
(which in turn improves self-efficacy). Wingood, DiClemente and colleagues have
produced a “suite” of interventions relying upon social cognitive changes to affect
behaviors and STD rates (Wingood & DiClemente, 2006). Although the interventions within this suite (SISTA: DiClemente & Wingood, 1995; SiHLE: DiClemente
et al., 2004; WiLLOW: Wingood et al., 2004) are principally aimed at HIV risk
reduction, participants in SiHLE and WiLLOW intervention groups both showed
statistically significant reductions in STD infection. Of psychosocial mediators, the
interventions resulted in greater sexual self-control and assertiveness and reduced
partner barriers to condom use.
Another class of psychosocial factors and markers pertains to health care seeking.
Patient attitudes about sexuality in health care settings are correlated with the likelihood of STD-relevant discussions, like sexual histories, occurring. In one sample of
313 adolescents (81% African American, ages 11–21 years, mostly 15 and older), the
likelihood of discussion of sexual behavior and STD prevention were both correlated
with how comfortable the patients felt talking to a doctor and by whether the patient
believed the topic was appropriate for a doctor to discuss with them (Merzel et al.,
2004). If discomfort and community prevalence are high enough, disparities are likely
8
D.H. McCree and M. Hogben
to be preserved (even if the discomfort alone exists in other, lower-prevalence
communities).
Social factors. A supportive peer network can reduce the risk of STD acquisition
or transmission, as shown in the series of interventions described by Wingood and
Diclemente (2006, and see above). However, networks can also increase the risk of
disease, for example, with violent partners. Experience of intimate partner violence
(IPV) is correlated with sexual behavior, most obviously when IPV takes the form
of rape or other coercive sexual behavior. As noted previously, Hogben et al. (2001)
found an association between IPV and incident STD acquisition among a sample of
predominantly African American, HIV-infected women. Also among HIV-infected
women, a more recent paper found no relationship between gender-based violence
and sexually transmitted disease acquisition, but did find that experience of genderbased violence was associated with inconsistent condom use and abuse resulting
from efforts to negotiate use (Lang, Salazar, Wingood, Diclemente, & Mikhail,
2007). In both studies, IPV was restricted to relatively recent experience (6 months
in Hogben et al., 6–7% prevalence; 3 months in Lang et al., 10% prevalence).
A disrupted sexual network can also lead to elevated sexual risk, and African
American women may be at more risk of network disruption. Using National
Survey of Family Growth data and controlling for age and race, Liddon, Leichliter,
and Aral (2007) reported divorced women were more than twice as likely than
never-married women to have had multiple partners in the past year. While the risk
conditional upon divorce may or may not differ by race, African American women
(20%) were slightly more likely to be divorced than white or Hispanic women (both
16%), p < 0.001, and were therefore at higher risk, all else being equal.
Hurricane Katrina brought population-level social and economic dislocation to
a majority African American city in 2002. Demonstrating the confluence between
levels again, Cieslak et al. (2009) found social support was associated with coping
self-efficacy among HIV-infected Katrina victims. As social support was disrupted,
efficacy diminished.
Contextual factors. An increasing body of work, including in this volume,
identifies racism and segregation as principal contextual factors in STD/HIV risk, as
well as other negative health outcomes (Hogben & Leichliter, 2008; Krieger, 1999,
2003). St. Louis, Farley, and Aral (1996) identified racism as a key underlying factor
in STD rates in the South almost 15 years ago. Krieger (2008) describes an ecosocial
model that includes context and behavior; interestingly, she proposed moving away
from the concept of proximal and distal measures, that is, the frequent classification
of social determinants and similar contextual factors as distal and “upstream”
against “proximate” behaviors, by level as predictors of health outcomes. This precept
that is somewhat reflected here in the interactions among the levels we outline.
Health care of appropriate quality to prevent disease and stem transmission of
infection is a factor immediately related to STDs among African Americans.
Reduced provision of and access to appropriate services are one source of disparities
(Parrish & Kent, 2008). In Merzel et al. (2004), the authors reported only 19% of
the sample had been tested for chlamydial infection or gonorrhea, in spite of the
fact that, not only are these STDs more common among adolescents and young
1
The Contribution to and Context of Other Sexually Transmitted Diseases
9
adults than any other age groups, the study site was selected on the basis of high
rates of gonorrhea. If we construe the adolescent–parent relationship as part of the
context of sexuality, sexual behavior and sexual health care for adolescents, a
second point from these data becomes relevant. The odds of the patient and doctor
discussing sexual behavior and STD prevention also depended on whether the
patient’s parent knew the visit was taking place. In particular, patients whose
parents knew about the health care visit were less than half as likely to discuss
sexual behavior or STD prevention than those whose parents did not know (54%
versus 25% and 61% versus 25%, respectively, both p < 0.01).
Returning to the Katrina-based research noted in the previous section, the
subsequent influx of construction workers with high reported levels of sexual risk
behaviors (Kissinger et al., 2008) illustrated a change in the overall social context
that could facilitate STD or HIV acquisition and transmission among New Orleans
residents staying or returning to the city. Another study tracking women (mostly
African American) displaced by Katrina found disruptions in general health care
access, employment, and pregnancy prevention services (Kissinger, Schmidt,
Sanders, & Liddon, 2007). The same women reported elevated rates of reproductive
tract discomfort and more than one sex partner in the previous few months. This
last point ties a negative contextual factor squarely to behavioral risk.
Because of the contributions of co-infections with other STDs and TB and
specific contextual and structural factors (as introduced in this chapter) to the acquisition, transmission, and/or worsening prognosis of an HIV infection, identifying
and addressing these issues may be the best method for preventing HIV/AIDS
among African Americans.
Summary of Chapters in this Volume
This volume is divided into two sections that focus on the history and context of HIV/
AIDS in African Americans and interventions targeting specific subpopulations. The
first part of the volume is composed of the context chapters that focus on specific
contextual and structural issues related to HIV/AIDS transmission and prevention in
African Americans. Johnson and Dean provide a background for this exploration in the
opening chapter for this section. Their chapter discusses the history and the statistics
of HIV/AIDS among African Americans. The chapters that follow address the role of
racial disparities in incarceration, Gaither and O’Leary; contribution of substance use
and mental health Spikes, Willis and Koenig; violence and substance use, El-Bassel
et al.; and childhood sexual abuse, Wyatt and Summers, to HIV acquisition and transmission. Further, other context chapters discuss how poverty and racism (Williams &
Prather), and organized religion (Eke and Gaither), affect HIV/AIDS rates among
African Americans.
The second section of this volume is composed of the intervention chapters.
These chapters summarize the available published literature on prevention
interventions for adolescents, Marshall, O’Leary, and Crepaz; heterosexually active
10
D.H. McCree and M. Hogben
men, Henny, and women, Wingood; MSM, Jones, Wilton, Johnson and Millett; and
intravenous drugs users, Purcell, Mizuno, and Lyles. This section concludes with a
chapter authored by Arrington Sanders and Ellen on structural interventions for
HIV/AIDS prevention with an emphasis on poverty and racism. Finally, the volume
concludes with a discussion of future directions for HIV/AIDS prevention authored
by the co-editors, O’Leary, Jones and McCree.
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Part II
Context Chapters
Chapter 2
Epidemiology and Surveillance of HIV Infection
and AIDS Among Non-Hispanic Blacks
in the United States
Anna Satcher Johnson, Xiangming Wei, Xiaohong Hu, and Hazel D. Dean
Surveillance of HIV Infection and AIDS
In June 1981, the first five cases of AIDS were recognized in the United States, and
the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) began tracking reported
cases (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 1981). By June 1982, more than
400 AIDS cases had been reported to CDC, with 19% of these cases occurring
among non-Hispanic blacks (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 1982).
By 1996 and continuing through today, more cases have been diagnosed among
blacks each year than among any other racial or ethnic population (Centers for
Disease Control and Prevention, 1996). In 2006, blacks accounted for 13% of the
population of the United States, yet they accounted for 49% (17,960) of new AIDS
diagnoses that year (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2008a; U.S.
Census Bureau, 2006).
HIV/AIDS is considered a health crisis for blacks. This chapter reviews the
epidemiology and surveillance of HIV infection and AIDS among blacks in the
United States and describes the current state of the epidemic.
Public health surveillance is defined as “the ongoing, systematic collection,
analysis, interpretation, and dissemination of outcome-specific data for use in the
planning, implementation, and evaluation of public health programs.”(Thacker,
2001) By that definition, CDC provides the only national population-based monitoring of the HIV epidemic in the United States – the HIV/AIDS Reporting System
(HARS). Laboratories, physicians, hospitals, and other health care providers are
required to report cases of HIV infection and AIDS confidentially to designated
local and state health departments. Confidential case reports may include diagnostic
information, risk factors for HIV exposure, demographic information, and other
variables relevant to monitor the scope of the epidemic.
A.S. Johnson (*)
Division of HIV/AIDS Prevention, National Center for HIV/AIDS, Viral Hepatitis,
STD, and TB Prevention, Office of Infectious Diseases, Centers for
Disease Control and Prevention, Mail Stop E-47, 1600 Clifton Road, Atlanta, GA 30333, USA
e-mails: ATS5@cdc.gov; ASatcherJohnson@cdc.gov
D.H. McCree et al. (eds.), African Americans and HIV/AIDS,
DOI 10.1007/978-0-387-78321-5_2, © Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2010
15
16
A.S. Johnson et al.
Since 1985, all 50 states, the District of Columbia (D.C.), and five U.S. dependent
areas (American Samoa, Guam, the Northern Mariana Islands, Puerto Rico, and the
U.S. Virgin Islands) have required the reporting of AIDS cases to state or local
health departments. Using HARS software, state and local health departments
transmit case report data to CDC without patient names or other personally identifying information. CDC analyzes, interprets, and disseminates these data nationally
to help public officials plan for and evaluate prevention and care programs. During
the early years of AIDS surveillance, case data alone provided an adequate picture
of HIV trends. Today, with the advent of highly active antiretroviral therapy
(HAART), the overall progression of HIV infection to AIDS and from AIDS to
death has slowed (Palella et al., 1998). Consequently, AIDS surveillance data
no longer serve as a reliable surrogate for monitoring HIV infection, although they
do provide important information about where care and treatment resources are
most needed.
New HIV diagnoses are better indicators of current trends in HIV transmission
because they bring us closer to the front end of the disease spectrum. Since HIV
antibody tests became available in 1985 (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention,
1984; Gallo, Salahuddin, & Popovic, 1984), states have implemented HIV infection
reporting at different times and with different types of reporting (e.g., code-based,
name-to-code). However, by April 2008, confidential reporting of cases of HIV
infection by name was legally mandated in all 50 states, the District of Columbia,
and five U.S. dependent areas.
This chapter presents data on HIV or AIDS cases diagnosed during 2002–2006
and reported to CDC as of June 30, 2007. The epidemiology of HIV/AIDS will be
provided apart from the epidemiology of AIDS because the data reflect different
populations. The term “HIV/AIDS” refers collectively to three categories of diagnoses: (1) a diagnosis of HIV infection (not AIDS), (2) a diagnosis of HIV infection
with subsequent AIDS diagnosis, and (3) concurrent diagnoses of HIV infection
and AIDS.
To ensure consistent data, this chapter presents only HIV/AIDS data from the
33 states that have had confidential, name-based HIV infection surveillance since at
least 2001. These 33 states are Alabama, Alaska, Arizona, Arkansas, Colorado,
Florida, Idaho, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Louisiana, Michigan, Minnesota, Mississippi,
Missouri, Nebraska, Nevada, New Jersey, New Mexico, New York, North Carolina,
North Dakota, Ohio, Oklahoma, South Carolina, South Dakota, Tennessee, Texas,
Utah, Virginia, West Virginia, Wisconsin, and Wyoming. This chapter will also
present data on persons in whom AIDS was diagnosed, as well as deaths among
persons with AIDS, which includes deaths unrelated to AIDS. Data for AIDS cases
and deaths were reported from all 50 states and the District of Columbia.
The data used here are estimates derived from cases of HIV infection, AIDS, and
deaths reported to CDC, with some statistical adjustments made for reporting
delays and redistribution of cases with missing risk factor information (Centers for
Disease Control and Prevention, 2008a; Green, 1998). Statistical adjustments were
not made for “diagnosed, but unreported cases” or for “cases yet to be diagnosed.”
Cases were classified according to “transmission” category, which is the term used
2
Epidemiology and Surveillance of HIV Infection and AIDS
17
to identify the risk factor most likely to have resulted in transmission of HIV infection.
The following is a list of definitions of transmission categories:
•
•
•
•
Male-to-male sexual contact (i.e., among men who have sex with men (MSM)).
Injection-drug use (IDU).
Both MSM and IDU (MSM/IDU).
High-risk heterosexual contact (i.e., with a person of the opposite sex known to be
HIV infected or at high risk for HIV infection (e.g., MSM or injection-drug user)).
• “Other” (e.g., hemophilia, blood transfusion, unidentified risk factors).
In addition, estimated numbers of HIV/AIDS and AIDS diagnoses were calculated
for each racial and ethnic population by transmission category and other selected
characteristics for the years 2002–2006. Estimated diagnosis and prevalence (i.e.,
persons living with HIV/AIDS) rates per 100,000 population for persons diagnosed
with HIV/AIDS and for persons diagnosed with AIDS also were calculated for each
racial and ethnic population. Rate calculations do not include cases among persons
whose race was not reported, or who are of multiple races. Persons identified as
white, black or African American, Asian/Pacific Islander, American Indian/Alaska
Native, or other/unknown race are not Hispanic or Latino. Persons of Hispanic/
Latino origin may be of any race.
HIV/AIDS in Blacks
The HIV/AIDS epidemic has evolved from primarily affecting white people to
primarily affecting black people. When compared with other races and ethnicities
in the United States today, the latest surveillance data consistently demonstrate
that blacks are disproportionately affected by HIV/AIDS at all stages – from infection with HIV to death with AIDS. Of the estimated 173,956 adults and adolescents age 13 years and older diagnosed with HIV/AIDS in the 33 states with
name-based HIV reporting during 2002–2006, nearly half (49.9%) were black.
In comparison, whites age 13 years and older accounted for 29.9% of all HIV/AIDS
diagnoses among adults and adolescents made during those years, while Hispanics/
Latinos accounted for 18.1%, Asians/Pacific Islanders for 1%, and American
Indians/Alaska Natives accounted for less than 1%. The distribution of transmission categories among adults and adolescents, by race/ethnicity and sex, is shown
in Table 2.1.
During 2002–2006, among all adults and adolescents, blacks accounted for the
largest percentages of HIV/AIDS diagnoses in the high-risk heterosexual (67.6%)
and IDU transmission categories (54.9%). Of HIV/AIDS diagnoses among blacks,
most were attributed to high-risk heterosexual contact (45.7%) and male-to-male
sexual contact (34.2%). Blacks also accounted for the largest percentage of HIV/
AIDS diagnoses in all age groups. Most (60.3%) HIV/AIDS diagnoses were among
adults aged 25–44 years regardless of race or ethnicity, with blacks accounting for
46.6%. Racial disparities in HIV diagnoses were particularly severe among young
18
Table 2.1 Estimated number and percentage of HIV/AIDSa diagnoses among adults and adolescents, by race/ethnicity and selected characteristics – 33 states
with confidential name-based HIV infection reporting, 2002–2006b
American
Indian/
Unknown/
Alaska
White, not
Black, not
Asian/Pacific
multiple races
Native
Hispanic
Hispanic
Hispanic/Latino
Islander
Totalc
Characteristics
No.
No.
(%)
No.
(%)
No.
(%)
No.
(%)
No.
(%)
No.
(%)
29.9
86,747
49.9
31,498
18.1
1,723
1.0
874
0.5
1,170
0.7
173,956
100
22.5
33.3
39.3
36.6
36.3
31.0
8,571
13,017
17,365
11,173
3,525
1,049
56.5
39.4
39.4
46.6
47.1
47.9
2,851
8,136
8,422
3,588
1,130
426
18.8
24.6
19.1
15.0
15.1
19.5
133
494
474
185
41
12
0.9
1.5
1.1
0.8
0.5
0.5
74
189
213
104
30
5
0.5
0.6
0.5
0.4
0.4
0.2
125
205
255
146
49
17
0.8
0.6
0.6
0.6
0.7
0.8
15,167
33,050
44,053
23,957
7,492
2,188
100
100
100
100
100
100
42.3
29,685
36.4
15,554
19.1
919
1.1
397
0.5
470
0.6
81,496
100
22.0
8,805
53.4
3,703
22.5
134
0.8
88
0.5
133
0.8
16,494
100
42.4
13.6
2,434
13,509
37.4
64.9
1,159
4,028
17.8
19.4
50
227
0.8
1.1
53
77
0.8
0.4
53
136
0.8
0.7
6,513
20,808
100
100
34.2
34.9
267
54,701
44.9
43.4
110
24,554
18.4
19.5
8
1,338
1.4
1.1
2
616
0.3
0.5
4
798
0.7
0.6
595
125,906
100
100
A.S. Johnson et al.
All
51,944
Male
Age group at diagnosis (years)
13–24
3,412
25–34
11,009
35–44
17,325
45–54
8,759
55–64
2,716
³65
679
Transmission category
34,472
Male-to-male
sexual contact
(MSM)
Injection drug
3,630
use (IDU)
MSM with IDU 2,764
High-risk
2,831
heterosexual
contactd
Other e
204
Total
43,901
(%)
15.9
15.7
17.6
17.7
17.2
13.3
5,153
8,876
9,726
5,912
1,807
571
68.3
67.3
65.9
66.0
65.0
68.1
1,032
1,899
2,146
1,300
428
139
13.7
14.4
14.5
14.5
15.4
16.6
44
158
89
57
28
9
0.6
1.2
0.6
0.6
1.0
1.1
43
76
81
43
14
1
0.6
0.6
0.5
0.5
0.5
0.1
71
102
110
60
23
7
0.9
0.8
0.7
0.7
0.8
0.8
7,541
13,184
14,752
8,954
2,780
839
100
100
100
100
100
100
25.1
14.7
5,493
26,170
57.5
69.0
1,451
5,401
15.2
14.2
62
316
0.6
0.8
72
181
0.8
0.5
76
293
0.8
0.8
9,551
37,919
100
100
15.4
16.7
384
32,046
66.1
66.7
92
6,945
15.8
14.5
7
385
1.3
0.8
6
258
1.0
0.5
3
372
0.5
0.8
581
48,050
100
100
Includes persons diagnosed with HIV infection with or without AIDS
Data as of June 2007, adjusted for reporting delays and risk factor redistribution
c
Because subpopulation values were calculated independently, the values may not sum to the row or column total
d
Heterosexual contact with a person known to be HIV infected or at high risk for HIV infection
e
Other risk factors (e.g., hemophilia, blood transfusion) and all risk factors not reported or not identified
b
Epidemiology and Surveillance of HIV Infection and AIDS
a
2
Female
Age group at diagnosis (years)
13–24
1,196
25–34
2,074
35–44
2,601
45–54
1,583
55–64
479
³65
112
Transmission category
Injection drug use 2,396
High-risk
5,558
heterosexual
contactd
Othere
89
8,044
Totalc
19
20
A.S. Johnson et al.
people. Overall, blacks accounted for half (49.9%) of all HIV/AIDS diagnoses during
2002–2006; however, among youth aged 13–24 years, blacks accounted for 60.4%
(Table 2.1).
For each year, the HIV/AIDS diagnosis rates for black adults and adolescents in
this study were consistently higher than the rates for adults and adolescents of other
racial and ethnic groups. For example, in 2006, the estimated HIV/AIDS diagnosis
rate was 85.6 per 100,000 in the black population. This rate was nearly nine times
as high as the rate for whites (9.6 per 100,000) and more than twice as high as the
rate for Hispanics/Latinos (33.7 per 100,000).
During 2002–2006, the overall estimated prevalence of HIV/AIDS was higher
among blacks than among adults and adolescents of other race or ethnic groups. At
the end of 2006, an estimated 485,081 adults and adolescents were living with HIV/
AIDS in the 33 states, and of those, 47.4% (229,957) were black. The prevalence
rate for blacks living with HIV/AIDS was 1,140.0 per 100,000. This rate was more
than seven times as high as the HIV/AIDS prevalence rate among whites (148.7 per
100,000) and more than twice as high as the prevalence rate among Hispanics/
Latinos (438.9 per 100,000).
AIDS in Blacks
Although the annual number of AIDS diagnoses among blacks has decreased in the
past few years, disparities among racial groups persist (Centers for Disease Control
and Prevention, 2006). Of the estimated 187,456 adults and adolescents with diagnosed AIDS in the 50 states and D.C. during 2002–2006, 49.9% were black. Whites
accounted for 29.2% of AIDS diagnoses, Hispanics/Latinos for 18.3%, Asians/
Pacific Islanders for 1.2%, and American Indians/Alaska Natives for less than
1% (Table 2.2).
The distribution of transmission categories by race/ethnicity and sex among
adults and adolescents with diagnosed AIDS is shown in Table 2.2. During 2002–
2006, blacks accounted for the largest percentage of AIDS diagnoses attributed to
high-risk heterosexual contact and IDU (Table 2.2). Among blacks, most AIDS
diagnoses were attributed to high-risk heterosexual contact (41.2%) or male-to-male
sexual contact (30.1%).
Blacks also accounted for the largest percentage of AIDS diagnoses regardless
of age at diagnosis. The highest proportions of adults with diagnosed AIDS were
in the following age groups: 35–44 and 45–54 years, regardless of race or ethnicity.
In these age groups, blacks accounted for 47.2 and 51.6%, respectively, of AIDS
diagnoses. Racial disparities in AIDS diagnoses were particularly severe among
young people. Overall, blacks accounted for half of all AIDS diagnoses during
2002–2006; among youth aged 13–24 years, blacks accounted for 60.9% of diagnoses. By region, blacks accounted for the largest percentage of AIDS diagnoses in
every region (South, 62.0%; Northeast, 48.1%; and Midwest, 50.2%) except the
West (18.4%).
No.
(%)
No.
(%)
No.
(%)
No.
(%)
No.
(%)
No.
(%)
No.
(%)
29.2
93,492
49.9
34,265
18.3
2,283
1.2
858
0.5
1,748
0.9
187,456
100
16.6
28.6
37.4
35.8
35.9
32.3
3,765
12,010
22,617
15,756
4,858
1,323
56.7
41.5
41.1
46.7
47.5
46.9
1,612
7,753
10,365
5,074
1,470
530
24.3
26.8
18.8
15.0
14.4
18.8
81
527
768
345
104
31
1.2
1.8
1.4
1.0
1.0
1.1
28
158
267
141
31
9
0.4
0.5
0.5
0.4
0.3
0.3
56
246
485
316
91
16
0.8
0.9
0.9
0.9
0.9
0.6
6,643
28,969
55,092
33,712
10,217
2,820
100
100
100
100
100
100
42.3
28,155
35.4
15,491
19.5
1,257
1.6
359
0.5
617
0.8
79,553
100
21.2
13,568
55.2
5,231
21.3
188
0.8
110
0.4
276
1.1
24,590
100
41.1
15.0
3,813
14,259
39.1
63.7
1,623
4,229
16.6
18.9
102
284
1.0
1.3
96
65
1.0
0.3
114
201
1.2
0.9
9,762
22,389
100
100
31.5
533
45.9
229
19.7
24
2.1
4
0.3
5
0.4
1,160
100
28.1
41.6
28.9
48.1
33.9
14,293
7,319
34,485
4,232
60,329
43.2
45.1
56.1
15.9
43.9
8,460
1,785
8,420
8,137
26,803
25.6
11.0
13.7
30.5
19.5
415
160
290
991
1,856
1.3
1.0
0.5
3.7
1.4
50
78
161
344
634
0.2
0.5
0.3
1.3
0.5
577
126
367
141
1,212
1.7
0.8
0.6
0.5
0.9
33,085
16,220
61,455
26,694
137,454
100
100
100
100
100
(continued)
21
All
54,811
Male
Age group at diagnosis (years)
13–24
1,101
25–34
8,275
35–44
20,589
45–54
12,080
55–64
3,663
³65
912
Transmission category
33,674
Male-to-male
sexual contact
(MSM)
Injection drug
5,216
use (IDU)
MSM with IDU
4,014
High-risk
3,351
heterosexual
contact c
Other d
366
Region
Northeast
9,290
Midwest
6,751
South
17,731
West
12,849
Total
46,621
Epidemiology and Surveillance of HIV Infection and AIDS
Characteristics
2
Table 2.2 Estimated number and percentage of AIDS diagnoses among adults and adolescents, by race/ethnicity and selected characteristics – 50 states and
the District of Columbia, 2002–2006a
American
Indian/Alaska Unknown/
White, not
Black, not
Asian/Pacific
multiple races
Native
Hispanic
Hispanic
Hispanic/Latino
Islander
Totalb
22
Table 2.2 (continued)
White, not
Hispanic
Characteristics
No.
a
Hispanic/Latino
Asian/Pacific
Islander
American
Indian/Alaska
Native
Unknown/
multiple races
Totalb
No.
No.
(%)
No.
(%)
No.
No.
(%)
No.
(%)
(%)
12.0
14.8
17.3
18.0
17.1
13.3
2,352
8,379
12,111
7,542
2,123
656
69.2
67.9
65.5
65.8
63.8
67.0
544
1,810
2,782
1,602
546
178
16.0
14.7
15.0
14.0
16.4
18.3
28
131
124
93
43
9
0.8
1.1
0.7
0.8
1.3
0.9
17
55
81
55
15
2
0.5
0.4
0.4
0.5
0.4
0.2
50
137
207
107
32
3
1.5
1.1
1.1
0.9
1.0
0.3
3,399
12,339
18,503
11,456
3,327
978
100
100
100
100
100
100
22.1
8,207
60.7
2,007
14.9
68
0.5
92
0.7
154
1.1
13,514
100
14.2
24,280
68.5
5,263
14.9
338
1.0
126
0.4
374
1.1
35,422
100
15.4
675
63.4
192
18.0
20
1.9
6
0.6
8
0.8
1,066
100
14.5
21.6
14.4
29.2
16.4
9,119
3,198
19,379
1,467
33,163
58.6
67.9
76.2
34.2
66.3
3,745
406
2,057
1,254
7,462
24.1
8.6
8.1
29.3
14.9
106
43
108
170
427
0.7
0.9
0.4
4.0
0.9
24
23
59
119
224
0.2
0.5
0.2
2.8
0.4
307
26
178
26
536
2.0
0.6
0.7
0.6
1.1
15,563
4,712
25,440
4,286
50,002
100
100
100
100
100
Data as of June 2007, adjusted for reporting delays and risk factor redistribution
Because subpopulation values were calculated independently, the values may not sum to the row or column total
c
Heterosexual contact with a person known to be HIV infected or at high risk for HIV infection
d
Other risk factors (e.g., hemophilia, blood transfusion) and all risk factors not reported or not identified
b
(%)
(%)
A.S. Johnson et al.
Female
Age group at diagnosis (years)
13–24
409
25–34
1,827
35–44
3,198
45–54
2,058
55–64
568
³65
130
Transmission category
Injection drug
2,985
use
High-risk
5,041
heterosexual
contact c
Other d
164
Region
Northeast
2,263
Midwest
1,017
South
3,660
West
1,251
Totalb
8,190
Black, not
Hispanic
2
Epidemiology and Surveillance of HIV Infection and AIDS
23
Each year, during 2002–2006, the annual AIDS diagnosis rates among black
adults and adolescents in the 50 states and D.C. were consistently higher than the
rates for other racial and ethnic groups. In 2006, blacks in the 50 states and D.C.
received a diagnosis of AIDS at a rate of 60.3 per 100,000. This rate was more than
nine times as high as the rate among whites (6.4 per 100,000), and nearly three
times as high as the rate among Hispanics/Latinos (20.8 per 100,000).
At the end of 2006, an estimated 431,969 adults and adolescents were living
with AIDS in the 50 states and D.C., and blacks accounted for 44.1% of these persons. Each year, during 2002–2006, black adults and adolescents had the highest
annual AIDS prevalence rate. In 2006, the prevalence rate for blacks living with
AIDS in the 50 states and D.C. was 641.6 per 100,000. This rate was seven times
as high as the AIDS prevalence rate among whites (90.5 per 100,000) and more
than twice as high as the prevalence rate among Hispanics/Latinos (243.3 per
100,000). In 2006, the areas of the United States with the highest prevalence rates
for blacks living with AIDS were D.C. (3,070.7 per 100,000), New York (1,343.4
per 100,000), Florida (1,056.0 per 100,000), New Jersey (970.9 per 100,000),
Connecticut (899.8 per 100,000), and Maryland (875.3 per 100,000). Because D.C.
is not a state, caution should be exercised when comparing its prevalence rate with
those of the states.
Among persons diagnosed with AIDS during 1998–2005, the proportion surviving
for more than 1 year after an AIDS diagnosis was greater among Asians/Pacific
Islanders, whites, and Hispanics/Latinos than among blacks (Centers for Disease
Control and Prevention, 2008a).
HIV/AIDS in Black Men
Although it has been shown that black people are disproportionately at risk for
HIV/AIDS, black men bear the greatest burden of that risk. During 2002–2006,
black men in the 33 states accounted for nearly one-third (31.4%) of all HIV/AIDS
diagnoses and 43.4% of cases of HIV/AIDS diagnosed among men – with 63.1%
(54,701) of that group consisting of black men.
Among black men diagnosed with HIV/AIDS during 2002–2006, more than half
of those HIV infections (29,685, or 54.3%) were attributed to male-to-male sexual
contact, 16.1% to IDU, and 24.7% to high-risk heterosexual contact. Of the HIV/
AIDS cases attributed to male-to-male sexual contact, 29.4% of men were aged
35–44 years, 27.6% were aged 25–34 years, and 22.6% were among youth aged
13–24 years.
HIV/AIDS diagnosis rates were consistently higher for black men than for men
of other racial and ethnic groups in the 33 states with name-based HIV reporting in
each year of this study. In 2006, the rate of HIV/AIDS diagnosis among black men
was 119.1 per 100,000. This rate was seven times as high as the rate among white
men (16.7 per 100,000) and more than twice as high as the rate among Hispanic/
Latino men (50.9 per 100,000) and black women (56.2 per 100,000).
24
A.S. Johnson et al.
At the end of 2006, of the estimated 353,026 men living with HIV/AIDS in the
33 states with name-based HIV reporting, 41.1% were black. In 2006, the prevalence rate for black men living with HIV/AIDS in the 33 states was 1,536.5 per
100,000. This rate was six times as high as the HIV/AIDS prevalence rate among
white men (258.6 per 100,000) and more than twice as high as the prevalence rate
among Hispanic/Latino men (642.7 per 100,000). The HIV/AIDS prevalence rate
for black men was twice that of black women (791.7 per 100,000).
AIDS in Black Men
Of the 93,492 black adults and adolescents with diagnosed AIDS in the 50 states
and D.C. during 2002–2006, 64.5% were men. The distribution of transmission
categories among black men is shown in Table 2.2. Nearly half (46.7%) of AIDS
diagnoses among black men were attributed to male-to-male sexual contact. Highrisk heterosexual contact accounted for the second largest percentage (23.6%)
among black men – a much larger percentage than that for all men (16.3%).
During 2002–2006, blacks accounted for the largest percentage of AIDS diagnoses
among men regardless of age at diagnosis. Most (63.6%) black men diagnosed with
AIDS were aged 35–44 (37.5%) or 45–54 (26.1%) years. Racial disparities in AIDS
diagnoses were particularly severe among young men. Among young men aged 13–24
years, blacks accounted for 56.7% of diagnoses (Table 2.2). By region, black men
accounted for more AIDS diagnoses than men of any other race or ethnic group in the
South (56.1%), Midwest (45.1%), and Northeast (43.2%). (See Table 2.2.)
AIDS diagnosis rates also were consistently higher for black men than for men
of other races and ethnicities in the 50 states and D.C. In 2006, the annual rate of
AIDS diagnosis among black men was 82.9 per 100,000 – more than seven times
as high as the rate among white men (11.2 per 100,000) and more than twice as
high as the rate among Hispanic/Latino men (31.3 per 100,000) and black women
(40.4 per 100,000).
At the end of 2006, an estimated 331,994 men in the 50 states and D.C. were
living with AIDS. Blacks accounted for more than one-third (38.6%) of these men.
The prevalence rate for black men living with AIDS in the 50 states and D.C. was
920.6 per 100,000. This rate was more than five times as high as the AIDS prevalence rate among white men (162.4 per 100,000) and more than twice as high as the
rate among Hispanic/Latino men (371.1 per 100,000). The AIDS prevalence rate
for black men was more than twice that of black women (395.9 per 100,000).
Among all men diagnosed with AIDS during 2002–2005 in the 33 states with
name-based HIV reporting, a larger percentage of blacks received a diagnosis of AIDS
within 1 year of HIV diagnosis than men of other races and ethnicities. Of all black
men with diagnosed HIV infection during that time, 36.8% were diagnosed with AIDS
within 1 year of HIV diagnosis, compared with 34.2% of white men. Among black
men diagnosed with AIDS, larger percentages of diagnoses were made within 1 year
of HIV diagnosis for men aged 65 years and older (53.6%) and IDUs (42.3%).
2
Epidemiology and Surveillance of HIV Infection and AIDS
25
HIV/AIDS in Black Women
Black women also are severely affected by HIV/AIDS. During 2002–2006, blacks
accounted for an estimated 66.7% (32,046) of HIV/AIDS diagnoses among women
in the 33 states with name-based HIV reporting (Table 2.1). During this period, the
number of annual HIV/AIDS diagnoses among black women exceeded the number
of diagnoses among women and men of all other races and ethnicities, except for
black or white men. The distribution of transmission categories by race and ethnicity
among women with diagnosed HIV/AIDS is shown in Table 2.1.
Among all black women with diagnosed HIV/AIDS during 2002–2006 in the
33 states with name-based HIV reporting, more than three-fourths (81.7%) of infections was attributed to high-risk heterosexual contact. Of remaining cases, 17.1%
were attributed to IDU, and 1.2% was attributed to “other” or unidentified risk factors.
Of HIV/AIDS diagnoses among black women attributed to high-risk heterosexual
contact, 29.5% were among women aged 35–44 years, 28.8% among women aged
25–34 years, 17.2% among women aged 45–54 years and 17.3% among youth aged
13–24 years.
In each year of this study, HIV/AIDS diagnosis rates were consistently higher
among black women than among women of other races and ethnicities in the 33 states
with name-based HIV reporting. In 2006, the estimated annual HIV/AIDS diagnosis
rate among black women was 56.2 per 100,000, higher than any annual rate for
women and men of all other race or ethnic groups except for black men. In 2006,
the rate of HIV/AIDS diagnosis among black women was 19 times as high as the
rate among white women (2.9 per 100,000) and nearly four times as high as the rate
among Hispanic/Latino women (15.1 per 100,000).
During 2002–2006, the estimated number of black women living with HIV/
AIDS increased steadily in the 33 states with name-based HIV infection reporting.
At the end of 2006, an estimated 85,030 black women – or 64.4% of all women
estimated to be living with HIV/AIDS in those areas – were living with HIV/AIDS.
In 2006, black women had the highest HIV/AIDS prevalence rate, with 791.7 per
100,000 living with HIV/AIDS in the 33 states. This rate was 18 times as high as
the prevalence rate among white women (44.4 per 100,000) and more than three
times as high as the prevalence rate among Hispanic/Latino women (220.2 per
100,000).
AIDS in Black Women
Of the estimated 50,002 women with diagnosed AIDS in the 50 states and D.C.
during 2002–2006, 66.3% were black (Table 2.2). During 2002–2006, blacks
accounted for the largest percentage of AIDS diagnoses among women regardless
of age at diagnosis. Most (61.8%) black women with diagnosed AIDS were aged
25–34 (25.3%) and 35–44 (36.5%) years. Racial disparities in AIDS diagnoses
26
A.S. Johnson et al.
were particularly severe among young women. Among young women aged 13–24
years, blacks accounted for 69.2% of diagnoses. By U.S. region, black women
accounted for more AIDS diagnoses than women of any other race or ethnic group
in every region (South, 76.2%; Midwest, 67.9%; Northeast, 58.6%; and West,
34.2%) (Table 2.2).
Each year, during 2002–2006, the annual AIDS diagnosis rates were consistently higher among black women than for women of other races and ethnicities in
the 50 states and D.C. In 2006, the annual rate of AIDS diagnosis among black
women was 40.4 per 100,000. This rate was 21 times as high as the rate among
white women (1.9 per 100,000) and four times as high as the rate among Hispanic/
Latino women (9.5 per 100,000). At the end of 2006, an estimated 99,975 women
were living with AIDS in the 50 states and D.C., and blacks accounted for nearly
two-thirds (62.6%) of these women. The rate for black women living with AIDS in
the 50 states and D.C. was 395.9 per 100,000. This rate was 18 times as high as the
AIDS prevalence rate among white women (22.2 per 100,000) and nearly four
times as high as the rate among Hispanic/Latino women (105.1 per 100,000).
Among all women with diagnosed AIDS during 2002–2005 in the 33 states with
name-based HIV reporting, a larger percentage of blacks received a diagnosis of
AIDS within 1 year of HIV diagnosis. Thirty-one percent of black women with
diagnosed HIV infection during that time were diagnosed with AIDS within 1 year
of HIV diagnosis, compared with 28.8% of white women. Among black women
with diagnosed AIDS, larger percentages of diagnoses were made within 1 year of
HIV diagnosis for women aged 65 years and older (52.0%) and women with HIV
infection attributed to IDU (35.4%).
AIDS in Black Children
The decrease in mother-to-child (perinatal) HIV transmission is a notable public
health achievement in HIV prevention in the United States (Centers for Disease
Control and Prevention, 1998). Although significant progress has been made to
prevent HIV/AIDS in children, there is still cause for concern for black children
because the racial/ethnic gap in pediatric AIDS cases has not been eliminated. The
increasing proportion of black women of reproductive age living with HIV/AIDS
has major implications for black children because HIV transmission can occur from
mother to child during pregnancy, labor, delivery, or breast-feeding.
Black children in the 50 states and D.C. accounted for 67.8% (217) of the estimated 320 AIDS diagnoses among children younger than age13 years during
2002–2006. Mother-to-child HIV transmission accounted for nearly all (98.8%) of
these AIDS diagnoses. At the end of 2006, an estimated 1,115 children were living
with AIDS in the 50 states and D.C.. More than two-thirds (68.5%) of these children
were black, compared with 12.3% that were white and 17.0% that were Hispanic/
Latino. The overwhelming disparity in AIDS diagnoses affecting black children
demonstrates the critical need to address access to testing, treatment, and care
services for black women of child-bearing age.
2
Epidemiology and Surveillance of HIV Infection and AIDS
27
Deaths of Blacks with AIDS
Sharp declines have been reported in both the annual numbers of persons with
diagnosed AIDS and the number of deaths of persons with AIDS (Centers for
Disease Control and Prevention, 2002, 2008a). This is due to the development of
HAART, which for many HIV-infected people has delayed progression to end-stage
HIV disease and increased survival. During 2002–2006, an estimated 80,059 adults
and adolescents with AIDS in the 50 states and D.C. died. The largest number of
deaths was among blacks, who accounted for 42,229 (52.7%) of estimated deaths
among adults and adolescents with AIDS. At the same time, black women
accounted for 67.7% (14,121) of all women who died with AIDS. The distribution
of deaths with AIDS among black women was 37.3% (5,271) for women aged
35–44 years, 31.8% (4,485) for those aged 45–54 years, and 15.4% (2,179) for
those aged 25–34 years. During 2002–2006, black men accounted for 47.5%
(28,108) of all men who died with AIDS. Distribution of deaths with AIDS among
black men was 36.9% (10,360) for men aged 45–54 years, 32.6% (9,155) for men
aged 35–44 years, and 14.5% (4,081) for men aged 55–64 years.
CDC’s National Center for Health Statistics compiles death certificate data from
the 50 states and D.C. on underlying causes of deaths. In 2004, the year for which the
most recent data are available, HIV disease was the ninth leading cause of death for
all black persons (Heron, 2007). During this same period, HIV disease was the third
leading case of death for black adults aged 35–44 and 45–54 years, and the fourth
leading cause for black adults aged 25–34 years (Heron). By sex, black women
account for an ever-growing number of U.S. deaths attributed to HIV disease. In
2004, HIV disease was the leading cause of death for black women aged 25–34 years
and the third leading cause of death for black women aged 35–44 years (Heron).
During this same period, HIV disease was the seventh leading cause of death for all
black men, the second leading cause of death for black men aged 35–44, and the
fourth leading cause of death for black men aged 25–34 and 45–54 years (Heron).
Limitations of Data Presented
The surveillance data presented in this chapter are subject to several limitations.
First, estimated HIV/AIDS diagnoses are inherently underestimates of the true
HIV-infected population because they only include people who have been tested
for HIV and were reported to the state or local health departments that collected
confidential name-based HIV infection case data during the period of analysis.
In addition, trends in the HIV/AIDS epidemic are better reflected today by new
HIV infections, which are more difficult to track.
The data in this chapter also describe when persons received a diagnosis of HIV
infection, rather than when they became infected. This distinction is important
because a person might have been infected with HIV for years before receiving a
diagnosis.
28
A.S. Johnson et al.
The second limitation of the data presented here is that we must limit the temporal
and geographic scope of our analyses until we have nationally representative data
from mature surveillance systems (i.e., confidential, name-based reporting of HIV
and AIDS cases for at least 4 years). Diagnoses of HIV/AIDS from areas with
historically high AIDS morbidity that did not conduct confidential, name-based HIV
surveillance as of 2006 (e.g., California, Illinois, and D.C.) were not included in this
analysis. However, the racial/ethnic disparities described in this chapter are similar
to disparities observed among persons with AIDS from all 50 states and D.C.
Finally, the data presented here may have been affected by statistical adjustments made to account for reporting delays and for cases reported with no identified risk factor. Such cases were reclassified on the basis of information obtained
from follow-up investigations, and they were assumed to constitute a representative
sample of all cases initially reported without a risk factor. However, this assumption
might not prove valid, potentially affecting the accuracy of the estimated distribution of cases by transmission category. Since 1993, the proportion of HIV/AIDS
cases reported to CDC without an identified risk factor for HIV infection has
increased. In 2006, no risk factor was identified for 25% of HIV (not AIDS) cases
among adults and adolescents reported to CDC (Green, 1998). This lack of data has
resulted in an increasing proportion of cases that are assigned to transmission
categories by statistical adjustment. Risk factor information often is missing
because patients decline to disclose behaviors that place them at risk for HIV transmission, or they are simply unaware of their sex partners’ high-risk behavior.
Future Directions
June 2006 marked the 25th anniversary of the first reported cases of AIDS in the
United States. Although considerable progress has been made in reducing the impact
of the HIV epidemic, HIV remains a persistent and pervasive threat to the health and
well-being of many blacks. Disparities in HIV/AIDS diagnoses are most marked
among black MSM, women, and children. Recent reports have found increases in
annual diagnoses of HIV/AIDS among black MSM, and in particular, young MSM,
which suggests a potential resurgence of HIV infection among this population
(Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2008b). Prevention strategies must be
strengthened, improved, and implemented more broadly to reduce HIV transmission, particularly among black MSM. The high rate of infection among blacks highlights the need to expand known, effective HIV-prevention interventions and to
implement new, improved, and culturally appropriate HIV/AIDS strategies.
CDC is committed to continually reassessing, strengthening, and expanding its
efforts to address the epidemic among African Americans. As a result, CDC joined
with public health partners and community leaders in 2007 to spearhead the
Heightened National Response to the HIV/AIDS Crisis among African Americans
to reduce the toll of this disease (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention,
2007). That response focuses on the following areas:
2
Epidemiology and Surveillance of HIV Infection and AIDS
29
• Expanding the reach of prevention services, including ensuring that federal
prevention resources are expended where the need is greatest.
• Increasing opportunities for diagnosing and treating HIV, including encouraging
more African Americans to know their HIV serostatus.
• Developing new effective prevention interventions, including behavioral, social,
and structural interventions.
• Mobilizing broader action within communities to help change community perceptions about HIV/AIDS to motivate African Americans to seek early HIV
diagnosis and treatment and to encourage healthy behaviors and community
norms that prevent the spread of HIV.
CDC and its partners are committed to reducing the impact of HIV/AIDS among
African Americans and helping to mobilize local, state, and national resources
toward that goal. A comprehensive national program is required to address the
substantial racial disparities in HIV/AIDS diagnoses among African Americans in
the United States and its dependent areas. To reduce disparities, partnerships must
be enhanced among a broad range of individuals and groups, including governmental
agencies, community organizations, faith-based institutions, educational institutions, community opinion leaders, and the public.
References
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. (1981). Pneumocystis carinii pneumonia – Los
Angeles. Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report, 30, 250–252.
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pneumonia (PCP) and other opportunistic infections (OI): Cases reported to CDC. Atlanta:
U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. Retrieved August 1, 2008, from http://www.
cdc.gov/hiv/topics/surveillance/resources/reports/pdf/surveillance82.pdf.
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. (1984). Antibodies to retrovirus etiologically associated
with acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (AIDS) in populations with increased incidences
of the syndrome. Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report, 33, 377–379.
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. (1996). HIV/AIDS Surveillance Report, 8, No. 2.
Atlanta: U.S. Department of Health and Human Services.
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. (1998). Success in implementing PHS guidelines to
reduce perinatal transmission of HIV. Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report, 47, 688–691
[Published errata appear in Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report, 47, 718 (1998)].
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. (2002). Deaths among persons with AIDS through
December 2000. HIV/AIDS Surveillance Supplemental Report, 8, No. 1. Atlanta: U.S. Department
of Health and Human Services.
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. (2006). Cases of HIV infection and AIDS in the
United States, by race/ethnicity, 2000–2004. HIV/AIDS Surveillance Supplemental Report, 12,
No. 1. Retrieved August 1, 2008, from http://www.cdc.gov/hiv/topics/surveillance/resources/
reports/index.htm.
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. (2007). A heightened national response to the HIV/
AIDS crisis among African Americans. Atlanta: U.S. Department of Health and Human
Services. Retrieved August 1, 2008, from http://www.cdc.gov/hiv/topics/aa/resources/reports/
heightendresponse.htm.
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Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. (2008a). HIV/AIDS Surveillance Report, 2006 (Vol. 18).
Atlanta: U.S. Department of Health and Human Services.
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. (2008b). Trends in HIV/AIDS diagnoses among men
who have sex with men – 33 States, 2001–2006. Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report, 57,
681–686.
Gallo, R. C., Salahuddin, S. Z., & Popovic, M. (1984). Frequent detection and isolation of cytopathic
retroviruses (HTLV-III) from patients with AIDS and at risk for AIDS. Science, 224, 500–503.
Green, T. A. (1998). Using surveillance data to monitor trends in the AIDS epidemic. Statistics in
Medicine, 17, 143–154.
Heron, M. P. (2007). Deaths: Leading causes for 2004. National Vital Statistics, Vol. 56, No. 5.
Hyattsville, MD: National Center for Health Statistics.
Palella, F. J., Jr., Delaney, K. M., Moorman, A. C., Loveless, M. O., Fuhrer, J., Satten, G. A., et al.
(1998). Declining morbidity and mortality among patients with advanced human immunodeficiency virus infection. New England Journal of Medicine, 338, 853–860.
Thacker, S. B. (2001). Historical development. In S. M. Teutsch & R. E. Churchill (Eds.), Principles
and practice of public health surveillance (pp. 3–17). New York: Oxford University Press.
U.S. Census Bureau. (2006). Population estimates (specific files; entire data set no longer available). Retrieved March 17, 2008, from source http://www.census.gov/popest/archives/2000s/
vintage_2006/.
Chapter 3
Racism, Poverty and HIV/AIDS Among African
Americans*
Kim M. Williams and Cynthia M. Prather
Substantive evidence links racism and poverty to a host of chronic health conditions,
adverse mental health outcomes and excess mortality, particularly among African
Americans (Brondolo, ver Halen, Pencille, Beatty, & Contrada, 2009; Harrell,
Hall, & Taliaferro, 2003; Jones, 2000, 2003; Krieger, 2000, 2005; Krieger, Rowley,
Hermann, Avery, & Phillips, 1993; Kwate, Valdimarsdottir, Guevarra, & Vovbjerg,
2003; Mays, Cochran, & Barnes, 2007; Randall, 2006; Williams, 1999; Williams &
Williams-Morris, 2000). The legacy of historic and contemporary forms of racism
and discrimination towards African Americans (Latif & Latif, 1994; Washington,
2006), has also contributed to conditions of poverty and inequality (e.g., limited
access to educational and employment opportunities and quality healthcare).
According to the CDC (2009), African Americans are disproportionately affected
by HIV/AIDS and continue to shoulder the burden of infections. However, prior
prevention and control efforts have largely been limited in reducing such disparities.
Critical inquiries into the range of social, economic and political forces impacting
African Americans’ health are urgently needed. Unfortunately, to date, there is but
a dearth of research examining the complex interplay between these broader level
contextual factors and HIV/AIDS-related outcomes. Although discussions about
racism and poverty are mentioned in public health literature (Clark, 2001; Darity,
2003; Krueger, Wood, Diehr, & Maxwell, 1990; Utsey & Hook, 2007), few attempts
have been made to extensively address their relationship to HIV in research or health
promotion or prevention interventions. The authors assert that understanding the
social and economic realities faced by African Americans is a necessary requisite
to effectively address this epidemic. This chapter reviews definitions of racism
* The findings and conclusions in this report are those of the authors and do not necessarily
represent the views of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.
K.M. Williams (*)
Division of HIV/AIDS Prevention, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention,
1600 Clifton Road, MS E-37, Atlanta, GA 30333, USA
e-mail: KWilliams4@cdc.gov
D.H. McCree et al. (eds.), African Americans and HIV/AIDS,
DOI 10.1007/978-0-387-78321-5_3,
Chapter 3 was authored by employees of the U.S. government and is therefore not subject
to U.S. copyright protection.
31
32
K.M. Williams and C.M. Prather
and poverty. The authors then discuss more generally disparate health outcomes
associated with the effects of racism and poverty. The extent of these factors in the
context of HIV among African Americans is elaborated. Lastly, recommendations
are provided that address both theoretical and methodological implications for
research and intervention development and implementation.
Definitions of Racism and Poverty
In his classic book entitled, Prejudice and Racism (1972), James Jones defined
racism as the “use of power against a racial group identified as inferior by
individuals and institutions with the intentional or unintentional support of the
entire culture.” Bulhan (1985) expounded on this definition as a “form of violence”
whereby persons are violated on the basis of race. Further, Clark, Anderson, Clark,
and Williams (2002) employed the definition as “attitudes and beliefs that demean
individuals or groups as a result of physical attributes and/or ethnic group affiliation.” Jones (2003) described racism as a “system that structures opportunity and
value based on race, thereby undermining the full potential of the entire society
because it unfairly disadvantages some communities while it unfairly advantages
others.” Overall, these definitions maintain that racism is used to justify inequity
towards, supremacy over, and exclusion of particular individuals based on race,
thereby infringing upon their physical, psychological and spiritual well-being of
the community (Washington, 2006).
Poverty, a complex and multidimensional concept, has been defined in many
different ways; however, more commonly it refers to “income deprivation.” The
World Bank defines poverty as “an income level below some minimum level necessary to meet basic needs.” The greatest challenge however, lies in measuring poverty and determining a poverty line or a threshold at which an individual or a
household is classified as poor (Coudouel, Hentschel, & Wodon, 2002). The
official poverty measure used in the United States is an absolute one and is based
on a formula developed in 1964 by the Social Security Administration (Dalaker,
2005). It is widely suggested that the current measure is outdated and no longer
accurately portrays the amount needed for a decent living in the United States
(Iceland, 2003). In contrast, more recently developed relative measures such as
those created by the National Academy of Science (NAS) are believed to more
accurately reflect those living in poverty (Iceland) by taking into account such factors as geographic location, family size, costs for food, housing, utilities, clothing,
non cash benefits, and in some cases medical expenses and work related expenses
(Dalaker). Depending on the definition used, poverty estimates can range substantially. However, according to the official poverty measure, 39.8 million people in
the United States, in 2008, lived in poverty and one out of four blacks were poor
(DeNavas-Walt, Proctor, & Smith, 2009).
3
Racism, Poverty and HIV/AIDS Among African Americans
33
Racism, Poverty and the Overall Health
of African Americans
Inequities in mortality and infirmity have remained consistent for African Americans
from the inception of the government tracking these statistics (DHHS, 2001). In the
United States, a history of deeply rooted racist ideologies resulted in widespread,
institutionally-supported, discriminatory practices used to exclude African
Americans from full participation in society (Bulhan, 1985; Randall, 2006;
Washington, 2006; Williams, 1987). Some suggest that the resulting health consequences have been most profound among African Americans as evidenced by their
suffering the brunt of health disparities (Clark et al., 2002; LaVeist, 2002; Mays
et al., 2007; Paradies, 2006; Randall). For example, the effects of racism have been
linked to disparities in chronic conditions such as cardiovascular health (Harrell
et al., 2003; Krieger, 2000; Wyatt et al., 2000), mental health (Jackson et al., 1996;
Kwate et al., 2003; Williams & Williams-Morris, 2000), emotional health (LewisTrotter & Jones, 2004; Morris-Prather et al., 1996), and HIV/AIDS (Bharat, 2003;
Lemelle, 2003). The most commonly reported outcomes of studies on race-based
discrimination are negative mental health outcomes (Klonoff & Landrine, 1999a,
1999b; Williams, Neighbors et al.). Depression, stress, anxiety and pessimism have
been shown to be associated with experiences of racial oppression (Bowen-Reid &
Harrell, 2002; Moore, 2000; Williams, Neighbors, & Jackson, 2008; Williams &
Williams-Morris, 2000) and poverty (House & Williams, 2000; Williams, Yu,
Jackson, & Anderson, 1997).
Although there are a number of causal pathways through which poverty
affects health, it is critical to understand the cyclical nature of these relationships. Conditions of poverty (e.g., lack of access to quality healthcare) can result
in poor health, and poor health can hinder one’s ability to be economically self
sufficient (e.g., not being able to maintain employment due to illness).
Explanations for increasing levels of unemployment and income inequities
among African Americans are vast and continue to be issues of growing concern
and constant debate. In a recent analysis, Woolf, Johnson, and Geiger (2006)
reported that poverty has increased most dramatically among the most marginalized, including African Americans. Although there have been increases in occupational mobility and wage parity over time, African Americans continue to
experience stark disparities in employment rates and job earnings and are more
likely to be chronically unemployed for a period of 6 months or more (Census,
U.S. Census Bureau, 2007).
Racism also impacts the economic health and stability of the family. According
to the 2008 Current Population Survey, African Americans were more likely to
have never been married, and more likely to be divorced and separated when compared to other racial/ethnic groups (Census, 2009). Moreover, nearly one out of
every three African American families with children under the age of 18 is maintained by the mother only (Census, 2009). Early explanations about the origins of
34
K.M. Williams and C.M. Prather
current trends in African American family structure (Johnson & Staples, 1993;
Leary, 2005) pointed to the history of slavery as the root cause of the dismantling
of the African American family. For example, reasons offered for the absence of
African American men from their families today are deeply rooted in a history of
slavery (Johnson & Staples), a time in which African American men were denied
full and equal participation in humanity and stripped of the role of husband and
father, and African American women were viewed as sexual objects that would be
raped, beaten, whipped and sold at the will of their master. This was followed by
decades of segregationist laws prohibiting African Americans from full and equitable participation in U.S. society. In current times, the absence of African
American men in ‘two-parent’ households has been linked to an insecure economic environment, limited access to employment and training opportunities,
stagnant wages, declining demand for lower skilled jobs/low wage work, discrimination in the workplace as well as damaging and non supportive cultural patterns
and other adversative public and private policies (Holzer, 2007). Moreover,
African American women are much more likely to experience economic deprivations as they are at increased risk for having incomes below the poverty threshold,
have fewer financial resources, and receive less pay than men for the same work
(Williams et al., 1997).
It is critical to note here the complex interplay between race, economic
inequality and health. Tragically, the combination of these factors impedes the
healthy development of individuals and communities. Racism not only has deleterious effects on the physical, psychological and emotional health of African
Americans, but it also adversely impacts economic well-being. Race-based
discriminatory practices have been a mechanism used for limiting educational
and economic opportunities for African Americans and have resulted in higher
rates of unemployment, inequities in wage earnings (Williams et al., 2008) and
subsequently, limited access to health care (Darity, 2003; Randall, 2006;
Williams, 1999). Williams (1999) asserts that “socioeconomic status is part of the
casual pathway by which race affects health.” In other words, SES mediates the
relationship between race and health. Thus, for example, one’s racial/ethnic background can impact their employment status (if not hired due to race or not being
paid equitable wages), and this subsequent lack of employment or underemployment
may result in not having adequate health care coverage. Access to healthcare is
largely a function of having jobs that offer health insurance. Many of the working
poor do not have employers offering healthcare coverage and are unable to pay
for care themselves. Although the poor are more likely to receive health care
benefits through publicly funded programs (Copeland, 2005), nearly one out of
every three persons living in poverty remains uninsured and one out of four
reports no regular source of care (Woolf et al., 2006). Arguably any one or
combination of the aforementioned consequences of racism and poverty can
undermine African Americans’ ability to care for their health, consistently provide financial support for their families, and maintain stable and healthy
relationships.
3
Racism, Poverty and HIV/AIDS Among African Americans
35
The Interplay Between HIV/AIDS and the Dual Effects
of Racism and Poverty
Prioritizing health, particularly as it relates to HIV/AIDS prevention, and accessing
care in the presence of such formidable obstacles, such as racism and poverty, likely
proves difficult, and for many African Americans impossible. The Tuskegee
Syphilis Study had large-scale implications on the health and well being of African
American men, women and children and also solidified a hearty distrust of the
healthcare system among African Americans in general. In this study, the U.S.
Public Health Service withheld treatment from African American men diagnosed
with syphilis to study disease progression (Jones, 1993) over a period of 40 years.
Unfortunately, this study was not the first nor the last experimental research project
targeting African Americans (Washington, 2006).
Klonoff and Landrine (1999a, 1999b) explored beliefs that HIV was developed by
the government to annihilate blacks in an investigation of 520 African American
adults. Nearly half of the sample either believed in AIDS conspiracy theories or were
undecided on whether or not they were true. Thomas and Quinn (1991) suggest that
low levels of African American participation in HIV clinical trials is due in part to
distrust in the healthcare system and beliefs that AIDS is an attempt to wideout
African Americans. In a study by Boulware, Cooper, Ratner, LaVeist, and Poweand
(2003) on the relationship between race and trust in the healthcare system, African
Americans were more likely to report concerns related to harmful experimentation.
More recently, Sullivan, McNaghten, Begley, Hutchinson, and Cargill (2007) reported
that reluctance to participate in HIV clinical studies was associated with the perception of being “a guinea pig” and Moutsiakis and Chin (2007) found that mistrust and
stigma were key reasons that African Americans were unwilling to participate in
clinical trials. Thus, given the historical context, it is not surprising that conspiracy
theories related to the emergence of HIV within the African American community
surfaced in direct relation to experiences of racism (Klonoff & Landrine; Mays &
Cochran, 1988; Thomas & Quinn).
Although evidence suggests that individual behaviors do not fully explain disparate rates of HIV/AIDS experienced by African Americans, prevention efforts have
largely been limited in focus to reducing individual risk behaviors (Latkin &
Knowlton, 2005; Sumartojo, 2000). With the exception of investigations examining
access and use of healthcare services in general, studies of the relationship
between racism, discrimination and HIV-related outcomes are limited. One such
investigation of Latino gay men by Diaz, Ayala, and Bein (2004) found that men
who reported experiences with racism, poverty and homophobia were more likely
to report engaging in risky sexual situations, including having sex while on drugs
or alcohol and with partners who do not want to use condoms. The authors posit
that individual risk is a product of personal and contextual situations. In contrast
however, others have found an inverse relationship between African American
experiences with racism and engagement in risk behaviors (Jones et al., 2003;
36
K.M. Williams and C.M. Prather
LaVeist, Sellers, & Neighbors, 2001). The authors suggested that experiences with
racism may have instilled a level of perseverance that buffers the negative effects of
racism, thus fueling the individual’s desire and efforts to protect against negative
health outcomes.
Empirical evidence suggests that economic hardships plague many of those
most at risk and affected by HIV/AIDS (Diaz et al., 1994; Ellerbrock et al., 2004;
Fife & Mode, 1992; Forna et al. 2006; Krieger, Chen, Waterman, Rehkopf, &
Subramanian, 2005; Krueger et al., 1990; Simon, Hu, Diaz, & Kerndt, 1995; Wohl
et al., 1998; Zierler et al., 2000). Moreover, the geographic distribution of poverty
often maps on to areas with high rates of morbidity and mortality as evidenced by
States in the southern region of the U.S. that continue to experience the greatest
burden of HIV/AIDS (CDC, 2009) and STDs (CDC, 2008). The South, now
accounts for the highest estimated number of persons living with AIDS, and the
highest estimated number of persons diagnosed and dying with AIDS for years
2003–2007 (CDC, 2009). This region, also having the greatest concentration of
African Americans, continues to experience high rates of unemployment and
healthcare uninsured, low levels of education attainment and the lowest median
income when compared to other regions in the U.S. (Reif, Geonnotti, & Whetten,
2006; Southern AIDS Coalition, 2003). Furthermore, poverty largely remains centralized in metropolitan areas characterized by higher concentrations of low income
housing and racially segregated neighborhoods. Zierler and Krieger (1997) suggest
that racially segregated neighborhoods give rise to higher rates of HIV and STDs
due to isolated pockets of sexual networks, limited access to educational and economic
opportunities and quality health care in these areas.
In addition to high rates of unemployment and limited job availability, poor
neighborhoods often reflect other interrelated characteristics impacting health, such
as high rates of homelessness (Aidala, Cross, Stall, Harre, & Sumartojo, 2005),
substandard housing and unsafe living conditions (Ross & Mirowsky, 2001). For
example, being homeless or unstably housed has been linked to poverty and
increases in substance use, sex exchange and unprotected sex among HIV-positive
persons (Aidala et al.). In a recent examination of substance users, Latkin, Curry,
Hua, and Davey (2007) reported significant associations between psychological
distress, sexual risk behaviors, and several poverty-related neighborhood conditions, including vacant houses, loitering, and crime. Similarly, Cohen and colleagues (2000) constructed a “broken window index” which included items
indicative of substandard living conditions, such as poor housing quality, deteriorating schools, abandoned cars and litter. They found that higher scores on the index
were significantly associated with higher rates of gonorrhea.
In a review of literature examining the relationship between SES and sexual
networks, Adimora and Schoenbach (2002) suggest that a combination of adversities, including poverty, unemployment, high incarceration rates and substance use
decreases the pool of available and desirable male partners in African American
communities, thus resulting in a lower sex ratio of men to women, and relationship
instability. The authors assert that these conditions can lead to increased engagement in higher risk behaviors (i.e., sexual partner concurrency and lower risk
3
Racism, Poverty and HIV/AIDS Among African Americans
37
individuals having sex with higher risk individuals) (Adimora & Schoenbach;
Adimora, Schoenbach, & Doherty, 2006). Further, the dual challenges of disproportionate incarceration rates coupled with increasing numbers of African Americans
with HIV has sounded an alarm in the public health arena. Harawa and Adimora
(2008) state that incarceration disrupts stable relationships, resulting in increased
HIV risk among the incarcerated as well as their partners. Post incarceration, some
African Americans find themselves facing tough economic challenges as they
attempt to re-enter society and are faced with financial insecurity due to limited
employment opportunities.
Forna et al. (2006) reported data from a series of focus group discussions with
African American women who reported that reliance on male partners for financial
assistance to meet basic needs made it difficult to insist that their partners be monogamous, use condoms and be tested for HIV. Women in this study also reported that
providing for basic needs took priority over their own health. According to Aral,
O’Leary, and Baker (2006), depression and substance use, resulting from poverty,
serve as the mechanisms for increased behavioral risk for HIV and STDs. They also
suggest that sex exchange is a “poverty-related mechanism” linked to HIV because
those with limited resources trade sex for needed or desired commodities including,
money, shelter, food, drugs, companionship and comfort. Sex exchange can also lead
to increased exposure to high-risk sexual contacts and multiple partnering to acquire
items needed for subsistence (McNair & Prather, 2004).
Substance use and abuse have been linked to racism, poverty and risk for HIV as
individuals may use illicit substances to “escape” adversative circumstances. Roberts,
Wechsberg, Zule, and Burroughs (2003) concluded that individuals experiencing
severe financial strain use drugs and alcohol to help cope with feelings of depression
and despair and subsequently engage in risky sexual practices. Zierler and Krieger
(1997) suggest that some engage in sexual relationships to seek comfort and as a way
of temporarily escaping the harsh realities of racism.
Providing for HIV healthcare needs tends to lessen as a priority when individuals
are faced with competing demands (Cunningham et al., 1999). Evidence suggests
that the economically disadvantaged, particularly racial and ethnic minorities, often
face a host of structural barriers, when interacting with the healthcare system
(Smedley, Stith, & Nelson, 2003), including inadequate access to preventive care
(e.g., health education, screenings, etc.) (Smedley et al.), access to only a limited
number of providers and long wait times (Copeland, 2005). The dual effects of racism and poverty are demonstrated in unequal health care practices and the treatment
provided to African Americans (Bach, Pham, Schrag, Tate, & Hargraves, 2004;
Boulware et al., 2003). The Institute of Medicine reported that racial and ethnic
minorities are less likely to receive patient education and more likely to receive
incomplete information, experience discrimination and to indicate general distrust
in the medical care system (Smedley et al.). Overall, the authors suggest that racial
bias has led to substandard care from physicians towards African Americans
(Smedley et al.). In an analysis of a nationally representative sample of HIV positive adults, Cunningham and colleagues found that more than a third postponed or
went without care due to competing subsistence needs.
38
K.M. Williams and C.M. Prather
Racism and poverty are significant challenges that complicate HIV/AIDS
prevention and care efforts for African Americans. Based on the available literature,
these factors should be considered in prevention research and care efforts targeting
African Americans.
Recommendations
Theoretical and methodological implications for assessing the relationship between
poverty, racism and HIV-related outcomes will be explored in the recommendations
that follow. The authors will also briefly discuss the importance of developing
multidisciplinary partnerships to address the epidemic among African Americans.
They suggest that these recommendations be considered because the current statistics indicate that HIV/AIDS continues to disproportionately impact African
American communities; there has not been a significant decline in HIV within
African American populations since the government reported it as a “state of emergency” in the 1990s; and no intervention studies, to our knowledge, have been
designed for African Americans that specifically address the significance and complexity of experiences related to racism, poverty, and HIV.
Theoretical Considerations
As part of any scientific exploration of HIV among African Americans, it is
necessary to identify and explain the multitude of factors potentially influencing
risk. Selecting appropriate theoretical frameworks to guide scientific inquiry is necessary to more accurately conceptualize the relationships between varying constructs
develop appropriate research designs; determine appropriate measures, interpret
findings, and develop, implement and evaluate resulting intervention strategies and
programs (Cochran & Mays, 1993; Kalichman, 1998). Understanding the burden of
HIV among African Americans requires the use of culturally relevant theoretical
frameworks that illuminate the relationships between a range of interrelated distal
and proximal factors that may serve as plausible points of intervention. To date, the
most common paradigms used in HIV prevention have been limited to viewing HIV as
an individual level phenomenon, specifically seeking to change individual behavior,
devoid of a greater social and economic context. Factors such as racism, discrimination and poverty, which are relevant to many African Americans at risk for and
impacted by HIV, have largely been excluded from the most commonly used
theoretical models in prevention research. As we come to understand and explore the
range of factors influencing HIV-related outcomes, developing new theoretical
frameworks and merging existing theories is likely warranted.
Ecological theory, a multilevel approach, is useful for conceptualizing the impact
of a range of individual, social, economic and political factors on variations in health
3
Racism, Poverty and HIV/AIDS Among African Americans
39
status (Smedley & Syme, 2000), and may be of utility for elucidating the causal
pathways between racism, poverty and HIV-related outcomes among African
Americans. This framework emphasizes that health behaviors are shaped by a host
of interactive and interdependent physical and socio-environmental factors operating
on multiple levels (Brofenbrenner, 1979; McLeroy, Bibeau, Steckler, & Glanz,
1988). Accordingly it is necessary to intervene at multiple levels (e.g., individual,
interpersonal, organizational, societal) to address multiple levels of influence.
Embodied in an ecological perspective, community organization models are
frequently used to identify and address “common problems” experienced by individuals and larger entities, including groups, organizations, institutions and communities (Minkler & Wallerstein, 1990, 2003; Rothman, Tropman, & Erlich, 2001).
Community organization frameworks purport that through advocacy and mobilization, community members and organizations can more comprehensively promote
change supportive of health promotion efforts. The basic premise supporting community organizing perspectives is that it is necessary to intervene at multiple levels
to positively affect behavioral change and the “collective well-being” of communities
(LaVeist, 2002).
Interpersonal behavioral theories, which have been more commonly utilized in
HIV behavioral intervention research, also provide a useful framework for examining the influence of a myriad of factors influencing HIV/AIDS risk behaviors among
African Americans. In particular, Social Cognitive Theory (SCT), emphasizes the
reciprocal relationships between individual behaviors, interpersonal relationships
and environmental factors and posits that past experiences influence behavior
(Bandura, 1986). This paradigm lends support to addressing broader level contextual
factors that have acute and pervasive influences on health, such as racism, poverty
and other social determinants of health that may play a significant role in the diminishing health and well being of African Americans. However, Social Cognitive
Theory has rarely been used in HIV prevention research to address the impact of
broader level contextual influences.
Afrocentric and African American-centered behavioral change models are valuable for shaping the development and implementation of prevention interventions
that acknowledge historical traditions endemic to their communities, such as interdependence, cooperation, collectivism, mutual responsibility, and egalitarianism
(Beatty, Wheeler, & Gaiter, 2004; Cochran & Mays, 1993) and emphasize the
shared cultural norms of communities (Gilbert & Goddard, 2007). Nobles (1985,
1986, 2006) suggests that Afrocentric theory can be used to explain behaviors of
African Americans because this perspective is based on their history and experiences. Nobles, Goddard, and Gilbert (2009) employed the model as a framework
for an HIV prevention intervention targeting African American women. The purpose of this study was to strengthen and enhance protective factors that promote
traditional African and African American health and cultural values. Intervention
participants engaged in activities including realigning women’s thinking towards
traditional African/African American cultural values (i.e., focus on community vs.
individual) and restructuring thinking to embrace positive attitudes, values and
perspectives of African American people to improve the development of protective
40
K.M. Williams and C.M. Prather
factors. The study results suggested a significant increase in motivation, self worth
and adoption of less risky sexual behaviors in the intervention group, and the
researchers called for further investigation of culturally based interventions using
more rigorous methods.
Methodological Considerations
It is beyond the scope of this chapter to provide an in-depth analysis of the range
of methodological issues to be considered in examinations of the relationship
between racism, poverty and HIV-related outcomes. However, the authors will
highlight selected fundamental methodological issues that require attention. To
empirically examine the relationship between racism, poverty and HIV, researchers
must employ the appropriate research design methodologies. Selection of appropriate methods is critical for determining within a broad range of context, which
aspects of an experience or an exposure regarding racism and poverty are relevant
to specific HIV-related outcomes and why. At present, there is a dearth of research
examining the various dimensions of racism and poverty and the complex interplay
between these constructs and HIV. The authors acknowledge that it is not feasible
for any one investigation to examine all the possible causal pathways in which
racism and/or poverty impact a specific HIV-related outcome. For any analytic
approach, major thought must be given to selecting the appropriate design and
measures and assessing the amount of time and resources needed to conduct the
investigation. To assess the relationship between racism, poverty and HIV-related
outcomes, it is necessary to examine factors co-occurring on multiple levels (e.g.,
structural level factors – residential segregation vs. individual level factors – direct
experiences with racism). Thus, the choice of method used to assess these relationships will vary as well.
Although use of experimental designs, particularly randomized controlled trials,
provide increased rigor when assessing the influence of selected factors on a
specified outcome, arguably it may not be the best method for assessing complex
hypothetical pathways (as is the case in assessing the relationship between racism,
poverty and HIV). Further, the authors suggest that because our understanding of
the relationship between racism, poverty and HIV among African Americans is in
its infancy, initial efforts should focus on conceptualizing, operationalizing and
validating the various dimensions of these constructs with the target population.
Mixed method modalities (involving the use of qualitative and quantitative
research methods) can also be used as part of formative research activities to inform
development of testable hypotheses and HIV intervention programs. Ethnographic
approaches and community-based participatory research (CBPR), in particular, are
useful for obtaining in-depth information needed to more accurately understand
the complex dimensions and effects of racism and poverty. Community-based
participatory research is grounded in several principles, making this methodology
potentially most useful in exploring the relationships between racism, poverty and
HIV. This approach acknowledges the uniqueness and strengths of a community.
3
Racism, Poverty and HIV/AIDS Among African Americans
41
It underscores the importance of building partnerships of mutual regard and balanced
power between researchers and community members to understand the complexities of adverse health outcomes from the perspective of the community and in
developing sustainable interventions (Israel, Eng, Schulz, & Parker, 2005). Initially,
qualitative methods, including focus groups, in-depth interviews, observations
and quantitative surveys could be used to assess perceptions and experiences with
racism and poverty and to explore plausible relationships to HIV-related outcomes.
Use of these methods is critical for effectively designing and evaluating prevention
interventions and ultimately decreasing disparate rates of infections experienced by
African Americans.
Measures. Dependable, psychometrically sound measures of direct experiences
of race-based discrimination (real or perceived) allow investigators to examine the
impact of these factors on mental and physical well-being (Kressin, Raymond, &
Manze, 2008; Krieger, 2005; Williams & Mohammed, 2009). Although currently
there is not agreement regarding a standardized measure of racism, there are a
growing number of measures available that assess multiple dimensions of racism
and discrimination, including the different levels at which it occurs (e.g., individual,
institutional), timing, frequency, duration, intensity and the context in which it
occurs (e.g., work, school, healthcare setting, etc.) (Krieger, Pascoe & Sweet,
2009). Examples of such scales previously tested for reliability and validity with
African American populations that may prove useful in HIV research include the
following: Perceptions of Racism Scale (Murrell, 1996); Schedule of Racist Events
(Landrine & Klonoff, 1996); Index of Race Related Stress (Utsey & Ponterotto,
1996); Perceived Racism Scale (McNeilly et al., 1996); Racism and Life
Experience Scale (RaLES and RaLES-B) (Harrell, Merchant, & Young, 1997);
the Experience of Discrimination Scale revised in Krieger and Sidney (1996);
and the Everyday Discrimination Scale (Williams et al., 1997). These scales measure direct experiences with racism and discrimination at the individual level.
Researchers can employ these measures to determine if there is an association with,
for example, potential covariates, HIV-related risk behaviors and access to or utilization of healthcare services. At the population level, researchers can also examine
co-factors such as residential segregation and concentrated poverty to assess if there
are higher levels of HIV morbidity and mortality present and identify factors not
readily apparent to individuals.
Public health has traditionally used income-based measures of poverty to
examine its impact on available resources and health outcomes. While it is agreed
that income and consumption are complex and interrelated constructs and are
important to assess (Iceland & Bauman, 2007), several have argued that living
conditions are determined by more than income and that income and consumption
are not always positively correlated (Beverly, 2001; Mayer & Jencks, 1989; Rector,
Johnson, & Youssef, 1999). As a result, researchers have increasingly sought
measures that better capture a range of needs (i.e., material goods and resources)
relative to expenses/consumption as an indicator of “hardship.” For example, some
measures assess selected material hardships including food insecurity (lack of availability and access to food); housing instability (homelessness, residing in overcrowded
42
K.M. Williams and C.M. Prather
conditions); inadequate health insurance coverage and difficultly paying utilities
(i.e., gas, water, electric, phone) (e.g., Beverly; Federman et al., 1996; Mayer &
Jencks; Rector et al.). Using hardship measures in conjunction with traditional
income measures may more accurately reflect African Americans’ experiences
with poverty. Braveman and colleagues (2005) mention important considerations
when utilizing socioeconomic measures to assess impact on health. They state that
the choice of a socioeconomic (SES) measure influences the outcome being
studied. To address potential biases, they recommend that researchers assess as
many SES indicators as possible, and critically examine as many explanatory pathways as possible that could potentially impact health, including institutional and
personal experiences of racism and discrimination.
The authors suggest that researchers include measures of racism and discrimination, poverty and material hardship into investigations assessing, for example,
African Americans risk for HIV and utilization of healthcare services to fully
understand the complexities of these relationships. This can be done by incorporating such measures in small scale studies, large-scale surveys and longitudinal
investigations.
Strengths perspectives. Prior research and HIV intervention programs have
largely approached prevention for African Americans from a deficit model. Models
that emphasize protective factors, such as “positive adaptive coping strategies”
(Broman, 1996; Utsey, Ponterotto, Reynolds, & Cancelli, 2000; Wadsworth &
DeCarlo Santiago, 2008), social support (Brown, 2008; Heckman, Kochman, &
Sikkema, 2002) and spirituality (Prado et al., 2004) have been shown to buffer the
effects of the deleterious effects of racism and poverty on health. These studies
show that personal resilience and positive coping styles play an important role in
mediating the relationship between distal risk factors such as poverty and racism
and various health outcomes. Similar findings have been shown in the HIV literature. In a study of low income women living with HIV, Catz, Gore-Felton, and
McClure (2002) reported that women who possessed fewer forms of social support
and reported fewer active coping strategies experienced higher levels of anxiety and
depression. Prado and colleagues found that among HIV-positive, low-income
African American mothers, religious involvement was inversely associated with
distress. The authors suggest that social support and coping mediated the relationship between religious involvement and distress. In a recent investigation, KonkleParker, Erlen, and Dubbert (2008) found that HIV medication adherence was
facilitated by prayer and spirituality and the presence of social supports. Findings
from these investigations have particular relevance for assessing the ways in which
African Americans make healthy adaptations in the face of adverse conditions.
The authors recommend that HIV prevention interventions and care programs
focus on the resiliency and perseverance of African Americans as this community
has experienced some of the most brutal and oppressive treatment (i.e., slavery,
segregationist laws and practices) in U.S. history. However, prior research and HIV
intervention programs have largely failed to capitalize on these strengths. It is time
that researchers and interventionists alike start placing greater emphasis on maximizing tools of empowerment that draw on individual, cultural and communal
3
Racism, Poverty and HIV/AIDS Among African Americans
43
strengths existing within African American communities. These “assets” should
serve as the basis for programs and efforts promoting health among African
Americans.
Levels of interventions. Racism and poverty can and should be addressed in
all levels of prevention interventions targeting African Americans. Structural,
community, group, individual, as well as multilevel interventions pose unique
opportunities to tackle these issues while at the same time promoting health.
Although the following ideas for how various levels of interventions can be used
to address racism, poverty and HIV among African Americans they have not
been fully tested. The authors suggest that these recommendations merit testing
in the future.
Structural interventions are most appropriate for altering conditions beyond the
control of the individual (Sumartojo, 2000). Structural factors operate at multiple
levels and can include key characteristics of the environment, such as resources, economic opportunities, laws, policies, and organizational and community structures
(Gupta, Parkhurst, Ogden, Aggleton, & Mahal, 2008; Sumartojo). Because structural
level interventions tend to be broad in scope, the authors suggest that they are well
suited for addressing such complex phenomena as racism, poverty and HIV. Examples
of structural level interventions that have been used to address poverty-related
mechanisms associated with HIV risk include condom distribution programs (Cohen
& Scribner, 2000; Cohen et al., 1999), free or affordable housing programs for HIVpositive persons (Aidala et al., 2005) and microenterprise programs that provide
alternative sources of income for at risk women to increase economic dependence
(Sherman, German, Cheng, Marks, & Bailey-Kloche, 2006). Stratford, Mizuno,
Williams, Courtenay-Quirk, and O’Leary (2008) proposed using microenterprise as
a strategy for HIV prevention among African American women. This approach has
been widely used internationally to produce income as a means to improve health
outcomes and has been shown to increase women’s financial security while enhancing contraceptive use (Waters, Rodriguez-Garcia, & Macinko, 2001). More recently
the implementation of a microenterprise program resulted in decreased engagement
in sexual risk behaviors among young women in South Africa (Pronyk, Kim,
Abramsky, Phetla, & Hargreaves, 2008).
Appropriate as well are community-level interventions which seek to affect
change at the population level. Community-level interventions address community
norms, allow members to share a common identity and consciousness, and support
collective engagement in a broader network of systems and resources (Thompson
& Kinne, 1990; Kalichman, 1998). Thus, empowering local communities is
believed necessary to address co-mingling adversities influencing disparate rates of
HIV in African American communities. Community level interventions addressing
racism and poverty may, for example, use mass media campaigns to dispel prejudices against African Americans or mobilize communities to take action against
unequal wage earnings, while at the same time promote health messages.
Group level interventions may be appropriate for addressing the complex
pathways in which racism, discrimination and poverty impact health, as these types
of interventions provide the opportunity to simultaneously intervene with several
44
K.M. Williams and C.M. Prather
individuals. This strategy has several benefits (Kalichman, 1998). Among African
Americans, experiences with racism and poverty are largely not viewed as unique
or isolated phenomena but as shared experiences. Therefore, group-level interventions could allow members to reveal experiences among peers, gain confirmation,
become more connected, strengthen supportive networks and increase ethnic pride,
while at the same time increasing the ability and skills necessary to reduce HIVrelated outcomes.
Individual-level interventions delivered one on one by a peer educator, counselor
or other professional can address racism and poverty by, opening a session with the
participants discussing experiences with racism, discrimination and poverty while
providing them with a sensitive ear and acknowledging harsh realities, for example.
This type of rapport building may allow the interventionist to set the stage for
“meeting the participant where they are,” thereby acknowledging and validating the
participant within a broader social and economic context. Interventionists can integrate components that address the impact of history, tying in discussions about
slavery and oppression, and informing the target population of the legacies of
health-related consequences and their current relevance to the health status of
African Americans.
Collaborative partnerships. Eradicating broader-level contextual factors such as
racism and poverty should not be the charge of any one group, organization or
establishment. What is required however is a broader quorum, a cadre of vested
partners willing to work together to promote a relevant and tailored prevention
agenda. (Sutton et al., 2009)). Thus, formulating effective partnerships is a necessary requisite and first step to addressing HIV/AIDS among African Americans.
Multidisciplinary collaborations and approaches help to more clearly delineate the
research agenda, and devise strategies to ensure that programs are appropriate and
relevant for the affected population (Warnecke et al., 2008). As such, establishing
effective partnerships with key stakeholders, including members of the target population, key community members and individuals representing public health,
education, housing, labor, justice, transportation and religion, is necessary. Key
policymakers and government agencies need to be at the table to create organizational and institutional changes to support fair and equitable practices, legislation
and funding.
There is an African Proverb that states, “Until lions have their own historians,
tales of the hunt will always glorify the hunter.” This proverb suggests that the
development of HIV prevention intervention efforts seeking to reduce HIV/AIDS
among African Americans may best be developed by researchers who share and
understand similar experiences. Working in partnership with members of the
affected population throughout the research process is particularly important, not
only for gaining access to African American communities, but for ensuring that the
methodological approaches taken are appropriate, relevant, and will result in the
collection of valid and credible data. Engaging African Americans in setting a HIV
prevention agenda that is relevant to their community and responsive to addressing
needs will also help to ensure sustainability of efforts over time (Fitzpatrick,
Sutton, & Greenberg, 2006).
3
Racism, Poverty and HIV/AIDS Among African Americans
45
Summary
Understanding and acknowledging the deleterious effects of complex social,
economic and political realities are necessary to address HIV/AIDS infections
impacting African Americans. Though many may view addressing racism and
poverty as beyond the scope of HIV prevention, the authors assert that identifying
and attacking root causes is a necessary requisite for eliminating disparities.
However, we must first be willing to enter into open and honest, yet sometimes
difficult, dialogue about these issues. Because racism and poverty are broader-level
contextual factors, the most effective strategies will likely require using multiple
methodologies at multiple levels. The recommendations herein offer an inclusive
approach to investigate and begin to address racism and poverty in the U.S. and
their implications for prevention and control of HIV among African Americans. As
the root causes for HIV likely overlap with those of a multitude of adverse health
outcomes, understanding the impact of the two constructs on health is integral to
developing interventions that reduce HIV and other co-mingling health disparities
among African Americans. Thus the field of HIV prevention could benefit from
becoming part of an overarching agenda to eliminate overall health disparities and
to promote health equity.
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Chapter 4
Organized Religion and the Fight Against
HIV/AIDS in the Black Community: The Role
of the Black Church*
Agatha N. Eke, Aisha L. Wilkes, and Juarlyn Gaiter
Introduction
Religious faith and practices have long been an important consideration in health and
well-being. Historically, religious institutions including the Black Church (i.e., any predominately African American religious congregation) have had important influences on
public health and the practice of medicine (Chatters, Levin, & Ellison, 1998; Giger,
Appel, Davidhizar, & Davis, 2008; Koenig, 2000). Over the last two decades there has
been a resurgence of interest in the relationship between religion and health (Chatters,
2000; Ellison & Levin, 1998), because research has documented a correlation between
religion and morbidity and mortality (Levin, 2003). There are over 1,200 published
empirical studies of which 75–90% shows a positive association between aspects of
religious faith and indicators of health status and emotional well-being at the population
level (Koenig, McCullough, & Larson, 2001). Some of the most methodologically
sophisticated, rigorously evaluated studies with the largest scope of health outcomes have
been epidemiological studies of African Americans (Levin, Chatters, & Taylor, 2005).
Levin et al. note that this body of work termed the “epidemiology of religion” contains
findings showing associations between expressions of religiousness and mental health,
psychological well-being, healthy lifestyles, health care utilization and health related
outcomes. This is critical literature, given the growing disparities in HIV/AIDS particularly among disadvantaged (economically deprived/medically underserved individuals)
African Americans and other racial/ethnic groups. Consequently, public health professionals are paying close attention to the unique and important role that religious and faithbased organizations such as the Black Church can play in addressing these disparities.
* “ The findings and conclusions in this report are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent
the views of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.”
A.N. Eke (*)
Division of HIV/AIDS Prevention, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention,
1600 Clifton Road, MS E-37, Atlanta, GA 30333, USA
e-mail: AEke@cdc.gov
D.H. McCree et al. (eds.), African Americans and HIV/AIDS,
DOI 10.1007/978-0-387-78321-5_4,
Chapter 4 was authored by employees of the U.S. government and is therefore not subject
to U.S. copyright protection.
53
54
A.N. Eke et al.
African Americans have disproportionate morbidity and mortality associated
with cancer, diabetes, infant mortality, obesity, high blood pressure, strokes, cardiovascular disease and especially HIV/AIDS (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention
(CDC), 2005). Since the beginning of the HIV/AIDS epidemic in the United States,
African Americans have been overrepresented among those living with and dying
from AIDS. CDC statistics also show that African Americans are more likely to die
from AIDS than people of any other race or ethnicity (CDC, HIV/AIDS surveillance report, 2008). These alarming statistics allude to the limitations of the public
sector in preventing the spread of HIV/AIDS in African-American communities
(Leong, 2003). African Americans, therefore, must rely more heavily on community
resources for HIV/AIDS prevention and intervention, a system that is already reeling under the weight of responding to the excess morbidity and mortality from
other conditions such as cardiovascular disease and diabetes (Fullilove, 2006).
Black Churches, which for decades have been responsive to the many health
problems that plague African Americans (Logan & Freeman, 2000), have been
slow to mobilize their communities to fight HIV/AIDS. This chapter will explore
the role that organized religion has played in protecting public health and more
closely examine how the Black Church can partner with public health professionals
in preventing HIV/AIDS among African Americans.
The Role of Religion in Peoples’ Lives
Religion has been defined as an organized system of beliefs, practices, rituals, and
symbols that foster closeness to the sacred as in a higher power or God (MoreiraAlmeida, Neto, & Koenig, 2006; Mystakidou, Tsilika, Parpa, Smyrnioti, & Vlahos,
2007). Religious practices, beliefs and values have played a vital role in shaping the
lives and cultures of many people throughout the world. According to UNAIDS
(2008), about 70% of the world’s population identifies with a religious or faith
community. Religious values and practices are often deeply rooted in the daily
routines of individuals, and religious organizations such as churches, mosques,
temples and other faith communities exert tremendous influence on a spectrum of
human affairs including beliefs, and political, social and cultural viewpoints and
practices (UNFPA, 2008). In a recent Gallup poll, 65% of Americans said that
religion is an important part of their daily lives (Gallup, 2009).
The broad influence of religion is even more fundamental to the character and
survival of African Americans as a community in the United States (Carver & Reinert, 2002;
Newlin, Knafl, & Melkus, 2002). A nationally representative telephone survey by
the Pew Forum on Religion and Public Life (2008) confirmed that African Americans
are significantly more religious than the general U.S. population. This was evident
from a variety of measures including level of religious affiliation, attendance at
religious services, frequency of praying and the importance of religion in daily
life decisions. Religious involvement, expressed either as personal spirituality or
congregational participation, is a prominent component of African American
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Organized Religion and the Fight Against HIV/AIDS in the Black Community
55
culture, and permeates nearly every domain of life in the African American community
(Newlin et al.).
Religious expression by African Americans is largely confined to the Black
Church, which historically has served as a source of liberation, solace, hope, meaning
and forgiveness, particularly in relationship to social, political and economic injustices
(Dash, Jackson, & Rasor, 1997; Musgrave, Allen, & Allen, 2002; Newlin et al.,
2002). Given the influence of religion and religious organizations, especially in the
African American community, it is important to engage and persuade religious
leaders to be partners with public health in addressing HIV/AIDS and other related
health problems.
Organized Religion and Public Health
Faith based organizations, particularly those of the Christian tradition, were among the
pioneers in the early practice of medicine (Amundsen, 1998). Inspired by the biblical
injunction to “heal the sick” and “cleanse the lepers,” Christian religious institutions
built the first hospitals, and early physicians and nurses were often clerics, monks and
other religious orders (Amundsen; Koenig et al., 2001). Religious institutions share a
legacy of caring for the sick, the elderly and the needy with the public health community (Chatters et al., 1998; Foege, 1997). They have also been integral to the success
of social reform movements throughout the world, having engaged in issues of social
justice including health care, civil rights, apartheid, environmental justice, reproductive rights, poverty and hunger (Marsh, 2005; Pratt, 1997; Van Reken, 1999). They are,
therefore, uniquely positioned to help bring health care to people that are in the most
need of care, particularly poor and disenfranchised communities.
The growing disparities in HIV/AIDS and other health problems, particularly
among African Americans and other poor racial/ethnic groups, coupled with dwindling financial resources requires even greater attention and help from religious and
faith-based organizations. Fortunately, there is a track record of partnerships
between public health and religious organizations (Cantor, 1996; Derose et al.,
2000). Religious or faith-based organizations have long been essential supporters
of public health (Foege, 1997). Congregations (including churches, synagogues,
mosques, and temples) and social service organizations with religious roots (such
as Catholic Charities, Lutheran Social Services and Salvation Army) provide food
and shelter, child care, and other forms of emergency assistance, particularly for
low-income people (Kramer, Finegold, De Vita, & Wherry, 2005). Furthermore,
recent US federal administrations support the idea of faith-based organizations as
ideal partners in providing health care and other services to the public (Francis &
Liverpool, 2009). Thus, health professionals and agencies, including government
agencies like the CDC, have developed policies that recognize the potential role of
religious organizations in health care. Since 2000, CDC has directly funded faithbased organizations and particularly Black Churches as partners in efforts to
address disparities in many health problems including HIV/AIDS (CDC, 2006).
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The Historical Role of the Black Church
The Black Church is the oldest, uniquely African American institution (Brown &
Gary, 1994) that has played a critical role in the development and survival of
African American communities since the time of slavery (Blackwell, 1991,
Franklin & Moss, 1994; Lincoln & Mamiya, 2001). The Black Church is not
monolithic, but rather diverse and dynamic, and encompasses any predominately
African American congregation, even if it is part of a white American religious
denomination (Adksion-Bradley, Johnson, Sanders, Duncan, Holcomb-McCoy,
2005; Giger et al., 2008). Although more likely to be represented in Christian
denominations including Methodist, Baptist and Pentecostal faith traditions as
well as in African American Catholicism (Pinn & Pinn, 2002), the Black Church
incorporates elements of African religion and Euro-Christianity as well as Islamic
and Judaic sectarianism (Lincoln & Mamiya). Thus, the Black Church experience
in its various forms may exhibit the unification of these disparate religious traditions (Sanders, 2002).
Beyond its central spiritual mission, the Black Church is a major factor in the
social structure of many black communities. As such it functions almost as a community support center that promotes social cohesion, mutual support, and provision
especially in times of oppression, tragedy, and illness (Franklin, 1997; Lincoln and
Mamiya, 2001). Given the extreme difficulty of coping with dehumanizing forces
beyond their control African Americans during slavery were protected by sacred
space and a zone of freedom to worship God, to express emotions that helped them
to transcend their circumstances (Eng, Hatch, & Callan, 1985; Franklin, 1997).
Franklin noted that slaves threw themselves with fervor into the worship experience
knowing that the crowd of loving, caring people was the safest place in the world.
Since the time of reconstruction, the Black Church has been the cornerstone of civil
right movements, and has offered strong support as an arbiter of social justice for
African Americans (Taylor, 2006). As an institution it stands as a vital source of
leadership, social capital and tangible assistance for its members, families, and
communities (Harris, 1994). According to Levin (1984), the Black Church has also
been the preserver and the perpetuator of the black ethos, that is, the base from
which the community’s values are defined. It has also served as an autonomous
social institution that has provided order and meaning to the black experience in the
United States (Lincoln and Mamiya). Scholars have noted (Richardson & June,
1997; Taylor, Ellison, Chatters, Levin, & Lincoln, 2000) that no other institution in
the United States can claim the loyalty and attention of African Americans that the
Black Church claims. Thus, the Black Church is seen as a potent partner in addressing the myriad of health problems facing the African American community, including HIV/AIDS.
The leaders of Black Churches have historically been involved in health promotion
ministries and provided an effective arena for preventive services to black communities
(Logan & Freeman, 2000). Black ministers in many instances have not only functioned
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Organized Religion and the Fight Against HIV/AIDS in the Black Community
57
as teachers, preachers, and politicians, but also as promoters of health and wellness
(Levin, 1984). Health ministries in churches have traditionally taken the form of sermons from the pulpit, nurse guilds, health fairs, seminars, and prevention interventions. Many Black Churches either independently or collaboratively have hosted health
promotion programs in areas such as health education, screening for and management
of high blood pressure and diabetes, weight loss and smoking cessation, cancer prevention and awareness, nutritional guidance and mental health (DeHaven, Hunter,
Wilder, Walton, & Berry, 2004). Similarly, many Black Churches have addressed the
problem of drug use and abuse in the community by initiating or encouraging participation of members in prevention and treatment programs (Sutherland, Hale, & Harris,
1995; Sutherland & Harris, 1994). Public health scientists and other researchers have
espoused strategies to effectively collaborate with faith-based organizations for health
promotion (Ammerman et al., 2003; Campbell et al., 2007; Sutherland et al., 1995).
The Black Church’s Response to HIV and AIDS
Given the urgency and persistence of the HIV/AIDS epidemic among African
American communities, social scientists and public health researchers are exploring ways to involve the Black Church in raising awareness among African
Americans about the urgent need to prevent the spread of HIV. The church’s
response to date has been slow, and only a few faith-based HIV prevention programs have been established (Francis & Liverpool, 2009). While some members of
the Black Church have actively provided care (e.g., food, shelter, and other needs),
for people in their communities who were infected and affected since the start of
the HIV epidemic, many Black Church leaders have remained quiet about this
growing epidemic. The CBS Evening News (2008) reported, “The Black Church, a
loud, voice for social change, has been curiously silent on the crisis of AIDS in the
African-American community, and some say, even negligent.”
As the HIV/AIDS infection and death rates have escalated in the African
American community, it has become more and more difficult for church leaders to
stand back from the catastrophe unfolding around them (Niles, 1996). Many Black
Church leaders across the country have recognized the great need for the church to
become involved, and have begun initiatives aimed at breaking the silence and
eliminating the stigma and prejudice associated with HIV/AIDS in the African
American community (Swartz, 2002). A significant number of Black Churches are
now actively engaged in ministries and programs that focus on promoting awareness for prevention and providing support for people living with AIDS (http://www.
balmingilead.org/index.html, 2009; www.arkofrefuge.org, 2009).
The level of involvement in HIV/AIDS prevention outreach varies from one
church to another. While some religious leaders openly discuss HIV/AIDS including
issues such as condom use and homosexuality, others do not. Some churches have
chosen to be involved in aspects of HIV/AIDS programs that do not contradict their
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doctrine or religious principle (Francis & Liverpool, 2009). For example, some
Black Churches feel more comfortable providing assistance to people who are living with AIDS, consistent with the church’s compassionate values, than engaging
in prevention activities that would involve discussion of sensitive issues such as
homosexuality and injection drug use. Other Black Churches involved in providing
HIV/AIDS services choose not advertise their involvement (Swartz, 2002).
The following are examples of actions faith leaders have undertaken to address
the HIV epidemic:
1. The Balm in Gilead Inc. in New York, works with Black Churches to stop the
spread of HIV/AIDS in the African American community and to support those
infected with and affected by the epidemic. This not-for-profit, non-governmental
organization was created in 1989 by Pernessa Seele (Cohen, 1999; Niles, 1996)
beginning with The Black Church National Week of Prayer for the Healing of
AIDS. This annual national program mobilizes thousands of Black Church
leaders to learn how to talk to their congregations about preventing the transmission of HIV. The Balm in Gilead provides comprehensive educational
programs and offer compassionate support to encourage those who are
HIV-infected to seek and maintain treatment (Niles). Another activity, the
“Our Church Lights the Way” ministry, was launched in 1999 and encourages
Black Churches to support and promote HIV Testing Month. In partnership
with the CDC, this program engages the support of black ministers to empower
and encourage African Americans to get tested for HIV and to know their
status. The campaign supports faith institutions in offering their place of
worship as community centers for AIDS education, and related services, making
the program community owned and driven (http://www.balmingilead.org/
index.html., 2009).
2. The ARK of Refuge is a faith-based HIV prevention program founded in 1988
by Bishop Yvette Flounder of the City of Refuge United Church of Christ in San
Francisco. The Ark provides HIV/AIDS education and prevention services for
African Americans (Public Media and the AIDS National Interfaith Network,
1997). The Ark recently opened a primary care facility, the Magic Johnson
Clinic, in collaboration with AIDS Healthcare Foundation. The organization
also provides substance abuse intervention programs, transitional housing for
homeless youth, mentorship programs, and a computer lab, and audio/video
training for community youth (The ARK of Refuge, 2009; http://www.arkofrefuge.org/flunder_bio_2004.shtml).
Leong (2003) describes the following two other examples of faith-based HIV/AIDS
programs that reveal differences in approach and the levels of involvement by Black
Churches in HIV/AIDS ministry which include:
The Universal Church, a predominantly African American church in an urban
area of the West coast has an HIV/AIDS ministry whose mission is to reduce
suffering and deaths due to HIV infection. This program increases the accessibility
of HIV/AIDS-related health services and education and advocates for services for
marginalized, overlooked, and underserved individuals, regardless of their demographics
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Organized Religion and the Fight Against HIV/AIDS in the Black Community
59
or sexual orientation. This contemporary church was founded in 1980 in response
to the needs of gay individuals who were affected by HIV/AIDS. The pastors and
congregation openly discuss HIV/AIDS and its impact during church services. The
church’s mission is inspired by the belief that “God is Love” and that love is the
basis of all individuals, regardless of race, creed, color, religious affiliation, class or
sexual orientation (Leong, 2003).
The Pacific African Methodist Episcopal Church (Pacific A.M.E.) is another
metropolitan church and one of the first Black Churches in the western United
States (Leong, 2003). This church approaches HIV prevention in a conservative
manner that is congruent with the values of traditional African American churches
(Pew Forum on Religion and Public Life, 2008). The church’s main focus is to
increase racial awareness by educating the public at large about racial disparities.
Church leaders promote spiritual, economic, political and moral wellbeing among
the members. There is not open discussion about issues of sexuality. This church is
reluctant to engage in HIV/AIDS outreach to gays and bisexuals, however, it does
provide an HIV/AIDS program to individuals the church considers to be “innocent”
victims of HIV/AIDS. This group of innocent people includes mostly heterosexual
women who contracted HIV from their male partners.
The stark differences in the approaches to HIV/AIDS issues by these two churches
are attributed to their varying sociopolitical and ideological dispositions (Leong,
2003). Their perspectives are informed by their respective church origins (i.e., the
founding philosophy of their churches), demographic characteristics of church members,
and church leadership. These factors shape the churches’ attitudes toward sexuality
and HIV/AIDS. For example, the religious leaders and the members of the congregation at the Universal Church represent a range of minority groups (i.e., HIV-positive,
racial/ethnic, low SES, and sexual minorities). Therefore, the leaders at Universal
Church have re-defined the goals of religion and spirituality, and re-interpreted religion
in ways that address their parishioners’ unique needs, doing so in a manner that
empowers all individuals (Leong, 2003). In contrast, the Pacific A.M.E. Church is
comprised mostly of middle-class and working class African Americans. Their religious instructions and messages emphasize racial consciousness and a black theology
that encourages self-help and personal responsibility (Leong, 2003).
Barriers to the Black Church’s involvement in HIV/AIDS
It is important to note that religious leaders face multiple constraints that can
restrict their participation in HIV/AIDS prevention efforts. Black Churches confront
not only doctrinal limitations, but also significant political and sociocultural constraints that impede HIV/AIDS prevention efforts in church settings (Leong, 2003).
Hammonds (1997) argued that African American religious leaders are wary about
the larger society’s tendency to perceive African Americans in pathological terms,
i.e., not deserving of social protection. This assumption implies that African
Americans are being held personally responsible for their disproportionate rates of
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HIV/AIDS. Also, because of their high HIV prevalence rates, African Americans
may be viewed as social contagions by the larger public (Hammonds). Consequently,
Leong believes that the resistance by the Black Church leaders to confront
HIV/AIDS as a serious health problem may have less to do with denial of HIV/AIDS
in their community, but more to do with a rejection of racist assumptions and potential actions aimed at social control of African Americans. It is also possible that the
role of public health in the legacy of the Tuskegee Experiment makes Black
Churches very protective of African Americans (Thomas, 2000). Therefore, there
may be varying levels of suspicion and resistance to collaborating with social
scientists and public health researchers in the Black Church.
Furthermore, the Black Church faces contradictions in addressing the HIV/AID
epidemic. On the one hand, church leaders have been vocal and in the front lines to
help liberate African Americans from all forms of oppression (Leong, 2003). However,
the church is perceived as the most conservative institution in the African American
community. This perception constrains the willingness of the church to respond to
HIV/AIDS. HIV/AIDS is perceived as a moral problem by many African American
religious leaders (Leong). This attitude has led some pastors and ministers to either
deny the existence of HIV/AIDS, or to be silent about the epidemic even though they
may be personally involved in HIV/AIDS efforts. This conflict and reluctance on the
part of some in the Black Church has helped to fuel discrimination against and stigmatization of people who are living with AIDS or perceived to be at risk for the disease
(Brooks, Etzel, Hinojos, Henry, & Perez, 2005; Niles, 1996). The same barriers that
impede HIV/AIDS prevention efforts in the Black Church are also present in the larger
African American community (Niles). A discussion of specific barriers that confront
the Black Church regarding HIV/AIDS prevention programming follows.
Stigma and Discrimination
HIV-related stigma has been a driving force behind the many failed efforts, be it church
or secular, to respond to HIV (Brooks et al., 2005; Herek, Capitanio, & Widaman, 2003).
Stigma has been particularly at the center of the silence and denial surrounding the
existence of HIV/AIDS in the African American community (Doupe and World
Council of Churches, 2005a, 2005b; Fullilove, 2006). Studies have shown that HIV-related
stigma is often rooted in fear, ignorance, misconceptions and myths about AIDS and
how the disease is transmitted (Kaiser Family Foundation, 2006). Misconceptions
and myths about how HIV/AIDS is transmitted must be aggressively addressed,
particularly among communities with high rates of poverty, low literacy and high
unemployment (Melkote, Muppidi, & Goswam, 2000).
Stigma and discrimination can make living with HIV/AIDS and being part of the
faith community exceedingly difficult for some African Americans. This is because
HIV stigma may shut down open discussion about the risky behaviors that can lead
to infection and ways to avoid infection. Additionally, HIV-related stigma can make
individuals afraid to be tested and fearful of getting their test results and may cause
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Organized Religion and the Fight Against HIV/AIDS in the Black Community
61
infected people to avoid seeking treatment until they are ill (Herek et al., 2003;
Public Media Center, 1997).
Homophobia
Same sex relationship is highly stigmatized in the African American community as
it is in most communities (Ward, 2005). Homosexual behavior is regarded by most
Christian religions as a “sin.” Many church leaders justify their conviction that
homosexuality is a sin by referencing scriptures in the Bible, many of which have
been debated by theologians (Miller, 2007). Moreover, there are ministers in some
Black Churches who preach from the pulpit to rebuke the sin of homosexuality and
illustrate the belief that heterosexuality is natural or normal by saying in their sermons
that, “God created Adam and Eve, not Adam and Steve” (Clarke, 2001).
In spite of the controversies, homosexuals or gay people are active members of
many Black Churches and some hold key jobs such as choir directors or musicians
(Fullilove & Fullilove, 1999). Yet, gay church members are expected not to say
anything about their sexual orientation. Fullilove and Fullilove reported results
from focus groups focusing on AIDS in the Black Church.
Findings indicated that the overwhelming avoidance of HIV/AIDS and condemnation of homosexuality or same sex loving lifestyles in Black Churches have
caused some gay people to leave the church. For many homosexuals, the decision
to leave their church can be bittersweet, because while it may be liberating to leave
a place that continuously defames who they are; they are leaving a community that,
for many, has been their home church since youth. Some gay people start their own
churches, and others join churches that are less negative and condemning (Fullilove
and Fullilove, 1999).
Lack of Resources
The reluctance of some Black Churches to respond to HIV/AIDS may be due to
limited resources. A survey of 22 Black clergy in Rhode Island showed that most
(83%) ministers felt that HIV/AIDS services were needed in their churches and
communities. However, they felt unqualified or lacked financial and other resources
to provide these services (Smith, Simmons, & Mayer, 2005). Faith based organizations
like many community based organizations face significant operational challenges
including lack of organizational infrastructure, few sources of stable and long term
funding, reliance primarily on volunteer efforts, high personnel turnover, and limited
networking and program coordination opportunities (Kelly et al., 2005). This is
particularly true for many Black Churches whose congregations are socially and
economically disadvantaged. These churches provide assistance to parishioners
coping with other major health threats such as breast cancer, diabetes, cardiovascular
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disease, infant mortality, substance abuse and gang violence. HIV/AIDS is yet
another challenge that threatens to stretch personnel and financial resources of both
rural and urban churches.
Summary and Recommendations
Faith-based organizations have a long history and strong reputation for making a
difference in people’s lives by meeting spiritual needs and delivering crucial health
and social services (Lincoln and Mamiya, 2001). In particular, the Black Church is
a beacon in the African American community and an advocate for social justice and
eradication of health disparities among African Americans (Adksion-Bradley et al.,
2005). However, this unique and influential role of the Black Church has been slow
to include the prevention of HIV/AIDS which is very crucial for African Americans.
The HIV/AIDS epidemic has widened particularly among disadvantaged African
Americans many of whom may be unaware of their infection and lack knowledge
about how the disease is transmitted (CDC, 2009). The current era of denial,
complacency, and fear must be confronted. African Americans must be warned of
their potential risk for HIV and AIDS by trusted, authoritative communicators who
will tell them the truth with love. Therefore, faith leaders are especially needed as
partners with public health to not only issue a call to action and present information
about how to prevent and reduce further spread of HIV/AIDS, but also provide vital
leadership for a community that is under siege by HIV/AIDS. There is a much more
urgent need now to not only acknowledge the size and scope of the epidemic among
African Americans but also to make preventing HIV/AIDS a priority by Black
Churches. Therefore, it is critical that public health officials and researchers identify
mechanisms to educate and empower religious leaders to promote HIV prevention,
HIV testing and high quality care for HIV infected individuals.
There are obvious advantages in partnerships between religious and faith-based
organizations and public health. For one, religious organizations and public health
practitioners share common principles and values such as serving and protecting
those who are less fortunate and unable to protect themselves, sponsoring health
promotion activities including primary, secondary, and tertiary prevention, and
serving as educators and catalysts for health-related behavioral change (Chatters
et al., 1998). In addition, religious organizations are stable and often the most
trusted institutions in the community, and command the loyalty and attention of
large numbers of people (Derose et al., 2000). Most Black Churches have well
established communication networks that allow for easy dissemination of information
to their members. For example, information can be shared through announcements
during congregational worship, bulletin distributed at church services, phone networks and mailing to members’ homes (Hale & Bennett, 2003).
Volunteerism is also a strong tradition in most faith-based organizations, a
resource that can be tapped for delivery of health programs to the community (Hale
& Bennett, 2003). Some large, urban Black Churches can increase access to care
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Organized Religion and the Fight Against HIV/AIDS in the Black Community
63
and prevention services for the underserved and invisible members of their
communities such as the homeless, drug-addicted individuals, and men and women
who have returned home from prison (Cantor, 1996; Derose et al., 2000). This is a
critical opportunity for churches to build capacity for HIV/AIDS programming
with the assistance of public health professionals.
Despite the many benefits that Black Churches offer public health, health professionals must be aware of potential challenges to launching HIV prevention efforts
in church settings. Religious doctrine and cultural traditions may limit the participation
of some Black Churches in HIV/AIDS. Conflicts between religion and science
are well established and religious organizations are often resistant to scientific strategies employed by public health professionals (Chatters et al., 1998; Sternberg,
Munschauer, Carrow, & Sternberg, 2007). For example, leaders in the Black Church
may view HIV/AIDS from a moral perspective while public health researchers
are focused on a scientific perspective (e.g., finding proven strategies for reducing
HIV transmission including engaging in protective sexual behaviors and avoiding
substance use). In addition, as in other research/community partnerships, religious
leaders may sense a loss of autonomy, and resist a potential opportunity for
collaboration.
Recommendations
The foregoing discussion implies that it is possible to engage Black Churches in
public health effort to stem the spread of HIV/AIDS in African American communities.
To do this successfully requires strategies that encourage mutual cooperation from
both the church and public health professionals. Public health partnerships with
Black Churches and other faith-based organizations in HIV/AIDS prevention should
focus on aligning assets and leveraging each other’s strengths, rather than imposing
on each other strategies that contradict each partner’s principles and goals.
McNeal and Perkins (2007) recommend that strategies include promoting
communication between the Black Church and health professionals. Communication
between the church and health professionals will result in sharing of information,
and highlight the many ways in which HIV/AIDS presents challenges to the
doctrine and practice of the Black Church. Such challenges may include: reconciling
the perceived evil of HIV/AIDS with the goodness of God, having positive attitude
about sexuality and the body, being a healing and inclusive community, eliminating
stigma and discrimination associated with HIV/AIDS, dealing with poverty, and
transforming unjust social structures (Doupe and World Council of Churches,
2005a, b). Understanding these challenges is critical to finding common grounds on
best ways to involve the church in HIV prevention without compromising its basic
tenets and principles.
Another strategy to effectively engage the Black Church in prevention efforts is
to provide ongoing HIV/AIDS education and capacity building for black religious
leaders and congregations (McNeal & Perkins, 2007). Ongoing HIV/AIDS training
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A.N. Eke et al.
and workshops for Black Church leaders including information about how HIV is
transmitted, the risk factors, prevention and treatment; and HIV testing, counseling
and referral services will improve their understanding of HIV/AIDS. Church leaders
and health professionals develop techniques and skills for incorporating HIV/AIDS
into different church programs, (e.g., how to address stigma that links HIV/AIDS to drug
use and homosexuality). They should also seek ways of leveraging resources within
and outside the church. For example, public health professionals can guide church
leaders on effective strategies for collaborating with other community organizations
including other churches’ ministries, as well as local scientists and researchers in
HIV/AIDS. Furthermore, Church leaders need guidance on how to access funding
including federal funding to support their HIV prevention efforts. This would not
only enhance their knowledge and skills, but improve their ability to explore and
discover innovative strategies of reaching and educating their congregations about
the risk of HIV infection (McNeal & Perkins).
In conclusion, while public health professionals may bear responsibility for
leading community health improvement efforts such as preventing the spread of
HIV/AIDS, their success hinges on their ability to establish and maintain effective
partnerships throughout the community. They need to identify and work with all
entities that influence community health – from other government agencies to businesses to not-for-profit organizations including faith based institutions, to the general
citizenry (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2002). Partnerships
with Black Churches and other faith-based organizations in HIV/AIDS prevention
could elevate prevention efforts at levels that no other institution can achieve with
African Americans, and could hasten a future where the spread of HIV/AIDS in
this community is reversed.
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Chapter 5
Disproportionate Drug Imprisonment
Perpetuates the HIV/AIDS Epidemic
in African American Communities
Juarlyn L. Gaiter and Ann O’Leary
Introduction
The U.S. inmate population increased by 700% between 1970 and 2005 (Austin, Naro,
& Fabelo, 2007), mainly because correctional policies criminalize drug addiction.
Almost one half of all prisoners are drug abusers (Karberg & James, 2002) despite
evidence from molecular and imaging studies that addiction is a brain disorder with a
strong genetic component (Chandler, Fletcher, & Volkow, 2009). The composition of
prison admissions has shifted away from perpetrators of violent crimes towards less
serious offenses such as parole violations and drug offenses (Clear, 2007). These
offenses are largely responsible for the steep increases in the number of people who
are incarcerated. Mauer (2006) notes that since there are no direct victims in drug selling and possession police rarely receive reports of these activities. Also, drug law
enforcement is far more discretionary than for other offenses. The police decide when
and where they will seek out people to arrest and most importantly what priority they
will place on enforcing drug laws. Nearly six in ten persons in state prisons for a drug
offense have no history of violence or significant selling activity. In 2005 four out of
five drug arrests were for possession and only one out of five were for drug sales
(Webb, 2007). States that have high numbers of drug arrests usually have higher incarceration rates (Mauer) and counties with burgeoning unemployment, persistent poverty and large percentages of African Americans have the highest incarceration rates
for drug offenses (Beatty, Petteruti, & Ziedenberg, 2007).
African Americans are incarcerated for drug offenses at rates that are severely
out of balance with their representation in the U.S. population. Most admissions for
drug offenses are African American men, yet African American women are fast
closing the gap in incarcerations for drug behaviors (Iguchi et al., 2002). Injection
J.L. Gaiter (*)
Division of HIV/AIDS Prevention, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention,
1600 Clifton Road, N.E, MS E-37, Atlanta, GA 30333, USA
e-mail: JGaiter@cdc.gov
D.H. McCree et al. (eds.), African Americans and HIV/AIDS,
DOI 10.1007/978-0-387-78321-5_5,
Chapter 5 was authored by employees of the U.S. government and is therefore not subject
to U.S. copyright protection.
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drug users (IDU) who have used drugs such as heroin, cocaine and methamphetamine
account for more than a third of new AIDS cases (Volkow, 2008). Repeated cycles
of imprisonment for felony drug convictions, probation and parole not only
disproportionately affect African Americans but increase the vulnerability of
African American communities to crisis levels of HIV infection (Lane et al., 2004).
This chapter describes the double burden of incarceration and HIV infection among
African Americans and structural and contextual factors, such as correctional policies and concurrent partnerships that fuel these epidemics.
U.S. Incarceration Rates
The United States (U.S.) has less than 5% of the world’s population but well over
23% of all incarcerated people (Hartney, 2006). Explosive growth in incarceration
started in the 1970s when rates of inner city crime soared and the drug war intensified
(King & Mauer, 2005a). Admissions for drug offenses severely inflated the prison
population over the past three decades (Mauer & King, 2007). Consequently, by 2006
a quarter of a million drug offenders were among 1.4 million state prisoners and
almost half of the 193,046 federal prisoners (Sabol, Couture, & Harrison, 2007).
The Epidemic of Incarceration Among African Americans
In 2006 African Americans, who were only 13% of the U.S. population were 42%
of the total arrests for drug offenses (Sabol, Couture, et al., 2007). Beatty et al.,
2007 noted that large pockets of disadvantaged people in poor areas within large
counties were associated with vigilant policing, prosecuting and incarceration of
individuals involved in drug behaviors. In fact, beginning in 1987 the rates of
African Americans incarcerated for drug offenses quadrupled in only 3 years until
in 2000 the rate was 26 times that of the early 1980s (Travis, 2005).
African Americans have been consistently more likely than European
Americans to be convicted of drug felonies in state courts (Durose & Langan,
2001) and to be habitual offenders (Iguchi, Bell, Ramchand, Fain, 2005; Western,
Kling, & Weiman, 2001). Half (50%) of African American inmates (496,900)
were drug addicted or abusers compared to 59.1% of white (431,500), and 51%
of Hispanic (222,700) inmates in 2004 (Mumola & Karberg, 2006). Yet, at the
end of 2006 the incarceration rate for African American men was 3,042 per
1,000,000 residents, compared to 487 for white American men (Sabol et al.,
2007). Also during 2006 1 in 21 African American adult men, 1 in 279 African
American adult women and 1 in 41 African Americans of all ages were incarcerated (Warren, Gelb, Horowitz, & Riordan, 2008). African American men were hit
the hardest as more than 19% of them between the ages of 25 and 29 years were
in jail or prison in 2006 (Sabol et al., 2007).
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71
These findings are noteworthy because European and African Americans report
similar rates of illicit drug use and sales (Rouse, Sanderson, & Feldmann, 2006).
Therefore, there is little evidence or reason to believe that African Americans have
more substance abuse problems than European Americans (U.S. Department of
Justice, 2003). Yet, it has been consistently shown that, in general, when a black
man and a white man commit the same crime, the risk of incarceration is considerably greater for the black man than the white one (Zierler & Krieger, 1997).
In 2005 the Vera Institute reported that mandatory minimum sentences, were
responsible for high incarceration rates of drug offenders in every state (Stemen,
Rengifo, & Wilson, 2006). Not only were African Americans more likely than
whites to be incarcerated for drug offenses; they also disproportionately received
mandatory minimum sentences. Even more telling is that nationwide in every
offense category – person, property, drug, and public disorder – African American
youth are disproportionately incarcerated (Hartney & Silva, 2007).
African American Women
African American women are almost four times as likely than white women and three
times as likely than Hispanic women to be incarcerated (Sabol, Minton, & Harrison,
2007). Prisons are the only places where HIV prevalence is higher for women (2.6%) than
it is for men (1.8%). A report by the Center for Addiction and Substance Abuse (CASA,
1998) found that higher proportions of women inmates compared to men have histories
of crack and injection drug use and relationships with multiple, risky sexual partners. For
example data for state prisoners in 2004 showed that 60% of 82,800 incarcerated women
and 53% of men (of 1.1 million) inmates were drug abusers or drug dependent
(Mumola & Karberg, 2006). The more serious health problem for African American
women is that they are two-thirds of all newly reported HIV cases among women as well
as 34% of all female inmates (Harawa & Adimora, 2008). An especially alarming forecast
is that the population of women inmates will grow more rapidly at 16% by 2011 compared
to 12% for men (Austin et al., 2007). There is likely therefore to be commensurate
increases in the proportion of HIV positive African American women behind bars.
Thomas and Torrone (2006) established a link between rates of incarceration
among African Americans and high HIV and STI rates in African American
communities. These researchers calculated correlations between rates of
incarceration of the 76 prisons and 97 jails in the state of North Carolina and
rates of STIs and teenage pregnancies for each of 100 counties between 1995 and
2002. They found that STI rates and teenage pregnancies adjusted for age, race
and poverty distributions by county consistently increased with increases in
incarceration. Thomas and Torrone concluded that high incarceration rates are
strongly associated with health outcomes in the form of teenage pregnancies.
They also noted that the incarceration variable most strongly related to health
outcomes was number of prisoners per 100,000, the measure of the closest proxy
for absence of individuals from a community.
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Incarceration and Sexually Transmitted Infections
Sexually transmitted infections are secondary risk factors for HIV infection
because individuals with untreated STIs are three to five times more likely to
become HIV-infected (CDC, 1998). Dembo et al., (2009) examined the relationship between individual level-factors (gender, age, drug use) and communitylevel factors (concentrated disadvantage) and STI prevalence for Chlamydia and
gonorrhea among adolescents (12–18 years of age) at intake during their first
arrest. Demographic data and the adolescents home addresses were geocoded
within a six county area.
The researchers conducted a two-level logistic regression analysis to determine the
influence of individual-and community-level predictors on STI results from 1,368 urine
assays (431 girls and 937 boys). They also created measures of residential stability,
ethnic heterogeneity and an index of community disadvantage. The youth’s positive STI
results were predicted by individual level factors of gender (being female), age and race
(being African American) and criminal history. Community level factors (concentrated
disadvantage), defined as racially segregated housing combined with the proportion of
the population that was: below the poverty line, identifying as black/African American;
16 years old and older; unemployed, and female-headed household with children
predicted the youth’s STI status. The individual-and community-level factors predicted
sexually transmitted disease (STIs) among disadvantaged youth involved in the juvenile
justice system. The researchers concluded that delinquents who lived in disadvantaged,
stressful environments have a significantly elevated risk of STIs. They recommended
that intense STI prevention efforts be mounted to improve the sexual health of disadvantaged youth to reduce their risk of contracting and spreading HIV infection.
Mechanisms for Disproportionate Incarceration worsening
the epidemic
The effects of the disproportionate incarceration of African American adult men
and their risk of HIV infection take both direct and indirect forms. Direct effects
include the possibility of becoming infected while incarcerated and, for those
already infected, health care in the institution and following release. Indirect effects
are ones that influence sexual networks and partnerships.
HIV Risk Behavior in Prison
Nearly all HIV-infected prisoners entered prison with their infection. Not only are
there more opportunities to engage in high-risk behavior such as injection drug use
or risky sexual behavior in the community than while incarcerated (Wohl et al., 2000),
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73
but a number of studies show that incarcerated individuals report that they engage
in more risky behaviors outside of prison than inside prison (Moseley & Tewksbury,
2006). Wohl et al.’s case-control study of incarcerated African American men at
risk for HIV infection showed that men who reported sex with other men were also
more likely to report this risky behavior before and after rather than during their
incarceration.
Yet HIV transmission can occur while in prison or jail through unprotected
sexual activity, needle sharing IDUs, tattooing with unsterilized sharp objects such
as ball point pens and contact with HIV-infected blood or mucous membranes
through violence (Krebs, 2006; Mahon, 1996). The majority of IDU will spend
some time in prison and many IDU continue to use illicit drugs while they are
incarcerated (Carvell & Hart, 1990). Needle sharing among injection drug users
(IDUs) is highly associated with the transmission of HIV infection and is a major
risk factor for incarcerated adults (Dufour et al., 1996). This association explains
why a history of incarceration is an independent risk factor for HIV infection
among IDUs (Clarke et al., 2001; Wood et al., 2005).
Much of the sexual contact between men in prison involves anal sex (Krebs
& Simmons, 2002) which poses an especially high risk of HIV transmission. The
actual incidence of anal and homosexual sex between men in jail and prison
environments is unknown. Wardens typically refuse to allow inmates to be asked
questions regarding sex between men. Most sexual contacts are unsafe because few
correctional facilities give inmates free access to condoms and no U.S. jail or prison
system permits the distribution of sterile needles (May & Williams, 2002).
Krebs and Simmons (2002) examined surveillance data for 5,265 men in prison
over a 22-year period (Jan 1, 1978–Jan 1, 2000) to find out how many of them
became HIV-positive while they were incarcerated. They found that a minimum of
33 men were HIV-infected in prison compared to 238 former inmates who became
HIV-positive after they left prison. The investigators concluded that men having sex
with each other was the main route of HIV infection transmission. Three studies
with a total of 6,000 prisoners continuously incarcerated since 1977 or 1978 found
only 52 HIV sero-conversions during incarceration periods of less than 15 years
each. These data led Harawa and Adimora (2008) to conclude that most HIV transmission happens prior to rather than during incarceration.
The CDC studied HIV transmission in the Georgia state prison system
(63% African American population) when 88 men who had tested HIV-negative at
intake subsequently tested positive (CDC, 2006). Forty-five of the men had engaged
in consensual sex with another man while in prison; 35 of the men said that they
had not had sex with men during the 6 months prior to incarceration. Six men
reported that they had been raped and forty men had been tattooed in prison. The
CDC examined HIV sero-conversion in 68 of the 88 inmates known to have
sero-converted between 1992 and 2005. The investigators found that men having
sex with men, tattooing, a body mass index of less than 25.4 kg per square meter
on prison entry and being African American were factors associated with HIV
seroconversion (CDC). These known sero-converters were 9% of the HIV-infected
prisoners in Georgia in 2005 (CDC).
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In the context of an HIV prevention intervention for young men leaving state
prison both quantitative (Seal et al., 2008) and qualitative (Seal et al., 2004) data
were collected regarding their risk behavior while they were incarcerated. About
half of sample of the 106 men the majority of whom were African American (54%)
between the ages of 18 and 29 reported the most commonly used drugs in prison
were alcohol and marijuana. Consensual sex was reported by 17% of the men; of
these, 88% reported sex with a female partner and 21% with a man (Seal et al., 2008).
The researchers noted that substance use and sexual behavior were correlated and
that both were associated with being older, having spent more years in prison, having
been sexually abused and involved with gangs and violence. Men with histories of
sexual abuse, treatment for depression, anxiety or drug abuse, and who had been
injured during a prison or jail fight were more likely to engage in risky behavior
while incarcerated. Also, men were more likely to have had consensual sex inside
prison if they had a male partner outside of prison. Only one man reported that he
had been forced to have sex by another man. Seal et al. (2004) concluded that their
data supported previous research findings that prisoners’ substance use and consensual
sexual behavior while in prison is indicative of similar, prior risky behavior in the
community (Clarke et al., 2001; Kang et al., 2005).
Effects of Differential Incarceration on Sexual Networks
As discussed above, African Americans have vastly different experiences with the
criminal justice system, and are far more likely to be incarcerated than members of
other racial/ethnic groups. Beyond this, men are more likely than women to be
incarcerated, and African American men are the highest-frequency incarcerated
group of all. A closer look at sexually transmitted disease at a population, rather
than an individual level, reveals that sexually concurrent partnerships stand out as
important determinants of epidemics (Aral, 1999). Concurrent sexual relationships
are simultaneous sexual relationships or relationships that overlap in time (Morris
& Kretschmar, 1995). HIV transmission is made particularly more likely by
concurrency, because HIV is highly contagious in the earliest phase of infection;
newly infected people are much more likely to transmit to other partners than are
chronically infected individuals (Morris & Kretschmar, 1997).
Because differential incarceration of men raises the ratio of women to men, it also
promotes concurrent partnerships (for a review, see Adimora, Schoenbach, Martinson,
Donaldson, Staneil, Fullilove, 2004). Some women would, even knowingly, share a man
with another woman rather than have no man at all. A recent analysis of the populationbased National Survey of Family Growth, showed that 11% of men reported concurrent
sexual relationships during the preceding year, while the rate for African American
women was more than twice as high (Adimora, Schoenbach, & Doherty, 2007).
Hammett and Drachman-Jones (2006) examined relationships between incarceration and increases in HIV and sexually transmitted diseases among poor
African American women in the rural south. They learned that in small southern,
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75
rural towns with very low HIV prevalence sharp increases in HIV incidence were
associated with sexual networks involving multiple partners, concurrent sexual
relationships and co-occurrence of STIs. They hypothesized that large numbers of
African American male inmates and recent increases in the incarceration of low
income African American women as well as Latina women accounted for this finding.
Large numbers of African American southern poor women with HIV/AIDS and
STIs from rural areas were incarcerated. The researchers concluded that the HIV
and STI epidemics among southern men and women are related to incarcerated
populations more than in other parts of the U.S.
Comfort, Grinstead, McCartney, Bourgois, and Knight (2005) investigated the
development and stability of intimacy between couples in a community where there
were many men in prison away from their wives, girlfriends and families. They
discovered that correctional control even extends to the bodies of women when they
visit their sexual partners and are at home attempting to stay connected to their
incarcerated men. For example, a review of qualitative interviews of 20 women who
visited their men in prison and 13 correctional officers showed that prisons prohibit
privacy and physical contact between women and their men. The researchers
concluded that romantic scripts, the buildup of sexual tension during incarceration
and restricted conditions of parole promote unprotected sexual contact and other
HIV/STI risk behavior after men leave prison. Thus, this is a clear example of how
the constant shortage of men as sexual partners and consequent increases in concurrent,
high-risk sexual partnerships renders African American communities vulnerable to
HIV infection.
HIV Care for Prisoners
The high prevalence of HIV infection among people who enter jails and prisons
contributes to the alarming numbers of prisoners who are living with HIV. That
number is about 10.8 times as high as that of the general population (Clarke et al.,
2001; Sylla, 2008). State correctional systems are required by various Supreme
Court decisions to provide reasonable care for offenders (Cropsey, Wexler, Melnick,
Taxman, & Young, 2007). Despite the high prevalence of HIV in correctional institutions, the duration of treatment and the response to various highly active antiretroviral therapies (HAART) are largely unknown. Zaller, Thurmond, and Rich
(2007) compared US correctional expenditures for antiretrovirals (ARVS) using
Bureau of Justice Statistics data (Marusak, 2005) with an estimate of the medicine
needed to effectively treat HIV-infected prisoners. They found that the total ARV
sales in 2004 covered only 29% of the total necessary to treat all HAART-eligible
inmates with known HIV infection. These data cast some doubt on how available
HIV medications are to infected inmates who must rely on HAART to remain
healthy while they are incarcerated.
Most US prisons do not provide inmates with the standard of care that is available to people in communities outside correctional institutions (WHO, 2006).
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There are no mandatory guidelines for correctional medical care even though health
care is a constitutional right of prisoners. Instead, there are voluntary guidelines for
general correctional health and HIV treatment and no incentives for wardens of
correctional facilities to comply with these voluntary standards. Over-crowded
prison environments, exhausted medical staff with limited budgets who serve an
ever-burgeoning population can be particularly dangerous for HIV-positive inmates
(Sylla, 2008).
Recently, the CDC issued HIV testing Implementation Guidelines for Correctional
Settings. Testing guidelines are critically important because early diagnosis and
immediate antiretroviral treatment for positive inmates can suppress the virus
(Springer, Friedland, Doros, Pesanti, & Altice, 2007). Altice, Mostashari, and
Friedland et al. (2001) reported that 75% of HIV-infected inmates began their first
antiretroviral treatment after they were incarcerated. The CDC HIV testing guidelines for correctional settings can be found at:
http://www.cdc.gov/Hiv/topics/testing/resources/guidelines/correctionalsettings/index.htm (CDC webpage/to be published in AJPH/July 2009).
Baillargeon et al. (2009) conducted a retrospective cohort study of 2115 HIVinfected prison inmates who had received HAART before their release. Within
10 days of release only 115 (5.4%) of the inmates had filled their prescriptions and
634 (30%) had their medicines after 60 days. African American and Hispanic
ex-offenders were less likely than white ex-offenders to fill their prescriptions
within 10 and 30 days after they left prison. Those who typically got their medication
in the community after 30 and 60 days were on parole. Others who had received
help in completing an AIDS Drug Assistance Program application were more likely
to fill their prescriptions for HAART within 10, 30 and 60 days.
Springer et al. (2007) evaluated the outcomes for 1,099 inmates on 6 months
of continuous HAART and found that over half (59%) of the inmates had
undetectable viral loads by the time they left prison. They concluded that their
impressive results establish prison settings as critical for the initiation of effective
antiretroviral therapy for HIV-infected inmates. Clements-Nolle et al. (2008)
evaluated HAART therapy use and risk behaviors among 177 HIV-infected jail
inmates over the course of 1 year. The investigators found that HIV transmission
risk behaviors were widespread during the month before the inmates were
reincarcerated. In addition, 59% of those who had started on HAART in prison
had discontinued their medication. Initiating HAART and later discontinuing medication was associated with homelessness, marijuana use and not receiving medical care following release from jail. Ex-offenders who may relapse to drug use and
discontinue their HAART during the first few weeks after they leave prison may
increase their risk for adverse clinical outcomes, transmission of HIV infection
to others and drug resistant HIV reservoirs in the community. This is a very serious public health problem because no one knows how many HIV-infected exoffenders stop taking their medications or don’t refill their prescriptions shortly
after they are released from prison. Untreated HIV-positive individuals are more
likely to transmit the virus to others (Quinn et al., 2000).
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Disproportionate Drug Imprisonment Perpetuates the HIV/AIDS
77
The Crisis of HIV/AIDS in Our Nation’s Capital
The District of Columbia (DC; the District) is the only place in the country with a
policy of annual HIV testing for every resident between the ages of 14 and 84. The
District participates in the CDC funded National HIV Behavioral Surveillance
System Study to determine the factors that place people at high risk for HIV infection in DC (DC Department of Health, 2007) The investigators interviewed 750
people (92% African American, 7.7% other) and the surveillance unit interviewed
medical providers to find unreported HIV and AIDS cases.
Participants in this study had a median age of 36; had never been married and
reported that they were heterosexual. Most had attained high school or higher
education; yet 44% were unemployed, 60% had a yearly household income of less
than $10,000 and 22% had a history of homelessness. Most notable is that 52% of
the sample said that they had ever been to jail, prison or juvenile detention
(DC Department of Health, 2007).
The epidemiology report noted that DC has every mode of HIV transmission.
The HIV/AIDS epidemic affects every race, and gender across populations and
neighborhoods in all but one of DC’s eight wards. An astounding 5% of the study
participants were HIV positive. In 2006 there were 12,428 people living with HIV
and AIDS in the District of Columbia. African Americans account for 81% of new
HIV infections although they are 57% of the DC population. The District of
Columbia’s prevalence rate of 5% is as high as the prevalence rate in sub-Saharan
Africa (5%) which is the most seriously affected region in Africa (WHO, 2007).
Furthermore, a general population prevalence rate over 1% is a threshold that
defines a “generalized and severe” epidemic. Therefore, the 5% HIV prevalence
rate in DC means that there is substantial heterosexual transmission and significant
numbers of HIV infected children (Wilson, Wright, & Isbell, 2008).
A major finding was that half of the DC study sample (N = 750) reported that they
believed that their partner was having sex outside of their relationship and half of the
participants reported that they themselves had sex in the past year outside of their
relationship. In addition, only half of the participants said that they knew their partner’s
HIV status. Almost half of the people who had connections to places with the highest
AIDS prevalence and poverty rates in DC had concurrent sexual partners within the
last year; and three in five were aware of their own HIV status. Yet only three in ten
persons had used a condom during the last time that they had sex.
In the District, African American men have the heaviest disease burden with an
infection rate of 7%. Three percent of African American women in the city have
the virus and almost one in ten residents between the ages of 40 and 49, are HIVinfected. The majority of people in this study had never injected drugs, however
nearly two-thirds of the sample had used drugs such as marijuana, crack cocaine
and ecstasy within the past year. Most disturbing was that only one in eight people
said that they any information or contact with an HIV prevention or outreach
program.
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Apparently, many impoverished District of Columbia residents incorrectly
believe that they are not at risk for HIV infection. This can be inferred because
study participants reported having sex outside of their main relationship, think that
their main partner has sex with casual partners, do not know their partner’s HIV
status; and are not using condoms. This false assumption is alarming given that
nearly half of the people who tested positive did not know their HIV status. Also,
the fact that 52% of the sample had been incarcerated at some point in their lives
makes it clear that many single, heterosexual African American residents of the
District of Columbia area affected by disproportionate rates of incarceration and
HIV infection.
Discussion
Drug-related incarcerations are not equally distributed. Impoverished African
American men and women have a much higher chance than white men and women
of serving a prison sentence for a felony drug conviction. The U.S. criminal justice
system is a model of entrenched institutionalized racial disparity. Unprecedented
numbers of African Americans are incarcerated for much longer sentences and
those who leave prison return quicker than ever before (Clear, 2007). The failure of
the “war on drugs” has shown that the criminal justice system cannot solve the
complex societal problems of substance abuse and economic distress. Criminal
justice statistics make it clear that there is no empirical evidence that incarcerating
people for drug offenses reduces their illegal drug use. Unfortunately, for prisoners
with drug abuse or addiction problems the most common service that they receive
is drug education (Taxman, Perdoni, & Harrison, 2007).
Furthermore, failure to treat drug addiction as a medical condition, the lack of
consistent access to treatment and inadequate social services make recidivism
almost inevitable. The National Institute on Drug Abuse notes that drug addiction is
a disease that causes changes in brain structure and function. Typically, the first time
a person may choose to take drugs, but continued drug use over time alters the brain
and impairs a person’s self control and decision-making abilities, while sending
intense impulses to take drugs (Volkow, 2008). Add this information to the fact that
incarceration is independently associated with risky needle sharing by IDU makes
clear that the rehabilitation of drug abusers requires a public health response.
Rhode Island’s prison system has mandatory HIV testing for convicted felons,
voluntary testing for individuals held prior to sentencing and may have one of the best
counseling and testing, medical care and pre-release services in the nation. HIV
specialists offer routine HIV testing, confidential care for HIV-infected inmate’s,
teach them how to avoid HIV transmission, overcome drug dependence and refer
inmates at discharge to HIV care and methadone maintenance treatment in their
communities (Okie, 2007). Between 1989 and 1999, the prison testing program identified
33% of all seropositive HIV tests in the state (Crosland, Poshkus, & Rich, 2002) easily
getting voluntary testing compliance rates of greater than 90% (Spaete & Rich, 2005).
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79
A felony drug conviction has an adverse ripple effect on the health and
well-being of people who serve their sentence and leave prison. This is because
most convicted felons have difficulty getting a job and associated health benefits;
public housing, food stamps, certain employment licenses, permits and induction
into military service, financial support for education and the right to vote in many
states (Iguchi et al., 2005). Men especially have a hard time establishing relationships
and a stable life when they are denied jobs.
Conclusion
Duncan Smith-Rohrberg and Basu (2007) argue that the two most critical actions
that will control HIV infection are to avoid incarcerating drug users and mandating
minimum sentences for drug possession (Courtwright, 2004). It must be understood
that incarceration may be the root cause of the disproportionate rates of HIV infection among African Americans (Duncan Smith-Rohrberg & Basu).
The elimination of persistent racial disparities in the risk of HIV infection exacerbated by the crisis of widespread incarceration of African American drug offenders
is an absolutely necessary and an achievable goal. Research has shown consistently
that there are measureable, beneficial effects of drug treatment for drug abusers in
the criminal justice system (Inciardi, Martin, Butzin, Hooper, & Harrison, 1997;
Pearson & Lipton, 1999). Furthermore, alternatives to incarceration for drug abusers
can help disrupt HIV infection transmission in African American communities.
The U.S. needs a comprehensive, national HIV/AIDS strategy for incarcerated
African Americans because of the double crisis of incarceration and the generalized, severe HIV epidemic in disadvantaged urban communities. Until there are
mandated standards of care for all inmates in prisons and jails African American
communities will remain vulnerable to HIV and AIDS related infections and death.
High incarceration rates for African American men significantly lower the ratio
of men to women and lower gender ratios not only affect rates of teenage pregnancy
but syphilis and gonorrhea as well (Thomas & Gaffield, 2003). Sexual concurrency
due to high levels of incarceration fuels the HIV epidemic, by disrupting social
networks and partnerships among African Americans, and increasing the exposure
of incarcerated men to high-risk sex and drug-using behaviors. Public awareness of
this fact is low. This is a community-level effect on health that adds to others such
as destabilization of communities and families, high rates of unemployment, and
other health outcomes (Gaiter, Potter, & O’Leary, 2006). We must increase awareness of the dangers of concurrency among African American men and women.
The heterosexual transmission of HIV is following the epidemiologic pattern
typical of sexually transmitted diseases such as syphilis and gonorrhea by disproportionately affecting African Americans. The racial disparity is not explained by
traditional measures of socio-economic differences or individual-level determinants
of sexual behavior but rather reflects deeper group-level social and environmental
factors for which race is a marker (Farley, 2006). Therefore, a successful fight against
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the virus has to be waged against poverty, homelessness, unemployment, excessive
incarceration, marginalization, homophobia and violence (Wilson et al., 2008).
These public health goals can and must be accomplished. The constant cycles
that propel drug-involved men, women and adolescents into and out of prison must
be halted. New infections must be prevented so that African American families can
have a realistic chance of becoming and remaining healthy and productive far into
and beyond the twenty-first century.
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Chapter 6
Violence, Trauma, and Mental Health
Disorders: Are They Related to Higher
HIV Risk for African Americans?
Pilgrim S. Spikes, Leigh A. Willis, and Linda J. Koenig
Introduction
HIV disproportionately affects African Americans in the United States (Centers for
Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), 2008a), and researchers have sought to
understand the proximal and distal causes of this disparity. Although African
Americans are knowledgeable about HIV risk factors and report fewer high-risk HIVrelated behaviors than other high-risk racial or ethnic populations (Hallfors, Iritani,
Miller, & Bauer, 2007; Kaiser Family Foundation, 1998; Millett, Peterson, Wolitski,
& Stall, 2006), such knowledge may not translate into engaging in fewer risk behaviors or lower prevalence of HIV in African American communities. To date, most
HIV prevention research has focused on determinants of infection at the individual
level, such as sociodemographic characteristics and current sexual and drug risk
behaviors, or increasing knowledge and improving decision making about behavior
and risk. Few research studies focus on these more distal causes of HIV risk behavior,
such as trauma and mental health issues. Research that addresses more distal causes
of HIV risk behavior is less developed. However, over the past two decades, a growing body of literature suggests that experiences of violence and the psychological
sequelae that follow, such as depression, stress syndromes, and substance use, may
contribute to increased HIV risk behavior among African Americans.
Although a direct causal association between traumatic events, mental health,
and HIV risk behavior has not been established, a number of studies have associated either traumatic events or mental health with behaviors related to increased
risk for HIV. This suggests that mental health disorders could serve as mediators
through which traumatic events impact HIV risk behaviors. In this chapter, we
examine the extent to which traumatic events have been associated in AfricanAmerican populations. We consider the possibility that increased exposure to
certain traumatic events, such as exposure to violence or violence victimization,
P.S. Spikes (*)
Prevention Research Branch, Division of HIV/AIDS Prevention, Centers for Disease Control
and Prevention, 1600 Clifton Road, Mailstop E-37, Atlanta, GA 30333, USA
e-mail: PSpikes@cdc.gov
D.H. McCree et al. (eds.), African Americans and HIV/AIDS,
DOI 10.1007/978-0-387-78321-5_6, © Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2010
85
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particularly as they occur within the context of cultural norms that limit access to
and use of mental health services, may serve as markers for increased risk for HIV
among African Americans starting in young adulthood.
Goals of This Chapter
We reviewed three areas of literature to look for potential links between exposure to
traumatic events and HIV risk, mental health disorders and HIV risk, and utilization
of mental health services for the general population and African Americans. The
review examines studies documenting the prevalence, predictors, outcomes, and associations of these three areas in the general population, including African Americans.
In addition, we review some of the unique issues related to African Americans’ use
of mental health services. We also discuss considerations for future research that is
needed to address these issues.
Exposure to Traumatic Events and Links with HIV
Traumatic events are unanticipated and uncontrollable events characterized by a
sense of horror, helplessness, and threat of serious injury or death (CDC, 2003).
The lingering effects of trauma vary and are largely a function of the type of trauma
experienced, for example interpersonal or natural disaster; age and developmental
level at the time of the traumatic event; perceived severity of the traumatic event;
repetitiveness of the trauma; and relationship with the perpetrator of the traumatic
event (Breslau, Chilcoat, Kessler & Davis, 1999; Briere & Elliott, 2003; Cusack,
Frueh, & Brady, 2004; Felitti et al., 1998). Emotional and behavioral symptoms can
be short-term (i.e., days or weeks) or long-term (i.e., months or years), and can first
appear months or years after the original event occurred. Most people recover from
traumatic events without intervention, but some, particularly those who have experienced previous traumatic events or face ongoing stress related to the event, require
intervention (Gillespie et al., 2009; Wyatt, Guthrie, & Norgrass, 1992).
Prevalence rates of experiencing traumatic events vary widely, ranging from 20 to
89.6% (Alim et al., 2006; Breslau et al., 1998; Cusack et al., 2004). According to the
National Comorbidity Study (NCS), the first nationally representative mental health
survey of U.S. males and females aged 15–54 years, approximately 60.7% of males
and 51.2% of females experienced at least one traumatic event in their lifetime
(Kessler, Sonnega, Bromet, Hughes, & Nelson, 1995). The most commonly reported
events were witnessing someone being injured or killed, being in a natural disaster,
and being in a life-threatening accident. Males were significantly more likely to
experience these traumatic events than females (19–36% vs. 14–15%), whereas
females were more likely to report rape, sexual molestation, childhood parental
neglect, and childhood physical abuse (3–12% vs. 1–3%). Race, sex, gender, age,
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income, personality traits (e.g., neuroticism, extroversion), early conduct problems,
family history of psychiatric disorders, and previous assault history have been identified as risk factors of experiencing traumatic events (Acierno, Resnick, Kilpatrick,
Saunders, & Best, 1999; Breslau, Davis, & Andreski, 1995; Zierler, Witbeck, &
Mayer, 1996).
The immediate and long-term outcomes associated with trauma exposure include
problems related to interpersonal and cognitive functioning; revictimization; mental
health disorders, particularly posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and other stress
syndromes; major depression; and substance abuse and dependence. Engaging in
HIV-related risk behaviors, such as early initiation of consensual intercourse, multiple
sexual partners, unprotected sex, and sexual bartering as an adult, also are associated
with trauma exposure (Briere & Elliott, 2003; Classen, Palesh, & Aggarwal, 2005;
Felitti et al., 1998; Holmes & Sammel, 2005; MacMillan et al., 2001; Paxton, Myers,
Hall, & Javanbakht, 2004; Roth, Newman, Pelcovitz, van der Kolk, & Mandel, 1997;
Widom, 1999; Wyatt, Axelrod, Chin, Carmona, & Loeb, 2000).
African Americans and Traumatic Events
Exposure to Community Violence
Exposure to traumatic events may not be random; environment and location of residence can play a role (Breslau et al., 1995). Neighborhood characteristics and
discrimination may contribute to increased exposure to and experiences of violence
for residents living in impoverished communities. Compared with whites, African
Americans appear to be at higher risk for certain types of traumatic events, related,
in part, to the structurally and economically disadvantaged urban neighborhoods
where they are more likely to reside (Alim et al., 2006; Breslau et al., 1998; Kisera
& Black, 2005). Characteristics associated with such neighborhoods often include
high unemployment rates, homelessness, crime, violence, and substance abuse
(Wilson, 1987). Factors at the neighborhood level – such as poverty, residential
instability, and ethnic heterogeneity – and discrimination may serve as underlying
mechanisms through which structural inequalities operate. These mechanisms may
impede the establishment of formal and informal institutions of neighborhood organization and social ties that are believed to maintain and foster strong and safe
neighborhoods or communities (Browning & Cagney, 2002).
Data confirm that non-whites who live in urban settings are at increased risk for
violence victimization. In a representative probability sample of 2,181 Detroit residents, Breslau (1998) estimated the lifetime prevalence of assaultive violence (rape,
sexual assault, and being badly beaten-up) to be two times higher among nonwhites than whites, persons who have not graduated from college versus college
graduates, and persons living in low-income households versus persons living in
high-income households. The probability of assaultive violence occurred less
frequently among adults 21 and up. Furthermore, research on community violence
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in neighborhoods has documented a significant association between exposure to
violence and engagement in high HIV risk behaviors among African Americans
(Viosin, 2002, 2005). In a study examining assault and risky sexual behaviors
among African American males (n = 120; mean age = 16), nearly 56% of participants had been robbed or mugged and almost a quarter (22.5%, n = 27) indicated
that they had forced sexual contact before age 13 (Voisin, 2003). Nearly two-thirds
engaged in one or more HIV risk behaviors or risk indicators in the last 12 months
(e.g., sex without condoms, sex after drug use, sex with concurrent partners, testing
positive for a sexually transmitted infection – STI). Multivariate analyses confirmed
that males who were victims of community violence were significantly more likely
than nonvictims to engage in HIV sexual risk behaviors.
Data show racial or ethnic disparities in exposure to and experience of violence
begin before adulthood and are reported more commonly among African Americans
than among any other ethnic or racial group (Purugganan, Stein, Silver, &
Benenson, 2003; Rennison, 2002). Data from the United States Department of
Justice (USDOJ) (2006) indicate that among young people aged 12–19, African
Americans were more likely to experience violent crimes (robbery, aggravated
assault, simple assault, and rape or sexual assault) than whites (59.5 vs. 39.9%,
respectively). In 2005, African Americans accounted for 49% of all homicide
victims (USDOJ, 2008), and 51% of homicide victims were aged 17–29 years,
compared to about 37% of white victims. Given that the social networks of the
victims are often persons of the same age and from the same neighborhoods, many
African American youth are likely to be exposed to violence and its consequences,
such as loss of friends or heightened risk of experiencing violence.
Youth of minority races and ethnicities might also experience increased exposure
to violence because they have a higher likelihood of spending time in residential
facilities, such as detention centers, jails, or prisons (Bykowicz, 2008; Cannon, 2004;
Zweig, Naser, Blackmore, & Schaffer, 2006). Non-Hispanic African American teenage boys (1,279 per 100,000) had the highest rate of placement in juvenile detention
centers relative to Hispanic (775), American Indian (600), and Non-Hispanic white
(305) teen boys in 2003 (Sickmund, Sladky, & Kang, 2005). Non-Hispanic African
American female adolescents exhibited higher rates of detention when compared
with other racial and ethnic female teenagers as well. In 2005, among young adult
men aged of 20–24, non-Hispanic African American men (10.5%) were more likely
to be in prison than Hispanic (3.9%) and non-Hispanic white men (vs. 1.6%)
(Harrison & Beck, 2006).
Intimate Partner Violence Exposure
Intimate partner violence (IPV) includes physical, sexual, economic, emotional, or
psychological abuse by current or former partner, spouse, or lover. The goal of the
abuse is to establish and maintain power and control over the other partner.
Although IPV is mostly associated with violence against females, males in heterosexual relationships and same sex couples also report experiencing IPV. IPV is
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often underreported to law enforcement because of the personal and significant
relationship between the victim and the perpetrator. Therefore, it is difficult to
know the true prevalence of this type of abuse. Each year, approximately 1.5
million women and more than 800,000 men in the United States are raped or
physically assaulted by an intimate partner (Tjaden & Thoennes, 2000). Lifetime
prevalence levels of IPV of any form ranged from 25 to 55.1% for women and from
7.6 to 22.9% for men (Coker et al., 2002; Tjaden & Thoennes, Allison 1999). The
rates of male to male IPV range between 11% and 44% (Herek & Simpson; Tjaden
et al (1999). The variability in prevalence levels may be related to the different definitions of partner violence across studies.
According to a meta-analysis (Stith, Smith, Pee, Ward, & Tritt, 2004), risk factors associated with males who physically abused their female partners included
emotional or verbal abuse, forced sex, illicit drug use, attitudes condoning
violence, lower marital satisfaction, traditional sex-role ideology, anger or hostility, history of partner abuse, alcohol use, depression, younger age, lower educational attainment, and unemployment. For females, risk factors associated with
victimization of male partners were low marital satisfaction, younger age, less
education, violence by partner, fear, depression, and alcohol use. A prior history
of violence victimization has also been identified as a risk factor for experiencing
IPV (Wyatt et al., 2002).
Outcomes associated with IPV include increased engagement in high-risk sexual
behaviors and negative health outcomes, such as inconsistent or no condom/contraceptive use, rough sex (resulting in vaginal lacerations), unwanted or unplanned
pregnancy, multiple partners, STIs or HIV infection from partners of unknown
status, PTSD, depression, anxiety, substance use or abuse, infidelity, and death
(Coker et al., 2002; Heise & Garcia-Moreno, 2002; Plichta, 2004; Roberts, Auinger,
& Klein, 2005; Roberts, Klein, & Fisher, 2003; Silverman, Raj, Mucci, & Hathaway,
2001; Wu, El-Bassel, Witte, Gilbert, & Chang, 2003).
Although IPV cuts across race and ethnicity, socioeconomic status, education
levels, and income differences (Straus & Gelles, 1986), researchers have estimated
that African American adults experience a disproportionate amount of IPV (rape,
physical assault, and stalking) when compared with white American adults
(Dearwater et al., 1998; Hampton & Gelles, 1994; Rennison & Welchans, 2000).
However, depending on the sampling methodology and weighting characteristics
(e.g., proportionality, differing probabilities of selection, and refusal rate), the
statistical significance of this difference (the higher prevalence of IPV among
African Americans compared with whites) disappears when sociodemographic and
relationship variables are statistically controlled (Bauer, Rodriguez, & PerezStable, 2000; Rennison & Planty, 2003; Tjaden & Thoennes, 2000). These results
suggest that IPV occurs less frequently among African Americans or at similar
rates of the general population, partly because of sociodemographics and relationship characteristics.
Lifetime prevalence of IPV differs for African Americans and whites by type of
violence. Whereas African American and white women are equally likely to report
experiencing rape (7.4 vs. 7.7%), African American women are more likely to
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report physical assault than white women (26.3 vs. 21.3%). African American men
are more likely report physical assault than white men as well (10.2 vs. 7.2%).
Overall, African Americans are more likely to report higher lifetime victimization
rates from IPV than whites (29.1 vs. 24.8% for women; 12.0 vs. 7.5% for men)
(USDOJ, 2000).
Two studies (Caetano, Cunradi, Clark, & Schafer, 2000; Neff, Holamon, &
Schluter, 1995) found that African American couples (23%) were more likely than
Hispanic (17%) and non-Hispanic white (11.5%) couples to report an incident of
male-to-female partner violence in the past 12 months. The rate of female-to-male
partner violence between heterosexual couples was 30% among African Americans,
21% among Hispanics, and 15% among whites (Caetano, Nelson, & Cunradi,
2001). The researchers indicated that the higher prevalence of IPV among ethnic
minorities compared with whites could not be explained by a single factor but
seemed to be related to risk factors associated with the perpetrator, characteristics
of the relationship, and neighborhood characteristics. Thirty to forty percent of men
and 27–34% of the women who perpetrated violence against their partners were
drinking at the time of the event.
Racial and ethnic disparities in IPV also occur among adolescents in grades
9–12. Dating violence, defined as being intentionally hit, slapped, or physically
hurt by a boyfriend or girlfriend in the past 12 months, is highest among African
Americans compared with other racial or ethnic groups. According to data from the
Youth Risk Behavior Surveillance System (YRBSS), in 2007, African American
youth attending high school were more likely to report experiencing dating violence
than Hispanic and non-Hispanic white youth attending high school (14% vs. 11%
and 8%, respectively) (CDC, 2008b).
Violence and HIV Risk
Physical or sexual abuse by an intimate partner can increase HIV risk. Maman,
Campbell, Sweat, and Gielen (2000) identified three points of intersection between
violence and a woman’s risk for HIV infection (1) risk for infection through forced
or coercive sexual intercourse with an infected partner; (2) limited ability to negotiate
safer sexual behaviors, such as condom use, because of fear of or past experience
with partner violence; and (3) increased likelihood of engaging in HIV risk-taking
behaviors because of a past history of sexual assault. Studies suggest that although
many women are fearful of making condom requests, only a small proportion actually
experience violent reactions (Koenig & Moore, 2000). Nevertheless, some women
in abusive relationships may not ask their partners to use condoms because they
fear their partners’ reaction. Finally, several studies have shown a relationship
between IPV and greater risk of engaging in HIV high-risk behaviors. For example,
in a study of 141 women attending urban health clinics, Morrill and Ickovics (1996)
found that women who had been abused were more likely to have had partners who
injected drugs, used coercion to have sex, and used coercion not to use a condom.
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Similarly, in a pilot study of 143 women recruited from an inner-city emergency
room, El-Bassel et al. (1998) found that abused women were four times as likely as
women who had not been abused to report sex with a risky partner (e.g., has multiple partners, injects drugs).
Several large multisite cohort studies also have shown that prevalence of IPV is
high among women with or at risk for HIV. In these cohort studies, prevalence of
violence was equally high among seronegative and HIV-positive women (Burke,
Thieman, Gielen, O’Campo, & McDonnel, 2005; Cohen et al., 2000; Koenig et al.,
2002; Vlahov et al., 1998). The findings are explained by the matching of HIVnegative women to HIV-positive women on the basis of demographic and sexual
and drug-use risk behaviors, suggesting that violence and HIV are likely linked
through these sex and drug-risk behaviors (Koenig & Clark, 2004). In addition,
although some women have experienced IPV as a direct response to disclosing their
serostatus, this appears to be rare (Koenig & Moore, 2000).
Some HIV-positive men may be more likely than uninfected men to engage in
IPV with their female partners. In a sample of 317 HIV-positive men who were
injection drug users (IDUs), homelessness, psychological distress, and engaged in
unprotected sex with main and non-main HIV-negative female partners were positively associated with IPV perpetration against main female partners (Frye et al.,
2007). This finding suggest that IPV perpetration may be more prevalent among
HIV-positive male IDUs and associated with sexual risk behaviors for HIV transmission than non-IDUs.
In addition, studies show that women with a history of childhood sexual assault
are at greater risk of engaging in HIV risk behaviors and contracting HIV in adulthood compared with women without a history of childhood abuse (Koenig & Clark,
2004). Childhood abuse may continue to impact the behavior of adults with HIV.
Among HIV-positive persons, childhood physical and sexual abuse were significant
predictors of sexual risk behaviors such as multiple partners, injection drug use, and
in some studies, unprotected sex in adulthood (Maker, Kemmelmeier, & Peterson,
2001; Paxton et al., 2004; Senn, Carey, & Vanable, 2006; Whetten et al., 2006;
Wyatt et al., 2002) though not in others (Kalichman, 1999; Medrano, Desmond,
Zule, & Hatch, 1999; Stein et al., 2005).
Mental Health Disorders and Links to HIV
Victimization experiences and other potentially traumatic events do not necessarily
lead to mental health disorders or symptoms. It is not uncommon to experience
certain stress symptoms following a traumatic event, but if responded to appropriately, these symptoms often dissipate over time. For some persons, however, such
symptoms will develop into more serious problems. Although no one specific mental
health disorder is associated with being a victim of or witness to violence, several
mental health disorders, including PTSD, major depression, and substance abuse
and dependence, are more commonly seen among trauma survivors.
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Posttraumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD)
PTSD is an anxiety disorder that can develop after experiencing or witnessing an
extreme, violent, overwhelming traumatic event during which the person experiences intense fear, helplessness, or horror. Symptoms associated with PTSD include
emotional numbing (i.e., emotional non-responsiveness), hyperarousal (e.g., sleep
difficulties, irritability, constant alert for danger), avoidance (e.g., avoiding places,
thoughts, people, events associated with the traumatic event), and re-experiencing
the trauma (e.g., flashbacks, intrusive emotions (APA,1994). These symptoms must
be consistently present for at least 1 month to be considered for a PTSD diagnosis.
Other mental health disorders, such as depression or drug abuse or dependence, can
be present along with PTSD (Kessler et al., 1995). The psychological effects associated with experiencing a traumatic event can be immediate or delayed. Furthermore,
an individual with PTSD may harbor feelings of mistrust, anger, shame, and rage,
which can manifest through a variety of behaviors (Andrews, Brewin, Rose, & Kirk,
2000; Duncan et al., 1996; Najavits et al., 1998; Terr, 1991).
PTSD affects approximately 7.7 million adults in the United States, but can occur
at any age, including childhood (Kessler, Berglund, Demler, Jin, & Walters, 2005).
The lifetime prevalence of experiencing a traumatic event varies across studies,
ranging from 40 to 60% (Breslau et al., 2006). Prevalence rates for PTSD are estimated to range from 8 to 12% in the general population (Kessler, Berglund, et al.).
Lifetime prevalence rates of PTSD range from 9.2 to 10.4% for women and 5.0 to
6.2% for men in nationally representative samples (Breslau et al., 1998; Kessler,
Berglund, et al.). According to one meta-analysis (Brewin, Andrews, & Valentine,
2000), the top three factors relating to events during and after the trauma – greater
trauma severity, lack of social support, and more subsequent life stress – conveyed the
strongest risk (effect size) for PTSD in addition to sociodemographic characteristics.
Although Ozer, Best, and Lipsey (2003) found demographics to be important for predicting PTSD, she and colleagues found that peritraumatic psychological processes,
intensely negative emotional responses or dissociative experiences during or immediately after the traumatic event, to be better predictors. The traumatic events most
associated with the development of PTSD for males are rape, combat exposure, childhood neglect, and childhood physical abuse (Kessler, 1995). For females the most
common events associated with PTSD include rape, sexual molestation, being physically attacked, being threatened with a weapon, and childhood physical abuse (Kessler,
1995). Sexual assault, nonsexual violence, and sudden unexpected death of a loved
one are known to be high-impact traumatic events for both men and women that confer
greater risk of developing PTSD than other traumatic events (Breslau et al., 1998).
African Americans and PTSD
Findings regarding African Americans’ risk for PTSD are equivocal, with some
indicating that African Americans are not at greater risk for PTSD than whites
(Hutton, Treisman, Hunt, Fishman, Kendig, Swetz, et al., 2001) and others indicating
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that they are (Breslau et al., 1995; Butts, 2002). Two studies that examined trauma
exposure and PTSD in predominantly African American convenience samples
(100% African American for one study and 96% African American for the other)
provide new information about prevalence of traumatic events among African
Americans. Among 184 African Americans seeking long-term care at an outpatient
center (Schwartz, Bradley, Sexton, Sherry, & Ressler, 2005), the estimated lifetime
prevalence of PTSD, using the PTSD Symptom Scale, was 43%. Participants
reported the following traumatic events: being attacked with a knife, gun, or other
weapon (55%); being attacked by a perpetrator without a weapon with the intent to
kill or injure (55%); being in a serious accident or experiencing a serious injury
(48%); experiencing childhood sexual abuse before the age of 13 (39%); and forced
sexual contact as an adult (33%). In another study of 617 African Americans seeking primary care (Alim et al., 2006), the most frequently reported traumatic events
were transportation (car) accident (42%), sudden unexpected death of a loved one
(39%), and physical assault (30%). Sixty-five percent had experienced a trauma
that had a high impact on their wellbeing. The estimated PTSD lifetime prevalence
rate for the sample was 33%. These estimates are higher than those found in the
general population – 8 to 12% (Breslau et al., 1998; Kessler, Berglund, et al.,
2005).
Prevalence of PTSD also may be underestimated among African Americans
because researchers and health care providers may not categorize some traumatic
events commonly experienced by African Americans as stressors. According to Butts
(2002), the list of traumas associated with a diagnosis of PTSD in the Diagnostic and
Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders DSM (DSM; American Psychiatric Association
(APA), 1994) are too narrowly focused. He suggests that although experiences of
discrimination and racism may not involve a threat to a person’s life, they may lead
to symptoms of PTSD. Butts suggests that persons who experience high levels of
discrimination and racism exhibit the same outcomes as persons who experience
stressors most commonly associated with a diagnosis of PTSD.
PTSD and HIV
PTSD may be related to HIV risk through its association with substance use.
Individuals with PTSD are more likely to have problems with alcohol or drug use
(Kessler, 1995), which can increase sexual HIV risk behaviors or lead to situations
where risk behavior is likely to occur.
Studies indicate that the prevalence of PTSD and acute stress syndromes may be
higher in HIV-positive populations. Estimates of PTSD prevalence rates among
HIV-positive persons range from 35 to 46%, which is higher than the prevalence
rate of PTSD among the general population (from 8 to 12%). To some extent, the
higher rate may be related in part to the trauma of a diagnosis of and living with a
life-threatening and stigmatized disease. After diagnosis, people with HIV must
deal with the possibility of infecting others or dying of HIV, ongoing and unexpected illness, and experiencing stigma from family and friends. A few studies of
persons with HIV have found that participants met the PTSD criteria specifically
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related to their HIV diagnosis (Kelly et al., 1998; Myers & Durvasula, 1999;
Radcliffe et al., 2007). On the other hand, PTSD may dispose individuals to HIV.
A number of studies have found that HIV-positive African American women often
reported a history childhood abuse as well as adult abuse, rape, threats, assaults, and
other traumatic life events (Brady, Gallagher, Berger, & Vega, 2002; Martinez,
Israelski, Walker, & Koopman, 2002).
Depression
Depression can refer to a negative affective state; a collection of co-occurring affective, cognitive and physiological symptoms; or a disorder referred to as major
depression. Major depressive disorder is characterized by changes in appetite and
sleeping patterns; feelings of worthlessness, hopelessness, and inappropriate guilt;
or loss of interest or pleasure in formerly important activities, leading to substantial
role impairment (APA, 1994).
Episodes of depression may be triggered by traumatic or other stressful events.
Sociodemographic characteristics that have been commonly associated with
depression include being within the age range of 18–29, being female, living in a
households with a family income of less than $20,000, being previously married,
residing in an urban area, and being unemployed (Kessler et al., 2003; Williams
et al., 2007). Outcomes that have been associated with depression include poor
physical health, PTSD, substance abuse, engaging in unprotected sex, and suicide
(Gilmer et al., 2005; Marks, Bingman, & Duval, 1998; United States Department
of Health and Human Services (USDHHS), 1999a).
Prevalence of Depression in United States
Depression is one of the most prevalent mental health disorders in the United States
and is often referred to as the common cold of psychopathology (Rosenhan &
Seligman, 1995). Prevalence of experiencing an episode of major depressive disorder range from 5.4 to 47% (Blazer, Kessler, McGonagle, & Swartz, 1994; Kessler
et al., 1994, 2003; Perdue et al., 2003; Riolo, Nguyen, Greden, & King, 2005;
Williams et al., 2007). While studies conducted during the 1970s and 1980s
suggested higher rates of major depressive disorder among African Americans
compared with whites (Neighbors, Jackson, Bowman, & Gurin, 1983; Somervell,
Leaf, Weissman, Blazer, & Bruce, 1989; Warheit, Holzer, & Arey, 1975), recent
studies with more rigorous sampling and statistical techniques indicate otherwise.
In almost every large, probability sample study conducted since the 1990s, prevalence for depression or experiencing depressive symptoms were higher for whites
than non-whites (Blazer et al.; Kessler et al.; Riolo et al.; Williams et al.). However,
Williams and colleagues point out that although the prevalence of depression is
greater for whites, chronicity of depression is greater for African Americans than
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for whites, suggesting that the impact of depression for African Americans is more
severe and debilitating.
Unique Stressors for African Americans
Racism
Racial or ethnic discrimination is defined as unfair, differential treatment on the
basis of race or ethnicity. Within the United States, racial discrimination disproportionately affects African American adults (Kessler, Michelson, & Williams, 1999)
relative to other ethnic or racial groups. Events associated with racial discrimination
are stressful and can directly lead to psychological distress and physiological changes
that affect mental health (Williams, Neighbors, & Jackson, 2003; Williams &
Williams-Morris, 2000). A review of 138 studies on health and self-reported experiences of racism among oppressed racial groups found the strongest association with
negative, mental health outcomes (such as psychological or emotional distress and
depression or depressive symptoms) and health-related behaviors (Paradies, 2006).
Perceived racism has been found to be associated with depression among
African American adults (Brown et al., 2000; Utsey & Payne, 2000). A few studies
show the same association among younger African Americans. One study followed
more than 700 African American children, starting when the children were aged
10–12 years, for 5 years, interviewing both them and their families about racism
and other life experiences. The researchers found that children who reported more
discrimination, such as name-calling or insults, were more likely to experience
depression as they became teenagers (Brody et al., 2006). In a cross-sectional study
of 5,135 fifth-graders, Coker et al. (2009) were more likely to find an association
between perceived racial or ethnic discrimination and depressive symptoms for
African American, Hispanic, and other minority youth than for white youth. Both
studies showed that African American youth experienced racial discrimination at
early ages, which has been linked to depressive symptoms and depression. Although
depression occurs among all young people, its effect may be more debilitating for
African American young adults than their white counterparts (Williams et al.,
2007). Depression among younger African Americans has been linked to engaging
in high-risk sexual behaviors (Brown et al., 2006; Diclemente et al., 2001; Seth,
Raiji, Diclemente, Wingood, & Rose, 2009).
Homophobia
African Americans occupy multiple positions of minority statuses, particularly in
terms of race and sexual orientation. They represent only 13% of the U.S. and
report experiencing racism from white communities In addition, African American
homosexual, bisexual, and transgender persons report discrimination from members
of the African American community and the gay community. The dual influences
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of racism and discrimination can increase the risk for depression among racial and
ethnic minorities.
Broadly defined, homophobia is the fear or irrational hatred of same-sex attraction or behavior on the basis of negative beliefs and attitudes. Homophobia and the
verbal, emotional, physical, and social acts associated with it are systemic and
perpetuated by religious or political beliefs. For victims of homophobia and
homophobic acts, the effects are long lasting and may put some individuals at
greater risk for isolation, physical violence, and mental health disorders.
Compared with heterosexual men, men who have sex with men (MSM) also
report more frequent experiences with discrimination, a stressor, as both discrete
events and everyday offenses (Cochran, 2001). In addition, MSM are three times as
likely as heterosexual men to meet the criteria for major depression (Cochran,
Sullivan, & Mays, 2003).
Kennamer, Honnold, Bradford, and Hendricks (2000) reported that homophobia
appears to be “a major part of the African American culture, driven by both religious
forces and political forces.” Peer discrimination against African American men who
do not conform to heterosexual identities begins during adolescence in some African
American communities (Froyum, 2007). Research with African American
homosexual and bisexual men suggests that internalized homophobia leads to lower
self-esteem and to psychological distress (Stokes & Peterson, 1998). Higher depressive mood scores have been found among African American MSM (AAMSM) when
compared with white and heterosexual African American men (Richardson, Myers,
Bing, & Saltz, 1997). Racism and heterosexism are potential factors that may provide
supporting evidence of AAMSM being at greater risk for depression than heterosexual men and women in general (Crawford, Allsion, Zamboni, & Soto, 2002).
Depression and HIV Risk
Studies that examine the relationship between depressive symptoms and high-risk
sexual behaviors among various populations, such as HIV-positive gay men, IDUs,
young gay men, female prisoners, serodiscordant couples, heterosexual men, and
participants at an sexually transmitted disease (STD) clinic, have been mixed.
Whereas some studies found an association between depressive symptoms and highrisk behaviors (Hutton, Lyketos, Zenilman, Thomposon, & Erbelding, 2004), others
do not (Bradley, Remien, & Dolezal, 2008; Crepaz & Marks, 2002; Milam,
Richardson, Espinoza, & Stoyanoff, 2006). In larger, multistudy reviews, factors
such as risk and racial group were not compared, limiting the ability to determine
whether one group was at greater risk for depression than others. The varying types
of instruments used to measure depression in the studies (e.g., Center for
Epidemiological Studies-Depression – CES-D, Symptom Checklist-90 Revised –
SCL-90R, and Structured Clinical Interview for DSM Disorders – SCID interview)
and altering the measures within the instruments may have contributed to the different
results. In addition, the place where the population was recruited may have affected
determinations of depression.
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97
Depression and HIV Risk Among African Americans
Several studies have noted an association between depressive symptoms and HIV
risk behaviors among samples of urban, African American adolescents (Brown
et al., 2006; Diclemente et al., 2001; Seth et al., 2009). Seth et al. found that
psychological distress was associated with inconsistent condom use, sex while
under the influence of drugs or alcohol, high-risk sexual partners, and sexually
transmitted infections. These studies indicate that depressive symptoms experienced by adolescents, particularly African American adolescents, can contribute to
engaging in sexual practices that increase risk for HIV transmission.
Similar associations were found among African American adults. In a sample
primarily composed of homosexual and bisexual African American men attending an
outpatient clinic, Marks et al. (1998) found that negative affective states were significantly associated with participants’ having unprotected sex with their most recent
male-to-male sexual encounter. In another study of African American heterosexual,
homosexual, and bisexual men, Myers, Javanbakht, Martinez, and Obediah (2003),
using the SCL-90-R, found high psychological distress to be one of the best predictors for engaging in high-risk behaviors among HIV-positive and HIV-negative men.
Furthermore, gender may play a role in the types of risk behaviors in which
depressed African Americans engage. In a sample primarily composed of African
Americans (96%) seeking treatment at an STD clinic (Hutton et al., 2004),
depressed women were more likely than women who were not depressed to have
had sex for money or drugs, have had sex while “high” on alcohol, cocaine, or
heroin, and have used cocaine or heroin in the preceding 30 days. Similarly,
depressed men were more likely than men who were not depressed to have had sex
while “high” on cocaine or heroine, abused alcohol or drugs in the past 30 days,
and had a greater number of lifetime sexual partners. Both depressed men and
women in the study were more likely to report histories of trading sex for drugs or
money and having had a sex partner who used intravenous drugs than their nondepressed counterparts. However, depression was not related to unprotected sexual
intercourse or an STI diagnosis for either sex. Although the differences are slight,
we see that alcohol and drug use is associated with depression which may influence
certain risk behaviors and not others. For example, substance use is associated with
the selection of high-risk partners but not with engaging in unprotected sex. Similar
results were found by Williams and Latkin (2005) using longitudinal data to
examine the relationship between depressive symptoms and sexual risk behaviors
in a community sample of 332 mostly African American urban drug users.
Substance Use Disorders
Substance use disorders are characterized as either disorders of dependence, a pattern of repeated self-administration of a substance that typically results in tolerance,
withdrawal, and compulsive drug-taking, or disorders of abuse, characterized by a
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P.S. Spikes et al.
maladaptive pattern of use that involves adverse physical, legal, or social
consequences (APA, 1994). Individuals may use alcohol or illicit drugs to relieve
symptoms of an underlying emotional condition or disorder, such as fear, stress, or
trauma. Research has demonstrated a strong relationship between experiencing
traumatic events and substance use problems. For example, 25–75% of people who
have survived abusive or violent traumatic experiences report problematic alcohol
use. Adolescents who are sexually assaulted are nine times as likely as adolescents
who have not been assaulted to experience hard drug dependence – such as cocaine,
heroin, methamphetamine (International Society for Traumatic Stress Studies,
2009). Substance abuse also co-occurs with other mental health conditions, including depression and PTSD (Hasin, Stinson, Ogburn, & Grant, 2007). Continued use
and abuse of these substances can further compound psychological and emotional
problems.
Substance Use Disorders: Prevalence and Racial and Ethnic Differences
Alcohol Disorders
Hasin et al. (2007) used the 2001–2002 National Epidemiologic Survey on Alcohol
and Related Conditions (NESARC) to calculate the current (12 month) and lifetime
prevalence of alcohol abuse (4.7 and 17.8%) and alcohol dependence (3.8 and
12.5%) of adults (n = 43,093) in the United States. Current alcohol abuse was more
prevalent among men, whites, young adults (18–29) and never-married individuals,
while lifetime rates were highest among males, Native Americans, middle-aged
Americans, and persons making more than $70,000. Reported prevalence rates of
alcohol abuse at 12 month and lifetime for blacks were lower than whites, Native
Americans, and Hispanics.
Injection Drug Use
The 1998 National Household Survey on Drug Abuse indicated that the lifetime
prevalence for injection drug use was similar for whites, African Americans, and
Latinos (1.5, 1.3, and 0.9%, respectively) (USDHHS, 1999b). However, health disparities associated with injection drug use is greater among African Americans than
among whites (Cooper, Friedman, Tempalski, Friedman, & Keem, 2005). Injection
drug use is directly associated with HIV transmission. Among IDUs, several demographic and behavioral characteristics are associated with a greater risk of acquiring
HIV. These characteristics include low income, being African American, being male,
and a diagnosis of antisocial personality disorder (Kalichman, 1999; Somlai, Kelly,
McAuliffe, Ksobiech, & Lackl, 2003). Among adolescents and adults living with
HIV, African Americans are more likely to report injection drug use as their mode
of acquisition than whites. Approximately 22.2% of adult and adolescent African
Americans living with HIV/AIDS and 12.5% of whites living with HIV/AIDS
6
Violence, Trauma, and Mental Health Disorders
99
reported injection drug use as their primary mode of HIV acquisition (CDC, 2008a).
Seven percent of cases of HIV/AIDS among African Americans and 8% of cases of
HIV/AIDS among whites are related to both injection drug use and male same sex
behavior, bringing the cumulative percentage of injection drug use related to HIV/
AIDS transmission to 26.4% for African Americans and 19.3% for whites (CDC).
Noninjection Drug Use
African Americans are less likely to report the use of most drugs except for crack
(Ma & Shive, 2000), which is a derivative of cocaine. Crack is usually smoked and
delivers large quantities of the drug to the lungs, producing an immediate and
intense euphoric effect. It is abused because it produces an immediate high and is
inexpensive to produce. The use of crack is most common among African
Americans as well as males, adults aged 18–34 years, and adults who are unemployed (Ma & Shive; Sullivan, Nakashima, Purcell, Ward, & The Supplement to
HIV/AIDS Surveillance Study Group, 1998).
Crack is highly addictive, and through its relationship with unprotected sex and
multiple sex partners (Booth, Kwiatkowski, & Chitwood, 2000; Compton, Thomas,
Stinson, & Grant, 2007), it fuels the epidemic of sexually transmitted HIV. Studies
examining HIV and crack cocaine use identified the following as risk factors associated with its use: being African American, having a history of sexual abuse, having
sexual partners of unknown or negative serostatus, having multiple sex partners,
inconsistent condom use, younger age, having a difficult childhood, using alcohol
daily, using marijuana frequently, trading sex for drugs or money, lack of permanent housing, being unemployed, having a lifetime history of syphilis, being
female, and having a sex partner who injects drugs (El-Bassel et al., 2000; Hoffman,
Klein, Eber, & Crosby, 2000; Iguchi & Bux, 1997; Klinkenberg & Sacks, 2004;
Logan & Leukefeld, 2000; Logan, Leukefeld, & Farabee, 1998; Roberts, Wechsberg,
Zule, & Burrough, 2003).
African American MSM are significantly more likely than MSM of other races
or ethnicities to report using non-injected crack (Sullivan et al., 1998). African
American females and males are more likely to report using non-injected crack than
white males and females. In Timpson’s study of African American crack users,
participants reported an average of 17 sex partners in the previous 6 months, with
men having an average of 19.8 partners and women having an average of 10.7
(Timpson, Williams, Bowen, & Keel, 2003). Crack use continues to fuel the transmission of HIV in African American communities.
Substance Use and HIV
Drug and alcohol use also increase the probability of a variety of HIV risk behaviors,
including unprotected vaginal and anal intercourse, multiple sex partners, early
sexual initiation, having a sex partner who injects or has ever injected drugs, and
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P.S. Spikes et al.
exchanging sex for drugs or money (Somlai et al., 2003; Stein et al., 2005; Windle,
1997). Moreover, substance use may interfere with a person’s judgment or place
them in high-risk situations, making them more vulnerable to participating in risky
behaviors. Over time, the effects of alcohol or drugs on the brain can lead to significant impairment of cognitive functioning and judgment as well (MacDonald,
MacDonald, Zanna, & Fong, 2000).
Utilization of Mental Health Services Among African
Americans
Only a minority of persons with any mental health disorder in the general population receive treatment for it from health care services. Using data from the National
Comorbidity Survey Replication Study (n = 4,319) collected between 2001 and
2003, Kessler, Demler, et al. (2005) examined trends in the prevalence and rate of
treatment of mental disorders among people 18–54 years of age using DSM-IV. The
estimated prevalence of a 12-month mental disorder (e.g., anxiety, mood, substance
abuse) was 30.5%, and approximately 20.1% received treatment. Predictors of use
of mental health services were age greater than 24 years, female sex, non-Hispanic
white race, and marital status (separated, widowed, divorced, or never married).
Only one of three African Americans who require mental health services receive
them (USDHHS, 2001). African Americans’ underutilization of mental health
services has been associated with issues such as distrust and fear of the medical
care system and the government, stigma associated with seeking mental health
treatment, and lack of availability of or access to appropriate mental health services
(Neighbors & Jackson, 1996; USDHHS). Underutilization of mental health services may
play a role in African Americans’ use of alcohol and drugs if these substances,
rather than psychotropic drugs and therapy, are used to alleviate symptoms of distress.
Self-medicating with drugs or alcohol can lead to engaging in HIV-related risk
behaviors (Davis, Ressler, Schwartz, Stephens, & Bradley, 2008; Richman, Kohn
-Wood, & Williams, 2007).
Distrust and Fear of Treatment
For some African Americans, distrust of health care providers and the government
is a barrier to seeking care (USDHHS, 2001). Many studies have noted the provision of inadequate medical treatment for African Americans, their poor treatment
and abuse since slavery, and their inhumane treatment in medical research (Gamble,
1993, 1997; Williams, 1986; Wynia & Gamble, 2006). The history of these
injustices may have led to many African Americans to expect dishonesty from government institutions and health care providers today (Whaley, 2004).
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101
The lack of cultural competency among institutions and service providers has
also fueled perceptions of distrust (USDHHS, 2001). Services may not be responsive to the cultural concerns of African Americans and reflect a lack of awareness
of their language, histories, traditions, beliefs, and values. Lack of cultural competency has been linked with the over-diagnosis of severe mental disorders and failure
to prescribe medications for African American patients (Braithwaite & Taylor,
2001; Neighbors, Jackson, Campbell, & Williams, 1989). For example, if clinicians
do not understand how racism, discrimination, or social environments influence the
lives and mental health of African Americans, they may be more likely to diagnose
a personality disorder (e.g., antisocial personality disorder) than an adjustment
disorder for an African American who may deal with the effects of racism (Copland,
2006). Issues such as these may contribute to African Americans not returning for
further treatment (USDHHS).
Stigma of Mental Disorder
Stigma associated with a mental disorder is one barrier to treatment for many
African Americans (USDHHS, 2001). Some members in African American
communities disapprove of seeking help for mental or emotional problems from
nonreligious practitioners, an act viewed as “turning your back on God” (CooperPatrick et al., 1997). The stigma-related issues regarding mental illness that affect
African Americans include viewing the seeking of treatment for mental illness as a
sign of weakness or as embarrassing, the belief that African American people do
not suffer from mental disorders, and the belief that mental illness can be cured
through prayer and religious intervention (Early, 1992; Willis, Coombs, Cockerham,
& Frison, 2002). African Americans who do seek mental health services must overcome the stigma associated with mental health problems. Outcomes associated with
mental illness stigma include a delay in seeking treatment, use of primary care and
emergency room services to receive treatment, and presenting with more severe
symptoms at initiation of treatment (Gary, 2005; Snowden, 2001; USDHHS).
Availability of and Access to Mental Health Services
Availability of and access to health care influences the utilization of mental health
services by African Americans in a number of ways. Proposed barriers to help
seeking behaviors and mental health access among low-income African Americans
were compiled by Hines-Martin, Malone, Kim, and Brown-Piper (2003). They
included individual factors s (e.g., stigma, competing responsibilities, knowledge
deficits), institutional factors (e.g., bureaucratic red tape), and cultural factors (e.g.,
family opposition). In other studies, issues associated with the availability and access
to mental health services by African Americans included lack of transportation,
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P.S. Spikes et al.
negative therapy experiences of others, community disapproval, lack of awareness
regarding the steps necessary to obtain services, inability to pay insurance copayments, understaffed facilities, and poor service quality (Davis et al., 2008; Livingston,
2004; USDHHS, 2001; Williams, 1998).
Conclusion
The link between of traumatic experiences, such as exposure to violence and abuse,
and increased HIV risk has been well established. In this review, we found African
Americans were at greater risk for exposure to violent victimization (community
violence and IPV) than other racial or ethnic populations across their lifespan. The
higher prevalence may be related to the areas in which they reside. We also found
that African Americans were less likely to be diagnosed with depression, posttraumatic
stress syndrome, or substance abuse disorders than the general population.
Additional research is required to gain greater understanding why this is the case.
Understanding how psychological trauma fosters HIV risk behaviors, particularly
among African Americans, is important for the development of public policies and
programs to reduce HIV transmission.
Based on the data currently available, we were unable to determine whether
mental health problems mediate the relationship between exposure to violence
and HIV risk behavior for African Americans. PTSD, depression, and substance
abuse were all associated with HIV risk behavior for African Americans as they
were for the general population, but African Americans were not at increased
risk for HIV acquisition as a result of a mental health diagnosis. However, we
see that drug use, injection and non-injection, specifically with Crack places
African Americans at higher risk for HIV. Drug use (including alcohol) or exposure to it may-be associated with increased levels of IPV and community
violence. Drugs may in part be fueling the HIV epidemic among African
Americans, and thus could be the link between trauma experiences and HIV risk
in this population.
In many of the large probability studies, whites, not African Americans, were at
higher risk for PTSD, depression, and abuse of certain substances (Hasin et al.,
2007; Kessler et al., 1994; Williams et al., 2007). Yet, most of these studies were
conducted only with noninstitutionalized participants. This limitation may underestimate prevalence for some disorders among African Americans, since African
Americans are overrepresented in some institutionalized populations, such as
prisons and detention centers.
It is also possible that the impact of mental health problems that stem from traumatic events may be heightened for African Americans because these problems are
less likely to be ameliorated through mental health treatment. Whether due to poor
access to services and culturally competent providers, financial limitations, mistrust
of the mental health community, or stigma of mental illness, African Americans are
less likely to receive treatment for mental health problems than whites. Untreated,
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Violence, Trauma, and Mental Health Disorders
103
individuals experiencing the mental effects of trauma may begin using substances
to self-medicate and relieve emotional distress, which could then develop into
abuse and dependence, further increasing risk for both trauma and HIV.
A review of the literature found that factors associated with increased risk for
violence or certain mental health problems are similar to factors recognized as
increasing African Americans’ risk for HIV transmission and acquisition. These
factors include prior victimization, poverty, residing in an urban environment, low
educational attainment, unemployment, and drug use. People of low socioeconomic
status may be at higher risk of experiencing certain traumatic events because of the
social and physical environments in which they reside. Socioeconomic status often
determines place of residence (through racial segregation), partner selection,
schools attended, and exposure to greater levels of violence and traumatic events.
Exposure to violence and traumatic events may independently increase risk for both
mental health disorders and for HIV risk behaviors, or mental health disorders may
further increase risk for HIV-related behaviors. In addition to trauma and mental
health issues co-occurring and contributing to HIV risk behaviors, other issues may
be contributing to the engagement in unsafe behavior as well thereby making it
difficult to establish causal or time-ordered relationships. Moreover, a cumulative
effect of risk may be caused by experiencing a number of traumas across a lifetime,
which, increases risk for both mental health problems and HIV risk behaviors.
Although the current literature shows connections between violence, HIV, and
posttraumatic stress, depression, and substance abuse, relationships for affected
subpopulations, particularly African Americans, have not been fully examined. The
relationship between trauma, mental health, and HIV risk for African Americans is
complex, and more targeted research is needed to clarify these relationships. The
following are suggestions for future research:
• Expand mental health research to include homosexual, bisexual, and heterosexual African American men because much of the existing HIV-related research
focuses on women.
• Examine ongoing traumatic events, such as racism and discrimination, as they
relate to mental health disorders and influence sexual risk-taking behaviors
among African Americans.
• Establish baseline frequencies of current and lifetime mental health disorders
among African Americans at high risk for HIV infection as part of longitudinal
assessments of mental health and trauma.
• Refine mental health-related scales and assessment practices to enhance cultural
relevance for African Americans.
• Develop interventions that assist with helping to destigmatize seeking mental
health services.
• Implement and evaluate the effects of structural interventions to address poverty
and substance use among African Americans, particularly as the interventions
relate to HIV risk.
Findings from such research will help in planning proper HIV prevention efforts for
the African American community.
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P.S. Spikes et al.
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Chapter 7
Countering the Surge of HIV/STIs
and Co-occurring Problems of Intimate
Partner Violence and Drug Abuse Among
African American Women: Implications for
HIV/STI Prevention
Nabila El-Bassel, Louisa Gilbert, Susan Witte, Elwin Wu,
and Danielle Vinocur
Hardest Hit: HIV Among African American Women
For the past quarter century, HIV/AIDS has had a devastating impact on African
American women in the United States. According to the Centers for Disease
Control (CDC), Black women represent 68% of new HIV cases among women in
the United States. HIV/AIDS is now the leading cause of death for African
American women aged 25–34 years (CDC, 2004a). Between 2000 and 2003, rates
of HIV/AIDS among African American women were 19 times the rates among
non-Hispanic white women and 5 times the rates among Hispanic women (CDC,
2004b). Furthermore, 2004 CDC statistics show that the rates of gonorrhea among
African American women were 15 times higher than among white women, while
the rates of chlamydia were more than 7 times higher than the rates among white
women (CDC, 2004b). These alarming racial discrepancies raise several questions:
Why do African American women continue to be hit the hardest by HIV and other
sexually transmitted infections (STIs) in comparison to other ethnic groups in the
United States? What are the unique forces that are driving the pandemic among the
African American women and their partners?
Substantial evidence indicates that the staggering rates of HIV and other STIs
found among African American women have been fueled by this population’s
greater likelihood of experiencing co-occurring problems of drug use and intimate
partner violence (IPV). This chapter focuses on: (1) the rates of IPV among druginvolved, African American women; (2) the interpersonal contexts that link experiencing IPV and engaging in HIV/STI transmission risks among African American,
drug-involved women; (3) drug involvement as a cause and correlate of IPV and
HIV/STI transmission risks; (4) community-level factors influencing HIV/STIs
N. El-Bassel (*)
Social Intervention Group, Columbia University School of Social Work,
1255 Amsterdam Avenue, New York, NY 10027, USA
e-mail: ne5@columbia.edu
D.H. McCree et al. (eds.), African Americans and HIV/AIDS,
DOI 10.1007/978-0-387-78321-5_7, © Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2010
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among African American women; (5) macro-structural level risk factors, which
influence the co-occurring problems of IPV, HIV/STI risk, and drug use among
African American women; and (6) implications for HIV/STI prevention addressing
the co-occurring problems of HIV, STIs, drug use and IPV among African
American women.
Intimate Partner Violence: A Co-occurring Problem
Among African American Women
For the purpose of this paper, IPV refers to violent or abusive behavior perpetrated
against women by men who may be considered their boyfriends, spouses, former
boyfriends, or former spouses. Relationships between intimate partners do not
necessarily involve sexual activity or living together. The American Medical
Association (American Medical Association [AMA], 2000) defines IPV on a
continuum that may include the following patterns of coercive behaviors:
• Physical assaults, such as hits, slaps, kicks and beatings.
• Psychological abuse, such as constant belittling, name calling, intimidation,
threatening and controlling behaviors, like isolating women from family and
friends and restricting their access to money and resources.
• Sexual coercion, which may include threats or physical force used to coerce
women into having unwanted sexual activity.
These behaviors often co-occur together in the same episode and such episodes
may be rare events or take place in established daily threatening and controlling
patterns (AMA, 2000).
Research suggests that African American women are at elevated risk for IPV
(Hampton, Oliver, & Magarian, 2003; Rennison & Welchans, 2000). A National
Crime Victimization Survey conducted from 1993 to 1998 found that African
American women reported experiencing IPV at a rate 35% higher than white women
and at a rate twice that of women from other racial categories (Rennison &
Welchans). Moreover, IPV disproportionately affects drug-involved African
American women. Past year prevalence rates of physical and sexual IPV among
drug-dependent women have been found to range between 25 and 57%, rates two to
ten times higher than prevalence rates found in community-based samples (Brewer,
Fleming, Haggerty, & Catalano, 1998; El-Bassel, Gilbert, Schilling, & Wada, 2000;
El-Bassel, Gilbert, Wu, Go, & Hill, 2005b). In a recent study among a random
sample of 100 African American women recruited from different methadone treatment
programs, over half (55%) of the women reported experiencing some type of IPV
(sexual, physical and injury-related IPV) combining both minor and severe degree in
the past 6 months (El-Bassel, Gilbert, & Wu, 2007); in addition, rates of severe acts
of IPV were relatively high with 18% of the women reporting any form of severe
IPV, 17% reporting severe physical and/or injury-related IPV, and 4% reporting
severe sexual IPV (e.g., rape) in the past 6 months.
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The Multifaceted, Bi-directional Relationships Between
IPV and HIV/STI Risks
While accumulating research conducted with samples that include African
American, heterosexual women has found that experiencing IPV is associated with
sexual HIV/STI transmission risks and sexual risk reduction behaviors, to date,
possible temporal relationships between sexual HIV/STI transmission risks and
experiencing IPV among drug-involved women have yet to be elucidated.
Researchers have begun to explore whether sexual HIV/STI transmission risks and/
or sexual risk reduction behaviors, such as requesting that a partner use condoms,
lead to IPV; and alternatively, whether experiencing IPV leads to an increase in a
woman’s risk of sexual HIV/STI transmission and/or to a decrease in sexual risk
reduction behaviors. Growing evidence suggests that the relationship between
experiencing IPV and HIV/STI risk is multi-faceted and bidirectional, leading to a
vicious cycle of relationship dynamics and power imbalance that increases the
likelihood of HIV/STI transmission among women (El-Bassel, Gilbert, Wu, Go, &
Hill, 2005a; El-Bassel et al., 2005b). The myriad interpersonal contexts linking IPV
and HIV/STI risk behaviors among African American women are detailed below.
Interpersonal Contexts Linking IPV and HIV Risks
Among African American Women
Sexual Coercion, Fear of Violence and HIV/STIs
Quantitative and qualitative research has elucidated several interpersonal contexts
accounting for the multiple relationships between experiencing IPV and different
HIV/STI transmission risks. The first direct pathway between IPV and HIV/STI
transmission risks is through sexual coercion. Studies conducted among predominantly African American women have demonstrated that experiencing physical
IPV increases the likelihood of experiencing sexual coercion and leads to HIV and
other STIs (Beadnell, Baker, Morrison, & Knox, 2000; Wingood & DiClemente,
1998). According to a qualitative study of 50 HIV-positive, African American
women, HIV/STI risks occurred in the context of women being beaten and raped
into sexual ownership, that is, by becoming a “captive body” (Mermelstein, Cohen,
Lichtenstein, Baer, & Kamarck, 1986). The increased likelihood of HIV/STI transmission associated with forced sex is a result of vaginal, anal, and urethral trauma,
which facilitates direct transmission of microorganisms into the bloodstream or via
back flow into the urethra (Jenny et al., 1990).
Sexual coercion has also been linked to a decreased likelihood of condom
use (El-Bassel, Gilbert, Rajah, Foleno, & Frye, 2000). Women often will forgo
requesting condoms when sexually coerced by an intimate partner out of fear that
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such requests may further provoke their partners and jeopardize their safety
(Gilbert, El-Bassel, Rajah et al., 2000). Dovetailing with these findings, a cross
sectional study of 125 African American women in low income housing found
that women who experienced sexual IPV were more likely than their non-abused
counterparts to report being “afraid to ask a man to wear a condom because he
might strike her” (Kalichman, Williams, Cherry, Belcher, & Nachimson, 1998).
Thus, the goal of women in such encounters is to avoid or minimize physical
harm and to ensure that the experience is over as quickly as possible (El-Bassel
et al., 2000). In sum, these studies suggest that sexual coercion creates a context
of male dominance, fear and control that strips women of power or agency to
negotiate their sexual health needs, often forcing women to choose between protecting themselves from HIV/STIs or IPV.
Negotiation of Safe Sex and Attempt of Women Protect
Themselves from HIV and IPV
According to research findings based on samples of predominantly African
American, drug-involved women, those who negotiate condom use in order to
protect themselves from HIV/STIs experience higher rates of IPV (El-Bassel
et al., 2005a; Gilbert, El-Bassel, Schilling, Wada, & Bennet, 2000). In addition
to asking their partners to use condoms, some women may try to safeguard
themselves from HIV/STI transmission by refusing sex, or at least, refusing
unprotected sex. In retaliation to the refusal, the partner may react violently
towards his female partner (El-Bassel et al., 1998, 2000; Gilbert, El-Bassel,
Rajah et al., 2000). Requesting partners to use condoms may also lead to verbal
abuse, as well as threats of physical IPV and abandonment (Wingood & DiClemente,
1997). Qualitative research further confirms that for both men and women in
committed relationships, condom use is often synonymous with infidelity or
casual sex, and thus, condom requests threaten to reduce the couple’s intimate
relationship status of intimacy to a cheap encounter (El-Bassel et al., 2000).
If a woman suspects infidelity, injection drug use, or other risky behaviors,
requesting her partner to use condoms or get tested for HIV/STIs may signal
a lack of trust in him (El-Bassel et al., 2000; Gilbert et al., 2000; Kelly &
Kalichman, 1995). Alternatively, such requests may incite relationship conflict
that leads to IPV if the male partner feels accused of having extra-dyadic sex or
engaging in other risky behaviors like injecting drugs. Condom request may even
imply to some men that she has engaged in risky behaviors or extra-dyadic sex,
activities which breach gender role expectations (El-Bassel et al.). Such perceptions threaten the stability of the couple and increase the likelihood of abuse
(O’Leary & Wingood, 2000), as some men resort to using physical and/or sexual
IPV as a mechanism to repair their masculine self-esteem and maintain or reestablish male power.
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Disclosure of HIV/STIs and IPV
Although the relationship between HIV/STI disclosure and IPV is inconsistent,
research among women has documented that disclosure of an STI or HIV status is
associated with IPV (Gielen, O’Campo, Anderson, Keller, & Faden, 2000; Gielen,
O’Campo, Faden, & Eke, 1997; North & Rothenberg, 1993). Qualitative research with
a sample of women on methadone (38% were African American) showed that abused
women who test positive for HIV or other STIs were more reluctant to disclose their
positive status knowing that it may incite IPV (El-Bassel et al., 2000). However,
according to the results of a study of 50 HIV-positive, mostly African American
women, disclosure carried both positive (acceptance, understanding) and negative
consequences (rejection, abandonment, physical abuse) (Gielen et al., 1997).
IPV and HIV/STIs
Accumulating research, based on samples that include African American, heterosexual women, has shown that experiencing IPV is associated with: (1) engaging
in unprotected sex (Amaro, 1995; Cunningham, Stiffman, Dore, & Earls, 1994;
El-Bassel et al., 2005a; Gielen, McDonnell, & O’Campo, 2002; Wingood & DiClemente,
1997; Wyatt, 1991); (2) higher rates of STIs (El-Bassel et al., 1998; El-Bassel
et al., 2000; Hogben et al., 2001; Rodriguez, Szkupinski Quiroga, & Bauer, 1996);
(3) sex with multiple sexual partners (Gilbert et al., 2000); and (4) trading sex for
drugs or money (Beadnell et al., 2000).
IPV and Unprotected Sex
Significant associations between unprotected sex and experiencing IPV were found in a
longitudinal study of 416 (40% African American) women followed for 12 months
(El-Bassel et al., 2005a). Among those women who were sexually active, those who
always requested that their partner use condoms were one-fifth as likely to report subsequent IPV compared to women who did not always request condoms. Furthermore, in a
cross-sectional study of 100 African American women recruited from different methadone
treatment programs (El-Bassel et al., 2007), 9% of the women who experienced any form
of physical and sexual IPV reported always using condoms compared to 27% of the
non-abused in the past 6 months. These findings can be understood in light of qualitative
research, which found that women who always use condoms do not need to repeatedly
negotiate condom use as a norm of condom use has already been established within that
partnership (El-Bassel et al., 2000). Thus, it appears that the risks of IPV tend to be lower
with established, consistent condom use (“always”), while negotiation of condom use
and inconsistent condom use (“not always”) carry higher IPV risks.
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IPV and Multiple Sex Partners
The significant association between IPV and multiple sex partners also emerged in
the above-mentioned cross-sectional study of African American on methadone
(El-Bassel et al., 2007). Among the abused women in this sample, 31% of the women
had more than one sexual partner in the past 6 months, a rate that was significantly
higher than 11% of the non-abused women. Other studies have also documented a
link between intimate partner victimization among heterosexual women and engagement in concurrent relationships with other intimate, casual or sex exchanging partners (Gilbert, El-Bassel, Schilling et al., 2000; Raj, Silverman, & Amaro, 2004). The
relationship instability associated with IPV may increase the likelihood that one or
both partners will engage in outside relationships as an exit strategy.
IPV and Risky Sexual Partners
Research conducted with samples including African American women indicates that
having a risky partner (e.g., one who injects drugs, is HIV positive and/or has had sex
with multiple partners) is associated with HIV risks (Beadnell et al., 2000; El-Bassel
et al., 1995, 2000, 2001; Gielen et al., 2002; Gilbert, El-Bassel, Schilling et al.,
2000; Raj et al., 2004). Some research has suggested that men who perpetrate IPV,
particularly drug-involved men, are more likely to engage in these co-occurring risky
behaviors (El-Bassel et al., 2001). A partner’s HIV positive status, closeted sex with
other men or injection behaviors may create or exacerbate relationship conflict that
could escalate into IPV. Alternatively, as relationship conflict escalates into IPV, male
partners may engage in extra-dyadic sex as a strategy to exit the relationship or to
retaliate with the explicit purpose of creating jealousy and a desire in a female partner
to compete for reconnection. In instances where women fear losing their partners to
other women, it is unlikely that they will insist on using condoms even if they know
that their partners have engaged in outside affairs (Beadnell et al., 2000).
Trauma, PTSD, HIV/STIs and Drug Abuse
Beyond current experiences of interpersonal violence, research also indicates that
women with a past history of interpersonal trauma are more likely to engage in
risky sexual behaviors. For example, one study documented that women with past
histories of sexual IPV report having more sexual partners and using condoms less
consistently than women without histories of sexual IPV (Maman, Campbell, Sweat,
& Gielen, 2000). Furthermore, based on study findings among predominantly African
American, drug-involved women, it appears that Post Traumatic Stress Disorder
(PTSD) may mediate IPV and engaging in risky sexual behavior (Hutton et al.,
2001; Stiffman et al., 1992). PTSD, which may stem from a range of interpersonal
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trauma, such as sexual coercion, childhood sexual abuse (CSA), physical IPV and/or
sex trading, is more common among women with abuse histories than among the
general population, with rates among abused women ranging between 50 and 64%
(Hutton et al., 2001; Lewis, 2005; Zlotnick, 1997). Moreover, there is evidence that
women with a PTSD diagnosis and/or other trauma-related symptoms often abuse
substances in order to cope, albeit unsafely, with aversive, distressing emotional
and physiological states (Najavits et al., 1998). A pernicious cycle among the cooccurring problems of current IPV, past interpersonal trauma, substance abuse and
HIV/STI risk can frequently be seen as women attempt to cope with the aftereffects of past and current violence through drug use, which in turn renders them
more vulnerable to future risk of experiencing IPV and engaging in HIV/STI risk
behaviors.
Drug Abuse as a Cause of HIV/STIs Among African
American Women
According to CDC reports, following sexual risk behaviors, injection drug use is
the second leading transmission route of new HIV infections among African
American women with one report indicating that African American women represented 66% of all injection drug use-related HIV cases (Blankenship, Smoyer,
Bray, & Mattocks, 2005). Furthermore, non-injection drug use–which has also
fueled the HIV/AIDS epidemic among low income, African American women–has
been linked to heterosexual transmission of HIV (Chaisson, Stoneburner,
Hildebrandt, Telzak, & Jaffe, 1990; Holmberg, 1996) and other STIs among women
(Chirgwin, DeHovitz, Dillon, & McCormack, 1991). For example, in several studies of drug-involved, mostly African American women, the vast majority of women
were sexually active, 45–55% reported multiple sexual partners, 20–50% stated
exchanging sex for money or drugs, and 15–30% noted injection drug use (Belenko,
Langley, Crimmins, & Chaple, 2004; Grella, Stein, & Greenwell, 2005).
In addition to the above-discussed multiple direct pathways linking drug abuse to
HIV/STI risk among African American women, qualitative research has elucidated
multiple ways in which substance use by the woman and/or her partner may mediate
the relationship between IPV and HIV/STI transmission. First, substance use by the
woman or her partner may increase her partner’s expectations for unwanted and
unprotected sex (El-Bassel et al., 2000; Sterk, 1999). Second, victims and perpetrators both tend to believe that perpetrators under the influence of drug or alcohol may
not be held accountable for sexual coercion. Such social expectations may enable
partners to continue perpetrating sexual IPV (Gelles, 1993; Gilbert, El-Bassel,
Rajah, Foleno, & Frye, 2001). Third, drug and alcohol use of perpetrators intensify
paranoia, jealousy and irritability as well as impair judgments; these psychopharmacological effects may increase the likelihood of IPV and decrease ability to use
condoms (Gelles, 1993; Gilbert et al., 2001). Fourth, women under the influence of
drugs or alcohol are less likely to identify risky situations, to pick up on cues of
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impending sexual coercion, and are less able to negotiate condom use in such
encounters. A substance-induced compromise in ability to anticipate and/or read
signs of imminent sexual coercion may account for research findings indicating that
women’s use of different drugs increases the likelihood of sexual coercion (El-Bassel
et al., 1998, 2000; Gilbert, El-Bassel, Rajah et al., 2000; Kalichman et al., 1998;
Sterk, 1999). Fifth, psychological abuse, which is often aimed at the perceived low
social status, sexual promiscuity and stigma of being a drug-dependent woman, may
further disempower drug-involved women from negotiating safer sex (Gilbert,
El-Bassel, Rajah et al., 2000; Gilbert et al., 2001; Sterk, 1999).
Lastly, drug dependency, in addition to possible pressure to sell sex to supply their
addicted partners with drugs, may lead women to exchange sex for money in risky
unprotected encounters (El-Bassel et al., 2000; Sterk, 1999). Several studies have
documented the perilous and degrading circumstances–where coercive sex is common and condom use is infrequent– under which women exchange sex for money or
drugs (El-Bassel et al., 1996; Fullilove, Lown, & Fullilove, 1992). Furthermore,
because drug dependent women are often considered “sexually promiscuous” or
“damaged goods,” they are perceived by men in society as violating traditional gender
role norms, and thus, are deemed more deserving of abuse (Miller, 1990).
Community-Level Factors Influencing HIV/STIs
Among African American Women
Community-level factors related to urban development and gentrification, destruction of housing and neighborhood displacement have dismantled social networks
and have undercut the social capital and prosocial norms of low income African
American communities. African American women who live in poor neighborhoods
with high levels of substance abuse, HIV/STI and violence also have more limited
access to health care and social services. Poor residents are more likely to rely on
their neighborhood for material and social resources but are less likely to receive
such support (James, Johnson, & Raghavan, 2004). Multiple environmental stressors
related to poverty, persistent residential mobility, and inadequate access to resources
continue to constrain HIV/AIDS prevention and treatment efforts, limit the sources
of support for recovery from substance abuse and undermine sources of resistance
against IPV in poor African American communities.
This disruption of the social fabric in these communities has also created risk and
mixing patterns of sexual and drug using networks that have facilitated the spread
of HIV/STIs among African Americans (Rhodes, Singer, Bourgois, Friedman, &
Strathdee, 2005). Previous research suggests that African American, drug-involved
women who live in poor urban neighborhoods have a greater likelihood of having sex with a “risky” partner by virtue of the higher prevalence of injection
drug users and HIV-positive men in their sexual networks and communities
(McNair & Prather, 2004). Among Blacks, one in five (19%) new HIV infections
is attributed to the sharing of contaminated needles through injection drug use,
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a rate notably higher than for Whites or Latinos (CDC, 2004b). Moreover, African
American women are at a disproportionately high risk of having partners on the
down low (i.e., male partners who are in committed heterosexual relationships, but
who have closeted extra-dyadic sex with men) (Mays, Cochran, & Zamudio, 2004).
African American men who have sex with men (MSM) have HIV diagnosis rates
twice that among white MSM (Fullilove, 2006).
Macro and Structural Level Factors Influencing HIV/STI Risks
The social status of African American women based on social constructions of
gender, race and class are central to understanding the nature of macro and structural
level risk factors in which HIV/STI, IPV and drug abuse co-occur (Wingood &
Diclemente, 1992). Gender as a social construct reinforces fundamental power
imbalances by assigning to women inferior status and roles, which limit their control
over all aspects of their economic, social, family and reproductive life (Amaro,
1995). Such gender inequalities are critical to understanding the dynamics and
nature of IPV as well as the interpersonal HIV/STI risk contexts that leave
women powerless to negotiate condom use (El-Bassel et al., 1998, 2005a; Amaro,
1995, Wingood & Diclemente, 1992). Similarly, the social constructions of race
carry implicit and explicit beliefs that form the basis of domination of one group
over another through denial of equal opportunity, access to power and resources
(Bruce, Takeuchi, & Leaf, 1991).
For African American women, the intersection of gender, racism and social class
fuels conditions of stress, poverty, violence and poor health status which facilitate
the co-occurring problems of IPV, drug abuse and HIV/STI risk (McNair & Prather,
2004, Wingood & Diclemente, 1997). Conditions of stress, poverty, violence and
poor health status for low income, urban African American women have also been
generated by the interplay of wider cultural beliefs and social constructions of race,
gender and class with structural factors such as laws, policies, economic conditions
and social inequalities (Rhodes et al., 2005).
First, the War on Drugs and changes in sentencing laws related to illicit drug use
have spurred a dramatic increase in the number of African American men and
women in the criminal justice system in the United States. The large scale incarceration of African American men and women has disrupted social networks in
low-income, African American neighborhoods, shifted population mixing patterns
and played an important role in driving the HIV/AIDS epidemic in African
American communities (Rhodes et al., 2005). The HIV/AIDS cases among incarcerated persons are more than three times that of the general population and African
Americans are disproportionately represented in U.S. prisons (Maruschak, 2004,
2005). Moreover, about one in five African American men are incarcerated at some
point between the ages of 18–29, and, in 2004, African American women were five
times more likely than white women to be incarcerated (Statistics, 2005). The disproportionate incarceration of African Americans due to draconian drug laws has
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reinforced African Americans’ perceptions of racial oppression and increased their
mistrust of a government, which is seen as inhibiting African Americans from seeking
help for substance abuse, HIV/STIs and IPV. African Americans’ fear of systematic
mistreatment has led researchers to suggest that African American women experiencing
IPV may be more likely to protect their abusers from involvement with the law
(Yoshioka, Gilbert, & El-Bassel, 2003) and more likely to stay in abusive relationships that increase their risk of HIV/STIs and drug use (El-Bassel et al., 2003).
Second, the loss of African American men to incarceration and to violent
deaths has resulted in a sex ratio imbalance that is estimated to be 75 men to 100
females among African American adults (Mize, Robinson, Bockting, & Scheltema,
2002). Research has suggested that this sex ratio imbalance exacerbates gender
inequalities and power imbalances within intimate relationships, rendering
African American women less powerful and in control to negotiate safer relationships (Mize et al., 2002). Moreover, in a social context where men are frequently
“lost” to incarceration and death, women may alter their self-protective behaviors
in ways that are driven by a fear of losing their partner. For instance, a study of
low income, African American women found that fear of a negative partner
reaction–and presumably fear of losing the partner as a result–is associated with
lower levels of effectiveness in negotiation and lower levels of condom use
(Amaro & Raj, 2000). El-Bassel, Gilbert, Rajah et al., (2000) suggest that the fear
of disrupting a partnership when alternative partners may not be available plays
an important role in determining whether or not women are willing to insist on
condom use. Moreover, the fear of losing a partner may not only inhibit African
American women from requesting or insisting on condom use, but may also prevent them from resisting IPV or refusing drug use within an intimate partnership
(Mize et al.).
Finally, the internalized oppression and stigmatization that African American
experience as a result of sexism, racism and class exploitation may inhibit disclosure
of HIV status, IPV or risky behaviors associated with HIV/STIs out of fear of compounding layers of additional stigma. The fear of compounding stigma has also
been cited as a major driving force in the widespread closeted risky down low
behaviors among African an men who have long term, heterosexual intimate partners,
but who have undisclosed extra-dyadic sex with men (Fullilove, 2006). The stigma
and discrimination against MSM within the African American community may in
part explain why African American MSM continue to be hard hit by HIV/STIs,
with diagnosis rates twice that among white MSM (Fullilove).
Implications for HIV/STI Prevention Intervention
for Co-occurring Problems of HIV/STIV, IPV and Drug Abuse
The myriad mechanisms and macro-structural risk factors linking the co-occurring
problems of HIV/STI, drug abuse and IPV among African American women suggest
the need for multi-level HIV/STI prevention interventions (intrapersonal/individuals,
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interpersonal/micro, community, macro and structural) that synergistically address the
different facets of these co-occurring problems. To date, there is a paucity of empirically tested HIV prevention interventions designed to specifically address the problem
of concurrent of HIV/STIs, IPV, and drug abuse among African American women. A
growing number of researchers along with a recent policy report from the World
Health Organization (World Health Organization, 1997) have emphasized the need for
HIV/STI prevention interventions that incorporate IPV prevention, particularly for
drug-involved, abused women (El-Bassel et al., 2005a; Gilbert, El-Bassel, Schilling
et al., 2000; Kalichman et al., 1998; Raj et al., 2004; Wingood & DiClemente, 1997).
Additionally, the need to develop and implement culturally-congruent, genderspecific approaches that concurrently address IPV and HIV/STI is underscored by the
findings of a meta-analysis of HIV/STI prevention interventions for women, which
showed that most HIV preventions strategies were consistently less effective for
African American women (Mize et al., 2002). Findings from a few recent randomized
clinical trials (RCTs) testing culturally-congruent HIV prevention interventions for
African American women, primarily based on social cognitive principles and an
empowerment-based approach, found these interventions to be efficacious in increasing condom use, reducing risk behaviors and/or decreasing STIs among African
American women (DiClemente et al., 2004; Kalichman, Kelly, Hunter, Murphy, &
Tyler, 1993; St. Lawrence, Wilson, Eldridge, Brasfield, & O’Bannon, 2001; Wyatt
et al., 2004). Although these culturally congruent HIV/STI prevention interventions
represent an important advance in developing effective strategies to stem the spread
of HIIV/STIs among African American women, these interventions have not specifically addressed the co-occurring risk factors of IPV and drug abuse.
In order to address this gap, the authors of this chapter designed and tested an
integrated drug abuse, HIV/STIs and IPV intervention prevention consisting of 12
group sessions to reduce the co-occurring problems of IPV, drug abuse and HIV/
STI risk among abused women in drug treatment. The intervention, guided by the
empowerment theory (Rappaport, 1987; Zimmerman, Israel, Schulz, & Checkoway,
1992) and social cognitive theory (Bandura, 1986), was tested in a pilot RCT with
36 women on methadone who experienced IPV in the past 90 days. In the pilot
RCT, women were randomly assigned to either 12 sessions of an integrated HIV/
STIs, IPV and drug abuse intervention or to a single session consisting of a didactic
presentation on a wide range of local, accessible community services (i.e., employment services, job training, housing, domestic violence programs, legal services,
mental health services, low-cost dental services).
All 12 sessions of the integrated, culturally congruent HIV/STIs prevention
intervention addressed multi-level risk factors (intrapersonal/individual, interpersonal/micro, community and macro levels) impacting African American and
Latina women at risk for HIV, IPV and drug abuse. Intrapersonal components (e.g.,
previous history of childhood sexual abuse, trauma history and PTSD, history of
substance abuse, IPV) focused on: (1) raising awareness about the co-occurrence
of HIV/STIs, CSA, IPV, PTSD, and drug use, and informing women how to
cope with IPV, trauma with drugs; and (2) teaching skills such as self-soothing, coping, and grounding techniques. During the first session, the facilitator
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assessed the level of danger in a woman’s intimate relationships and provided the
woman with the opportunity to disclose more sensitive, confidential information
that may have been pertinent to safety planning.
Interpersonal/micro components (e.g., power imbalances in intimate relationships, sexual negotiation skills, sexual communication skills, financial dependency,
relationship commitment) aimed to: (1) raise awareness about economic, social and
drug dependencies, and explore ways of reducing relationship dependencies; (2)
increase negotiation skills and perceived efficacy to handle potential IPV and HIV/
STI risk situations (e.g., deciding when and how to have sex, managing reactions to
condom request and sex refusal, etc.); (3) increase condom negotiation self-efficacy
and negotiation skills for HIV/STI risk reduction with an emphasis on how to deal
with abuse situation and increase safety; and (4) identify ways to avoid involvement
in relationships that place women at risk for IPV and HIV/STIs, as well as to develop
strategies to optimize women’s control in their current relationships.
Community level components (e.g., social support, access to services, peer
norms about HIV/STIs and IPV) focused on: (1) assisting women in creating
supportive networks to reduce exposure to HIV/STIs, IPV and to decrease drug use;
(2) helping women to access community resources in order to reduce HIV/STIs,
IPV, and drug use; and (3) creating social networks that facilitate reciprocity and
trust, and providing women with social support and mutual aid for reducing HIV
risk and drug use as well as resisting IPV.
Macro components (e.g., gender norms, attitudes and stigma towards druginvolved women) focused on raising awareness about: (1) gender norms around sex
and the meaning of having a relationship with men; (2) gender differences with
respect to meaning of forced sex; and (3) attitudes towards drug-involved women,
stigma and sexism that increase women risk for HIV/STIs, IPV and other
co-occurring problems and identify strategies women can apply to avoid unhealthy
relationships. Furthermore, this integrated intervention was tailored to the realities
of low-income, African American and Latina women and focused on the enhancement of positive evaluations of self-worth, ethnic pride and risk avoidance as an
investment in the future of their communities. Sessions included traditional and
contemporary African American and Latina references that further enhanced cultural specificity and pride. While the cultural content primarily targeted African–
American or Latina women, the content was also relevant to other low-income,
urban, drug-involved women experiencing IPV and included IPV safety planning.
This pilot RCT study had several limitations, which included: (1) a small sample
size, underlying threats to both internal and external validity; (2) a short time frame
of follow-up; and (3) failure to address structural-level risk factors for HIV/STIs
such as changes in drug-related sentencing laws, incarceration and fatality rates of
African American men and the impact of sexism, racism and gender inequalities on
the co-occurring problems of drug abuse, IPV and HIV/STI risk behaviors.
Nonetheless, the findings demonstrated preliminary effects of the intervention in
reducing IPV, drug use and HIV/STIs. Specifically, compared to women assigned
to the control group of one information session, women who were assigned to the
12 session intervention were approximately 7 times more likely to report a decrease
7
Countering the Surge of HIV/STIs and Co-occurring Problems
125
in experiencing minor physical, sexual and/or injurious IPV as well as a decrease
in severe physical IPV in the past 90 days at the 3 month follow-up assessment.
Furthermore, women who were assigned to the 12 session intervention compared
to the control group were approximately 3 times more likely to report a decrease in
any drug use, 5.7 times more likely to report a decrease in their level of depression,
4.6 times more likely to report a decrease in avoidance PTSD symptoms, about
6 times more likely to report a decrease in having sex while high on illicit drugs,
3 times more likely to report a decrease in having multiple sex partners and 3 times
more likely to report unprotected acts in the past 90 days at the 3 month follow-up
assessment (Gilbert et al., 2006). Thus, despite its limitations, this pilot RCT
may serve as a building block for further development and testing of culturallycongruent, integrated intervention approaches that will stem the co-occurring problems of IPV, continued drug use, and HIV/STI risk among different populations of
drug-involved, abused women.
Conclusion
Ample evidence indicates that the overwhelming rates of HIV and other STIs found
among African American women have increased as a result of this population’s
greater likelihood of experiencing the co-occurring problems of HIV/STIs, drug
use and IPV. In considering the unique forces that disproportionately drive this
pandemic among African American women, this chapter highlighted several interpersonal contexts that link HIV/STIs, IPV, and drug use, namely (1) sexual coercion
and fear of sexual and physical IPV (e.g., women acquiesce to unprotected sex
because of fear of IPV); (2) self-protection from HIV/STIs by negotiating condom or
refusing sex and unprotected sex; and (3) disclosure of HIV/STIs. This chapter also
presented empirical data linking IPV to three HIV/STI risk indicators: unprotected
sex, multiple partners, and risky partners. Following an introduction of drug abuse
as a coping tool to manage PTSD symptoms associated with current and past IPV,
the chapter examined drug abuse among African American as a direct cause of
HIV/STIs and as a mediator between IPV and HIV/STI risks. Furthermore, this
chapter discussed specific community-level, macro and structural factors that function as a breeding ground within which HIV/STIs and IPV and other co-occurring
problems among African American women can thrive. These factors include
poverty, discrimination, racism and low social status of women based on social
constructions of gender, race and class. Moreover, the wider cultural beliefs and
social constructions of race, gender and class were discussed in terms of their interplay with structural factors such as laws, policies, economic conditions and social
inequalities. In addition, the chapter included a discussion of environmental stressors
related to poverty, racial discrimination and inadequate access to resources as they
continue to constrain HIV/AIDS prevention and treatment efforts, limit the sources
of support for recovery from substance abuse and undermine the battle against IPV
in poor African American communities.
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N. El-Bassel et al.
Building on our discussion of these interpersonal contexts and macro-structural
factors, the authors advocate for multi-level HIV/STI prevention interventions
addressing the intersecting problems of HIV, STIs, IPV and drug abuse among
African American women. This chapter presented an efficacious, multi-level HIV/
STI prevention intervention designed to address this nexus of problems among
drug-involved African American and Latina women by targeting intrapersonal,
interpersonal, social support and community level factors. Finally, the chapter
acknowledged progress in the design of effective HIV strategies to stem the spread
of HIIV/STIs among African American women, but also underscored that these
interventions have not specifically addressed the co-occurring risk factors of IPV
and drug involvement.
Future Research Directions
While the past decade has seen a proliferation of research on the intersecting
pandemic of HIV/STIs, IPV and drug abuse among women, this area of research
applied specifically to African American women remains scarce despite their alarming rates of HIV/AIDS infections. Of the studies that examine the intersecting problems among African American women, small sample sizes and cross sectional
designs limit the examination of temporal relationships between HIV/STIs and other
co-occurring problems (e.g., IPV, drug use). The paucity and design of existing studies underscore the need for longitudinal studies that explore the intersecting
pandemic of HIV, STIs, IPV and drug abuse specifically among a sample of African
women. Moreover, HIV researchers designing prevention interventions should pay
more attention to the multi-level systems (intrapersonal, interpersonal, community,
macro, and structural) fuelling this nexus of problems, and multi-level HIV/STI
prevention interventions must be tested for efficacy among samples of African
American women. Without addressing the macro and structural risk factors, African
American women will continue to be disproportionately affected by the co-occurring
problems of IPV, drug use and HIV/STIs.
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Chapter 8
Childhood Sexual Abuse, African American
Women, and HIV Risk
Lekeisha A. Sumner, Gail E. Wyatt, Dorie Glover, Jennifer V. Carmona,
Tamra B. Loeb, Tina B. Henderson, Dorothy Chin, and Rotrease S. Regan
Child sexual abuse (CSA) is defined as unwanted or coerced sexual contact prior to the
age of 18 (Wyatt, 1985; Wyatt, Newcomb, & Riederle, 1995). Once thought to rarely
occur, conservative estimates suggest that at least 20% of women and 5–10% of men
worldwide report being sexually abuse as children (World Health Organization, 2002).
Within the United States, the prevalence of CSA among women is approximately 33%
(Briere & Elliott, 1993; Loeb et al., 2002a; Wyatt, Guthrie, & Notgrass, 1992). A large
body of epidemiological evidence suggests that the impact of childhood sexual abuse
is varied and wide-reaching. Further, a history of childhood sexual abuse is linked to
increased risks for psychosocial, behavioral, and physical health problems, including
HIV (Chin, Wyatt, Carmona, Loeb, & Myers, 2004).
This chapter holds the assumption that the reader has little knowledge of CSA.
We focus exclusively on those aspects of CSA that influence high-risk behaviors.
We present the rationale for examining the role of CSA in HIV risk followed by a
brief questionnaire to assess adults for CSA histories. We then review the impact of
CSA within the domains most commonly associated with high-risk behaviors –
namely, sexual health, emotional and social functioning, and biological dysfunction. We examine these problems within a sociocultural context relevant to a group
disproportionately affected by HIV/AIDS in the United States – African American
women. In addition, we discuss the importance as well as the challenges in
implementing community interventions that integrate HIV-risk reduction and CSA.
Finally, in our concluding remarks, we recommend that findings from across disciplines be extrapolated to inform future interventions.
L.A. Sumner (*)
Department of Psychiatry and Biobehavioral Sciences,
UCLA, Los Angeles, CA 90034, USA
e-mail: lsumner@mednet.ucla.edu
D.H. McCree et al. (eds.), African Americans and HIV/AIDS,
DOI 10.1007/978-0-387-78321-5_8,
Chapter 3 was authored by employees of the U.S. government and is therefore not subject
to U.S. copyright protection.
131
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L.A. Sumner et al.
Overview: Why Examine CSA and HIV Risk?
The rate of AIDS among African American women is approximately 24 times the
rate of Caucasian women (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2007). In
2005, African American women accounted for 66% of all HIV/AIDS diagnoses
among women and was the leading cause of death of African American women
between the ages of 24–34 (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2007).
Among African American women, unprotected sex with an HIV positive male is
the primary mode of transmission followed by injection drug use (Center for
Disease Control and Prevention, 2005). Although the prevalence of childhood
sexual abuse does not differ across ethnicities or socio-economic backgrounds in
the United States, the presentation of its effects are influenced by cultural
factors.
HIV-related high risk behaviors, such as risky sexual practices and drug
use, increase the likelihood of a woman contracting HIV (Bensley, Eenwyk, &
Simmons, 2000; Johnsen & Harlow, 1996; Wyatt et al., 1997). Studies using
community samples of ethnic women have found that women with histories of
childhood sexual abuse have a sevenfold increase in HIV-related risk behaviors
compared with women without abuse histories (Wyatt et al., 2002). Moreover,
these women are at increased risk for subsequent revictimization and higher
rates of sexually transmitted infections (STIs) (Bensley et al., 2000; Johnsen &
Harlow, 1996; West, Williams, & Siegel, 2000; Wyatt et al., 1992). CSA has been
reported as an antecedent to prostitution, low self-esteem, and turbulent interpersonal relationships (Blankertz, Cnann, & Freedman, 1993; Freshwater, Leach, &
Aldridge, 2001).
Sexual Health
The degree to which women are unaware of how to protect and control their bodies
and reproductive health and do not participate in sexual decision-making are influenced by early non-consensual sexual experiences, cultural beliefs, and economic
dependence. These factors increase the chances of unwanted sexual outcomes,
specifically unintended pregnancies, HIV, and other STIs.
Female survivors of childhood sexual abuse report higher rates of high-risk
sexual behaviors than those without histories (Polusny & Follette, 1995). Perhaps
due to lower self-efficacy for condom use, African American women with histories
of CSA are less likely to use contraceptives, including condoms, thereby increasing
their vulnerability to HIV infection (Harlow et al., 1998; Heise, Moore, & Toubia,
1995; Thompson, Potter, Sanderson, & Maibach, 1997; Wyatt, Notgrass, & Gordon,
1995). Female survivors of childhood sexual abuse appear to engage in anal sex
without condoms more often than women without childhood sexual abuse histories
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133
(Bensley et al., 2000). These women also report higher rates of unintended pregnancy (Wyatt et al., 1995).
Sexual problems in adulthood have also been associated with childhood sexual
abuse. Sexually abused women are more likely to report sexual arousal problems,
higher sexual dissatisfaction, and have an aversion to sex as well as to their own
and/or their partner’s bodies (Laumann, Paik, & Rosen, 1999; Mullen, Martin,
Anderson, Romans, & Herbison, 1994). Compulsive sexual behavior has also been
noted and an inability to distinguish affection from sex (Briere & Runtz, 1988).
Women may differ on a continuum of sexual health and risk taking, including being
socialized to be passive partners, having unprotected sex, engaging in minimal
communication about sex and engaging in less body touching (Wyatt & Riederle,
1994a, b)
Assessing Histories of Childhood Sexual Abuse
Given the increased psychosocial, behavioral and physical vulnerability of women
with histories of childhood sexual abuse, screening for abuse history is critical. To
address the clinical and research needs in identifying adults with histories of childhood sexual abuse, Dr. Gail Wyatt developed two assessment tools. The first is the
Wyatt Sex History Questionnaire (WSHQ-R), a 478-item, face-to-face structured
interview that utilizes open- and closed-ended items (Wyatt, 1985, 1992). The
WSHQ-R asks about demographic characteristics, incidents of non-consensual
sexual abuse, consensual sex, psychological status, substance abuse, medication
adherence, and sexual decision making. The WSHQ-R was created for use with
multi-ethnic populations and has been used worldwide. Test–retest reliability on
closed-ended items (r = 0.90) and interrater reliability on open-ended items were
established on a weekly basis (r = 0.95). For a brief screen, Wyatt recommends
using the following screening questions:
It is generally realized that many women, while they were children or adolescents
have had a sexual experience with an adult or someone older than themselves.
By sexual, I mean behaviors ranging from someone exposing themselves (their
genitals) to you, to someone having intercourse with you. These experiences
may have involved a relative, a friend of the family, or a stranger. Some experiences are very upsetting and painful while others are not, and some may have
occurred without your consent.
Now I’d like you to think back to your childhood and adolescence and
remember if you had any sexual experiences with a relative, a family friend, or
stranger. Describe each experience completely and separately.
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L.A. Sumner et al.
1. During childhood and adolescence, did anyone ever expose themselves (their
sexual organs) to you?
2. During childhood and adolescence, did anyone masturbate in front of you?
3. Did a relative, family friend or stranger ever touch or fondle your body, including
your breasts or genitals, or attempt to arouse you sexually?
4. During childhood and adolescence, did anyone try to have you arouse them, or
touch their body in a sexual way?
5. Did anyone rub their genitals against your body in a sexual way?
6. During childhood and adolescence, did anyone attempt to have intercourse
with you?
7. Did anyone have intercourse with you?
8. Did you have any other sexual experiences involving a relative, family friend, or
stranger?
Socio-Cultural Factors and High-Risk Behavior
Complicating the study of childhood sexual abuse and HIV risk behaviors among
African American women are cultural norms of sexual behavior within the African
American community as well as gender stereotypes and expectations. Such norms
often influence the manner in which African American women respond to and cope
with CSA. For instance, due to distrust with the legal and medical system, African
American families are less likely to report childhood sexual abuse (Cargill, Stone, &
Robinson, 2004; Wyatt, 1997). Being a part of a collectivistic culture, African
American victims may choose the maintenance of the family unit over disclosing
familial abuse and thereby risk fracturing close relationships. . Moreover, as a result
of the disproportionate availability of African American men relative to women,
African American women may feel less empowered to demand condom use due to
fear of losing their mate (Wyatt, 1994a, b). It is therefore critical that CSA and HIV
risk among African American women are examined through a historical and cultural
frame of reference. As such, investigators have recently begun to urge researchers to
utilize theoretical frameworks that integrate theories of power, specifically, as it relates
to culture, gender, race, and class in HIV behavioral studies (Amaro, 1995; Amaro &
Raj, 2000). For example, Wyatt has developed the Sexual Health Model, a framework
to further the understanding of African American female sexuality. Its components
include cultural values (e.g. connectedness), behaviors (e.g. body touching), and
social cognition (e.g., empowerment) relevant to African American women.
Attitudes, Beliefs, and Emotional Consequences
There are emotional effects of sexual abuse that can also increase HIV-related risks for
individuals and couples. The attitudes and beliefs developed in childhood as a result of
sexual abuse impacts a woman’s attitude and beliefs in adulthood contributing to
poor decision-making in characterizing people and social situations (Smith, 1992).
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Childhood Sexual Abuse, African American Women, and HIV Risk
135
For instance, women with histories of childhood sexual abuse often engage in selfblame for the assault, leading to social impairment such as social isolation, poor qualities of social support, difficulties with assertiveness, and being overly responsible
(Gibson & Hartshorne, 1996; Koopman, Gore-Felton, Classen, Kim, & Spiegel, 2001).
These characteristics, along with maladaptive beliefs, may explain why some women
may accept unwanted sexual invitations (Cloitre, Scarvalone, & Difede, 1997).
Childhood sexual abuse is also associated with psychological distress, with a
third of all victims reporting symptoms of depression and anxiety as well as selfdestructive behaviors, including patterns of substance abuse and sexual risk behaviors (Bensley et al., 2000; McCauley, Kern, Kolodner, Derogatis, & Bass, 1998;
Wyatt, Carmona, Loeb, Ayala, & Chin, 2002). Adults with histories of childhood
sexual abuse are four times more likely to receive a diagnosis of major depression
than those without (Boudewyn & Liem, 1995). Women with a history of early
sexual abuse are more likely to receive a diagnosis of posttraumatic stress disorder
(PTSD), with some estimating at a rate of up to 48% among both sexes (Simpson,
2002). While most survivors of childhood sexual abuse do not meet diagnostic criteria for PTSD, up to 80% have posttraumatic stress symptoms including repetitive,
instructive thoughts of sexual abuse, hyperarousal, and nightmares that are centered
around guilt, humiliation, and sexual abuse (Zlotnick, Mattia, & Zimmerman,
2001). Given that African Americans are at increased risk for exposure to traumatic
events and women are more likely than men to develop PTSD, African American
women may be particularly vulnerable to symptoms of trauma.
Mounting evidence indicates that childhood trauma increases an individual’s
vulnerability to substance use and abuse (Molnar, Buka, & Kessler, 2001; Myers
et al., 2009). Given that women with histories of childhood sexual often have limited
coping strategies, alcohol and/or recreational drugs is commonly utilized as a coping
strategy, particularly by younger women. Substance use, while temporarily numbing
emotional pain, often impairs sexual decision-making, encourages sexual risk-taking
and may lead to substance dependence. Several studies have found associations
between childhood sexual abuse and heavy drinking among women (Vogeltanz et al.,
1999; Downs, 1993). African American women with childhood sexual abuse histories are more likely to consume three or more glasses of alcohol at one sitting than
those without histories of childhood sexual abuse (Wingood & DiClemente, 1997a).
In a study of 75 African American HIV-positive women with histories of childhood
sexual abuse, over 80% used at least one illicit substance regularly and 28% engaged
in injection drug use (Wyatt, Carmona, Loeb, & Williams, 2005). This finding is
particularly relevant to African American female injection drug users as IDUassociated AIDS account for a large proportion of cases among this ethnic group.
Intimate Relationships, Revictimization and High-Risk Behavior
Intimate relationships are an important aspect of women’s lives. However, traumatic
experiences such as early sexual abuse and HIV infection can have detrimental
affects on relationships. Sexual abuse is associated with negative long-term effects
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on intimate relationships including deficits in the ability to communicate and
negotiate with others (Smith, 1992). Also, given that childhood sexual abuse often
takes place with familiar or related perpetrators, betrayal and distrust develops at
an early age that can result in intimacy disturbances, fear and distrust of others,
including sexual partners (Gorcey, Santiago, & McCall-Perez, 1986). For both
women with histories of childhood sexual abuse and women infected with HIV, a
resistance to disclosing these histories may be due to continued fear of rejection by
others and feelings of shame and guilt associated with childhood sexual abuse and
HIV (Chin & Kroesen, 1999; Smith et al., 2000). Thus, feelings of loneliness and
isolation resulting from these patterns of secrecy are common among HIV-positive
sexually abused women.
Early traumatic sexual experiences can often result in experience of other
types of trauma because women with these histories are less likely to be able to
protect themselves from future abuse (Wyatt, Axelrod, Chin, Carmona, & Loe,
2000). Considerable evidence suggests that victims of childhood sexual abuse
are at elevated risk of experiencing adult interpersonal violence, specifically
domestic violence (Cohen et al., 2000). CSA is associated with a lifetime of
domestic violence, poor social relationships, drug abuse and high-risk drugrelated behaviors, high number of sexual partners or risky having male partners
(Cohen et al., 2000).
Women in abusive relationships are less able to negotiate sexual practices,
including condom use, due to fear and limited negotiation skills in sexual relationships (Wyatt, 1994a). It is suggested that HIV-positive women have higher rates of
intimate partner violence (IPV) compared to HIV-negative women, and HIVpositive African American women experienced the highest rates of IPV compared
to European Americans and Latinas (Axelrod, Myers, Durvasula, Wyatt, & Cheng,
1999). Women in abusive relationships are less likely to use condoms and are more
likely to experience verbal, emotional, and threats of physical abuse when they
discuss condom use with their partners. Wingood & DiClemente (1997a) found
that African American women with histories of CSA reported a five-fold increase
in physical abuse from their partners in the past 3 months. One study found
African American women in abusive relationships worried about becoming
infected with HIV more than women not in abusive relationships (Wingood &
DiClemente, 1997b). This finding has been supported by those from more recent
studies of adult sexual revictimization among African American women with
histories of sexual abuse. Compared to women with childhood sexual abuse
only, women with both childhood sexual abuse and adult partner violence are
more likely to be involved in prostitution and have increased gynecological problems such as sexually transmitted diseases (Fleming & Wasserheit, 1999; West,
Williams, & Siegel, 2000).
Being in an abusive relationship also increases a women’s risk of being sexually
active with a partner with high-risk behaviors (Baker et al., 2003). In one study, low
income African American women who were revictimized were not involved in
monogamous relationships but were four times less likely to use condoms on a con-
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137
sistent basis. While one study, controlling for income, did not find ethnic differences
in increased revictimizations (Wyatt, Carmona, Loeb, Ayala, & Chin, 2002), other
studies have found that limited-income African American women with CSA were
more likely to be raped as adults when compared to women with CSA from other
ethnic backgrounds (Urquiza & Goodlin-Jones, 1994; Wyatt et al., 1995; West,
Williams, & Siegel, 2000).
Biological Impact of Childhood Sexual Abuse
There are also biological effects of early abuse and trauma. Recent findings
suggest that the severe stress of childhood sexual abuse is associated with
increased risk for mental health disorders and associated biological vulnerabilities
(Stein, Koverola, Hanna, Torchia, & McClarty, 1997; Heim et al., 2000). Beyond
the negative psychiatric and behavioral outcomes, there are substantial biological
consequences of severe stress exposure and these can directly alter brain structure
or function (Schiffer et al., 2007). Changes in brain structure or function have
widespread implications for health; neurological changes ultimately may impact
vulnerability to infection upon exposure to HIV and also accelerate disease progression once infected (Kumar, Kumar, Walididrop, Antoni, & Eisdorfer, 2003;
Kopnisky, Stoff, & Rausch, 2004). The post-CSA biological response can be seen
as triggering a cascade of negative psychological and social sequelae that in turn
contribute to HIV rates in African American women. Research is beginning to
track the complex interplay of the reciprocal interactions between psychological
stress and immune, endocrine, central and peripheral nervous systems in HIV
(Kopnisky et al., 2004). The objective of this section is to provide a general overview of the systems involved in response to threat (the reader is referred to the
references in this section for a details).
The Initial Response to Threat
Stressful experiences bring about a complex and counterbalancing set of hormonal
responses in biological systems designed to maintain bodily functions as basic as
heart rate and breathing. Three such systems related to stress are: the sympatheticadrenomedulary (SAM) system, the hypothalamic-pituitary–adrenal (HPA) axis,
and the immune system. The basic components of these systems have been mapped
out through animal studies which allow for scientific control over the timing,
frequency, type and severity of the stress (Friedman, Charney, & Deutch, 1995).
Faced with an immediate threat, the SAM system releases neurohormones called
“catecholamines” (adrenaline/epinephrine (EPI) and noradrenaline/norepinephrine
(NE). The catecholamines facilitate subsequent processes that increase the heart
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L.A. Sumner et al.
rate, blood pressure and blood glucose levels in muscles and vital organs in order
to allow the body to adapt to the increased demand of a stressor. An immediate
threat also triggers the HPA axis to release a sequence of brain substances from
different parts of the brain. Neuropeptides stimulate release of corticotrophinreleasing hormone (CRH) from the hypothalamus. CRH then stimulates release of
adrenocorticotropic hormone (ACTH) from the pituitary and in turn the adrenal
glands release glucocorticoids (in humans, glucocorticoids are commonly called
“cortisol”) and dehydroepiandosterone (DHEA). These hormones further act on the
immune system, which results in changes in the levels and activity of immune
system substances such as cytokines that are especially relevant for host protection
against viral infections like HIV (i.e., CD4 and CD8 T cells) (Coe & Laudenslager,
2007; Kiecolt-Glaser & Glaser, 1992).
Under normal circumstances, specialized feedback systems are designed to
ensure a return to normal functioning or “allostasis” once the threat is gone. Cortisol
has an important role in shutting down the SAM system and suppressing the HPA
axis by a negative feedback mechanism acting on brain structures of the pituitary,
hippocampus, hypothalamus and amygdala. The anti-corticoid properties of DHEA
are also believed to help counter the possible negative effects of high cortisol levels
on the brain (Rasmusson, Vythilingam, & Morgan, 2003). Once the perception of
threat recedes, the negative feedback mechanisms help restore hormone levels to
allostasis.
Results of Biomarker Studies in Humans
Emerging studies of abused children (childhood sexual abuse and other types of
child abuse) demonstrate that abuse is associated with abnormalities at rest or in
response to a challenge. Most recently, Carrion, Weems, Garret, Mennon, & Reiss
(2007) reported brain changes associated with cortisol and PTSD symptoms in
15 children exposed to at least one traumatic event. Most had experienced multiple
traumatic events, including sexual, physical and emotional abuse as well as
witnessing violence. The sample included 6 boys and 9 girls ages 8 to 14 (mean = 10.4),
and a mixed ethnic composition of primarily Caucasian (n = 7) or African Americans
(n = 6). The children were assessed twice, with assessments separated by 12–18
months. Brain imaging techniques were used to evaluate changes in hippocampal
size over time in relation to PTSD symptoms and home-collected cortisol levels
across the day. Results showed that participants with the highest severity of PTSD
symptoms at Time 1 showed the greatest reductions in the right hippocampus from
the first to the second assessment. Elevated evening (pre-bed) salivary cortisol at
Time 1 was also related to reductions in hippocampal size at the next assessment.
As the hippocampus is associated with the encoding and retrieval of autobiographical
memory, these results are consistent with clinical findings of amnesia as one component
of PTSD.
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139
Contextual and Social Factors
Feelings of isolation and shame may be especially pronounced for women facing
the double stigma of childhood sexual abuse and HIV. As a consequence women
may fear being rejected, and therefore may avoid disclosing their seropositive
status with partners, friends or family. They are often worried about burdening or
worrying family members and disrupting relationships (Chin & Kroesen, 1999;
Hays et al., 1993; Simoni, Mason, Marks, & Ruiz, 1995a, b).
An adverse family context not only may contribute directly to childhood sexual
abuse, but may also increase the odds that revictimization may occur (Briere,
2004). Poor family functioning, operationalized as a lack of autonomy and intimacy, has been noted to influence the trauma severity of early sexual abuse
experiences, regardless of whether or not they occurred within the family (Draucker,
1997). Other adverse family patterns include inconsistency and unpredictability,
denial, lack of empathy, lack of clear boundaries, role reversal, incongruent
communication, too much or too little conflict and a closed family system (Briere,
2004). Among African American adolescent females it has been reported that low
family support and infrequent mother-daughter communication were associated
with STIs (Crosby, Wingood, DiClemente, & Rose, 2002).
The Cultural Context
There is often confusion about the role and importance of examining cultural values
and histories of CSA in HIV prevention research. Cultural and religious values
related to sexuality mirror histories of CSA and the trauma experienced in the aftermath of these experiences (see Table 8.1). In other words, cultural or religious
Table 8.1 The mimic effect
Effects of child sexual
abuse (CSA)
Poor personal boundaries
Cultural and religious
messages
Externalized control of the body
(limited sexual ownership)
“My partner will please me”
Lack of trust
Avoidance of health seeking, Lack of body awareness,
knowledge of health/STD/
physical exams, questions
HIV status. health paranoia
about sexual history
(body awareness) carnal
knowledge is not
Poor assessment of risks
Value of relationships to enhance
Self-medication to avoid
self-worth. interconnectedness
PTSD, depression, or
procreational rather than
anxiety
recreational sex God brought
me this person
HIV risk behaviors
Inadvertent selection of
high-risk, controlling
sexual partner
Avoidance of being tested
for STD/HIV multiple
partners
Non-use of contraceptives
or condoms substance
use/abuse with partners
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L.A. Sumner et al.
values regarding the awareness of the body, and relative comfort with sexual behaviors
and relationships may have their origins in attitudes and responses to childhood
sexual abuse and as a result decrease the likelihood a woman will be able to utilize
HIV protective behaviors.
When HIV-related risk behaviors are identified there is often confusion about
the etiology of the behaviors for African American women. While it has been well
established that a history of CSA increases risks for HIV infection, the specific
effects of cultural and religious values are not well described. The ways in which
sexual abuse and cultural or religious values may influence very similar effects on
HIV-related risk behaviors can be sorted into three dimensions. These aspects of
CSA are often understudied in HIV/AIDS behavioral research:
1. Poor personal boundaries. Incidents of sexual abuse where the perpetrator used
psychological manipulation (e.g., “No one loves us, so we have to love each
other;”), threats (e.g., “If you tell, I will kill your pet,”), financial or emotional
incentives, or physical force often affect the survivor’s ability to establish personal limits on their own behavior. This is especially the case when the sexual
abuse occurs over long periods of time and involves vaginal or anal penetration.
The survivor of abuse may struggle to learn how to identify their own sexual
needs, criteria for establishing intimate relationships and their own patterns of
sexual arousal or pleasure. Given that the process of intimate and trusting relationship formation is often controlled by a more powerful perpetrator, survivors
tend to gravitate to controlling and powerful partners who assume control over
sex-related decisions. If those partners choose to ignore HIV/STD prevention
and engage in unprotected sex or have a history of multiple partners or drug use/
abuse, the risks of HIV transmission can become more likely.
2. Externalized control of the body. Cultural values regarding body touching and
conversations about sex for women endorse more passive, receptive roles (Wyatt,
1994a). The role of a male partner is perceived to be instinctive, authoritative and
knowledgeable. The assumption is that the woman’s role is to follow the lead of
her partner. Both the abusive and cultural rationales for HIV related outcomes
could increase risks of selecting controlling, authoritarian partners to limit sexual negotiations about HIV testing, contraceptive and condom use. For many
individuals with conservative beliefs, passivity in women’s roles are endorsed
and rewarded with social, community and family recognition that a woman
knows “how to keep a man.” Alternatively, a man might know “how to handle a
woman.” The issue of disease transmission risks is not fully considered as a possible outcome of these role dichotomies.
3. Lack of trust. African American sexual behavior has been characterized as “risky,
dangerous” and a ‘threat’ to public health long before HIV/AIDS (Wyatt, 1997).
Some of the earliest descriptions of African women and men before slavery
described them as sexually promiscuous (Wyatt, 1997). While stereotypes about
African sexuality may, in part, contribute to assumptions that African Americans
have high rates of HIV/AIDS, the fact that research has reported differences
between racial and ethnic groups, but has not offered adequate explanations for
these differences or these stereotypes.
8
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In an attempt to understand both the range of sexual experiences and the behaviors
that occur willfully and with consent as well as those where coercion, force or
violence is involved, our research team has developed a system for asking about
sexual experiences that occurred before and since the age of 18, where consent to
participate in sexual practices with another is legal. This approach is consistent with
sexuality research since the Kinsey studies beginning in the 1940s.
Research has documented the relationship between histories of early sexual abuse
and an increase in HIV/AIDS risk behaviors, specifically higher numbers of partners, non-condom use, and a likelihood of engaging in a variety of sexual behaviors
including vaginal, anal and oral sex (Wyatt et al., 2004). However, it is just as important to avoid assumptions about the etiology of high-risk sexual practices as it is to
include other factors that may also mimic the after-effects of sexual abuse and that
may have also been viewed as unimportant to our understanding of how to effectively reduce HIV related risk behaviors among African Americans. Table 1 below
describes the how cultural and religious messages mimic the effects of CSA.
Gender and Race
Complicating the study of childhood sexual abuse and HIV risk behaviors among
African American women are not only the cultural norms of sexual behavior within
the African American community but gender stereotypes and gender expectations.
Such norms often influence the manner in which African American women respond
and cope with CSA. For instance, due to distrust with the legal and medical system,
African American families are less likely to report CSA (Cargill et al., 2004; Wyatt,
1997). Being a part of a collectivistic culture that values family and protection of
family members may also influence how African American families and victims cope
with childhood sexual abuse. Moreover, as a result of the much publicized unavailability of African American males, African American women may feel less empowered to demand condom use out of fear of losing their mate and as well as beliefs
about the procreational role of sex (Wyatt & Riederle, 1994a). It is therefore critical
that childhood sexual abuse and HIV risk among African American women are
examined through a historical and cultural frame of reference. As such, investigators
have recently begun to urge researchers to utilize theoretical frameworks that integrate theories of power, specifically, as it relates to culture, gender, race, and class, in
HIV behavioral studies and interventions (Amaro, 1995; Amaro & Raj, 2000).
Challenges in Intervention Implementation: Conflicting
Messages from the Community and Funding Agencies
An accumulation of data underscores the need to address issues that contribute
to engaging in risky behaviors, such as childhood sexual abuse (Wyatt et al.,
2004). Several approaches for encouraging community-based agencies to utilize
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L.A. Sumner et al.
evidence-based HIV interventions that have been shown to be efficacious in
reducing risk behavior. Whether referred to as dissemination, community-based
partnership research, translational research or capacity building, there are standard processes of informing the community and service providers about HIV
prevention interventions to reduce sexual risk and including them in the development of interventions (Kegeles, Rebchook, & Tebbetts, 2005; Kelly et al., 2000;
Minkler, 2005; Rebchook et al., 2006).
Kerner, Rimer, & Emmons (2005 suggest that the National Institute of Health
and other funding organizations, both governmental and non-governmental, expand
their funding for dissemination research. That is, not only should projects that are
assessing the process involve clinics and agencies as partners and research, they
should also address the gaps in training and services provided as the intervention is
implemented by their staff. The problem arises when funding dissemination
research, publishing its results, and ultimately including these studies in systematic
reviews of research evidence is a challenge across the board (Kerner et al., 2005).
Essentially, agreements among peer reviewers about the relative advantages and
disadvantages of different study designs for conducting, disseminating, and implementing research should be standardized among reviewers and funders.
Bridging the Gap: Collaborating with Community
Based Organizations
The double risk of sexual trauma for HIV positive women with sexual abuse histories is of growing concern, given that most women, especially African Americans,
do not disclose their abuse, receive the appropriate treatment and ancillary support
and often are not included in HIV related programs that offer them an opportunity
to discuss all of their sexual experiences. Indeed, sexuality includes those experiences that are engaged in willfully and those that are forced or involved coercion.
Whether or not a person consents to a sexual act should not be criteria for excluding
them from HIV prevention efforts. And yet, most evidenced based interventions do
not specifically address some of the psycho-social issues that increase HIV risk
among African American women who continue to engage in unprotected sex and
drug related practices (Wyatt, 2009).
The multifaceted issues that are raised when sexual abuse among vulnerable
populations occurs can increase the pressure and responsibility of communities to
offer trauma-related services for African American women along with other ethnic
groups. There is also a need to ensure that the focus includes gender and cultural
factors that complicate trauma but yet are often overlooked in HIV prevention
efforts (Wyatt, 1994b). The Sexual Health program at UCLA has been at the forefront of examining the breadth of sexual experiences of African American women
and has developed an intervention for HIV positive African American women with
sexual abuse histories (Wyatt et al., 2004). In order to move the intervention to the
dissemination phase of HIV prevention, we conducted a needs assessment in Los
Angeles County, with support from the UCLA AIDS Institute and in collaboration
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Childhood Sexual Abuse, African American Women, and HIV Risk
143
with the California State Office on AIDS in 2003. The one-day conference included
32 community based organizations (CBOs) who provided HIV-related services to
women. In the discussion, the need for a program that focused on sexual abuse and
trauma for HIV positive and at risk populations was highlighted.
Community-based stakeholders and case managers described the gaps in services that addressed the behavioral and psychological needs of HIV positive women
when they had histories of sexual abuse, particularly, African American women,
whose rates of AIDS continued to rise. Further, staff skills were limited to discussions about condom use and reduction of high risk behaviors without the inclusion
of information that would help staff to discuss their sexual abuse experiences and
to link them to later sexual and drug related practices. Indeed, the standard case
management guidelines for Ryan White funded HIV clinics did not include mention
of sexual abuse, how to identify sexual trauma or the similarities between cultural
beliefs about women’s roles as sexual partners and gender and religious socialization that endorsed unprotected sex and deference’s to partners regarding the use of
contraceptives including condoms (Amaro et al., 2007; Center for Disease Control
and Prevention, 1997; Zlotnick, Mattia, & Zimmerman, 2001). Current efforts by
the Center for Disease Control to disseminate evidence based interventions to
CBOs and health facilities need to consider the following issues when considering
the addition of services that include sexual abuse and trauma-related approaches:
1. The motivation of organizations to receive new training to address the aftermath
of sexual abuse and trauma and increased HIV related risk taking practices.
2. The readiness of organizations to receive new training should include an assessment of
(a) The number and clinical background of staff available to be trained.
(b) The number and expertise of supervisors to meet weekly with group facilitators of an intervention.
3. Staff availability to call women regularly to monitor their well-being.
4. The willingness of the agency director and or administrative staff of the agency to
receive an orientation about secondary interventions that focus on psychological
outcomes of HIV positive women.
5. The willingness of staff to maintain ongoing collaborations with those who train
the trainers to conduct monthly evaluations of the services offered to women in
order to maximize the benefits of new programs that are offered.
6. The interest in and commitment to cultural and gender competence training for
staff and The Community Advisory Board can help to ensure that any programs
for African American women with sexual abuse will continue to address the
cultural context of women’s lives.
Summary
The purpose of this chapter was to provide an overview of the data on the impact
of childhood sexual abuse and how it contributes to increased risk for acquiring
HIV/AIDS. It is clear that significant variability exists in the psychobiological
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L.A. Sumner et al.
trajectory among victims, yet future studies should examine the factors that
moderate and mediate such differences. This will provide a fuller understanding of
the secondary problems associated with the abuse. Although not covered in this
chapter, additional factors known to influence the psychosocial sequelae should be
incorporated into the study of early sexual abuse and HIV risk (e.g., relationship of
the perpetrator to victim, abuse severity, disclosure of abuse, and duration).
Additionally, the next steps in trauma and HIV research is to develop realistic
expectations about how to best support efforts to integrate trauma-related services
into standard care for HIV infected women. An integrative biopsychosocial model
of childhood sexual abuse that incorporates cultural and gender-related factors is
needed. As such, these components should be integrated into HIV prevention and
intervention programs, especially those that target ethnic minorities.
Acknowledgments Preparation of this chapter was supported by the National Institute of Mental
Health (H059496-0451 and MH073453-01A1), the UCLA AIDS Institute (A128697), National
Institute on Drug Abuse, (DA 01070-31), and National Institute on Drug Abuse (DA 01070-34). The
first author was supported by a UCLA Psychobiology Fellowship (NIMH grant T32 MH17140) and
The Pittsburgh Mind-Body Center (PMBC; NIH grant HL076852/076858). The authors acknowledge Micha Dalton and Tanishia Wright for their assistance in the preparation of this manuscript.
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Part III
Interventions
Chapter 9
A Systematic Review of Evidence-Based
Behavioral Interventions for African American
Youth at Risk for HIV/STI Infection, 1988–2007
Khiya Marshall, Nicole Crepaz, and Ann O’Leary
In the United States, African American youth are disproportionally affected by
human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) and sexually transmitted infections (STIs).
An estimated 1.2 million people are living with HIV/AIDS (Glynn & Rhodes, 2005).
Data from 33 states in the United States with confidential name-based reporting
show that in 2006 African Americans of all ages represented 49% of HIV/AIDS
diagnosis, although African Americans accounted for only 13% of the U.S. population (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), 2008b). During this same
period, although adolescents aged 13–19 represented 16% of the U.S. population,
African American youth accounted for 69% of reported AIDS cases. The primary
mode of transmission of HIV/AIDS among African American adolescents aged
13–19 is male-to-male sexual contact for males (60%) and high-risk heterosexual
contact for females (59%; CDC, 2008c). Also, in 2006, a larger proportion of
STIs (e.g., gonorrhea, Chlamydia, and syphilis) were transmitted among African
Americans than among other racial/ethnic groups (CDC, 2008b).
Given the high rates of sexually transmitted HIV infections and other STIs
among African American youth, it is important to better understand sex behaviors
within this group. African American adolescents report a higher rate of sex behaviors than other racial/ethnic groups. Data from the 2007 Youth Risk Behavior Survey
(YRBS) indicated that almost half (47.8%) of U.S. students, grades 9–12th had
previously engaged in sexual intercourse (CDC, 2008d). African Americans had the
highest prevalence rate of students who had previously had sexual intercourse (66.5%
compared to 43.7% of white and 52.0% of Hispanic students), had sex with ³4
persons (27.6% compared to 11.5% of white and 17.3% of Hispanic students), had
sex before the age of 13 (16.3% compared to 4.4% of white and 8.2% of Hispanic
students), or were sexually active within the past 3 months (46.0% compared to 32.9%
of white and 37.4% of Hispanic students; CDC, 2008d).
K. Marshall (*)
Division of HIV/AIDS Prevention, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention,
Atlanta, GA 30333, USA
e-mail: kmarshall@cdc.gov
D.H. McCree et al. (eds.), African Americans and HIV/AIDS,
DOI 10.1007/978-0-387-78321-5_9,
Chapter 9 was authored by employees of the U.S. government and is therefore not subject
to U.S. copyright protection.
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Although the prevalence rate of sex behaviors was higher for African American
adolescents, they were more likely to have used a condom during last sexual
intercourse (67.3% compared to 59.7% of white and 61.4% of Hispanic students)
and to have ever been tested for HIV (22.4% compared to 10.7% of white and 12.7%
of Hispanic students; CDC, 2008d). Among all adolescents, trends from 1991 to
2007 showed a decrease in the number who had previously engaged in sexual intercourse, had ³4 sex partners, or were currently sexually active (CDC, 2008d). Trends
among African American adolescents showed a decrease in the number that had ³4
sex partners (from 1991 to 2007), but there was no change in the number that had
ever had sex (from 2001 to 2007) or used a condom during last sexual intercourse
(from 1999 to 2007; CDC, 2008d).
Additionally, sex behaviors differ by gender. The YRBS showed that African
American male adolescents were more likely than African American female
adolescents to have ever had sexual intercourse (72.6 vs. 60.9%), had sex with ³4
persons (37.6 vs. 18.1%), had sex before the age of 13 (26.2 vs. 6.9%), to be
sexually active within the past 3 months (48.7 vs. 43.5%) or used condoms during
last sex (74.0 vs. 60.1%). However, females were more likely than males to have
ever been tested for HIV (27.2 vs. 17.3%; CDC, 2008d).
The levels of HIV and STI risk associated with sex behaviors are reflected in
African American youth’s knowledge and attitudes toward HIV and STIs. More
African Americans than any other racial/ethnic group considered sexual health
issues such as HIV, STIs, and pregnancy as personally important in a national
survey of adolescents and young adults (Hoff, Greene, & Davis, 2003). African
Americans were more knowledgeable about STI and HIV/AIDS information; but,
of particular concern, African American youth were more likely to believe that
STIs can only be spread when symptoms are present. Additionally, they were more
likely to have been tested for HIV or other STIs, to have been asked to be tested,
and to be “very likely” or “somewhat likely” to get tested for HIV in the next year
compared to other racial/ethnic groups. They reported having an STI more than
other racial/ethnic groups, possibly because they were more likely to have been
tested and to know their HIV status (Hoff et al., 2003).
Taken as a whole, comparing to other racial/ethnic groups, African American
youth are, in general, more sexually active and experienced, generally more knowledgeable of basic sexual health, and more likely to be tested for HIV and STIs. It
is important to better understand potential protective and risk factors associated
with risky sex behaviors that put them at risk for HIV and STI infection.
Adolescent Risk and Protective Factors
Multiple protective and risk factors influence adolescent sex behavior, including
individual, interpersonal, environmental, societal, and cultural. It would be informative
to have a better understanding of these factors and their associations with HIV and
STI risk behaviors. A better understanding would allow for the development of
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interventions that are likely to achieve successful changes in behavior among
African American youth.
Individual Factors
Evidence suggests that African American youth who have high self-esteem
(Belgrave, Van Oss Marin, & Chambers, 2000; Salazartet et al., 2005; Wills et al.,
2007) and self-control (Wills et al., 2007), and who are afraid of acquiring an STI
(Brown & Waite, 2005), are less likely to engage in HIV/STI risk behaviors. On the
other hand, older youth (Black et al., 1997), youth with negative body image
(Wingood, DiClemente, Harrington, & Davies, 2002 ), and youth using substances
(Bachanas etal., 2002; Cooper & Guthrie, 2007) are susceptible to sex risk
behaviors.
Interpersonal and Environmental Factors
Family, peers, religion, and the school environment play important roles in
African American youth’s risk of HIV and STI infections. Protective interpersonal
factors include parental supervision and monitoring (Black et al., 1997; Mandara,
Murray, & Bangi, 2003), family interactions and support (Black et al., 1997;
Cooper & Guthrie, 2007; Crosby et al., 2001; Perrino, Gonzalez-Soldevilla, Pantin,
& Szapocznik, 2000), parental connectedness (Perrino et al., 2000), positive peer
behaviors (Black et al., 1997; Cooper & Guthrie, 2007), religiosity (McCree,
Wingood, DiClemente, Davies, & Harrington, 2003), spiritual interconnectedness
(Holder et al., 2000), involvement in black organizations (Crosby et al., 2002a, b),
and ethnic pride and identity (Belgrave et al., 2000; Salazar et al., 2005; Wills
et al., 2007). Living in a two-parent household (Cooper & Guthrie, 2007; Felton
& Bartoces, 2002) has also been shown to be a protective factor. One study
conducted with rural African American youth and their parents found that afterschool activities and parental monitoring are perceived HIV-related resiliency
factors mentioned by both adolescents and their parents (Brown & Waite, 2005).
Other protective factors stated exclusively by adolescents included wanting to be
a role model, having friends who are not sexually active, not wanting to lose selfimage or become ashamed, family, attending church, and having pastor’s encouragement (Brown & Waite, 2005).
Several environmental factors are also found to be associated with youth’s risk
for HIV/STI. Perceptions and feelings regarding neighborhood toughness (Cooper
& Guthrie, 2007) and living in rural areas (Milhausen et al., 2003) are associated
with engaging in risky sexual behaviors. On the other hand, availability of condoms
in schools has been shown to increase the use of condoms during last sex and
condom use for pregnancy prevention (Blake et al., 2003).
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Societal and Cultural Factors
Societal factors that may affect African American youth’s risk for contracting HIV
and STIs include poverty, social capital, and mass media messages. Poverty is an
important risk factor in adolescents’ sex-risk behavior (Aral, 2001; Sionéan et al.,
2001). In 2006, more African Americans were living in poverty – more specifically,
24.3% of African Americans were living below poverty and had the lowest median
income compared to other racial/ethnic groups (DeNavas-Walt, Proctor, & Smith,
2007). Communities with high rates of poverty have been shown to be at increased
risk for STIs. Research has shown that African American adolescent females who
have a low socioeconomic status (i.e., lived in a single-parent household and had
parental unemployment) were more likely to self-report a history of gonorrhea than
African American females who lived in two-parent households and whose parents
were employed (Sionéan et al., 2001).
On the other hand, social capital may play a more important role in protective
and risk behavior than income and poverty (Crosby, Holtgrave, DiClemente,
Wingood, & Gayle, 2003). Social capital is recognized as “a population-level
attribute that measures social relations and connections among people and
social organization of communities,” (Bourdieu, 1985; Putnam, 2002). Emerging
evidence shows that risky sexual behavior among adolescents (Crosby et al., 2003),
teenage pregnancy (Crosby & Holtgrave, 2006), and rates of AIDS cases (Holtgrave
& Crosby, 2003) are inversely correlated with social capital measured by Putnam’s
14-item Social Capital Index (2000, 2001). Among African American adolescent
females, being members of social organizations has been shown to be a protective
factor for engaging in risky sexual behaviors (Crosby et al., 2002a, b).
Societal factors also include mass media and the impact it has on adolescents’ risk
and protective factors. Media influences, including TV, magazines, and music have
been linked to both sexual intentions and behaviors (L’Engle, Brown, & Kenneavy,
2006), and they play a significant role in adolescent development. For African
American adolescents, of whom 81% listen to hip-hop music (Hoff, Greene, & Davis,
2003), the hip-hop culture (including fashion, music, television, and movies) strongly
influences how they dress, what they listen to, and how they behave.
In general, adolescents listen to music approximately 1.5–2.5 h a day (Martino
et al., 2006; Roberts, Foehr, & Rideout, 2005). There is a direct correlation between
the length of time adolescents watch hip-hop music videos and listen to hip-hop
music and their views toward sex and gender roles (Ward, Hansbrough, & Walker,
2005). A recent study (Martino et al., 2006) examined adolescent’s sexual behavior
and exposure to degrading and non-degrading music lyrics over time and across a
range of musical genres (hard rock, alternative rock, rap-rock, rap, rap-metal R&B,
country, and teen pop). Overall, rap music included the highest percentage of songs
with degrading sexual content. Adolescent boys and girls were similarly affected
by degrading lyrics. A more important finding is that listening to more degrading
lyrics was related to earlier initiation of sexual intercourse and non-coital sexual
activity, regardless of race or gender (Martino et al., 2006).
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Additional evidence from Wingood et al. (2003) showed a significant connection
between exposure to rap music videos and sexual health among adolescent African
American females. Female youth who had more exposure to rap music were more
likely to have multiple sex partners, acquire an STI, get arrested, and use drugs and
alcohol 12 months after being exposed to rap music videos. A similar study showed
that African American adolescent females who perceived more portrayals of sexual
stereotypes (African American women touched or fondled, treated disrespectfully,
controlled, or portrayed as sex objects by African American men) in rap music
videos were more likely to report multiple sex partners, a negative body image,
binge drinking, and to test positive for marijuana (Peterson, Wingood, DiClemente,
Harrington, & Davies, 2007). Although the direction of causality between listening
to rap music and engaging in HIV risk behavior cannot be determined based on
those data (Wingood et al., 2003), the results suggest the potential importance of
developing interventions that address a sense of ethnic and gender pride with an
attempt to counter balance the negative and damaging images that are portrayed in
some of today’s hip-hop music, especially music videos.
HIV/STI Prevention Interventions
Identifying, packaging, and disseminating culturally sensitive evidence-based
behavioral interventions (EBIs) for African American youth are important strategies for HIV and STI prevention. EBIs are interventions that have been tested
using a methodologically rigorous design and have demonstrated evidence of
efficacy in reducing HIV incidence or HIV risk indirectly by reducing STI
incidence or sex- or injection drug-related risk behaviors (Lyles, Crepaz,
Herbst, & Kay, 2006). Increased use of such interventions can expand the overall success of HIV prevention efforts in the affected communities (Collins,
Harshbarger, Sawyer, & Hamdallah, 2006).
The evidence-based prevention approach is made using relevant and rigorous
scientific evidence, most appropriately identified through a systematic research
synthesis process as a basis for prevention efforts in the field. The CDC, 2007b initiated the HIV/AIDS Prevention Research Synthesis (PRS) project in 1996 (Lyles
et al., 2006; Sogolow, Peersman, Semaan, Strouse, & Lyles, 2002) to translate scientific evidence from the research literature into practical information that can be
used by prevention providers and state and local health departments throughout the
United States. The PRS project has been conducting systematic reviews to identify
EBIs for various at-risk populations. Below, we describe the method used to identify evidence-based interventions, summarize the best evidence and promising
evidence individual-level and group-level behavioral interventions that target
African American adolescents, and address the research gaps for interventions with
this population at risk for HIV/STI infection. Best evidence-based interventions
have been comprehensively evaluated and they demonstrate the “strongest evidence of
efficacy.” Promising evidence-based interventions have not met the same standards
156
K. Marshall et al.
as best evidence-based interventions, but they are sound and have “sufficient
evidence of efficacy” (CDC, 2008a).
Methods
Search Strategy
Multiple search strategies were conducted to build a cumulative PRS database.
The systematic search strategy includes automated and manual search components. The automated search is conducted annually in four electronic databases
(EMBASE, MEDLINE, PsycINFO, and SocioFile, including AIDSLINE before
December 2000). Manual searches of 35 key journals have been conducted
biannually to identify articles that have not yet been indexed. More information
about the PRS systematic search strategy can be found elsewhere (Deluca et al.,
2008).
Eligibility of Citations
Interventions were considered to be eligible for this review if they met all of the
following criteria:
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
Were conducted in the United States.
Prevention focus was on HIV/AIDS/STI.
Had controlled trials (i.e., with a comparison group).
They targeted youth regardless of school status (currently attending or not
attending school).
They targeted African Americans or included a population that was at least 50%
African American per study arm.
Studies had an outcome evaluation.
Were delivered to individuals or small groups of youth.
Included behavioral outcome data (abstinence, condom use, number of sexual
partners, refusal to have unsafe sex) or biologic outcome (incident STI).
Qualitative Data Coding
After the relevant reports were identified, the process of identifying the linking reports
in a single study was conducted. Then, all citations, including linked citations, were
coded on the basis of efficacy criteria (described below) and all discrepancies were reconciled. All the procedures were carried out by pairs of trained content analysts.
9
A Systematic Review of Evidence-Based Behavioral Interventions
157
Efficacy Criteria for Best and Promising Evidence-Based
Interventions
Each eligible intervention evaluation study was evaluated based on the execution of
the study, the quality of design, implementation and analysis, and the strength
of the evidence. “Best-evidence” interventions are required to meet all the following
criteria: significant and positive intervention effects on relevant outcomes, no
significant and negative intervention effects on relevant outcomes measured in the
study, a comparison group, unbiased assignment, ³3 months follow-up in both
groups, ³70% retention in both groups, analyses adjusted for baseline differences in
outcome measures (if non-RCT), at least 50 participants in the analytic sample
in each group, and no evidence that any additional limitation was a fatal flaw.
“Promising-evidence” interventions are required to meet the following criteria:
significant and positive intervention effects on relevant outcomes, no significant
and negative intervention effects on relevant outcomes measured in the study, a
comparison group, unbiased or moderately biased assignment, ³1 month follow-up
in both groups, ³60% retention in both groups, analyses adjusted for baseline
differences in outcome measures (if non-RCT), at least 40 participants in the
analytic sample in each group, and no evidence that any additional limitation was
a fatal flaw (CDC, 2008a). A more thorough description of the criteria can be found
elsewhere (CDC, 2008a; Lyles et al., 2006).
Results
The systematic review of the HIV behavioral intervention literature published
between 1988 and 2007 yielded 11 evidence-based interventions for high-risk
African American youth.1 The seven best EBIs include: Be Proud! Be Responsible!
(Jemmott, Jemmott, & Fong, 1992), Becoming a Responsible Teen (BART;
St. Lawrence et al., 1995), Making Proud Choices (Jemmott, Jemmott, & Fong,
1998), Focus on Kids plus Informed Parents and Children Together (FOK+
ImPACT 2; Wu et al., 2003), Sistering, Informing, Healing, Living, and Empowering
1
The scope of this chapter is broader than CDC’s Compendium Update (CDC, 2008a). In this
book chapter, we also evaluated interventions for youth in schools as well as interventions delivered in school settings. As a result, we identified two evidence-based interventions, Making Proud
Choices and Project AIM that are not part of the Updated Compendium as of September 2008.
2
Focus on Kids (FOK) and Focus on Kids plus Informed Parents and Children Together (FOK+
ImPACT) were used by the authors in the original publications. The names on the intervention
packages available on the Diffusion of Effective Behavioral Interventions (DEBI, n.d.) website
were changed to Focus on Youth (FOY) and Focus on Youth plus Informed Parents and Children
Together (FOY + ImPACT).
158
K. Marshall et al.
(SiHLE; DiClemente et al., 2004), Project AIM (Adult Identity Mentoring; Clark
et al., 2005), and Sisters Saving Sisters (Jemmott, Jemmott, Braverman, & Fong,
2005). The four promising EBIs include: Intensive AIDS Education (Magura,
Kang, & Shapiro, 1994), Focus on Kids (FOK; Stanton et al., 1996), Street Smart
(Rotheram-Borus et al., 2003), and Responsible, Empowered, Aware, Living
(REAL) Men (Dilorio, McCarty, Resnicow, Lehr, & Denzmore, 2007).
Concerning study design for these 11 interventions, nine were randomized
controlled trials (Clark et al., 2005; DiClemente et al., 2004; Dilorio et al., 2007;
Jemmott et al., 1992, 1998; Jemmott et al., 2005; Stanton et al., 1996; St. Lawrence
et al., 1995; Wu et al., 2003) and two were non-randomized controlled trials
(Magura et al., 1994; Rotheram-Borus et al., 2003). The population and intervention
characteristics are presented in Tables 9.1 and 9.2.
Population Characteristics
The interventions all included an HIV/AIDS prevention focus. However, in addition
to HIV/AIDS prevention, four programs focused on STI prevention (Clark et al.,
2005; DiClemente et al., 2004; Dilorio et al., 2007; Jemmott et al., 2005), one also
focused on pregnancy prevention (DiClemente et al., 2004), and one had an additional
focus on sexual education and sexual health promotion (Clark et al., 2005).
Of the 11 interventions, eight targeted African American adolescents (Clark
et al., 2005; DiClemente et al., 2004; Jemmott et al., 1992, 1998, 2005;
Stanton et al., 1996; St. Lawrence et al., 1995; Wu et al., 2003) while one
intervention targeted male adolescents and their fathers (or father figures), but the
study participants were predominately African American (Dilorio et al, 2007), one
intervention specifically targeted incarcerated male adolescent drug users (Magura
et al., 1994) and one targeted runaway adolescents (Rotheram-Borus et al., 2003).
Two of 11 interventions involved the adolescent’s parent or guardian (Dilorio et al.,
2007; Wu et al., 2003). Among the 11 interventions, three focused exclusively on
males (Dilorio et al., 2007; Jemmott et al., 1992; Magura et al., 1994) and two
included only females (DiClemente et al., 2004; Jemmott et al., 2005). The sample
size of all studies ranged from 157 to 817 participants; while the mean age of all
participants was 14.5 years old (range 9–19).
Intervention Characteristics
A theoretical framework or model was exclusively stated in all except one
intervention (Magura et al., 1994). The Social Cognitive Theory/Social Learning
Theory (n = 7) was used by the most interventions; followed by the Theory of
Reasoned Action (n = 3); and the Theory of Planned Behavior (n = 3; not mutually
exclusive). Three interventions used three theories (Jemmott et al., 1992, 1998, 2005),
9
A Systematic Review of Evidence-Based Behavioral Interventions
Table 9.1 Population characteristics of best and promising evidence-based interventions for African American youth at risk for HIV/STI Infection (n = 11)
Best/
Intervention
% African
Mean age
Promising
Name
Author
Target Population
No.
Gender % M/F
American
(range)
African American adolescents
246
28/72
100
15 (14–18)
Best
BART
St. Lawrence
et al. (1995)
Best
Be proud! be
Jemmott
Inner-city African American
157
100/0
100
15
responsible!
et al. (1992)
male adolescents
817
42/58
100
14 (13–16)
High-risk African American
Best
FOK + ImPACT
Wu et al. (2003)
youth living in low-income
urban community sites
Inner-city African American
659
47/53
100
12
Best
Making Proud
Jemmott
adolescents
Choices
et al. (1998)
Best
Project AIM
Clark et al. (2005)
Low-income African
211
55/45
100
13 (12–14)
American youth
Sexually experienced African
522
0/100
100
16 (14–18)
Best
SiHLE
DiClemente
American adolescent girls
et al. (2004)
682
0/100
68
16 (12–19)
Best
Sisters Saving
Jemmott
Sexually-active African
Sisters
et al. (2005)
American and Latina
adolescent female patients
at family planning clinics
Promising
FOK
Stanton
Low-income, urban African
383
56/44
100
11 (9–15)
et al. (1996)
American youth
Promising
Intensive AIDS
Magura
Incarcerated, male adolescent
157
100/0
66
18 (16–19)
education
et al. (1994)
drug users
Adolescent boys
273
100/0
96
13 (11–14)
Promising
REAL men
Dilorio et al. (2004)
and their fathers
Promising
Street smart
Rotheram-Borus
Runaway youth
187
51/49
53
16 (11–18)
et al. (2003)
159
160
K. Marshall et al.
Table 9.2 Intervention characteristics of best and promising-evidence based interventions for
African-American youth at risk for HIV/STI infection (n = 11)
Intervention
Name
Theories/
Model*
BART
IMB,
SLT
Be Proud! Be
SCT,
Responsible!
TRA,
TPB
Culturally Sensitive
and Developmentally
Appropriate
Intervention
Components
Delivery Method
Intervention
Setting(s)
culturally
sensitive and
developmentally
appropriate
group discussion,
•Cognition
role plays,
(self-efficacy,
exercises/
empowerment)
games, video,
•Knowledge
lectures,
(information
practice,
on HIV/AIDS and
demonstration
methods of preventing
HIV infection)
•Skillsbuilding
(condom use,
assertiveness,
communication)
A public health
clinic
serving
low-income
families
culturally
sensitive and
developmentally
appropriate
group discussion,
•Cognition(pridein
role plays,
making safer
exercises/
sexual choices, sexual
games, video,
responsibility
lectures,
and accountability,
practice
focus on family/
community as
well as self,
weaken
problematic
attitudes towards risky
sexual behaviors)
•Knowledge(increase
knowledge of
AIDS and STIs,
increase
information
about risks
with IV drug use)
•Skillsbuilding
(implement safer
sex practices including
abstinence;
condom use)
Local
community
building
9
A Systematic Review of Evidence-Based Behavioral Interventions
Unit of
Delivery
(Range)
Deliverer
Intervention
Duration
Relevant Outcomes
Measured and
Follow-up Time
161
Intervention Effects
Group
(5-15)
Two co-facilitators
(one male
and one female);
a small group
of local youth
who were HIVpositive led a
discussion in
one session
Eight 90-120 minute
sessions
delivered over 8
weeks
•Asignificantlylower
•Sexualrisk
percentage of intervention
behaviors during past
two months (including youth reported being
sexually active compared
frequency of
to comparison youth at
unprotected and
the 12 month follow-up
condom-protected
(p < .05).
vaginal, oral, and
•Forthesubgroupof
anal sex; and
youths who were
number of sex
not sexually active
partners) measured
at baseline, there
immediately after
was a significantly
the intervention
smaller percentage of
and at 6- and
intervention youth who
12 -months
reported initiating sexual
post-intervention.
activity compared to the
comparison youth by 12
months (p <.01).
•Sexuallyactive
intervention youth
reported a significantly
greater percentage
of sexual intercourse
occasions that were
condom-protected than
comparison youth at
the 6-month (p < .01)
and 12-month (p < .05)
follow-ups.
Group
(5-6)
African-American
men and women
facilitators
One 5-hour session
•Interventionyouth
•Sexualrisk
reported significantly
behaviors during
less risky sexual behavior
past 3 months
(using the combined
(including number
of days respondent had scale,
p < .01) and fewer
sex, number
of sex partners, number number of female sex
of sex partners involved partners (p < .003) than
the comparison youth at
with other men,
and occurrence of anal the 3-month follow-up.
sex) were measured at
the 3-months
post-intervention.
•Condomuseduring
past 3 months
(including
frequency of
condom use scale
and number of days
of not using a condom
during coitus) were
measured at the
3-months
post-intervention.
(continued)
162
K. Marshall et al.
Table 9.2 (continued)
Culturally Sensitive
and Developmentally
Appropriate
Intervention
Name
Theories/
Model*
FOK +
ImPACT
PMT
culturally
sensitive and
developmentally
appropriate
Making
Proud
Choices
SCT,
TRA,
TPB
developmentally
appropriate
Project AIM
TPS
culturally
sensitive and
developmentally
appropriate
Intervention
Components
Delivery Method
Intervention
Setting(s)
•Cognition
(decision-making,
goal-setting)
•Knowledge
(abstinence and
safe sex, drugs,
alcohol, and drug
selling, AIDS and
STIs, contraception,
and human
development)
•Skillsbuilding
(communication,
decision-making,
negotiation)
•Emotional
well-being
(ethnic and
gender pride)
•Cognition
(ethnic and
gender pride,
self-efficacy,
strengthen
abstinence beliefs)
•Knowledge
(increase HIV/AIDS
knowledge)
•Skillsbuilding
(condom use,
negotiation)
group discussion,
role plays,
exercises/
games, video,
lectures,
risk-reduction
supplies
(condoms)
Housing
developments
and
community
sites
group
discussion,
exercises/
games, video
Middle schools
•Cognition
(sexual intentions,
future possible
self)
•Knowledge
•Skillsbuilding
(skills necessary
to reach personal
goals)
group discussion,
exercises,
role plays
Middle schools
9
A Systematic Review of Evidence-Based Behavioral Interventions
Unit of
Delivery
(Range)
Deliverer
Intervention
Duration
Relevant Outcomes
Measured and
Follow-up Time
163
Intervention Effects
Group
(5-12)
Interventionist
and assistant
group leader
(for FOK);
interventionist
(for ImPACT)
Nine intervention
sessions
(8 for FOK
and 1 for
ImPACT) last
approximately
1.5 hours each,
and are generally
delivered one
session per week.
•Sexualrisk
behaviors during
the previous
6 months
(including
sexual intercourse
and unprotected
sex at last sexual
encounter) were
measured at
6-, 12-, and
24-months
post-intervention.
•Interventionyouthwho
were sexually active
at baseline reported
significantly lower rates
of sexual intercourse
(p = .05) and unprotected
sex (p = .005) than
youth in the FOK only
comparison at the
6-month follow-up.
Group (6-8)
Peer co-facilitator
and adult
facilitator
Eight 1-hour
sessions
delivered over
two consecutive
Saturdays
•Condomuse,
frequency of sex,
and unprotected
sex measured
at 0, 3, 6, and
12-months after
the intervention.
Group (entire
health
education
class)
Ten 50-minute
One male and
sessions once
one female
or twice a week
African-American
over a 6-week
graduate
period
students
•Abstinence
was measured
19 weeks
post-baseline and
12-months
post-intervention.
•Interventionyouth
reported
significantly higher
frequency of
condom use than
the comparison
youth at the 3-month
follow-up (p = .05),
6-month follow-up
(p = .03),
and 12-month
follow-up
(p = .04).
– A significant larger
proportion of
intervention youth
than the comparison
youth reported
consistent condom use at
the 3-month follow-up
(p = .02).
– A significantly
smaller proportion of
intervention youth than
the comparison youth
reported unprotected
sexual intercourse at
the 3-month follow-up
(p = .04).
•Interventionyouthwere
significantly less likely to
report nonabstience (any
sexual intercourse) than
the comparison youth at
the 3-month follow-up.
(continued)
164
K. Marshall et al.
Table 9.2 (continued)
Culturally Sensitive
and Developmentally
Appropriate
Intervention
Components
Intervention
Name
Theories/
Model*
SiHLE
SCT,
TGP
culturally
sensitive and
developmentally
appropriate
group discussion,
•Cognition
role plays,
(risk perception,
lectures,
confidence,
demonstration
gender pride,
ethnic pride,
cognitive rehearsal,
enhanced awareness)
•Knowledge(HIV
risk reduction
strategies)
•Skillsbuilding
(condom use, safer
sex conversations)
•Emotionalwell-being
(ethnic pride,
gender pride,
confidence, support,
joys and challenges
of being an
African American
female)
•Normativeinfluence
(group norms
supportive of
HIV prevention)
Sisters Saving
Sisters
SCT,
TRA,
TPB
culturally
sensitive and
developmentally
appropriate
•Cognition
(personalrisk)•
Knowledge
(HIV/STI risk
reduction)
•Skillsbuilding
(condom use
demonstration,
negotiation)
Delivery Method
Intervention
Setting(s)
Family
medicine
clinic
group discussion, Adolescent
medicine
role plays,
clinic
exercises/games,
video, practice,
demonstration
9
A Systematic Review of Evidence-Based Behavioral Interventions
Unit of
Delivery
(Range)
Deliverer
Intervention
Duration
Group
(10-12)
African-American
female
health educator
and peer
educators
Four 4-hour
sessions delivered
weekly on
consecutive
Saturdays
Group (2-10)
African-American
women
facilitators
One 250-minute
session
Relevant Outcomes
Measured and
Follow-up Time
165
Intervention Effects
•Interventionyouth
•Sexualrisk
reported significantly
behaviors in the
greater increases in
past 30 days and
consistent condom use,
past 6 months
percentage of condom(including consistent
protected vaginal sex
condom use,
acts, frequency of
condom use at
applying condoms on a
last sex, percent
sex partner, and condom
condom protected
use during last sex than
vaginal sex acts,
the comparison youth
number of
over the 6- and 12-month
unprotected vaginal
follow-up periods.
sex acts, new vaginal
- Intervention youth
sex partner, and
frequency of applying reported significantly
fewer new vaginal sex
condom on sex
partners and episodes
partner) were
of unprotected vaginal
measured 6- and
sex during the 6- and
12-months
12-month follow-up
post-intervention.
periods than the
•IncidentSTIs
(including Chlamydia, comparison youth.
- Intervention youth were
gonorrhea, or
trichomonas infection) also significantly less
likely to acquire a new
were measured
Chlamydia infection over
during the 12 month
12 months of follow-up
follow-up.
than the comparison
youth.
•Skills-basedintervention
•Sexriskbehaviors
youth, compared to
during past
Health Promotion
3 months
comparison youth,
(including
- reported significantly
unprotected sex,
fewer days of sex without
unprotected sex
condom use (p = .002)
with drugs or
and significantly fewer
alcohol, and
days of unprotected sex
number of sex
while high on drugs or
partners) were
alcohol (p = .02) at the
measured at 3-,
12-month follow-up.
6-, and 12-month
- reported fewer sexual
follow-ups.
partners (p = .04) at the
•NewSTIinfections
12-month follow-up.
(including
- were significantly less
gonorrhea,
likely to report having
Chlamydia, or
multiple sex partners (p
trichomonas)
= .002) at the 12-month
were measured
follow-up.
at 6- and 12-month
- were significantly less
follow-ups.
likely to test positive
for a new STI during
the 12-month follow-up
period (p = 0.05).
(continued)
166
K. Marshall et al.
Table 9.2 (continued)
Culturally Sensitive
and Developmentally
Appropriate
Intervention
Name
Theories/
Model*
FOK
PMT
culturally
sensitive and
developmentally
appropriate
Intensive AIDS
Education
NR
developmentally
appropriate
REAL Men
SCT
developmentally
appropriate
Intervention
Components
Delivery Method
Intervention
Setting(s)
group discussion,
•Cognition
role plays,
(goal setting;
exercises/
decision making;
games, video,
values
lectures,
clarification)
risk-reduction
•Knowledge(facts
supplies
about AIDS/STI;
(condoms),
contraception; human
arts and
development)
crafts,
•Skillsbuilding
social event,
(decision-making,
storytelling
communication)
•Emotionalwell-being
(friendship groups)
•Access(condoms)
group discussion,
•Cognition
role plays,
(high-risk attitudes
exercises,
and behaviors)
problem
•Knowledge
solving
(general HIV
therapy
education
information, general
health knowledge,
drug use initiation/
continuation;
information on
health care services,
social services,
an drug treatment)
•Skillsbuilding
(decision-making,
problem solving)
Recreation
center
meeting
room;
a rural
campsite
•Cognition
(intentions to
have sexual
intercourse)
•Knowledge
(transmission and
prevention of HIV
and AIDS, sex
education)
•Skillsbuilding
(father-son
communication)
•Emotional
well-being
(encouragement,
support from others)
Boys & Girls
Clubs
group discussion,
role plays,
games,
video, lectures
New Adolescent
Reception
and
Detention
Center
9
A Systematic Review of Evidence-Based Behavioral Interventions
Unit of
Delivery
(Range)
Deliverer
Intervention
Duration
Relevant Outcomes
Measured and
Follow-up Time
•Sexualrisk
behaviors in the
past 6 months
(including having
sex, condom use
at last sex, and
unprotected sex)
were measured
at 6-, 12-, 18-, 24-,
and 36-month
follow-ups.
167
Intervention Effects
•Sexuallyactive
FOK intervention
youth were significantly
less likely to report
unprotected sex
compared to the
comparison youth
at the 18-month
follow-up (p < .05).
Group
(3-10)
Two trained
adult
interventionists,
typically
African
American
community
members,
at least one
of whom is
gender
matched to the
group
Eight weekly
meetings:
seven 90-minute
sessions and
one day-long
session.
Monthly and
annual
90-minute
booster sessions
Group (8)
Male counselor
•Interventionyouth
•Sexualrisk
Four 1-hour sessions
reported a
behaviors measured
delivered twice a
significantly greater
week over a 2-week during time in the
frequency of condom
community since
period
use during vaginal
release from jail
were: having multiple sex than the control
participants (p = .02,
sex partners, having
one-tailed test) at the
any high-risk sex
5-month or greater
partners, having any
follow-up.
anal sex, and
frequency of condom
use during vaginal,
oral, and anal sex;
outcomes were
measured at a median
of 10 months after
baseline, which
was a median of 5
months after release
from jail, indicating
a follow-up of at
least 5 months
(but less than
10 months).
•Interventionyouth
Seven 2-hour sessions •Increased
reported a significantly
condom use and
(6 sessions for
higher rates of abstinence
increased
fathers; 1 joint
than the comparison
abstinence rate
session) delivered
youth at the 4-month
measured 1, 4,
over a 7-week
follow-up (p = 0.05, oneand 10-months
period
tailed test).
post-intervention.
•Amongsexually
active, a significantly
smaller proportion
of intervention youth
than the comparison
youth reported sexual
intercourse without a
condom at 4-month
follow-up (p = .02,
one-tailed test) and
10-month follow-ups
(p = .03, one-tailed test).
Group (groups Facilitator
of fathers
in first 6
sessions;
groups of
father and
son dyads in
last session)
(continued)
168
K. Marshall et al.
Table 9.2 (continued)
Intervention
Name
Theories/
Model*
Street Smart
SLT
Culturally Sensitive
and Developmentally
Appropriate
developmentally
appropriate
Intervention
Components
Delivery Method
group discussion,
•Cognition
role plays,
(self-efficacy,
exercises/
personal risk,
games, video,
intentions,
practice,
attitudes)
risk-reduction
•Knowledge
supplies
(general HIV/STI
(condoms),
risk information)
counseling,
•Skillsbuilding
developing
(communication,
video and
coping skills, safer
art media,
sex negotiation,
goal setting,
assertiveness)
homework
•Emotionalwell-being
(self-esteem, social
support networks,
emotional
state-anxiety,
depression, anger)
•Access(condoms
and health care
services)
Intervention
Setting(s)
Four runaway
youth
shelters
NR not reported; IMB information motivation behavior model; PMT protective motivation theory;
theory of planned behavior; TRA theory of reasoned action; TPS theory of possible selves
two interventions used two theories (DiClemente et al., 2004; St. Lawrence et al.,
1995), and five interventions used only one theory (Clark et al., 2005; Dilorio et al.,
2007; Rotheram-Borus et al., 2003; Stanton et al., 1996; Wu et al., 2003).
All of the interventions incorporated cognition (e.g., self-efficacy, attitudes,
intentions, perceptions of risk), knowledge (e.g., increase HIV/AIDS knowledge
and risk reduction), and skills building (e.g., condom use, communication, negotiation) as part of the study content. Several interventions also addressed ethnic and
gender pride (e.g., incorporating videos that included an African American or multiethnic cast or highlighted the accomplishments of African American women) and/
or social support (DiClemente et al., 2004; Dilorio et al., 2007; Jemmott et al.,
1998; Rotheram-Borus et al., 2003), three explicitly stated that condoms were provided (Rotheram-Borus et al., 2003; Stanton et al., 1996; Wu et al., 2003), and one
addressed normative influence (peer influences; DiClemente et al., 2004). The most
common methods used to deliver the interventions were group discussion (n = 11),
role plays (n = 10), exercises and games (n = 7), videos (n = 8), lectures (n = 6), practice (n = 4), and demonstration (n = 3), which are not mutually exclusive.
Various methods of delivery were used to implement the specific content (e.g.,
cognition, knowledge, and skills building) of each intervention. Several interventions relied on demonstration and practice for condom skills, role plays for
negotiation and communication skills, and practicing how to be assertive for
negotiation and communication. Additionally, a video depicting parent and child
communication (with role play) was used, along with games, exercises, and group
9
A Systematic Review of Evidence-Based Behavioral Interventions
Unit of
Delivery
(Range)
Individual
and group
(6-10)
Deliverer
Intervention
Duration
10 sessions
Co-led by a
(9 small-group
trained
and 1 individual)
researcher
delivered over
(the same
a 3 week
gender and
period
typically the
same ethnicity)
and a shelter staff
Relevant Outcomes
Measured and
Follow-up Time
169
Intervention Effects
•Amongfemale
•Sexualrisk
youth, intervention youth
behaviors in the
reported significantly
past 3 months
fewer unprotected sex
(the number of
acts than comparison
sex partners,
youth at 21 months
number of insertive
after the intervention
or receptive
(p = .018).
vaginal, anal, or
oral sex acts,
number of
unprotected sex
acts of each type,
and abstinent from
vaginal or anal
sexual acts) measured
at 0, 3, 9, 15, and
21 months after the
intervention.
SCT social cognitive theory; SLT social learning theory; TGP theory of gender and power; TPB
a
Theories/model
discussions regarding the risk of HIV/AIDS (Wu et al., 2003). Videos depicting
African American youth and correct condom use and condom negotiation were
also incorporated into the interventions.
With regard to deliverers, most interventions used gender- and ethnicity-matched
deliverers. Eight interventions stated that they were gender matched (Clark et al.,
2005; DiClemente et al., 2004; Jemmott et al., 1992; 2005; Magura et al., 1994;
Rotheram-Borus et al., 2003; Stanton et al., 1996; St. Lawrence et al., 1995). For
the interventions that included a population that was 100% female or 100% male,
all deliverers were matched by race and gender. The evaluation of the Making
Proud Choices intervention specifically tested gender and age matching and found
that neither altered the results of the study (Jemmott et al., 1998). For the three
interventions that reported educational attainment of deliverers, all had at least a
college degree (Clark et al., 2005; Jemmott et al., 1992; 2005). Three studies provided information on the background of the deliverers, which included training in
human sexuality, education, nursing, social work, and small group facilitation
(Jemmott et al., 1992), experience with inner-city youth (Jemmott et al., 2005),
and involvement with community-based organizations (Stanton et al., 1996).
Among the three studies that reported the number of hours the deliverers were
trained, training was conducted for 6 (Jemmott et al., 1992), 8 (Jemmott et al.,
2005) and 24 h (Stanton et al., 1996). Two interventions were delivered by a peer
in addition to adult facilitators or adult health educators (DiClemente et al., 2004;
Jemmott et al., 1998).
170
K. Marshall et al.
Interventions were conducted in community-based establishments or public
venues, such as Boys & Girls Clubs, YMCA, recreation centers, and shelters
(Dilorio et al., 2007; Jemmott et al., 1992; Rotheram-Borus et al., 2003; Stanton
et al., 1996; Wu et al., 2003), health care settings, including family planning and
STI clinics (DiClemente et al., 2004; Jemmott et al., 2005; St. Lawrence et al.,
1995), educational settings, including high schools and middle schools (Clark
et al., 2005; Jemmott et al., 1998), and at a detention center (Magura et al., 1994).
All of the interventions were delivered in group settings, with two interventions
also involving a parent or guardian (Dilorio et al., 2007; Wu et al., 2003). Each
intervention consisted of 1 to 10 sessions and ranged from 2 to 20 total hours.
Six interventions were conducted in 6 to 10 sessions (Dilorio et al., 2007; Jemmott
et al., 1998; Rotheram-Borus et al., 2003; Stanton et al., 1996; St. Lawrence et al.,
1995; Wu et al., 2003) and five interventions were conducted in 1 to 5 sessions
(Clark et al., 2005; DiClemente et al., 2004; Jemmott et al., 1992; 2005; Magura
et al., 1994). Additionally, five interventions lasted less than 10 h (Clark et al.,
2005; Jemmott et al., 1992; Jemmott et al., 1998; 2005; Magura et al., 1994), five
interventions lasted 10 or more hours (DiClemente et al., 2004; Dilorio et al., 2007;
Stanton et al., 1996; St. Lawrence et al., 1995; Wu et al., 2003), and one intervention did not report the total time (Rotheram-Borus et al., 2003). The follow-up time
ranged from 1 to 36 months after the completion of the intervention, with all studies
reporting at least a 1-month follow-up (promising-evidence interventions) or a
3 month follow-up (best-evidence interventions).
Intervention Effects
Compared to the youth in the comparison group, youth receiving an intervention
reported the following: reduced unprotected sex (DiClemente et al., 2004; Dilorio
et al, 2007; Jemmott et al., 1992, 1998; 2005; Rotheram-Borus et al., 2003;
Stanton et al., 1996; St. Lawrence et al., 1995; Wu et al., 2003); increased condom
use/consistent condom use (DiClemente et al., 2004; Jemmott et al., 1998;
Magura et al., 1994; St. Lawrence et al., 1995); reduced number of sex partners,
including new sex partners (DiClemente et al., 2004; Jemmott et al., 1992, 2005);
reduced sexual activity (Clark et al., 2005; Jemmott et al., 1998; St. Lawrence
et al., 1995; Wu et al., 2003); reduced new STI (DiClemente et al., 2004; Jemmott
et al., 2005); increased abstinence (Clark et al., 2005; Dilorio et al., 2007); and
reduced unprotected sex while under the influence of drugs or alcohol (Jemmott
et al., 2005).
Several of the best evidence-based intervention effects remained significant
throughout the follow-up period, although none of the promising evidence-based
interventions remained significant. Three interventions (DiClemente et al., 2004;
Jemmott et al., 1998; St. Lawrence et al., 1995) were sustained 6 and 12 months
after the intervention. They remained significant for increasing condom use
9
A Systematic Review of Evidence-Based Behavioral Interventions
171
(DiClemente et al., 2004; Jemmott et al., 1998; St. Lawrence et al., 1995) and
reducing new STIs and new vaginal sex partners (DiClemente et al., 2004).
Discussion
Despite differences in population and intervention characteristics, the 11 EBIs we
identified in this review showed several similarities: incorporating a behavioral
theory to guide intervention development; addressing cognition, knowledge, and
skills building; delivering intervention content with multiple methods, such as
group discussion, role plays, videos (many of them culturally sensitive), and exercises and games. Most of these interventions were conducted in health care or community settings, were culturally sensitive and developmentally appropriate, and
included ethnic and gender matched deliverers. The outcomes included a decrease
in unprotected sex, number of sex partners, as well as an increase in condom use
and abstinence.
The characteristics of the deliverers may be critical in the overall efficacy of the
intervention. Although most of the EBIs had deliverers matched by gender and
ethnicity to the target group, one study (Jemmott et al., 1998) specifically tested the
matching issue and found that gender or age (peer or adult) of the deliverers did not
have a significant effect on the intervention findings. This is consistent with previous findings in the literature (Jemmott & Jemmott, 2002; Jemmott, Jemmott, Fong,
& McCaffree, 1999). It is plausible that whether the deliverer is culturally or gender
competent is more important than the deliverers being of the same race/ethnicity or
gender as the participants (Jemmott et al., 1999). It is important that the deliverers
are properly trained and have a good understanding of the culture and subject
matter they are trying to convey to the adolescents. This will not only be beneficial
to the deliverer, but also to the adolescents participating in the intervention. Many
of the EBIs did not mention the specific training (time or content) of the deliverers
or their respective backgrounds (e.g., adolescents, the African American community, human sexuality). This information should be reported for better understanding of the intervention effect.
Similarly, several EBIs stated that they were culturally sensitive and
developmentally appropriate; however, few actually described these components.
Cultural sensitivity (e.g., respecting and understanding the African American community) is essential for some African Americans to fully participate in interventions
designed specifically for them (Stevenson & Davis, 1994; Stevenson, Gay, & Josar,
1995), and developmental appropriateness is important for adolescents to comprehend and understand the content being delivered. Clearly, a description of the
operationalization of these important elements would be very informative for
intervention providers to understand what actually works. Research has shown the
importance of including developmentally appropriate material for interventions that
target adolescents (Pedlow & Carey, 2004).
172
K. Marshall et al.
Research Gaps and Recommendations
The best and most promising evidence-based interventions described in this chapter
demonstrate how behavioral interventions can help African American adolescents
reduce their risk for HIV and STIs. Many of those EBIs addressed the risk and
protective factors associated with African American youth’s risk behaviors as we
described earlier in this chapter. However, several research gaps remain. Below, we
discuss what has been addressed in those EBIs, what the research gap is, and research
recommendations derived from this review. They are divided into three categories:
individual, interpersonal and environmental, and societal and cultural factors.
Individual Factors
The age of the participants in the EBIs included in this chapter ranged from 9 to 19
years old, which represents a wide age range. An intervention that is effective for a
9-year-old may not work for a 19-year-old. It is critical that interventions narrow
the age of the participants or have different content depending on the ages of the
participants. Additionally, we only identified one EBI specifically for African
American males (Jemmott et al., 1992). Including more interventions that specifically target African American male adolescents, especially because they are at high
risk for acquiring an STI, including HIV (Jemmott & Jemmott 1996), is extremely
important.
The primary mode of HIV transmission among African American males is maleto-male sexual contact (CDC, 2008c); therefore, interventions targeting this population are greatly needed. None were identified in this chapter. Stigma and
discrimination in the African American community and society in general, makes
this population hard to reach and incorporate appropriately tailored interventions.
Young African American men who have sex with men (MSM) might be unsure of
their sexuality or might not be gay-identified, making it difficult to tailor needed
interventions for this population. Limited research has been published on prevention interventions for gay, lesbian, and bisexual (GLB) adolescents (Blake et al.,
2001; Malow, Kershaw, Sipsma, Rosenberg, & Dévieux, 2007). Of the interventions that have focused on GLB adolescents, most included a broad age range and
viewed sexual risk behaviors only, not including identity or developmental issues.
Moreover, most of the studies had a population that was less than 50% African
American. Examining the relevant literature, studies showed that GLB adolescents
were more likely to have used alcohol and drugs, to have used alcohol/drugs before
sex, ever had sexual intercourse, were younger at first sexual intercourse, had more
sexual partners, were currently sexually active (past 3 months), and had ever been
or gotten someone pregnant compared to heterosexual adolescents (Blake et al.,
2001; Garofalo, Wolf, Kessel, Palfrey, & DuRant, 1998). Some interventions based
on one-group pre- and post-intervention data showed a decrease in unprotected
same-sex sexual behavior (anal and oral sex) and number of sex partners among gay
9
A Systematic Review of Evidence-Based Behavioral Interventions
173
and bisexual adolescent males (Remafedi, 1994; Rotheram-Borus, Reid, & Rosario,
1994; Rotheram-Borus, Rosario, Reid, & Koopman, 1995). Although those interventions show potential, more rigorous evaluation should be conducted to determine the efficacy of those interventions.
Substance use is another factor that interventions need to address, because it has
been shown to be directly related to adolescents engaging in risky sex behaviors
(Bachanas et al., 2002; Brook et al., 2004; Cooper, Peirce, & Huselid, 1994;
Fullilove et al., 1993; Kingree & Betz, 2003; Stanton, Li, Cottrell, & Kaljee, 2001).
Of the EBIs included in this chapter, only one, Intensive AIDS Education (Magura
et al., 1994), targeted drug users (who were also male and incarcerated). Several of
the other interventions, Street Smart (Rotheram-Borus et al., 2003), Be Proud!
Be Responsible! (Jemmott et al., 1992), FOK+ ImPACT (Wu et al., 2003), and Sisters
Saving Sisters (Jemmott et al., 2005) included a component of substance use in their
interventions (e.g., drug and alcohol use, drug selling, drug delivery, intravenous drug
use). They discussed how substance use can affect sexual control and judgment; as
well as risks associated with engaging in drugs and alcohol before sex and the fact
that drugs and alcohol are barriers to using condoms. In one study (Bachanas et al.,
2002), minority adolescent females who used more drugs or alcohol were more likely
to report STIs, pregnancies, sexual partners, and engage in unprotected sex compared
to minority adolescent females who did not use these substances.
Self-esteem and skills for making the right decisions are important protective
factors associated with youth’s risk behavior. They are also a component that both
adolescents and parents identified as needing to be incorporated into interventions
(Brown & Waite, 2005). Learning how to resist peer pressure and choosing the right
peers, and knowing how to say no are critical to youth staying safe. Additionally,
developing lifelong skills was important. Lifelong skills include empowering adolescents with basic knowledge skills (beyond drug and sex education), teaching
work ethics, professional and technical skills, incorporating academics and
athletics, black history, and teaching respect. These ideas are similar to Project
AIM, in which adolescents created a positive self image in order to eliminate risky
sexual behaviors, by achieving their personal goals (Clark et al., 2005).
Interpersonal and Environmental Factors
Parental monitoring, supervision, closeness, and increased support have shown to
be both protective and risk factors of adolescent’s sexual behavior and intentions
(Buhi & Goodson, 2007). A systematic review of the literature related to the
aforementioned concerns is needed to better understand the role, positive or negative, that parents play in their adolescents decision-making and risk behaviors (Buhi
& Goodson, 2007). FOK+ ImPACT (Wu et al., 2003), which involved a parent or
guardian to promote safe sex behaviors among youth showed significant results in
reducing sexual risk behaviors among adolescents. Parental monitoring and communication was an essential component of this intervention. Compared to the
174
K. Marshall et al.
comparison group (FOK), the adolescents who received the intervention with a
parent or guardian (FOK + ImPACT) had significantly lower rates of sexual intercourse and unprotected sex 6 months after the intervention. Another intervention,
REAL Men (Dilorio et al., 2007), that is intended to increase father and son communication about safe sex showed positive results in practicing safer sex behaviors
among boys. It is vital to increase communication between African American adolescents and parents.
In addition to parents and guardians, other people in the community who interact
with African American youth could also play an important role in influencing adolescents’ behavior. In one study (Brown & Waite, 2005), African American youth
wanted to include after-school and church activities, as well as promote selfesteem, condom use, and HIV and drug education in the creation of HIV prevention
messages. African American youth wanted to include not only their parents, but
their church pastors and police officers in the staffing of the prevention program
(Brown & Waite, 2005). The church is the main focal point in many African
American communities and should be included in any intervention that is created,
especially since religion (McCree et al., 2003) and spiritual interconnectedness
(Holder et al., 2000) have been shown to be protective factors.
It has been noted that the community needs to be involved in various aspects of
the intervention, from creation to evaluation (Hatch, Moss, Saran, Presley-Cantrell,
& Mallory, 1993). Community involvement in the direction and focus of the
research is especially important for underserved minority populations. Community
members can also be used to give advice, serve as gatekeepers, or actively participate in the delivery of the intervention (Hatch et al., 1993). HIV/AIDS is not only
a personal risk factor but a growing problem among families and communities.
Interventions should also incorporate a sense of family and community (Jemmott
& Jemmott, 2002). Be Proud! Be Responsible! not only viewed the adolescent’s
risk but also included the need to protect the family and community (Jemmott et al.,
1992). SiHLE included the theme of protecting the community as well as the adolescent as part of the intervention (DiClemente et al., 2004).
Making condoms available in schools has been shown to increase condom use
(Blake et al., 2003). This is especially important for African American adolescents,
who have higher rates of STIs (CDC, 2007a), including HIV/AIDS (CDC, 2008c).
Condom acquisition by students was greatest when students did not have to directly
ask for them (e.g., in bowls or baskets) and when a clinic was available at the
school (Kirby & Brown, 1996). Making condoms available to youth and allowing
students to obtain condoms could be an effective way to encourage safer behaviors
(Kirby & Brown, 1996).
The environment in which an adolescent lives helps to determine the specific
needs of that individual. An intervention targeted to a specific residency (urban,
suburban, and rural) of adolescents may need different components, since each
environment presents its own set of challenges. Research has shown that rural adolescents are more likely to have ever had sex and to have had unprotected sex
compared to non-rural adolescents (Milhausen et al., 2003). This may be due in part
to the lack of extracurricular activities in many rural communities, especially in the
9
A Systematic Review of Evidence-Based Behavioral Interventions
175
evening (Brown & Waite, 2005). Adolescents who are home alone (without a
parent) have been shown to engage in sex earlier (Dilorio et al., 2004) and to have
increased sexual activity (Perkins, Luster, Villarruel, & Small, 1998). After-school
programs and activities should be considered as a structural-level intervention.
Societal and Cultural Factors
The media has a great influence on adolescent development. It has been previously
noted how the media, including the hip-hop culture, can have a potentially negative
effect on adolescents engaging in risk sex behaviors. Over the past 25 years, media
campaigns have expanded to incorporate every segment of the population, and they
have included print, radio, and television. The hip-hop culture has included some
public service announcements (PSAs) that have incorporated many of today’s
artists. The Kaiser Family Foundation has been working with MTV’s Fight For
Your Rights: Protect Yourself campaign along with Black Entertainment Television’s
(BET) Rap it Up campaign to promote HIV/AIDS knowledge through various
PSAs, special programming, as well as print and Web information free of charge
(Davis, 2006).
A range of media outlets can be used for positive change for HIV/AIDS prevention among adolescents (Delgado & Austin, 2007). Several international studies
using the media have been conducted (Bertrand, O’Reilly, Denison, Anhang,
& Sweat, 2006; Underwood, Hachonda, Serlemitsos, & Bharath-Kumar, 2006), but
research in the United States is scarce (Delgado & Austin, 2007). Future interventions should incorporate the media, especially the hip-hop culture to assert a positive influence on adolescent’s behavior.
Adolescence is recognized as a period of risk-taking behavior, including experimentation with smoking, drugs and alcohol, as well as sexual activity. At this stage
in life, these behaviors may be impulsive, exploratory, and excitable. However, the
idea of engaging in risky sexual behaviors may have consequences that could result
in unwanted pregnancy or STIs, including HIV/AIDS. Therefore, it is necessary to
create culturally sensitive and developmentally appropriate evidenced-based behavioral interventions to combat the spread of STIs and HIV/AIDS among today’s
adolescent population. Our review showed that behavioral interventions are efficacious in increasing abstinence and consistent condom use as well as reducing sexual
intercourse, unprotected sex, number of sex partners, and number of new STI infections. In order to move research targeting African American youth to the next
phase, individual, interpersonal and environmental, and societal and cultural factors
we discussed in this chapter should be considered and incorporated.
Furthermore, translating and disseminating evidence-based research into the
field is vital in having an effect on the HIV/AIDS epidemic. Some progress has
been made in translating scientific-based knowledge into user friendly intervention
packages for dissemination through two CDC projects: Replicating Effective
Programs (REP) Plus (2008)) and diffusion of effective behavioral interventions
176
K. Marshall et al.
(DEBI, n.d.). Several EBIs for youth have been packaged or are in the process of
packaging by CDC and commercial venues (CDC, 2007b). For EBIs specifically
for African American youth identified in this review (FOK + ImPACT, Project
AIM, SiHLE, and Street Smart) are available or soon to be available through the
DEBI dissemination (DEBI, n.d.). With a wide dissemination of EBIs to the community in need, we expect to see a substantial reduction in HIV/STI risk behaviors
and infections among African American youth in the near future.
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Chapter 10
HIV Behavioral Interventions for Heterosexual
African American Men: A Critical Review
of Cultural Competence
Kirk D. Henny, Kim M. Williams, and Jocelyn Patterson
In the United States, the rate of HIV infection transmitted through high-risk
heterosexual contact is disproportionately higher among African American than
among persons of other races or ethnicities (Centers for Disease Control and
Prevention [CDC], 2009). Therefore, African American men who have sex1 with women
represent a critical target for behavioral interventions designed to reduce HIV incidence
in this community. Among men in the United States, African Americans account for
most of the HIV infections transmitted through high-risk heterosexual contact:
African Americans, 63%; Hispanics, 21%; whites, 13% (CDC, 2009). In addition,
nearly half (44%) of the recent HIV/AIDS cases among African American women,
were acquired through high-risk heterosexual contact (CDC, 2009). Because most
sexual-partner networks are intraracial (Laumann, Ellingson, Mahay, Paik, & Youm,
2004), interventions that reduce high-risk sexual behaviors among heterosexual AA
men are likely to reduce HIV infection in the African American community.
In recent years, several HIV behavioral interventions have been developed
specifically for heterosexual African American (AA) men or have been evaluated
on the basis of samples composed primarily of these men. These interventions have
focused on various subsets of heterosexual AA men, including adolescents and
substance users. After a rigorous evaluation of the study implementation, design,
analysis, and strength of the findings, some of these interventions have been designated by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) as evidence-based
interventions (EBIs; i.e., interventions having strong evidence of efficacy in reducing
1
We will use the term “heterosexual African American men” to refer to African American men
who have sex with woman (MSW). The authors are aware of the differences between sexual
identity (i.e., heterosexual) and sexual behavior (men who have sex with women). However, we
will use heterosexual to refer to MSW in this chapter.
K.D. Henny (*)
Division of HIV/AIDS Prevention, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention,
1600 Clifton Road NE, MS E-37, Atlanta, GA 30333, USA
e-mail: KHenny@cdc.gov
D.H. McCree et al. (eds.), African Americans and HIV/AIDS,
DOI 10.1007/978-0-387-78321-5_10,
Chapter 10 was authored by employees of the U.S. government and is therefore not subject
to U.S. copyright protection.
181
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HIV risk behaviors and the incidence of HIV/sexually transmitted infections
(STIs)) (CDC, 2007b). EBIs are making inroads in the HIV epidemic among
African Americans. The efficacy of both CDC EBIs and other studies depend on
designing key components to yield desired outcomes (e.g., reducing risky behaviors
and the incidence of STIs, including HIV). One intervention component that may
enhance the efficacy of HIV behavioral interventions designed for African
Americans is cultural competence (Beatty, Wheeler, & Gaiter, 2004; Scott, Gilliam,
& Braxton, 2005; Torre & Estrada, 2001; Williams, 2003). Cultural competence
refers to the ability of designers and facilitators to implement intervention components that are based on the cultural constructs of the target population (Torre &
Estrada, 2001). This includes attending to both the intervention presentation, strategies designed to appeal to a particular cultural group, and the intervention content
which intertwines culturally relevant messages into an intervention’s activities
(Wilson & Miller, 2003). Furthermore, cultural competency should carefully consider the cultural context associated with sex (Beatty et al., 2004; Scott et al., 2005)
and sexual identity as distinct influences that uniquely interact with race and ethnic
identity (Wilson & Miller, 2003). There is evidence that suggests such interventions
may increase the likelihood of acceptance and efficacy for various target populations who may be resistant to HIV-related activities (Nobles, Goddard, & Gilbert, 2009).
However, the literature includes only few analyses of the cultural competence of
HIV behavioral interventions for heterosexual AA men.
The purpose of this chapter is to provide a critical review of HIV behavioral
prevention interventions for heterosexual AA men (EBIs and other interventions)
and the extent to which these interventions include elements of culturally competence. Specifically, we
1. Describe the criteria used to select interventions for this review and the measures
used to analyze cultural competence.
2. Critically review the extent to which cultural competence was reflected in the
evaluation reports of HIV behavioral interventions for heterosexual AA men.
3. Identify gaps and future directions regarding the use of cultural competence in
HIV behavioral prevention interventions targeting heterosexual AA men.
Background
African Americans and HIV
The literature suggests that HIV-related disparities among African Americans are the
byproduct of contextual factors that contribute to an increased risk for HIV acquisition and
transmission (Adimora et al., 2008; Friedman, Cooper, & Osburne, 2009). These contextual factors include general health-related issues that negatively affect African American
men. For example, African American men, compared with white men, have less access to
health care services because many of them are underinsured or are not insured (DeNavasWalt, Proctor, & Smith, 2007). In addition, it has been suggested that African American
patients, compared with white patients, are more likely to receive health care from physi-
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cians with less training (Bach, Pham, Schrag, Tate, & Hargraves, 2004). Further, African
American men who do access health care services are more likely to seek primary care at
an emergency department than through ambulatory health services (e.g., a primary care
clinic), which results in less favorable health outcomes (Shenolikar & Balkrishnan, 2007).
Finally, compounding these structural factors is the fact that many African Americans are
reluctant to seek medical care because of a commonly shared distrust of the government
and public health entities (Bogart & Thorburn, 2005).
Given these barriers to health care, African Americans, compared with Whites,
are less likely to receive a diagnosis of HIV in the early stages of infection and less
likely to adhere to antiretroviral medication regimens (Milberg et al., 2001; Reif,
Whetten, & Thielman, 2007; Schwarcz et al., 2007). Late HIV diagnosis and lack
of adherence to treatment regimens contribute to higher viral loads and increased
risk of transmitting HIV to sexual partners (Quinn et al., 2000).
Another contextual factor that contributes to the HIV risk factors of African American
men is the higher prevalence of other STIs in the community. The rate of STIs is higher
among African Americans than among Whites (CDC, 2007a) – a fact that is important
because the presence of STIs increases the risk of acquiring and transmitting HIV
(Fleming & Wasserheit, 1999). Therefore, because of the higher STI prevalence in the
sexual partner pool, all African Americans (including heterosexual AA men) are at
increased risk of HIV even when risky sexual behaviors such as sex with multiple partners are taken into account (Adimora & Schoenbach, 2002; Adimora et al., 2008).
Additional contextual factors associated with increased HIV risk among heterosexual AA men are high rates of incarceration (Raj et al., 2008) and poverty
(Adimora & Schoenbach, 2002), which has been associated with risky sexual
behaviors (Nattrass, 2009). The high rates of incarceration among African American
men are exacerbated by disproportionately intensive policing patterns in African
American neighborhoods. Incarceration further reduces opportunities to earn
income, adds to a higher level of poverty, and disrupts social and sexual networks
within the community (Abiona, Adefuye, Balogun, & Sloan, 2009; Friedman et al.,
2009). All of these factors have the potential to increase HIV acquisition and transmission within the community.
Heterosexual AA Men and HIV. In addition to health-related challenges facing
African American men in general, King and Williams (1995) suggested that the context of HIV risk among heterosexual AA men is significantly affected by cultural
norms. Culture has been shown to play a significant role in the epidemiology of
chronic diseases, including HIV (King & Williams, 1995; Larkey, Hecht, Miller, &
Alatorre, 2004). For example, many heterosexual AA men adhere to the masculine
ideology, black machismo, which is associated with a perspective that emphasizes
male dominance over females (Pleck, Sonenstein, & Ku, 1993). Adherence to this
ideology may result in overemphasis on financial wealth, sexual prowess, and physical
dominance (Bowleg, 2004). Because the socioeconomic status of heterosexual AA
men is disproportionately lower than that of men of other races/ethnicities, adherents
of this ideology may attempt to compensate for the lack of material wealth by overemphasizing sexual prowess (Whitehead, 1997). This pattern may result in negative
attitudes about condom use, inconsistent condom use, greater and multiple sexual
partners (Pleck et al., 1993). Therefore, adherence to Black machismo may contribute
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to increased HIV transmission risk (e.g., through unprotected sex) particularly among
African American men of lower socioeconomic status (Whitehead, 1997).
The emphasis on heterosexuality that is associated with black machismo includes
the public rejection of activities associated with gay men or bisexuality (Diaz, 1998;
Harris, 1995). Adherence to this ideology may lead to cultural norms that reduce the
motivation to engage in HIV risk-reduction behaviors. On the other hand, understanding cultural norms can lead to the development of theory-based components of
risk-reduction interventions that are specific to heterosexual AA men.
Cultural Competence. Cultural competence has emerged as an increasingly important component in the development and implementation of behavioral interventions
(Cross, Bazron, Dennis, & Isaacs, 1989; Williams, 2003; Wilson & Miller, 2003;
Wyatt & Williams, 2008). The US Department of Health and Human Services published the national standards for culturally and linguistically appropriate services
(CLAS) (Office of Minority Health, 2001). CLAS established an overarching definition of cultural competence based on the work of Cross et al. (1989), and we used this
work to guide our review. The definition of cultural competence is as follows:
Cultural and linguistic competence is a set of congruent behaviors, attitudes, and policies
that come together in a system, agency, or among professionals that enables effective work
in cross-cultural situations. “Culture” refers to integrated patterns of human behavior that
include the language, thoughts, communications, actions, customs, beliefs, values, and
institutions of racial, ethnic, religious, or social groups. “Competence” implies having the
capacity to function effectively as an individual and an organization within the context of
the cultural beliefs, behaviors, and needs presented by consumers and their communities
(adapted from Cross et al., 1989).
It is important to distinguish cultural sensitivity and cultural competence in the
context of intervention development and implementation. Cultural sensitivity is a
subset of cultural competence and refers to the tangible aspects of intervention
development and implementation (Torre & Estrada, 2001). Examples of these tangible
aspects are culturally sensitive materials and having a staff trained to be culturally
competent (Torre & Estrada, 2001). Further, cultural competence includes a focus
on building the intervention on cultural constructs and the normative beliefs of the
target population (Torre & Estrada, 2001). Designing a culturally competent intervention requires tailoring theoretically sound risk-reduction interventions to the
proper context of the populations targeted.
The following are specifics of the domains of cultural competence that are relevant
to health-related services and interventions
• Cultural sensitivity: The regard for a participant’s beliefs, values, and practices
within a cultural context and the awareness that a service provider’s background may influence professional practice, most notably communication
(Lister, 1999).
• Policies and procedures: Includes the recruitment and retention of culturally
competent staff that represent the races and ethnicities being served (Office of
Minority Health, 2001).
• Intervention and treatment models: Models that include culturally and
linguistically competent evaluation, treatment, and services; traditional beliefs;
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HIV Behavioral Interventions for Heterosexual African American Men
185
and inclusive decision making (Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services
Administration, 1998).
• Monitoring, evaluation, and research: Critical to cultural competence because
these tasks highlight areas of progress and areas where improvement is needed.
These tasks include organizational assessment and an evaluation of consumer
satisfaction. Preparing and disseminating information about cultural competence
is another arena for issues related to cultural competence. Before conducting an
organizational assessment, the organization should conduct a community needs
assessment to become more knowledgeable about the community it serves
(Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, 1998).
These domains served as the foundation for our review of cultural competence.
The operationalization of the concepts and the methods used to conduct the review
are described later in this chapter.
Methods
Selection of Heterosexual AA Men Interventions
The criteria for selecting studies for review was that the interventions were evaluated with samples that were ³50% male and ³50% African American. There were
two categories of interventions that were selected for this review. Studies that met
these criteria were categorized into one of two groups: (a) CDC EBIs that targeted
high-risk heterosexuals and (b) other relevant studies identified through a literature
search.
A multi-phased search method was used to identify published reports (January
1998–May 2008) of interventions designed to reduce HIV risk behaviors among
heterosexual AA men in the United States. This strategy was based on a search
model created by CDC’s Prevention Research Synthesis Project (Lyles, Crepaz,
Herbst, & Kay, 2006). Both automated and manual search methods were used to
find relevant studies. A comprehensive search of electronic bibliographic databases was performed on the following: AIDSLINE (1988 to discontinuation in
December 2000), CINHAL, PsychINFO, EMBASE, SocioFile, and Science
Citation and Social Sciences Citation indexes (January 1998 through December
2005). Standardized search terms were cross-referenced in three areas: (a) HIV,
AIDS, or STD (sexually transmitted disease); (b) intervention evaluation; and
(c) behavior or biologic outcomes (either HIV or STI infection). A manual search
of over 30 key journals that regularly publish HIV or STD prevention research was
conducted to locate additional intervention reports for the period January 2004
through May 2008.
After the initial search, interventions were selected if they explicitly targeted
heterosexual AA men or if at least 50% of the sample were heterosexual AA men.
For the articles that did not report exact percentages, we used marginal estimates to
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calculate the proportion of African American men in the sample. Marginal estimates
were calculated by multiplying the percentages of men and African Americans in a
study sample. If the product was 50% or larger, the intervention was included in the
review. We acknowledge that these estimates can vary significantly; thus, the actual
percentage of African American men in a sample may be below the 50% threshold.
However, this approach allowed us to maximize the number of studies in the review
and remain focused on the goal of providing an extensive review of the cultural
competence of HIV behavioral interventions targeting heterosexual AA men.
Inclusion/Exclusion Criteria
Prevention intervention studies were included in this review if they met the following
criteria: (a) were individual-, group-, community-, or structural-level interventions
specifically designed to decrease sexual risk behaviors; (b) used a quasi-experimental
or experimental design; (c) reported at least one post-intervention outcome that
measured sexual risk behaviors or biologic outcomes; and (d) were delivered to a
sample population that was at least 50% African American men. Sexual risk behavior
variables were (a) unprotected vaginal intercourse or anal intercourse, (b) condom
use; and the biologic variable was (c) incident HIV/STI.
Studies were excluded if the intervention was intended for youth (persons aged
£18 years) or more than 50% of the sample were youth (differences in intervention
activities for adults and those for adolescents would have made aggregate analysis
inappropriate). Additionally, we excluded studies that explicitly targeted illicit drug
users, men who have sex with men, or bisexual men because these populations are
addressed in other chapters. A total of 20 HIV/STI behavioral prevention intervention studies met the study criteria and were included in the review (Table 10.1).
Critical Review of Included Studies
We reviewed each article to determine whether the descriptions of the following
intervention elements included mention of cultural competence domains: (1) sample
composition, (2) recruitment setting, (3) intervention materials, and (4) staffing.
Sample composition refers to the distribution of participants by specified demographic characteristics (e.g., race, gender) and is directly related to the cultural
competence domain called monitoring, evaluation, and research (Office of Minority
Health, 2001). This domain emphasizes the importance of assessing the needs of the
community before delivering an intervention. The more homogenous the composition of the target population, the more the intervention should reflect the cultural
norms of the population. The more heterogeneous the group, the larger the extent to
which the intervention components should reflect the shared norms of subgroups
while minimizing bias toward any specific subgroup. Although this concept may be
El-Bassel
et al.
(2003),
Project
Connect
Unit of delivery: Group
Assessments period(s) and outcomes
Assessment
Baseline and follow-up at 7–9 months
Source: Medical records
Components
HIV knowledge, safer-sex
negotiation skills,
condom-use skills)
Outcomes
New incidence of STIs lower
among interv group compared with
comparison group among men.
Cultural and gender relevancy
Ethnic and gender matching of
facilitator (females only)
No differences were found among
women.
One comparison group:
(Education), two intervention
groups: (Couples, women only)
Comparison group: HIV/STD
education (video)
Assessments
Baseline and 3-month follow-up
Intervention
Clinic (hospital-based)
Assignment: Random
Intervention components (couples
and women only)
Outcomes
Protected Sex Acts higher among interv
groups compared to comparison groups
Sample
N = 434 (217 couples),
55% AA, 50% male
Unit of delivery: Group)
Communication skills, safer-sex
negotiation skills, problemsolving skills
UPS lower among interv groups
compared to comparison groups
Cultural and gender relevancy
Gender matched facilitators for
orientation sessions. Female
facilitators for comparison group
and women-only intervention group
No differences found between two
intervention groups
187
Recruitment
Clinic (hospital-based)
HIV Behavioral Interventions for Heterosexual African American Men
Sample
N = 426, 65% AA male
10
Table 10.1 Summary of Eligible HIV Behavioral Interventions studies for Heterosexual African American Men
Intervention components/cultural
and gender relevancy (materials,
Author (date), Recruitment/intervention
Study groups and assignment
facilitator/participant matching)
intervention
setting/sample description
method
Comparison group
One comparison group:
Recruitment
Cohen et al.
Routine care
(Standard care), one
STD clinic
(1992),
intervention group:
Doing
(Group counseling)
Something
Right
Intervention group
Intervention
Assignment: Non-random
Group counseling
STD Clinic
(time of day)
(continued)
188
Table 10.1 (continued)
Intervention components/cultural
and gender relevancy (materials,
facilitator/participant matching)
Author (date),
intervention
Recruitment/intervention
setting/sample description
Study groups and assignment
method
Kalichman
et al.
(1999),
Project
Nia
Recruitment
STD Clinic
One comparison group,
one intervention group:
(Motivational skills building)
Comparison group:
HIV prevention information, HIV
Counseling and Testing, condom
discussion
Assessment
Baseline. 3 and 6 months
Intervention
STD Clinic
Assignment: Random
Intervention group components
Personal risk reduction plan, HIV
knowledge, motivation to protect
oneself and others,, self-esteem,
condom use skills, assertiveness
skills, problem-solving skills, safer
sex negotiation skills
Outcomes
UPS lower among interv group
compared with comparison group,
condom use higher among interv group
compared with comparison group,
# sex ptrs lower among comparison
group compared with interv group
Sample
N = 117, 100% AA male
Unit of delivery: Group
Recruitment
STD Clinics
One comparison group:
Routine HIV/STD
information, two intervention
groups: (Enhanced counseling,
Brief counseling)
Cultural and gender relevancy
Culturally and gender specific
materials. Gender matched
facilitators
Comparison groups
Typical STD clinic didactic
messages promoting
consistent condom use with all
partners
Intervention
STD Clinic
Unit of delivery: Group
Kamb (1998),
Project
RESPECT
Assessments
Baseline and 3, 6, 9, 12-month
follow-up
Outcomes
Increased condom use
Shown between comparison and
intervention groups at 3-month, less
pronounced at 6-month; no differences
at 9, 12-month
K.D. Henny et al.
Sample
N = 5,758, 59% AA, 57%
male, Assignment: Block
randomization (computergenerated)
Intervention group components
Same as above and adding…
Assessments period(s) and outcomes
Author (date),
intervention
Recruitment/intervention
setting/sample description
Study groups and assignment
method
Intervention components/cultural
and gender relevancy (materials,
facilitator/participant matching)
Cultural and gender relevancy
None reported
NIMH (1998),
Project
“LIGHT”
Recruitment
STD Clinic
One comparison group
(Education), one intervention
group (Small group sessions
focusing on risk reduction
skills-building)
Intervention
STD Clinic
Unit of delivery: Group
Assessments
Baseline and 3, 6, 12-month follow-ups
Intervention group
components
Condom use skills,
problem-solving skills, HIV
knowledge, safer sex negotiation
Outcomes
Reduced UPS, increased condom use,
reduced STI incidence
Cultural and gender relevancy
None reported
(continued)
189
Sample
N = 3,706, 74% AA male
Comparison group
Education session
HIV Behavioral Interventions for Heterosexual African American Men
Decreased reporting of new STIs
between comparison and
intervention groups – no differences
between two intervention groups
10
Enhanced counseling:
Information to encourage
changes in self-efficacy,
attitude, perceived norms about
condom use. Goals for reducing
risk were developed for each
participant Intervention
based on theory of reason
action and social cognitive
theory.
Brief counseling:
Information to assess actual
and self-perceived
HIV/STD risk and develop
risk reduction plan
(modeled after CDC plan)
Assessments period(s) and outcomes
190
Table 10.1 (continued)
Intervention components/cultural
and gender relevancy (materials,
facilitator/participant matching)
Author (date),
intervention
Recruitment/intervention
setting/sample description
Study groups and assignment
method
Wenger et al.
(1991),
HIV
Education
and
Testing
Recruitment
STD clinic
One comparison group:
(AIDS education alone), one
intervention group: (AIDS
education and HIV test with
results)
Comparison group:
AIDS Education
Assessments
Baseline and 2-month follow-up (via
mail questionnaire)
Intervention
STD Clinic
Assignment: Random
Intervention group components
HIV knowledge and personal risk,
condom use skills,
and HIV C&T
Outcomes
Condom use with last partner increased
for intervention group compared to
comparison group
Sample
N = 256, Approximately
55% AA male
Unit of delivery: Individual
Cultural and gender relevancy
None reported
Recruitment
Correctional
One comparison group:
(Standard Education), one
intervention group: (Enhanced
Intervention)
Comparison group:
HIV knowledge, personalized risk
reduction plans, referrals, skills
training
Assessments
Baseline and 24-week follow-up
Intervention
Correctional
Assignment: Random
Intervention group components
Personalized risk reduction plan,
HIV knowledge, motivation
to protect oneself and others,
prevention case mgmt., harm
reduction, problem solving skills
Outcomes
UPS lower among interv group
compared with comparison
Sample
N = 522, 52% AA male
Unit of delivery: Individual
Cultural and gender relevancy
None reported
Wolitski et al.
(2006),
Project
START
Assessments period(s) and outcomes
K.D. Henny et al.
Intervention components/cultural
and gender relevancy (materials,
facilitator/participant matching)
Author (date),
intervention
Recruitment/intervention
setting/sample description
Study groups and assignment
method
Berkman et al.
(2006)
Recruitment
Community-based
establishment
One comparison group:
(HIV education group), one
intervention group
(SexG-Brief group)
Comparison group:
HIV education and condom
use skills
Assessments
Baseline and 6-month follow-up
Intervention
Community
Assignment: Random
Intervention group components
HIV/STD knowledge and
information, motivation and
intention, condom use skills,
decision-making and problem
solving, safer sex negotiation skills
Outcomes
Unprotected sex lower among
intervention group compared with
comparison group
Sample
N = 92, 65% AA male
Unit of delivery: Group
Cultural and gender relevancy
None reported
Recruitment
Psychiatric Outpatient
Clinic
One comparison group:
(Attention control), one
Intervention Group
(Enhanced SexG + booster
group)
Comparison group:
Money management, social skills
Assessments
Baseline, 3M, 6M, 9M, 12M
follow-ups (plus boosters)
Intervention
Psychiatric Outpatient
Clinic
Assignment: Random
Intervention group components
HIV&STD knowledge and
information, motivation and
intention, normative influence,
condom use skills, decisionmaking/problem solving skills,
social support, evaluation of
personal goals
Outcomes
Unprotected sex lower among
intervention group compared with
comparison group
Sample
N = 149, 54% AA male
Unit of delivery: Individual
Cultural and gender relevancy
Gender matched facilitators
Condom use higher among intervention
group compared with comparison group
10
HIV Behavioral Interventions for Heterosexual African American Men
Berkman et al.
(2007)
Assessments period(s) and outcomes
(continued)
191
192
Table 10.1 (continued)
Intervention components/cultural
and gender relevancy (materials,
facilitator/participant matching)
Assessments period(s) and outcomes
One comparison group:
(Standard care), one
intervention group:
(Multisession group
counseling)
Comparison Group:
Standard HIV prevention counseling
Assessments
Baseline and 12-month follow-up
Assignment: Random
Intervention group components
Addresses HIV knowledge,
motivation to protect oneself and
others, empowerment, personal
responsibility, self-esteem,
decision-making skills, condom
use skills, needle-cleaning skills
Outcomes
Condom use increased similarly in both
interv and comparison group
Cultural and gender relevancy
None reported
# of partners lowered similarly in both
interv and comparison group
Author (date),
intervention
Recruitment/intervention
setting/sample description
Study groups and assignment
method
Branson et al.
(1998)
Recruitment
STD Clinic
Intervention
STD Clinic
Unit of delivery: Group
K.D. Henny et al.
Sample
N = 964, 50% AA male
Incident of new STIs lowered similarly
in both interv and comparison group
Author (date),
intervention
Recruitment/intervention
setting/sample description
Study groups and assignment
method
Intervention components/cultural
and gender relevancy (materials,
facilitator/participant matching)
Crosby et al.
(2009)
Recruitment
STD Clinic
One comparison group:
(Standard care), one
intervention group
(Lay Health Advisor)
Comparison group:
Nurse-delivered messages regarding
condom use knowledge, access
to condoms
Assessments
Baseline and 3-month follow-up
Intervention
STD Clinic
Assignment: Random
Intervention group components
Addresses knowledge/information;
motivation/intention; self-efficacy
for condom use, correct condom
use skills, lubrication use, access
to condoms and lubrication
Outcomes
New incidence of STIs lower
among interv group compared with
comparison group among men
Cultural and gender relevancy
Ethnic-matched facilitator.
Culturally-competent facilitator
(facilitator raised in catchment
area). Gender-matched facilitator.
Condom use at last sex higher among
intervention group compared with
comparison group
Fewer sex partners among intervention
group compared with comparison
group
No significant differences in number of
unprotected sex during last 3 months
Grinstead
et al.
(1999)
One comparison group:
(Standard care), one
intervention group
(Pre-release HIV Prevention
Interv.)
Comparison group:
Access to HIV educational
materials, informal access to peer
educators
Assessments
Baseline and 2–4 week follow-up
Intervention
Correctional
Assignment: Random
Intervention group components
Addresses personal risk,
personalized risk reduction plan,
and HIV knowledge, HIV testing
referrals, needle exchange
Outcomes
Condom use during first sex encounter
post-release higher among interv group
than comparison group
Sample
N = 414, 51% AA male
Unit of delivery: Individual
Cultural and gender relevancy
Gender matched facilitator (male)
193
Recruitment
Correctional
HIV Behavioral Interventions for Heterosexual African American Men
Sample
N = 266, 100% AA male
10
Unit of delivery: Individual
Assessments period(s) and outcomes
(continued)
Author (date),
intervention
Recruitment/intervention
setting/sample description
Study groups and assignment
method
Kalichman
et al.
(2005)
Recruitment
STD Clinic
One comparison group,
three intervention groups:
(Motivational enhancement,
Behavioral self-management
and sexual communication,
Full IMB model)
Intervention
STD Clinic
Sample
N = 612, Approximately
59% AA male
Unit of delivery: Group
Intervention components/cultural
and gender relevancy (materials,
facilitator/participant matching)
194
Table 10.1 (continued)
Assessments period(s) and outcomes
Comparison group:
HIV education about
transmission, risk factors, and
disease processes)
Assessments
Baseline and 3, 6, 9-month follow-ups
Intervention groups components
(four groups)
Outcomes
New STIs (decreased): Greatest
reduction among men receiving full
IMB model
Motivational Enhancement:
Emphasizes personal behavioral
change based on personal
responsibility
Unprotected sex (decreased): Greatest
reduction among men receiving IMB
model
Behavioral self-management and
sexual communication:
Emphasize strategies to
reduce high risk behavior and
communicating safe sex practices
with partner
Video: used as part of intervention
delivery
Cultural and gender relevancy
Culturally and gender specific
materials. Gender-matched
facilitators
K.D. Henny et al.
Full IMB model: Includes all
components listed above
Note: Motivational enhancement
associated with more positive outcomes
for women
Intervention components/cultural
and gender relevancy (materials,
facilitator/participant matching)
Author (date),
intervention
Recruitment/intervention
setting/sample description
Study groups and assignment
method
Lurigio et al.
(1992)
Recruitment
Adult Probation Depart.
One comparison group
Education: (Heart Disease),
one intervention group: (HIV
education)
Comparison groups:
Heart disease prevention strategies
Assessments
Baseline and (approximately) 1 month
follow-up
Intervention
Adult Probation Dept.
Assignment: Random
Outcomes
Condom use
Sample
N = 99, Approximately 77%
AA male
Unit of delivery: Individual
and group
Intervention group components
HIV/STD knowledge and
information, motivation and
intention, condom use skills, skills
using lubricants, cleaning needles;
using dental dams
Cultural and gender relevancy
None reported
Recruitment
Drug Treatment Program
(VA Hospital)
One comparison group:
(Standard care), one
intervention group (Cognitivebehavioral HIV risk reduction
group)
Comparison group:
Basic information about HIV, HIV
risk behaviors, and risk reduction
practices
Assessments
Baseline and 12-month follow-up
Intervention
Drug Treatment Program
(VA Hospital)
Assignment: Random
Intervention group components
HIV knowledge/information,
condom use skills, safer sex
negotiation skills, other sex-related
communication skills, needle use
skills, personal risk/vulnerability
assessment
Outcomes
Increases in # of unprotected sex acts
Sample
N = 149, 59% AA male
Unit of delivery: Group
Cultural and gender relevancy
Cultural and gender specific
materials
10
HIV Behavioral Interventions for Heterosexual African American Men
McMahon
et al.
(2001)
Assessments period(s) and outcomes
(continued)
195
196
Table 10.1 (continued)
Author (date),
intervention
Recruitment/intervention
setting/sample description
Study groups and assignment
method
Maher et al.
(2003)
Recruitment
STD Clinic
One comparison group:
(Routine counseling), one
intervention group (Intensive
counseling)
Assignment: Random
Intervention
Community location
convenient to participant
Sample
N = 581, 100% AA male
Unit of delivery: Individual
Assessments period(s) and outcomes
Compatison group
Standard of care (STD clinic):
Assessments
Baseline and 12 months
Intervention group components
Personal risk assessment, HIV
knowledge, motivation to protect
oneself and others, attitude and
beliefs about STDs, changing
social norms, condom use skills,
safer sex negotiation skills,
alternatives to intercourse, future
education and job plans
Cultural and gender relevancy
Intervention materials culturally
specific. Counselors familiar and
sensitive to cultural norms, values,
and traditions
Outcomes
STD incidence lower for interv group
compared to comparison group
K.D. Henny et al.
Intervention components/cultural
and gender relevancy (materials,
facilitator/participant matching)
Intervention components/cultural
and gender relevancy (materials,
facilitator/participant matching)
Author (date),
intervention
Recruitment/intervention
setting/sample description
Study groups and assignment
method
O’Donnell
et al.
(1998)
Recruitment
STD Clinic
One comparison group:
(Standard care), two
intervention groups: (Video
viewing only, Video viewing
followed by interactive group
discussion)
Comparison group:
Standard of care
Assessments
Baseline and follow-up
(average. 17 months) via clinical
records
Intervention
STD Clinic
Assignment: Proportionate
random sampling plan
(reflective of clinic patient
population)
Intervention groups components
(two groups)
Video viewing only: Provided
education about STDs and
prevention, positive attitudes
about condom use, and modeled
strategies for condom use in
various sexual relationships
Video viewing/discussion:
Addresses HIV knowledge,
motivation to protect oneself and
others, and attitudes toward condom
use, safer sex negotiation skills,
overcoming barriers to condom use
Cultural and gender relevancy
AA and gender specific materials
(videos). Gender matched
facilitator (men)
Outcomes
New STIs lower among interv
(video/discussion) group compared to
comparison group
(continued)
HIV Behavioral Interventions for Heterosexual African American Men
Unit of delivery: Group
10
Sample
N = 2,004, 62% AA male
Assessments period(s) and outcomes
197
One comparison group:
(Standard Care), one
intervention group (Intensive
HIV Risk Reduction)
Comparison group:
Standard care
Assessments
Baseline and 3 months
Intervention
STD Clinic
Assignment: Random
Intervention group components
Addresses personal risk, HIV/
STD knowledge, and condom use
self-efficacy, correct condom use
skills, negotiating safer sex skills
Outcomes
# of sex ptrs lower among interv group
# of unprotected sex acts lower overall
between BL and 3M assessments in
both groups
Sample
N = 659,Approximately
54% AA male
Unit of delivery: Group
Cultural and gender relevancy
None reported
Recruitment
Community (by zip codes
via street intercepts)
One comparison group, one
intervention group
Comparison group:
Provision of condoms at selected
business venues
Assessments
Baseline and 24 month follow-up
Intervention
Community
Assignment: two community
samples defined by zip codes
Sample
N = 808, Approximately
50% AA male
Unit of delivery: Community
Intervention group components
Exposure to media campaign
with messages encouraging
syphilis testing, treatment, and
condom use
Cultural and gender relevancy
Culturally specific materials
(messages tailored to community
based on formative work)
Outcomes
Condom use with last partner
increased for interv group compared to
comparison group
Note – Significant cross contamination
of media campaign
Study groups and assignment
method
O’Leary et al.
(1998)
Recruitment
STD Clinic
K.D. Henny et al.
Assessments period(s) and outcomes
Recruitment/intervention
setting/sample description
Ross et al.
(2004)
198
Intervention components/cultural
and gender relevancy (materials,
facilitator/participant matching)
Author (date),
intervention
Intervention components/cultural
and gender relevancy (materials,
facilitator/participant matching)
Author (date),
intervention
Recruitment/intervention
setting/sample description
Study groups and assignment
method
Susser et al.
(1998)
Recruitment
Community Based
Establishment
One comparison group
(Education), one intervention
group (Sex, Games, and
Videotape)
Comparison group:
HIV/STD knowledge, condom use
instructions
Assessments
Baseline, 6, and 12-month follow-ups
Intervention
Community
Assignment: Random
Intervention group components
HIV knowledge/information,
condom use skills, safer sex
negotiation skills, sex risk
reduction self-efficacy, personal
risk/vulnerability assessment
Outcomes
Unprotected sex episodes lower
in intervention group compared to
comparison group
Sample
N = 59, 58% AA male
Unit of delivery: Group
Cultural and gender relevancy
Ethnic-matched facilitators
Assessments period(s) and outcomes
10
HIV Behavioral Interventions for Heterosexual African American Men
199
200
K.D. Henny et al.
straightforward in theory, practical implementation can be challenging and complex.
It can be difficult to make an intervention culturally appropriate to various groups
while maintaining fidelity to the intervention (Office of Minority Health, 2001).
The cultural competence domain called cultural sensitivity should be reflected
in the settings chosen for recruitment (Office of Minority Health, 2001). That is, the
recruitment settings should represent the target population’s behavioral patterns in
terms of geospatial movement (Office of Minority Health, 2001). The geospatial
patterns of participants partly reflect their cultural norms and behavior (Lee, Moudon,
& Courbois, 2006) (e.g., young African American men on college campuses vs.
young African American men in correctional facilities). Therefore, recruitment
should facilitate access to a subpopulation that has shared cultural experiences
beyond demographic characteristics, and the intervention contents should reflect
the cultural norms of the participants recruited at those locations. In our review, we
examined the diversity of recruitment settings to determine whether they reflected
an effort to include various subpopulations of heterosexual AA men.
The cultural sensitivity domain should also be reflected in intervention materials.
This domain emphasizes regard for a participant’s beliefs, values, and practices
within a cultural context and awareness of how a provider’s background may influence professional practice, most notably communication (Lister, 1999; Puebla-Fortier
& Shaw-Taylor, 1999; Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration,
1998). The definitions of culturally appropriate materials varied widely: some of the
articles provided no definition; some provided an author-specific definition.
Culturally competent staffing reflects the domain emphasizing cultural competence
in policies and procedures. This domain emphasizes the importance of recruiting and
retaining culturally competent staff that represents the races/ethnicities of the populations
served (Office of Minority Health, 2001). However, the interpretations of culturally
competent staff range from simply matching the demographic backgrounds of participant and provider (e.g., by race or gender) to the completion of “sensitivity” courses by
the intervention staff (Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration,
1998). For this review, the measures of culturally competent staff included any mention
of participant-facilitator matching (e.g., by race, gender, socioeconomic status) or
reports that staff were specifically trained in cultural sensitivity. Our focus was the
extent to which the articles included mention of culturally competent staff.
Results
Sample Composition
A total of 20 studies were eligible for this review: the samples of 3 were 100%
African American men (presumably heterosexual AA men) (Crosby, DiClemente,
Charnigo, Snow, Troutman, 2009; Kalichman, Cherry, & Browne-Sperling, 1999;
Maher, Peterman, Osewe, Odusanya, & Scerba, 2003). The remaining studies
reported separate proportions for race and gender but did not provide specific data
on heterosexual AA men. Therefore, heterosexual AA men sample proportions
10
HIV Behavioral Interventions for Heterosexual African American Men
201
were estimated from the reported univariate measures of race and gender
(e.g., Kalichman et al., 2005; Lurigio, Petraitis, & Johnson, 1992). For some studies,
identifying heterosexual AA men as the majority of the sample was straightforward,
given that the samples were either all African American or all male (e.g., Berkman,
Cerwonka, Sohler, & Susser, 2006; Branson, Peterman, Cannon, Ransom, & Zaidi,
1998). The fact that very few of the samples were 100% African American men
(assumed to be heterosexual AA men) is consistent with the findings of other
reviews (Neumann et al., 2002).
Recruitment Venues
Of the 20 interventions, 11 recruited participants from STD clinics. Other venues were
correctional venues (e.g., jails, prisons, probation departments) (Grinstead, Zack,
Faigeles, Grossman, & Blea, 1999; Lurigio et al., 1992; Wolitski & Project START
Writing Group, 2006); community-based establishments (Berkman et al., 2006; Susser
et al., 1998); hospital-based clinics (El-Bassel et al., 2003); outpatient psychiatric
clinics (Berkman et al., 2007); drug treatment centers (McMahon, Malow, Jennings, &
Gomez, 2001); and street intercepts (Ross, Chatterjee, & Leonard, 2004).
Culture- and Gender-Specific Materials
Our review includes any reported use of culture- or gender-specific materials reflective of heterosexual AA men. The concept “gender-specific materials” was operationalized as any report of the use of intervention materials that were tailored to, or
developed specifically for, male populations.
Six studies reported use of culture-specific materials (Kalichman et al., 1999,
2005; Maher et al., 2003; McMahon et al., 2001; O’Donnell, O’Donnell, San
Doval, Duran, & Labes, 1998; Ross et al., 2004). Of these six interventions, two
were delivered to sample populations composed entirely of heterosexual AA men
(Kalichman et al., 1999; Maher et al., 2003), and four reported the use of electronic
or mass media campaigns (Kalichman et al., 1999, 2005; O’Donnell et al., 1998;
Ross et al., 2004). In addition to reporting culturally specific materials, four studies
reported the use of gender-specific materials (Kalichman et al., 1999, 2005;
McMahon et al., 2001; O’Donnell et al., 1998).
Culturally Competent Facilitators
Of the 20 interventions reviewed, 3 reported facilitator-participant matching by race
or ethnicity (Cohen, MacKinnon, Dent, Mason, & Sullivan, 1992; Crosby et al., 2009;
Susser et al., 1998), and six studies reported matching by gender (Berkman et al., 2007;
202
K.D. Henny et al.
Crosby et al., 2009; Grinstead et al., 1999; Kalichman et al., 1999, 2005; O’Donnell
et al., 1998). The Cohen et al. (1992) study was not included among studies with
facilitators matched by gender because the authors reported only a female facilitator
(i.e., gender-matched only for female participants). None of the studies reported
training in cultural competence.
Limitations of Review
Our review had several limitations. A major limitation was the lack of reporting of
all cultural competence domains in the interventions reviewed. This finding is
particularly applicable to the review of culturally specific materials and participantfacilitator matching by race or gender. The lack of consistency in the reporting of
sociodemographic and sexual behavior data further limited our review. Although
many of the studies targeted heterosexual participants, some of male participants
who identified themselves as heterosexual may also have had sex with other men
(i.e., bisexual). Therefore, some of the studies may have included studies in which
some of the men were bisexual because not all the studies explicitly reported the
gender of sex partners in addition to, or in lieu of, sexual orientation.
Discussion
In spite of the limitations, our review yielded information that can provide some
direction for future research. The efficacy of behavioral prevention interventions is
dependent on many factors related to the intervention design and implementation
(Lyles et al., 2006). Because evidence suggests that cultural competence may one
of the key factors (Office of Minority Health, 2001), this review assessed the extent
to which cultural competence domains were addressed in the selected studies.
Although cultural competence is not the sole determining factor in developing
efficacious interventions for heterosexual AA men, cultural competence may be a
particularly important facet of interventions targeting heterosexual AA men (Office
of Minority Health, 2001).
Sample Composition
A sizable void was the lack of explicit reporting of race/sex proportions of the
samples. This information would markedly enhance the feasibility of performing
either primary (e.g., evaluation studies) or secondary review (e.g., meta-analyses)
of cultural competence for heterosexual AA men interventions. The reporting of
race/sex proportions could include various cross-tabulations of the demographic
characteristics that are associated with HIV risk (e.g., homosexual or bisexual behavior,
10
HIV Behavioral Interventions for Heterosexual African American Men
203
injection drug use). The reporting of these cross-tabulations could increase the
number of cultural competence review of interventions targeting heterosexual AA
men and thus lead to the development of more efficacious risk-reduction interventions for this population
Notwithstanding the limited information about sample composition, most of the
selected studies included populations that were heterogeneous in terms of race or
gender. An intervention delivered to a heterogeneous group can certainly be culturally
competent (e.g., Cohen et al., 1992; El-Bassel et al., 2003). The caveat, however, is
that to design intervention components that reflect all the groups, one must first
have adequate information about each group. Developing interventions for heterogeneous populations without proper formative work to ensure cultural competence
may decrease the potential efficacy of the intervention. If little is known about any
distinct group, then extensive formative work or developing interventions targeting
a more homogenous group could be the best initial course of action.
Recruitment Venues
Of 20 studies, 11 recruited participants from STD clinics. Accessibility to persons
engaging in high-risk sexual behaviors is an important reason for recruiting in STD
clinics. Furthermore, STD clinics have educational materials and personnel that can
complement and simplify the development and implementation of interventions.
However, HIV behavioral interventions targeting heterosexual AA men should not
limit recruitment to STD clinics. Expanding recruitment venues will allow access to
at-risk heterosexual AA men who are not accessible through traditional recruitment
settings such as STD clinics. Additionally, heterosexual AA men participants recruited
from STD clinics may represent a subgroup whose health-care–seeking behavior
differs from that of other African American men (Agho & Lewis, 2001; Farkas,
Marcella, & Rhoads, 2000). Further, the literature suggests that higher-income persons
are more likely to seek STI treatment from private physicians (Brackbill, Sternberg, &
Fishbein, 1999). Therefore, risk-reduction interventions designed for STD clinic populations may not be culturally relevant or efficacious for higher-income heterosexual
AA men who may be at risk for HIV. Developing HIV behavioral interventions for
higher-income heterosexual AA men may be an important strategy for reducing HIV
incidence among African Americans in general. Although low income is associated
with increased HIV risk (Adler, 2006), racial disparities in HIV incidence exist even
when analysis is adjusted for income (Kraut-Becher et al., 2008).
Culture- and Gender-Specific Materials
The use of cultural-specific materials reflects the core domain called cultural sensitivity
(Lister, 1999). For interventions targeting heterosexual AA men, cultural-specific
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materials should relate to this population both as African Americans (i.e., cultural
background) and men (i.e., gender). As stated earlier, cultural-specific materials may
include text or images that are tailored to the cultural background of participants.
The use of gender-specific materials is particularly important for HIV prevention targeting heterosexual AA men, given the influence of masculine ideology in
this population (Bowleg, 2004; Whitehead, 1997). Only 4 out of 20 studies reported
use of gender-specific materials.
Culturally Competent Facilitators
Only three studies reported participant-facilitator matching by race, six reported
matching by gender, and none reported staff training in cultural competence. The
inclusion of culturally competent facilitators and support staff is a major emphasis
in the CLAS report. Cultural competence could be achieved through training. The
goal of cultural competence training is to ensure that facilitators are knowledgeable
and respectful of the participants’ cultural norms (as defined partly by their race/
ethnicity and gender) so that facilitator-participant interactions can be based on
common understanding and respect. Respect from facilitators and intervention staff
may be particularly relevant in interventions targeting heterosexual AA men
because many African Americans distrust public health entities (Bogart &
Thorburn, 2005). The training of culturally competent facilitators could symbolize
an effort by researchers to change that distrust felt by many African Americans
(King & Williams, 1995).
The assessments of participant-facilitator matching by race/ethnicity and gender are mixed (Huddy et al., 1997; Jemmott, Jemmott, Fong, & McCaffree, 1999;
Pollner, 1998; Prewett-Livingston, Field, Veres, & Lewis, 1996; Rhodes, 1994).
But the guiding principle of cultural competence is to develop and implement
interventions that add the cultural constructs (i.e., measures of cultural-specific
behaviors) of the target population (Torre & Estrada, 2001). Participantfacilitator matching (as well as cultural competence training) may help facilitate
that process. Heterosexual AA men participating in HIV prevention interventions can benefit from the presence of heterosexual AA men professional facilitators who can combine their technical expertise and their cultural background
to enhance the intervention delivery and in some instances, serve as role
models.
Recommendations
This critical review has led to several recommendations for researchers and practitioners to consider in developing HIV behavioral interventions targeting heterosexual African American men. Authors are recommended to report elements
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related to cultural competence. Overall, it is difficult to determine the cultural
competence level of interventions without the reporting of key measures related to
the major domains aforementioned in the chapter. It is also recommended that HIV
prevention efforts targeting heterosexual AA men include men who are at elevated
risk of HIV, not simply those who are at high risk of HIV. Elevated risk may be
defined in various ways. Analyses of social networks indicate that the degrees of
separations pertaining to sexual contacts between persons at high risk and persons
at low risk are relatively small (Friedman et al., 1997; Yuom & Laumann, 2002).
For example, a person who is considered at low risk at the time of an intervention
may have been at high risk a year earlier or may be at high risk a year later (depending
on the operational definitions used by evaluators). Given the disproportionate
prevalence of HIV/STIs within many African American sexual networks, a broader
scope for heterosexual AA men at-risk groups is needed to compensate for disease
prevalence. One strategy that could assist in this effort is to increase formative
research activities that include recruitment from nontraditional settings. Such formative
activities could be conducted at relatively low cost and could also help to develop
innovative strategies for more efficiently recruiting hard-to-access at-risk heterosexual AA men.
We further recommend expanding the types of heterosexual AA men included
in HIV behavioral intervention trials to encourage the creation of interventions that
are more specifically tailored to the cultural norms of various subgroups. These
subgroups may be defined in terms of the many differences that have implications
for HIV risk (e.g., education, religious beliefs, socioeconomic status).
In addition, we recommend cultural competence training for facilitators. According
to the principles reported in the CLAS report, this component has the potential to
increase the efficacy of interventions designed for heterosexual AA men.
Finally, developing culturally competent interventions for heterosexual AA men
will require the inclusion of culturally relevant materials. For heterosexual AA
men, this can be facilitated by the use of intervention materials that reflect both race
and gender. One possible approach is the use of social marketing campaigns that
incorporate culturally specific images. Social marketing campaigns, which are
community-level interventions, can directly or indirectly influence the knowledge,
attitudes, and behaviors of an entire community (Wolitski et al., 2006). Studies have
shown that African Americans do stigmatize persons living with HIV/AIDS (Herck
& Capitanio, 1993). Perhaps more passive approaches delivered to large numbers
of persons, such as social marketing campaigns, may simultaneously help reduce
stigma and raise HIV/AIDS awareness without singling out participants in a group
setting.
Application of the principles regarding cultural competence as outlined in the
CLAS report could represent a step forward in improving and increasing the number of efficacious interventions available to heterosexual AA men. The HIV/AIDS
epidemic among African Americans is in a state of crisis. In lieu of a vaccine or
cure, all strategies and approaches must be considered to reduce the incidence of
the disease. In pursuit of this public health effort, prevention strategies and activities
should be imbedded in the reality of African American lives, particularly the lives
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of heterosexual AA men. If strategies and approaches are applied without regard for
the cultural context, the acceptance and sustainability of prevention activities will
be attenuated. Emphasizing cultural competence provides an opportunity to integrate larger segments of heterosexual AA men as partners instead of vectors and
victims in fighting HIV.
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Chapter 11
HIV Prevention for Heterosexual
African-American Women
Gina M. Wingood and Ralph J. DiClemente
Epidemiology of HIV/AIDS Among African-American Women
Early in the epidemic, HIV infection and AIDS were diagnosed among relatively
few women and female adolescents. Currently, women account for more than
25% of all new HIV/AIDS diagnoses. Historically, African-American women
have been disproportionately affected by the HIV epidemic. In 2002, the most
recent year for which data are available, HIV infection was the leading cause of
death for African-American women 25–34 years old; the third leading cause
of death for African-American women aged 35–44 years old and the fourth
leading cause of death for African-American women 45–54 years old. In this
same year, HIV infection was the fifth leading cause of death among all women
35–44 years of age and the six leading cause of death among all women aged
25–34 year old. The only diseases causing more death of women were cancer
and heart disease (Anderson & Smith, 2005).
As of 2004, among the 123,405 women living with HIV/AIDS 64% were
African-American (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention [CDC], 2005a).
While African-American women represent about 13% of all US women (CDC,
2005a, b), in 2004 they accounted for 68% of the estimated total of AIDS diagnoses.
African-American women’s vulnerability to AIDS is also illustrated by the fact that
in 2004, the rate of AIDS diagnoses for African-American women (48.2/100,000)
was approximately 23 times the rate for white women (2.1/100,000) and 4 times the
rate for Hispanic women (11.1/100,000) (CDC, 2004). Unfortunately, young
African-American women are also at risk of HIV. According to a 1998 CDC study
of Job Corps entrants aged 16–21 years, African-American women in this study
were seven times as likely as white women and eight times as likely as Hispanic
women to be HIV-positive (Valleroy, MacKellar, Karon, Janssen, & Hayman, 1998).
G.M. Wingood (*)
SCD, MPH is the Agnes Moore Endowed Faculty in HIV/AIDS Research,
Emory University, Rollins School of Public Health, 1518 Clifton Rd, Room 556,
Atlanta, GA 30322, USA
e-mail: gwingoo@sph.emory.edu
D.H. McCree et al. (eds.), African Americans and HIV/AIDS,
DOI 10.1007/978-0-387-78321-5_11, © Springer Science + Business Media, LLC 2010
211
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G.M. Wingood and R.J. DiClemente
Heterosexually acquire HIV/AID is the predominant route of transmission for
African-American women. Among African-American women diagnosed with HIV/
AID during 2001–2004, 78% contracted the infection via heterosexual contact
(Stephenson, 2000). Unfortunately, African-American women are being devastated
by the HIV/AIDS epidemic. Greater examination of the risk factors and exposures
increasing their vulnerability is warranted.
Correlates of HIV Risk among African-American Women
Nearly, one in four African-Americans live in poverty (United States Census Bureau,
2003). Socioeconomic problems associated with poverty including having a limited
education (Anderson, Brackbill, & Mosher, 1996; Stephenson, 2000), having a lower
income (Peterson et al., 1992), being underemployed (Wingood & DiClemente, 1998a,
b, c), having limited access to high-quality health care (Diaz et al., 1994) consuming
alcohol (Graves & Hines, 1997; Wingood & DiClemente, 1998a, b, c) and, using noninjection drugs (Edlin et al., 1994; Fullilove, Fullilove, Bowser, & Goss, 1990) have all
been associated with increased HIV risk behaviors among African-American women.
Other individual-level factors associated with African-American women’s risk of HIV
include having personal attitudes and belief nonsupportive of safer sex (Catania et al.,
1992; Jemmott, Jemmott, Spears, Hewitt, & Cruz-Collins, 1992) and having a low
perceived risk of HIV infection (Nyamathi, Bennett, Leake, Lewis, & Flaskerud,
1993). While this body of research is useful in characterizing African-American
women’s sexual risk, over the last few decades greater attention has been focused on
examining relational factors enhancing African-American women’s HIV risk.
Numerous studies have demonstrated that having poor communication skills
(Catania et al., 1992; Wingood & DiClemente, 1998a, b, c), having a male partner
that abuses drugs or alcohol (Sterk, 1999, 2000), having a sexually abusive (Wyatt,
1992) having a physically abusive male partner (Wingood & DiClemente, 1997;
Wingood, DiClemente, McCree, Harrington, & Davies, 2001), having a male partner
who disapproves of practicing safer sex (Wingood & DiClemente, 1998a, b, c) and,
having an older male partner (Miller, Clark, & Moore, 1997) all significantly
increase African-American women’s HIV risk. Partner influences effect women’s
HIV risk further, by being exposed to the partner’s risky sexual behaviors.
Many African-American women may be unaware of their male partner’s risk for
HIV. In a study of HIV-infected people (5,156 men and 3,139 women), 34% of
African-American men who have sex with men (MSM); 26% of Hispanic MSM,
and 13% of white MSM reported having sex with women. However, only 14% of
white women, 6% of and African-American women and 6% of Hispanic women in
this study acknowledged having a bisexual partner (Montgomery, Mokotoff,
Gentry, & Blair, 2003). Unfortunately, many women, particularly African-American
women may not know of their male partner’s bisexual activity. These studies highlight
that African-American women’s risk of HIV is not solely a function of their behavior,
but is largely attributed to the behaviors of their male sexual partners. In addition,
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213
to this body of research on interpersonal and relational influences, more recent
research has examined the influence of concurrency and marriage rates.
A concurrent partnership is a sexual partnership in which one or more of the
members has other sexual partners, with repeated sexual activity with at least the
original partner (Adimora & Schoenbach, 2002; Gorbach, Stoner, Aral, Whittington,
& Holmes, 2002). Concurrent partnerships have been associated with transmission
of chlamydia, (Potterat et al., 1999) gonorrhea, (Ghani, Swinton, & Garnett, 1997)
syphilis (Morris & Kretzschmar, 1997) and HIV (Koumans et al., 2001).
Concurrent relationships are much more prevalent among males, particularly
African-American males, than among females (Adimora & Schoenbach, 2002;
Gorbach et al., 2002). Other relational factors, such as marriage rates could also
affect women’s HIV risk. Compared to people who are married, people who are
not married are more likely to have more than one sexual partner and thus at
greater risk of acquiring HIV (Laumann, Gagnon, Michael, & Michaels, 1994)
According to the U.S. census data, males are significantly more likely to have
never been married than women (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1998). Moreover, the
proportion of unmarried adults is marked by significant racial distinctions. Among
U.S. residents older than age 15 in 1998, 46% of black men compared to 29% of
white men reported having never been married; and 22% of white women compared
with 41% of black women reported never having been married. African-American
women’s HIV risk must also be examined within the context of these social
influences.
Application of the Theory of Gender and Power
to Understand Women’s HIV Risk
The state-of-the science of research on African-American women and HIV has
progressed to address the broader array of gender-related social and contextual factors
prevalent in women’s lives. Recognizing the importance of this milestone there is a
need to address the theoretical limitations inherent in studies of women’s HIV risk.
Theoretical frameworks applied to examine women’s HIV risk, historically did not
take into account women’s social and relational lives. In an attempt to address this
limitation, the Theory of Gender and Power was adapted and modified to enhance
understanding of the diverse array of influences that affect women risk of HIV. The
theory of Gender and Power is a social structural model that attempts to understand
women’s risk as a function of different structures (none of which can be independent
of the others) (Wingood & DiClemente, 2001). According to the theory of Gender
and Power, there are three major structures that characterize the gendered relationships between men and women. These three structures are: (1) the sexual division of
labor (examines economic inequities favoring males), (2) the sexual division of power
(examines inequities and abuses of authority and control in relationships and institutions
favoring males), and (3) the structure of cathexis (examines social norms and affective
attachments) (see Fig. 11.1).
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G.M. Wingood and R.J. DiClemente
Societal Level
Institutional Level
Sexual Division Neighborhood
of Labor
School
Family
Social Mechanisms
Exposures Risk Factors
Manifested as unequal Economic Socioeconomic
pay produces economic Exposures Risk Factors
inequities for women.
Sexual Division Relationships
of Power
Worksite
Manifested as
imbalances in control
power for women.
Relationships
Structure of
Cathexis: Social Family
Norms & Affec- Church
tive Attachments
Social
Personal
Manifested as constraints in expectations Exposures Risk Factors
produces disparities in
norms for women.
Physical
Behavioral
Exposures Risk Factors
Disease
→ HIV
Media
Fig. 11.1 Model conceptualizing the influence of the theory of gender and power on women’s
risk of HIV
The three structures exist at two levels, the societal and the institutional level
(Connell, 1987). The societal level is the highest level in which the three social
structures are embedded. The three structures are rooted in society through numerous
abstract, historical and sociopolitical forces that consistently segregate power and
ascribe norms on the basis of gender-determined roles. The three structures are also
evident at a lower level, the institutional level. Social institutions include, but are
not limited to, families, relationships, religious institutions, the medical system and
the media. The social structures are maintained within institutions through social
mechanisms such as unequal pay for comparable work, the imbalance of control
within relationships, and the degrading images of women as portrayed in the media.
The presence of these and other social mechanisms constrain women’s daily life by
producing gender-based inequities in women’s economic potential, in their control
of resources, and in gender-based expectations.
In the adaption of the theory of gender and power, it is postulated that the gender-based inequities and disparities in expectations that arise from each of the three
structures (sexual division of labor, sexual division of power, structure of cathexis)
generate different exposures and risk factors@ that influence women’s risk for HIV.
Exposures are variables that are external to women which may influence their
sexual risk behavior. Exposures include, but are not limited to, residence in a poor
neighborhood, having an abusive male partner, and having limited pool of available
partners. While the term risk factor is traditionally used to denote any influence that
enhances risk for HIV, the theory of Gender and Power reserves this term specifically to denote intrapersonal variables that emanate from within women and influence their risk for HIV. Risk factors include, but are not limited to, having attitudes
and beliefs non-supportive of condom use and having limited self-efficacy to use or
negotiate condom use. Below, each structure in the theory is defined.
The inequities resulting from the sexual division of labor are manifested as economic
exposures and risk factors. According to the sexual division of labor, as the economic
inequity between men and women increases and favors men (making women more
dependent on men), women will be at greater risk for HIV. HIV-related economic
exposures include, but are not limited to, residing in a poor neighborhood, limited
social cohesion within a neighborhood and partner pay inequities. Socioeconomic risk
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HIV Prevention for Heterosexual African-American Women
215
factors include being younger, unemployed and having a limited education (Wingood
& DiClemente, 2001).
The inequities resulting from the sexual division of power are manifested as
physical exposures and behavioral risk factors. According to the sexual division of
power, as the power inequity between men and women increases and favors men,
women’s sexual choices and behavior may be constrained enhancing their risk for
HIV. HIV-related physical exposures include interpersonal (partner-related) and
institutional (i.e., media, worksite) factors. Physical exposures include having a
sexually abusive, physically abusive, drug-abusing sexual partner; being exposed
to sexually explicit media, racial discrimination, exposure to sexual harassment at
the worksite. Behavioral risk factors are conceptualized as women who perceived
themselves as having less power to avoid unhealthy behaviors. Behavioral risk factors include using alcohol or drugs; being less efficacious in negotiating condoms
(Wingood & DiClemente, 2001).
The inequities resulting from the structure of cathexis (i.e., social norms and affective
attachments) are manifested as social exposures and as personal risk factors. According
to the structure of cathexis, women who are more accepting of conventional social
norms and beliefs will be at greater risk of HIV. Social and affective exposures including,
but are not limited to, having an older partner, having a partner who desires a pregnancy and having a limited partner pool. Personal risk factors are conceptualized as
desiring pregnancy, being in a long term relationship, and possessing conservative or
traditional gender norms (Wingood & DiClemente, 2001).
Employing the theory of Gender and Power to examine gender-based exposures
and risk factors influencing African-American’s women’s risk of HIV has a number
of positive attributes. First it marshals new kinds of data and allows us to ask new
and broader questions regarding African-American women’s vulnerability for HIV.
Further, use of such a theory creates new ways of understanding why AfricanAmerican women are at greater risk of HIV.
HIV Prevention Interventions for Heterosexual
African-American Women
To reduce African-American women’s vulnerability to HIV, the examination of risk
factors and exposures associated with women’s HIV risk must be accompanied by
effective behavioral prevention efforts. Since 2000 a number of HIV interventions
have been designed, implemented and evaluated in which a majority of the sample
are African-American women. This chapter will focus on five HIV prevention
interventions that have been conducted, since 2000, in which 70% of the sample is
African-American women and, that use a randomized controlled trial with at least
a 6-month follow-up to evaluate the efficacy of the intervention.
In 2002, Ehrhardt et al. (2002) published a study that assessed the short- and
long-term effect of a gender-specific group intervention for women on unsafe sexual
encounters and strategies for protection against HIV/STD infection. Family planning
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G.M. Wingood and R.J. DiClemente
clients (N = 360) from a high HIV seroprevalence area in New York City were
randomized to an eight-session, a four-session or a control condition and followed
at 1, 6 and 12 months post-intervention. Using an intention-to-treat analysis, women
who were assigned to the eight-session group had about twice the odds of reporting
decreased or no unprotected vaginal and anal intercourse compared to controls at 1
month (OR = 1.93, 95% confidence interval [CI] = 1.07, 3.48, p = 0.03) and at
12-month follow-up (OR = 1.65, 95% CI = 0.94, 2.90, p = 0.08). Relative to controls,
women assigned to the eight-session condition reported during the previous month
approximately three-and-a-half (p = 0.09) and five (p <0.01) fewer unprotected sex
occasions at 1- and 12-month follow-up, respectively. Women in the eight-session
group also reduced the number of sex occasions at both follow-ups, and had a greater
odds of first time use of an alternative protective strategy (refusal, outercourse,
mutual testing) at 1-month follow-up. Results for the four-session group were in the
expected direction but overall were inconclusive. Thus, gender-specific interventions of sufficient intensity can promote short- and long-term sexual risk reduction
among women in a family planning setting.
In 2003, Sterk and colleagues published a study to evaluate the effectiveness of
an HIV intervention for African American women who use crack cocaine (Sterk,
Theall, & Elifson, 2003). Two hundred and sixty-five women (aged 18–59 years)
were randomly assigned to one of two enhanced intervention conditions or to the
National Institute on Drug Abuse standard condition. A substantial proportion of
women reported no past 30-day crack use at 6-month follow-up. Significant (p <0.05)
decreases in the frequency of crack use; the number of paying partners; the number
of times vaginal, oral, or anal sex was had with a paying partner; and sexual risks,
such as trading sex for drugs, were reported over time. Significant (p <0.05)
increases in male condom use with sex partners were observed, as well as decreases
in casual partners’ refusal of condoms. Findings suggest that combined components
of our culturally appropriate, gender-tailored intervention may be most effective at
enhancing preventive behavior among similar populations.
In 2004, Drs. DiClemente and Wingood, published the results of a randomized,
two-arm, single blind, controlled trial of sexually experienced African American
females (N = 522), 14–18 years of age, conducted at a family medicine clinic
(DiClemente et al., 2004). Participants in this study completed a self-administered
survey, a personal interview, demonstrated condom application skills, and provided
vaginal swab specimens for STD testing at baseline and at 6- and 12-months postintervention. The intervention emphasized ethnic and gender pride, HIV prevention
knowledge, communication and condom use skills, refusal and avoidance skills, and
the benefits of healthy relationships. Using population-averaged generalized estimating
equations (GEE) analyses for the entire 12-month follow-up period, adolescents in the
intervention, in contrast to the comparison group, were nearly twice as likely to
report using condoms consistently in the 30 days preceding assessments (OR = 1.97;
95% CI = 1.25, 3.10; p = 0.004) and were more than twice as likely to report using
condoms consistently in the 6 months preceding assessments (OR = 2.28; 95%
CI = 1.50, 3.47; p = 0.0001). Adolescents in the HIV intervention also had a lower
incidence of laboratory-confirmed chlamydia infections (OR = 0.17; 95% CI = 0.03,
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HIV Prevention for Heterosexual African-American Women
217
0.93; p = 0.04) and trichomonas infections (OR = 0.19; 95% CI = 0.03, 1.16; p = 0.07),
though this latter finding did not achieve statistical significance. Adolescents in the
HIV intervention were also more likely to use a condom at last sexual intercourse,
less likely to have new sex partners, had a higher frequency of applying condoms to
sex partners, had better condom application skills, had a higher proportion of condomprotected sex acts, and had fewer unprotected vaginal sex acts. Adolescents in the
HIV intervention also had higher scores on measures of psychosocial mediators of
HIV-preventive behaviors. This is one of the first HIV prevention trials to report a
reduction in high-risk sexual behaviors and incident Chlamydia among AfricanAmerican adolescent females.
In 2004, Dr. Wechsberg and colleagues published the results of a randomized,
three-arm trial for out-of-drug treatment African-American women who used crack
(N = 620) and women were assessed at 3- and 6-months follow-up (Wechsberg,
Lam, Zule, & Bobashev, 2004). Participants were randomized to one of three arms,
a woman-focused HIV intervention for crack abusers, a revised National Institute
on Drug Abuse standard intervention, and a control group. The woman-focused
intervention addressed drug dependence as a form of “bondage” and was designed
to facilitate greater independence and increase personal power and control over
behavior choices as well as life circumstances. The intervention contained psychoeducational information and skills training on reducing HIV risk and drug use,
presented within the context of African American women’s lives in the inner city,
where pervasive poverty and violence limit women’s options and increase the likelihood of poor (i.e., high-risk) behavior choices. All three groups reported significant
reductions in the proportion of women having any unprotected sex in the past 30
days between baseline and 3- and 6-month follow-up. Although the woman-focused
group demonstrated greater reductions in unprotected sex than the standard-R and
control groups at 3 months, these results were not statistically significant at the
0.05 level. However, at 6 months this trend was statistically significant relative to
controls, with fewer woman-focused group participants reporting any unprotected
sex in the past 30 days (odds ratio [OR] = 0.62, p = 0.03). All study conditions demonstrated significant reductions in the proportion of women reporting trading sex
for money or drugs in the past 30 days between baseline and 3- and 6-month
follow-up. Both intervention groups showed significant reductions in the percentage of women who traded sex compared with control subjects, with the standard-R
group (OR = 0.48, p = 0.007) having slightly stronger effects than the womanfocused group (OR = 0.58, p = 0.046) at 3-month follow-up. At 6 months, these
trends in reduction continued, although they were not statistically significant. At 3
months, the odds of being homeless were the lowest in the woman-focused group
(OR = 0.35, p = 0.0002). In multiple logistic regression analysis controlling for fulltime employment at baseline, the odds of being employed full time at 3 months
were significantly higher in the woman-focused group relative to both controls
(OR = 2.53; p = 0.0027) and the standard-R group (OR = 2.02, p = 0.0175). The study
concluded that a woman-focused intervention can successfully reduce risk and
facilitate employment and housing and may effectively reduce the frequency of
unprotected sex in the longer term.
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G.M. Wingood and R.J. DiClemente
In 2004, Dr. Wingood and DiClemente published a randomized controlled trial
of 366 women living with HIV in Alabama and Georgia (ref. 72, AJPH). The intervention emphasized gender pride, maintaining current and identifying new network
members, HIV transmission knowledge, communication and condom use skills,
and healthy relationships. Over the 12-month follow-up, women in the WiLLOW
intervention, relative to the comparison, reported fewer episodes of unprotected
vaginal intercourse (1.8 vs. 2.5; p = 0.022), were less likely to report never using
condoms (OR = 0.27; p = 0.008), had a lower incidence of bacterial infections (chlamydia
and gonorrhea) (OR = 0.19; p = 0.006), reported higher HIV knowledge and condom
use self-efficacy, and more network members, fewer beliefs that condoms interfere
with sex, fewer partner-related barriers to condom use, demonstrated greater skill
in using condoms. This is the first trial to demonstrate reductions in risky sexual
behavior and incident bacterial STDs and enhance HIV-preventive psychosocial
and structural factors among women living with HIV.
Disseminating HIV Prevention Interventions
for African-American Women
While the design, implementation and evaluation of HIV prevention interventions for
African-American women is important, perhaps even more critical is the dissemination
of these studies. Through the Diffusion of Evidence-Based Intervention (DEBI)
program, nationally, more than 650 agencies have received training in SiSTA (Prather,
2005), an evidence-based HIV prevention program for African-American women
(DiClemente & Wingood, 1995). Agencies seeking certification in implementing
SiSTA can send two staff members to participate in a week long training. The 1 week
SiSTA training program is known as the SiSTA Institute. Trainees in the SiSTA
Institute are provided training on the theoretical frameworks, core elements, intervention activities and evaluation methods that comprise SiSTA. Trainees graduating from
the SiSTA Institute are certified to implement this intervention. A technical assistance
program has been created to provide additional training and address questions and
concerns that may arise during the implementation of SiSTA in the trainees’ local
communities. Individuals, who have been certified to implement SiSTA through the
SiSTA Institute, are eligible to receive a 1-week training and certification to implement
a newly published evidence-based HIV prevention program for African-American
female adolescents, known as SiHLE (DiClemente et al., 2004) and an evidence-based
HIV intervention for women living with HIV, known as WiLLOW (Wingood et al.,
2004). All three programs, SiSTA, SiHLE and WiLLOW target African-American
females, are designed to reduce HIV sexual risk behaviors and share similar theoretical,
core and methodological elements. Given their similarities, these programs are being
promoted as a suite of HIV interventions for African-American women.
In an effort to accommodate and expand the intervention suite to new and emerging
subpopulations of African-American women, the designers of the suite (Drs. Gina
Wingood and Ralph DiClemente) have tailored and are evaluating the efficacy
11
HIV Prevention for Heterosexual African-American Women
219
of several of the interventions within this suite for use with other subgroups of
African-American women (i.e., female adolescents attending STD clinics, and
young adult women receiving care at health maintenance organizations). Moreover,
in an attempt to reach women across the African Diaspora the original researchers
are currently adapting and evaluating the efficacy of interventions within the suite
for use with women in sub-Saharan Africa and the Caribbean. In an era when fiscal
and human resources are severely constrained by competing public health priorities,
it would be cost- and time-prohibitive for many public and private sector agencies to
develop and evaluate a new program for each subgroup for which they desire to
administer an HIV prevention program. Perhaps, promoting clusters of technological
innovations, such as an HIV intervention suite, may serve to facilitate adoption and
diffusion of evidence-based HIV prevention programs.
Future Directions
While notable research, programs and services designed to reduce HIV risk among
African-American women have been developed, public health researchers have to
expand their agenda. Among the new and emerging issues there is a need to:
1. Explore effective ways to design and implement social structural interventions to
reduce African-American women’s risk of HIV.
2. Explore how female controlled methods, such as microbicides, can be used as
HIV risk reduction agents.
3. Explore how effective primary and secondary HIV prevention interventions for women
can be more widely disseminated to African-American women at greatest risk.
4. Explore ways to design cost-effective HIV prevention interventions for AfricanAmerican women that can reduce risky sexual practices as well as, biological
outcomes, such as sexually transmitted infections.
Creating a new and expanded agenda to reduce and even halt the feminization of
the HIV epidemic needs to be a public health priority. However, prior to creating a
new agenda first requires an assessment of the lessons learned from our current
prevention efforts conducted among women. Several meta-analyses and reviews of
HIV prevention programs conducted among women research have demonstrated
that HIV prevention programs with African-American women are effective. However,
without a new vision and forward foresight the HIV epidemic will continue its
devastating toll on the health of African-American women nationally.
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Chapter 12
Formulating the Stress and Severity Model
of Minority Social Stress for Black Men
Who Have Sex with Men
Kenneth Terrill Jones, Leo Wilton, Gregorio Millett, and Wayne D. Johnson
Introduction
Despite drastic declines in HIV in the United States (US) (Holtgrave, Hall, Rhodes,
& Wolitski, 2008), communities of color and men who have sex with men (MSM)
are still disproportionately infected. Nationally, MSM comprise 48% of people living
with HIV (CDC, 2008a). For MSM of all age groups, 35% of new infections were
in black MSM (CDC, 2008b). Epidemiological studies of MSM demonstrate that
rates of HIV infection have been greater for black MSM as compared with other
racial or ethnic groups of MSM (Harawa et al., 2004; Lemp et al., 1994; Mansergh
et al., 2002; CDC, 2001). In fact, between 2001 and 2004, black MSM were the only
subgroup of blacks for whom new HIV diagnoses actually increased rather than
decreased (CDC, 2005a). HIV seroprevalence rates of black MSM in the US have
been shown analogous to those in some resource-limited countries (CDC, 2002;
CDC, 2005b).
HIV seroprevalence rates of younger black MSM may be even more pronounced.
Nearly half of new infections in MSM ages 13–29 were in blacks (CDC, 2008b). A
recent study of people in five US cities found that black MSM had the highest HIV
prevalence (46%) of all MSM and that two-thirds of black MSM were unaware of
their HIV infection (CDC, 2005b). A retrospective study conducted from January
2001 to May 2003 in North Carolina found that 88% (49/56) of new HIV cases in
men aged 18–30 were in black men, a majority of whom reported same-sex sexual
behavior (CDC, 2004). HIV behavioral studies have demonstrated that unprotected
anal intercourse (UAI) has been a primary risk factor or acquiring and transmitting
HIV between MSM (Vittinghoff et al., 1999). Two studies (Guenther-Grey et al.,
2005; Valleroy et al., 2000) reported rates of UAI between 26 and 55%. A more
recent study found that rates of UAI among black MSM were 34 and 47% for
K.T. Jones (*)
Division of HIV/AIDS Prevention, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention,
1600 Clifton Road NE, MS E-37, Atlanta, GA 30333, USA
e-mail: KJones4@cdc.gov
D.H. McCree et al. (eds.), African Americans and HIV/AIDS,
DOI 10.1007/978-0-387-78321-5_12, © Springer Science + Business Media, LLC 2010
223
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casual and for main male partners, respectively. By comparison, white MSM had
rates of 39 and 64% for casual and main male partners, respectively (CDC, 2006).
The Paradox of Behavioral Risk Correlates
Black MSM report higher rates of HIV disease progression (Hall, Byers, Ling, &
Espinoza, 2007) and AIDS mortality (Blair, Fleming, & Karon, 2002) among MSM
in the US than the rates reported by MSM of other racial or ethnic backgrounds.
However, commonly understood risk factors for HIV infection do not fully explain
the disparate rates of the disease burden of black MSM. A recent review (Millett,
Peterson, Wolitski, & Stall, 2006) found empirical support for potential explanations for increased HIV seroprevalence rates in black MSM compared with their
white counterparts. These include (1) high rates of sexually transmitted infections
(STIs) that facilitate acquisition and transmission of HIV (CDC, 2001); (2) less
frequent HIV testing (CDC, 2002); and (3) higher rates of unrecognized HIV
(Millett, Peterson, et al.).
Few studies have examined correlates of HIV infection or HIV risk of black
MSM. A recent literature review reported that only 14 correlates were tested in
multiple studies of black MSM (Millett, Flores, Peterson, & Bakeman, 2007). Of
these, only four showed similar relationships across studies in their comparison of
black MSM: first, those with a history of gonorrhea were more likely to be HIVpositive; second, those with low incomes engaged in more risky sexual behaviors;
third, those who disclosed their MSM behavior were more likely to have been
tested for HIV; and fourth, those who reported high psychological distress were
more likely to engage in risky sexual behavior. Black MSM engages in fewer risk
behaviors than do MSM of other races and ethnicities despite black MSM’s having
high rates of HIV infection (Millett, Flores, et al.).
The Effects of Psychological Distress and Social Stress
The contribution of psychological distress to black MSM’s HIV sexual risk behavior
has not been as adequately studied as it has been for other populations of MSM
(Peterson & Jones, 2009; Wilton, 2009). In a study of 912 Latino gay men, Diaz,
Ayala, and Bein (2004) found that those who experienced multiple forms of
discrimination, including racism, homophobia, and poverty, were more likely to
engage in risky sexual situations, which provided the context for HIV sexual risk
behavior. These factors also were predictors of greater psychological distress in
Latino gay men. The dearth of such research among black MSM has led investigators to advocate for studies that explore both interpersonal and societal determinants of the HIV risk of black MSM (Mays, Cochran, & Zamudio, 2004; Wilson,
Cook, McGlaskey, Rowe, & Dennis, 2009). In a qualitative study, Woodyard,
12
Formulating the Stress and Severity Model of Minority Social Stress
225
Peterson, and Stokes (2000) found that young black MSM churchgoers experienced
psychological distress because of homophobic messages they heard at church.
Distress also was associated with “secret” same-sex activity, which in another study
(Stokes and Peterson, 1998) was associated with internalized homophobia.
Internalized homophobia has been associated with limited participation in HIVprevention activities (Huebner, Davis, Nemeroff, & Aiken, 2002). Further, Jones
et al., (2008a) found that young black MSM who had a family member disapprove
of their same-sex activities were more likely to have been recently incarcerated,
which was associated with recent risky sex. The same study found that black MSM
who reported experiencing racial discrimination also reported favorable condom use
peer norms, which were associated with decreased unprotected sex. Favorable condom peer norms were a predictor of protected anal sex among black MSM in another
study (Hart & Peterson, 2004).
Formulating a Culturally Congruent Model for HIV Prevention
Negative associations of discrimination on physical and mental health have been well
documented (Clark 2001; Clark, Moore, & Adams, 1998; Jones, Harrell, MorrisPrather, Thomas, & Omowale, 1996; Sellers, Caldwell, Schmeelk-Cone, Zimmerman,
2003; Sellers & Shelton, 2003; Sellers, Bonham, Neighbors, & Arnell, 2009; Williams,
Neighbors, & Jackson, 2003; Williams, Yu, Jackson, & Anderson, 1997). However,
Jackson et al. (1996) found that perceived racism may motivate some blacks to be
protective of their own health when they believe that whites may hinder their chances
for achievement. Racial socialization (Hughes et al., 2006) is offered as one culturally
congruent strategy to explain this finding. Racial socialization is an umbrella term
that refers to strategies used by parents to prepare their children to deal with racial
discrimination and harassment. Racial socialization can be characterized by five
strategies:
1. Cultural socialization – racial/ethnic history and customs, cultural traditions are
promoted
2. Preparation for bias – individuals are taught to recognize and cope with racism
and inequality
3. Promotion of distrust – distrust of people from other races, especially whites, is
promoted
4. Egalitarianism – individual characteristics according to the principle of universal
equality, regardless of race, is endorsed
5. Silence about race – the discussion of race is avoided, as such, individuals are
not taught about differences or similarities between or among races
This process has been studied mainly in relation to messages transmitted from
parents or caregivers to children (Hughes, 2003; Hughes et al., 2006) and has rarely
been explored in relation to HIV risk in the peer-reviewed literature. However,
Jones et al., (2008a) have argued that racial socialization might explain the reduced
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K.T. Jones et al.
HIV risk behaviors of some black MSM who reported perceived racial discrimination.
Therefore, culturally congruent models that explore the impact of unique stressors
based on black MSM’s race and sexual behaviors deserve attention in prevention
efforts.
Studies demonstrate that those who are racially socialized report better health
and academic outcomes (Fischer & Shaw, 1999; Hughes et al., 2006). Resiliency
has been shown among black children (Hughes and Johnson, 2001; Stevenson,
Cameron, Herrero-Taylon, & Davis, 2002). Youth who were taught about race in an
earlier study reported higher grades (Bowman & Howard, 1985). Data from a
national longitudinal study of African American adolescents found increased
academic motivation among those who anticipated future discrimination (Eccles,
Wong, & Peck, 2006). Two studies found a reduction in prejudice when racial
categories were highlighted (Richeson & Nussbaum, 2004; Wolsko, Park, Judd,
& Winterbrink, 2000). Providing additional support to the importance of recognizing racial differences, LaVeist, Sellers, and Neighbors (2001) found that attributing
negative life-events to external factors, such as societal racism, rather than to individual characteristics, was protective of black’s health. Similarly, self-attribution of
social discrimination was associated with increase HIV risk behaviors in a sample
of Asian and Pacific Islander gay men (Wilson & Yoshikawa, 2004). This attribution
technique has been explored decades earlier by Rotter (1966) in his locus of control
theory.
The importance of transmitting messages, values, and symbolic rituals to
children has also been examined in the literature (Bowman & Howard, 1985; Knight,
Bernal, Cota, Garza, & Ocampo, 1993; Knight, Cota, & Bernal, 1993; Phinney
& Chavira, 1995; Phinney & Rotheram, 1987; Sanders-Thompson, 1994; Thornton,
Chatters, Taylor, & Allen, 1990). According to Omi and Winant (1996), cultural
socialization is one of the ways in which race is formed in the US and it can facilitate collective identity (Ogbu, 2004). Collective identity refers to one’s sense of
belonging to a particular group or class. The importance of racial-ethnic group
identification has been documented in the literature (Eccles et al., 2006; Sellers,
Smith, Shelton, Rowley, & Chavous, 1998; Yip, Gee, & Takeuchi, 2008). Yip et al.
(2008) report in the first national representative study of Asian Americans that
identification with one’s ethnic group was a protective factor of psychological
distress. A similar finding was reported among African American adolescents and
school achievement (Eccles et al.).
Unfortunately, unintended consequences may be encountered later in life as a result
of specific strategies that black MSM experience as children. These consequences are
discussed elsewhere in the manuscript. We first present a model in an attempt to
explain how racial socialization and other culturally appropriate strategies might
reduce the HIV risk of black MSM. Additionally, we propose “sexual socialization”
along the lines of the just-described components of “racial socialization.” In so doing,
we hope to devise another strategy that may mitigate such risk. Sexual socialization
has been defined as those strategies that are used to prepare lesbians, gay men, and
bisexuals to deal with discrimination and harassment associated with being a sexual
minority. Unfortunately, sexual socialization, especially parent-to-child socialization,
12
Formulating the Stress and Severity Model of Minority Social Stress
227
may be unlikely to take place in today’s society, given stigma, homophobia, and
systematic discrimination against lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender populations
in the US. We should note that these ideas are not entirely new but the present conceptualization specifically for black MSM may be. For example, Meyer (2003) offers a
stress model for lesbian, gay, and bisexual men and women.
The Stress and Severity Model of Minority Social Stress
Similar to the Glanz and Schwartz (2008) (also see Lazarus and Folkman, 1984)
Transactional Model of Stress and Coping, Fig. 12.1 depicts a model to help the
reader understand the effects of social stress on the lives of black MSM and on their
level of HIV risk. Figure 12.1 also depicts how different coping strategies, including racial and sexual socialization, might lessen HIV risk. This model has been
termed the Stress and Severity Model of Minority Social Stress (SMS). While many
stressors affect the lives of black MSM, the application of the SMS currently
focuses only on stress stemming from being a racial and sexual minority; however,
the model can be applied to other social stressors that black MSM experience.
According to the SMS, black MSM experience social stressors that are harmful
to their physical, emotional, and sexual health. Upon experiencing these stressors,
black MSM will evaluate the significance of the stressors in their lives (perceived
severity). The likelihood that maladaptive behaviors will take place will increase if
black MSM who are under such stress perceive that they will pay a high social cost
for their sexual practices. For example, if parental rejection is perceived to be
significant in black MSM’s lives then stress is elevated. In previous research, family
rejection has been associated with feelings of loneliness, depression, anger, anxiety,
and other adverse health outcomes in populations of gay men (Greene, 1994; Kreiss
& Patterson, 1997; Loiacano, 1993; Mays & Cochran, 2001; Meyer, 2003; So,
2003). Zamboni and Crawford (2007) found that elevated levels of sexual problems
were significantly associated with reduced levels of social support for African
STRESSOR
MEDIATING PROCESSES
Ego Appraisal of Stressor
- Perceived severity
Black MSM Stressors
- Racism
- Homophobia
Ability to Adapt
- Self-efficacy
Coping Actions
- Emotional regulation
- Meaning-based coping
- Problem management
- Reestablishing losses of
support
- Establishing alternate
forms of support
Moderators
- Locus of support
- Racial socialization
- Sexual socialization
Fig. 12.1 Stress and severity model of minority social stress
OUTCOME
Outcome
- Reduced unprotected anal
sex
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K.T. Jones et al.
American MSM. Therefore, family and community rejection may cause black
MSM to feel unprotected and vulnerable when faced with a loss of expected assurance, support, and protection.
According to the SMS, and consistent with other ecological and theoretical
approaches, severity of stress is differentially experienced, given the proximity and
availability of perceived and actual sources of support and given the level of stress
to the individual from these sources of support (referred to as locus of support in
the SMS, see Fig. 12.2; also see Lazarus & Folkman, 1984 and Meyer, 2003 for
additional discussions of the distal-proximal distinction). The larger black
community is an important source of support for many black MSM (Kraft, Beeker,
Stokes, & Peterson 2000; Mays, Chatters, Cochran, & Mackness, 1998). Most
black gay men and lesbians live in black communities rather than in urban gay
communities unlike their white counterparts (Dang & Frazer 2004). Black gay men
and lesbians tend to have mostly black friends (Mays, Nardi, Cochran, & Taylor,
2000) and view their racial identity (rather than being gay or lesbian) as their
primary identity (Battle, Cohen, Warren, Fergerson, & Audam, 2002; Greene, 1994).
Mays et al., (1998) has also highlighted the importance of African American
families as important social networks. Therefore, in some contexts, homophobia in the
black community may be regarded differently from oppression experienced in
the larger society or in the general “gay community,” thus differentially affecting
the perceived severity of the stressor in black MSM’s lives. The same is true for
experiences associated with racism. For example, individuals in racially homogeneous communities may not exhibit maladaptive behaviors when they perceive
racism in those communities by non-black individuals. Further, one often unanswered question that can be addressed by this model is whether racism experienced
in the broader gay community has differing effects on black MSM’s risk-taking
from the homophobia experienced in the broader black community. For example,
Raymond and McFarland (2009) found in a recent study that black MSM in San
Francisco were significantly more likely to engage in assortative sexual pairing
than would be expected by chance. MSM from other racial groups viewed blacks
Society
Family, community, extended kinships
Close friends
Self
Fig. 12.2 Locus of support for Black MSM
12
Formulating the Stress and Severity Model of Minority Social Stress
229
as least desirable sexually or even as friends. Blacks were also viewed as least
welcomed to MSM venues in these communities.
Whether conscious or unconscious, black MSM will appraise the severity of the
stressor to themselves or their interests (ego appraisal) and make an additional
appraisal of their ability to cope with the stressor. This appraisal may include a
general evaluation of their ability to adapt or to choose the more healthful and
potentially life-saving option. According to the model, rejection and not having the
skills, or possessing decreased self-efficacy, can lead to negative health outcomes
for black MSM. Therefore, it is vital to increase black MSM’s self-efficacy. One
particular quote from a black MSM in a contextually unrelated study nonetheless
illuminates this point about risky sex and rejection. He states:
Well, you know how some people, when they get depressed, eat food or go to sleep or do
whatever? Well, I have sex. When things don’t go well, the first thing I want to do is have
sex. So I don’t know if that makes me an addict, but [laughs], you know, it’s something that
I use as a crutch, you know. I mean it’s just—and I think it has to do with—in the industry
that I’m in there’s a lot of rejection, you know… And, going and having anonymous sex
with someone, it’s like, you know, acceptance, you know (Vicioso, Parsons, Nanin, Purcell,
& Woods, 2005, p. 16).
The task of helping black MSM realize that they can control their sexual practices
by choosing more healthful responses to stress is only one component of reducing
these men’s HIV risk. It is important to prepare them through culturally appropriate
skills-building activities to improve their self-efficacy, or agency, for making more
healthful sexual and risk-reduction decisions. For example, one general goal of
an HIV intervention might be to help diminish an HIV-negative black MSM’s belief
that he is predestined to become HIV-positive. However, these efforts are futile if
the individual does not feel that he has the agency, or lacks self-efficacy, to practice
more healthful behaviors that will keep him or his sex partners to remain HIVnegative especially given societal messages arguably reinforcing his inferiority.
There are several coping efforts that black MSM may use when faced with these
stressors. One action is to give different meanings to the stressor. This meaningbased technique may be used to dispel negative emotions about the stressor and the
reason it is occurring. These beliefs may be rooted in religious or spiritual contexts.
For example, black MSM may view the stressor as a “test” to strengthen their
character. Using this strategy, black MSM who experience homophobia in their
family may exhibit persistent determination to be successful in order to disprove
negative views that others may have about him. Also, common among many marginalized groups, including women, is the notion of having to be twice as good in
order to warrant the same treatment accorded to non-marginalized people. In such
situations, additional meaning may be given for the disparate behavior. This resiliency has been reported as one reason for the longevity and success of blacks
(Bright, Duefield, & Caldwell, 1998; LaVeist et al., 2001).
Black MSM may take actions to personally modify the situation or the root
cause of the stress (problem management). This could include individual approaches
such as confronting or avoiding the stressor. It also may include collective activism
to combat the stressor, similar to the activism used during the Civil Rights Movement
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K.T. Jones et al.
and to strategies employed by AIDS Coalition to Unleash Power (ACT UP) in the
1980s and 1990s. Black MSM might engage in strategies to change they way they
and others consider or actualize the situation. These strategies may include the
invocation of social and behavioral scripts in order to regulate affect (emotional
regulation). This could include constant monitoring and regulation of personal feelings of anger, of facial expressions, and of other biological markers. It should be
noted that this constant self-monitoring of affect also may contribute to stress in
black MSM. Emotional regulation also may involve talking to a close friend or
other sources of support in order to process the stressful event.
Despite homophobia in some black communities, and homophobia and racism
in some white communities against these men, black MSM may continue, or at
least try, to maintain their roles in these communities and to reconnect to those
causing the perceived stress. Re-establishment is defined as a coping technique that
black MSM invoke so as to allow themselves to maintain or re-establish connections to those sources of stress in order to receive a portion of the desired support.
Disruption of black MSM’s roles and of their refuge in these communities is a
source of psychological distress and of social stress and will likely increase their
risk for unhealthful behaviors (Bowleg, Craig, & Burkholder, 2004). One black
MSM described this loss of support thus: “Being in the black community, the only
thing you got is each other. And [if you are gay], you really don’t have them, so you
don’t have nothing” (Kraft et al., 2000, p. 433).
The act of re-establishment is important in the lives of black MSM. However,
establishing alternative sources of support, when re-establishment is not a viable
option, also is as important for black MSM. Examples may include attendance at
gay-affirming churches or membership in the House Ballroom community popular
among black and Latino gay men and women (Arnold & Bailey, 2009). The House
Ballroom community consists of recreated family structures led by a “mother” or
“father.” These individuals provide leadership and mentorship typical of that given
by a parent or caregiver. Members of these communities tend to engage in fashion
and dance competitions referred to as balls (Marks et al., 2008). Unfortunately, high
rates of HIV have been reported in the House Ballroom community (Murrill et al., 2005),
suggesting that recreating social support alone may be necessary but not sufficient
for HIV prevention.
Finally, racial and sexual socialization strategies moderate the relationship
between social stressors and black MSM HIV risk. Certain strategies unfortunately
may have unintended consequences for black MSM and may require certain
revision in order to be effective in reducing HIV among black MSM and other
multiply stigmatized individuals. For example, Preparing youth to recognize
discrimination may lead them to anticipate discrimination in their daily lives. High
levels of depressive symptoms and low self-esteem were reported in one study
(Rumbaut, 1994). Biafora, Warheit, Zimmerman, & Gil (1993) earlier reported that
racial mistrust was predictive of maladaptive behaviors in a sample of black children.
Racial mistrust has also been examined in relation to black’s utilization of mental
heath services. In a systematic review, Whaley (2001) found that mistrust explained
black’s underutilization of mental health services. Promoting distrust of whites may
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Formulating the Stress and Severity Model of Minority Social Stress
231
also fuel conspiracy beliefs about HIV. While these beliefs are reasonable given
historic unethical medical practices against blacks (Washington, 2006), conspiracy
beliefs have nonetheless been associated with inconsistent condom use among
black men generally (Bogart and Thorburn, 2005; Klonoff and Landrine, 1999) and
black MSM specifically (Hutchinson et al., 2007).
Research has shown that not talking about race and egalitarian approaches do not
always relieve experiences of discrimination or prejudice (Park & Judd, 2005). Bowman
and Howard (1985) earlier reported that silence about race was associated with lower
grades. For black MSM, silence about race may leave black MSM ill prepared to even
understand the potential risk of HIV from partner selection choices. Selecting sexual
partners from high prevalence populations, including black MSM, increases the probability of HIV transmission or acquisition especially when risky sexy occurs (Peterson
& Jones, 2009; Raymond & McFarland, 2009). Silence about race and egalitarian
stances, very similar to color-blind racism (Bonilla-Silva, 2006), may be associated with
barriers to governmental interventions meant to reduce racial inequalities.
Black cultural transmission may be a source of psychological distress for black
MSM. Constantine-Simms (2001) examines notions that equate homosexuality as
an imposition of white cultural values on black men and women. In these instances,
the exclusion of contributions from lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender men and
women to black culture and society can be expected. Excluding these contributions
may lead black MSM to question their larger role in the black community, decrease
identification with the black community, may lead to inaccurate assessments about
black MSM’s capabilities, and may result in a lack of positive LGBT role models.
The lack of such role models has been associated with increased HIV risk behaviors
among Latino MSM (Diaz & Ayala, 2001).
Future Directions
There is a critical need to provide effective and culturally appropriate interventions
that prevent HIV transmission and progression to AIDS for black MSM (Wilton,
2009). Only three HIV prevention interventions developed for, and tested solely
among, black MSM have been published in the peer-reviewed literature (Jones
et al., 2008b; Peterson et al., 1996, Wilton et al., 2009).
Peterson and colleagues (1996) conducted the first evaluation. Participants were
randomized to one of three conditions: (1) three weekly 3 h sessions on AIDS risk
education, cognitive behavioral self-management training, assertion training, and
attempts to develop self-identity and social support; (2) a single 3 h session of the
same content; or (3) a wait-list control condition. At 12- and 18-month follow-ups,
those assigned to the three-session condition, reported less unprotected sex than those
assigned to the single session. Unfortunately, neither of the groups differed significantly from the control condition. However, lessons learned and strategies from this
study have been used as the basis for developing behavior interventions for black
MSM (see Jones et al., 2008b and Wilton et al., 2009).
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K.T. Jones et al.
Many Men, Many Voices (3MV) is an innovative, group-level, integrated HIV/STI
prevention intervention for black MSM who self-identify as HIV-negative or status
unknown. The primary objectives of the 3MV intervention are as follows: (1) to prevent HIV
/STI transmission through an increase in the practice of safer sexual behaviors and a decrease
in unprotected anal and vaginal intercourse; (2) to increase their seeking health care (e.g.,
testing for HIV and for other STIs and obtaining the results); (3) to encourage mutually
monogamous relationships with an uninfected partner; and (4) to promote key behaviorinfluencing factors that include HIV/STI knowledge, perception of HIV/STI risk, identity
and self-value, self-efficacy skills, and behavioral intentions for safer sexual behaviors.
In a recent randomized controlled trial (Wilton et al., 2009), men in the
intervention group, as compared with the comparison group, significantly reduced
unprotected anal intercourse (UAI) with their casual male sex partners and they
reduced the number of male sex partners. Men in the intervention group also were
tested for HIV more often than those in the comparison group. Furthermore, a trend
toward significance was established for consistent condom use during receptive
anal intercourse with casual male sex partners.
In 2004, CDC funded the North Carolina Department of Health to adapt Kelly
et al. (1991) community-level intervention, Popular Opinion Leader, in three North
Carolina cities (Jones et al., 2008b). The adapted intervention included discussions
about racism, homophobia, bisexuality, employment, poverty, and religion. Through
culturally relevant role-play exercises, opinion leaders learn how to address these
social factors if encountered as an obstacle to their peer’s safer-sex practices.
Serial cross-sectional community surveys were conducted in the same nightclubs where opinion leaders were recruited, first at baseline (before any intervention activity) and then repeated at 4, 8, and 12 months. At baseline, 32.4% of black
MSM reported unprotected receptive anal intercourse (URAI) in the 2 months
prior; 29.3% reported unprotected insertive anal intercourse (UIAI); and 42.1%
reported any UAI (n = 284). After implementing the intervention over the course of
1 year, URAI decreased by 44.1% from baseline measures, 35.2% for UIAI, and
31.8% for any UAI. Overall, these findings provide evidence that adapting interventions already proven effective for other groups of MSM also may be an effective
strategy in reducing black MSM’s HIV risk.
Within the context of HIV prevention research, a considerable amount of scholarly work still needs to be conducted, and appropriate strategies developed and
implemented for black MSM (Peterson & Jones, 2009). Based on the SMS and
available interventions with demonstrated and suggestive efficacy for this population, there are several implications of this model that can serve as the basis for
further adaptations and the creation of additional interventions.
First, the SMS can inform how social stress is perceived and managed by black
MSM. This understanding will assist interventionists in developing additional
appropriate stress coping strategies. Using this model, interventionists will be
prepared to assist black MSM in understanding the possible courses of actions
available to them, based on the perceived stressor and with an emphasis on more
healthful courses of action. As suggested by Durantini, Albarracin, Mitchell, Earl,
& Gillette, (2006), black MSM serving as interventionists may be more effective at
delivering these types of interventions and at leading evaluation efforts.
12
Formulating the Stress and Severity Model of Minority Social Stress
233
Interventionists using this model also can assist black MSM in improving their selfefficacy. This may involve providing culturally appropriate skills for black MSM to
improve their ability to make more healthful sexual and risk-reduction decisions in relation to social stress. It also may involve strategies to provide different meaning to
discrimination and to re-establish support. One option is the location, or creation, of
alternative forms of healthy support where supportive behaviors and norms are reinforced. Finally, interventionists using this model should be prepared to help black MSM
seek to ameliorate stressors including racism, homophobia, poverty, and incarceration.
While the latter is an ambitious goal, it is nonetheless important from a social justice
perspective that is inherent throughout the conceptualizations of the SMS.
Ultimately, interventions that strengthen black MSM’s individual support systems
and the acceptance of same-sex behaviors within familial and communal support
networks should be explored because they may prove to be effective strategies for
reducing the men’s HIV risk (Bowleg et al., 2004; Jones et al., 2008a; Mays et al.,
1998; Mays et al., 2004). The value of social support has been demonstrated in the
scientific literature generally (House, 1981; Langford, Bowsher, Maloney, & Lillis,
1997; McColl, Lei, & Skinner, 1995), specifically in those parts of the literature that
focus on people living with HIV (Kadushin, 1999; Reeves, 2001; Renwick, Halpen,
Rudman & Friedland, 1999). The SMS can serve as an impetus for the development
of future interventions for black MSM and for the potential to optimize different
strategies in response to different social stressors (Cutrona and Russell, 1990).
Conclusion
Discrimination and various forms of social stress have negative consequences on
the lives of black MSM. This discrimination can limit access to health care and
increase exposure to poverty and incarceration. Theoretical models are needed to
offer an explanation of black MSM’s interactions with these forms of social stress
and with unprotected anal sex. The SMS is offered as one such theoretical model
to explain this behavior and how it can contribute to our understanding of disparate
rates of individual HIV risk of black MSM. The SMS can serve as a theoretical
framework that will inform the development of interventions for black MSM.
Acknowledgements The findings and conclusions in this manuscript are those of the authors
and do not necessarily represent the views of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.
The authors sincerely thank Drs. Pilgrim Spikes and Leigh Willis and Mr. Kevin T. Jones for their
support and critical review of this manuscript.
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Chapter 13
HIV Prevention Interventions for African
American Injection Drug Users
David W. Purcell, Yuko Mizuno, and Cynthia M. Lyles
Background
Injection drug use has been a major risk factor for transmission of HIV in the
United States since the beginning of the HIV epidemic (Des Jarlais & Semaan,
2008) and is a major risk factor for African Americans. While the proportion of
injection drug users (IDUs) among HIV-positive persons has decreased over time,
the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) reported that, at the end of
2007, IDUs accounted for 23% of existing AIDS cases in the United States (30% if
men who have sex with men (MSM) and inject drugs are included) (CDC, 2009).
By gender, 35% of overall AIDS cases among women and 20% among men are
attributed to drug injection (29% among men if MSM/IDUs are included) (CDC,
2009). African Americans are disproportionately affected by HIV and AIDS – in
2006 African American accounted for approximately 12% of the population and
46% of the persons estimated to be living with HIV (CDC, 2008). When looking at
the percent of reported AIDS cases attributed to injection drug use within race and
gender, it is much higher among African American men (29%) than among white,
non Hispanics men (9%) while the percent of AIDS cases attributed to IDUs is
similarly high for African American women (33%) and white women (40%) and
also is similar among MSM/IDUs for African American men (8%) and white men
(9%) (CDC, 2009). For both African American men and women, IDU is the second
leading transmission risk category (CDC, 2009).
Many studies describe IDUs and non-IDU substance users as socio-economically
marginalized and often struggling with a variety of complex challenges including
mental health problems, substance abuse, incarceration, discrimination, marginal
housing, poverty, and family conflict (Mizuno et al., 2006). With such a background,
D.W. Purcell (*)
Division of HIV/AIDS Prevention, Centers for Disease Control,
1600 Clifton Road MS E-37, Atlanta, GA 30333, USA
e-mail: dpurcell@cdc.gov
D.H. McCree et al. (eds.), African Americans and HIV/AIDS,
DOI 10.1007/978-0-387-78321-5_13,
Chapter 13 was authored by employees of the U.S. government and is therefore not subject
to U.S. copyright protection.
239
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HIV can easily become a competing life priority that is given limited attention or
importance (Mizuno, Purcell, Borkowski, Knight & the SUDIS Team, 2003).
Similarly, due to historical and on-going stigmatization and marginalization and
other structural and social determinants of health, African Americans IDUs are
more likely to struggle with elevated rates of infectious diseases as well as other
complex psychosocial challenges than other racial and ethnic groups (Blankenship,
Smoyer, Bray, & Mattocks, 2005; Estrada, 2005; Hogben & Leichliter, 2008;
Mays, Chochran, & Barnes, 2007). In addition to their contextual vulnerability to
poor health outcomes in general, IDUs are vulnerable to HIV infection from
injection-related risk (e.g., sharing of needles or other injection equipment) and
sex-related risk behaviors (e.g., unprotected sex, trading sex for money or
drugs, having a large number of sexual partners). HIV-positive IDUs also may
struggle with accessing HIV-related health care and adhering to HIV medications
(Purcell et al., 2004).
Intravenous injection is an efficient source for viral transmission which contributed
to rapid spread of HIV among IDUs in the United States early in the epidemic. But
also contributing were factors that made it hard for IDUs to protect themselves
(e.g., lack of information about HIV and AIDS, restricted access to sterile needles
and paraphernalia), and factors that increased the likelihood of HIV transmission
(e.g., rapid exchange of injection partner in some situations such as “shooting
galleries,” and high infectiousness among newly infected persons) (Des Jarlais
& Semaan, 2008). Because IDUs were one of the earliest groups identified as
affected by the HIV/AIDS epidemic, community-based organizations and researchers began developing interventions for IDUs early in the epidemic. Research shows
that effective prevention of HIV among IDUs can both prevent epidemics and contain existing epidemics (Des Jarlais & Semaan).
Before discussing the interventions designed to reduce HIV risk among IDUs,
and particularly African American IDUs, there is an important emerging historical
trend that is important to note. It appears that African Americans are increasingly
turning away from injection as a route of administration for heroin, the primary
injection drug used by African Americans (Broz & Ouellet, 2008). Evidence from
multiple studies and datasets indicate a very large decline in young African American
heroin injectors entering drug treatment and enrolling in research studies, even in
cities with large African American populations. For example, in cohorts born before
1955, African Americans had a higher lifetime probability of drug injection than
whites, but the reverse is true for later born cohorts (Armstrong, 2007). Recent evidence shows a slower, later, and smaller transition from snorting to injecting heroin
among African Americans compared to whites (Broz & Ouellet). Potential explanations include avoidance of heroin injection due to the severe impact of HIV in the
African American community, changes in social conditions and identity that may
impact choices about drug use, and increases in drug quality leading to movement
away from injection. While reduced injection among African Americans is good
news for injection risk, African American IDUs are still at increased sexual and
injection risk because of higher background prevalence of HIV infection in their
community, and interventions are needed for this vulnerable population.
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Interventions to Prevent HIV Among IDUs
In this chapter, we briefly describe the response to the HIV epidemic among IDUs,
and the various broad types of interventions that have been developed to try to
decrease HIV, as well as other blood-born infections among this heavily affected
population. Then we focus on evidence-based behavioral interventions designed to
reduce sexual or drug injection risk among IDUs, and particularly individual-,
group-, and community-level interventions designed for African American IDUs.
We also will discuss interventions for IDUs and non-injection substance users that
might be adapted for African American IDUs. Finally we will indicate next directions
for HIV prevention interventions for African American IDUs.
Responses to the HIV Epidemic Among IDUs
Due to very high rates of prevalent and incident HIV infection among IDUs,
particularly in New York City, a variety of projects and programs were developed
and tested to respond to the public health challenges. Education, community
outreach, drug treatment, and risk reduction programs were among the earliest
efforts. One of the first large-scale behavioral intervention studies was the National
AIDS Demonstration Research (NADR) project funded by the National Institute on
Drug Abuse (NIDA) designed to reach and intervene with IDUs and their partners
(Weissman & Brown, 1995). Reviews have found a variety of interventions to be
effective in reducing sexual risk including community outreach to IDUs, individual
and group interventions, and drug treatment programs (Copenhaver, Johnson, Lee,
Harman, Carey, & the SHARP Research Team, 2006; Des Jarlais & Semaan, 2005,
2008; Farrell, Gowing, Marsden, Ling, & Ali, 2005; Metzger, Navaline, & Woody,
1998; Needle et al., 2005). As with other populations, HIV counseling and testing
also is effective in reducing the risk behaviors of IDUs found to be HIV-positive
(but generally not those found to be HIV-negative) (Weinhardt, Carey, Johnson,
& Bickham, 1999). In general, interventions with IDUs have been more successful
at reducing injection risk than sexual risk (Kotranski et al., 1998; McMahon,
Malow, Jennings, & Gomez, 2001; Prendergast, Urada, & Podus, 2001; Semaan
et al., 2002). This is important because more recent studies have shown that unprotected sexual behavior is a strong independent predictor of HIV seroconversion
among IDUs (Kral et al., 2001; Strathdee & Sherman, 2003).
In the late 1980s and throughout the 1990s, public health officials, community
members, and researchers also examined structural interventions. For example,
syringe exchange programs (SEPs) were developed to decrease barriers for IDUs to
access sterile syringes by allowing the exchange of used needles for free, new sterile
syringes to reduce the transmission of bloodborne infections (CDC, 2007; Des
Jarlais & Friedman, 1996). As of late 2007, 185 SEPs were part of the North
American Syringe Exchange network and were operating in 36 states, the District
of Columbia, and Puerto Rico (CDC, 2007). SEPs often offer other services such
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as HIV testing and access to other HIV risk reduction interventions and drug
treatment resources. Although the research designs have not always been optimal,
the weight of the evidence on SEPs indicates that they reduce injection risk
behaviors and incident infections while not leading to increased drug use (Gibson,
Flynn, & Perales, 2001; Huo & Ouellet, 2007; Ksobiech, 2003). Communities also
sought easier access to sterile syringes through changing laws to decriminalize
selling of syringes by pharmacists and possession and disposal by IDUs (Jones &
Coffin, 2002). There is evidence of reduced syringe sharing in those locales
undertaking some or all of these policy or legal changes (Rich, Hogan, Wolf,
DeLong, Zaller, Mehrotra, & Reinert, 2007).
Given the broad range of possible interventions for IDUs, a multi-level approach
is often suggested. Research suggests that HIV prevalence is related to the amount
and breadth of services provided to IDUs (Watters, Bluthenthal, & Kral, 1995). In
this study, wide variance in HIV prevalence rates between IDUs in different areas
within a large metropolitan area were not explained by individual-level variables
but instead by structural and systems variables such as low resources and the lack
of IDU-targeted programs and services (Watters et al., 1995). In fact, a comprehensive package of interventions for IDUs has been recommended by the Joint United
Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS), the United Nations Office on
Drug Policy (UNODP), and the World Health Organization (WHO) (Donoghoe,
Verster, Pervilhac, & Williams, 2008). The comprehensive package recommended
for consideration in countries around the world includes the following: SEPs,
opioid substitution therapy (methadone maintenance treatment programs), voluntary
HIV counseling and testing, anti-retroviral treatment, prevention and treatment of
sexually transmitted infections, condom programs for IDUs and their partners,
education and communication for IDUs and their partners, hepatitis diagnosis,
treatment (Hepatitis A, B, and C), and vaccination (Hepatitis A and B), and tuberculosis prevention, diagnosis, and treatment (Donoghoe et al., 2008). The focus for
the rest of this review will be on one part of such a comprehensive package – namely
behavioral interventions for IDUs designed to reduce injection or sexual risk. In a
given community, the success of these interventions may partly depend on the other
contextual and resource-related issues that have been discussed.
Reviews of HIV Prevention Behavioral Interventions for IDUs
Copenhaver et al. (2006) examined 37 randomized controlled trials evaluating
49 independent HIV risk reduction interventions targeting IDUs (51% of overall study
participants were African American). Through meta-analyses, the authors concluded
that the interventions facilitated condom use, promoted entry into drug treatment,
and helped to reduce injection and non-injection drug use and sex trading. Stratified
analyses showed that behavioral interventions were more successful at reducing
injection risk when participants were non-white, when the content focused
equivalently on drug-related and sex-related risks, and when the content included
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243
interpersonal skills training specific for safer needle use. For sexual risk, condom
use outcomes improved when two intervention facilitators were used instead of
one. These analyses also showed that reductions in injection risk did not tend to
decay over time while sexual risk outcomes did decay. This latter finding suggested
the need for booster sessions for sexual risk after an intervention ends (Copenhaver
et al.) and indicates the challenge facing interventionists in trying to make lasting
changes to sexual risk after a relatively brief behavioral intervention.
In a meta-analysis of interventions to reduce sexual risk among IDUs, Semaan
et al. (2002) examined the effectiveness of 33 US-based HIV intervention studies
identified as of June 1998 (58% of the studies included 66% or more minority
participants). The overall meta-analysis showed that IDUs in the intervention
groups were more likely to reduce sexual risk behaviors than those in the comparison groups. However, when the results were stratified, three studies in which the
comparison groups received no intervention had a significantly stronger effect
compared to the 30 studies in which the comparison condition received some HIV
prevention intervention. Studies in which both the experimental and the comparison
groups received an HIV-related intervention had a small but statistically non-significant
average effect size. Semaan et al. interpreted these results to show that providing
some intervention is better than providing nothing for IDUs, although these results
also could be due to socially desirable responding. A recent intervention study for
HIV-positive IDUs found similar results. In a randomized controlled trial that
included 66% African Americans, participants in both the 10-session intervention
condition and the 8-session video discussion comparison group reported similar
decreases in sexual and injection risk behaviors (Purcell et al., 2007).
In sum, meta-analyses of HIV prevention interventions suggest that interventions
can reduce the injection and sexual risk behaviors of IDUs, however, the effect size
for sexual risk is modest (Semaan et al., 2002) and the effects tends to decay over time
more quickly for sexual risk compared to injection risk (Copenhaver et al., 2006).
Evidence-Based Interventions Relevant
for African American IDUs
While meta-analyses indicate a modest effect of behavioral interventions on
injection and sexual risk (Copenhaver et al., 2006; Semaan et al., 2002), these
papers also provide evidence that a small number of interventions individually have
significant effects on the outcomes of interest. For example, graphs show that only
4 of the 33 effect sizes calculated by Semaan et al. for reductions in unsafe sexual
behaviors were significant. Similarly, Copenhaver et al. showed that only 4 of 30
effect sizes for injection risk and 6 of 15 effects sizes for condom use were
significant. When moving from research to practice, it is important to identify
strong interventions for IDUs so that they can be packaged and disseminated to
health departments and community based organizations (Lyles, Crepaz, Herbst, & Kay
for the HIV/AIDS Prevention Research Synthesis Team, 2006).
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CDC’s Division of HIV/AIDS Prevention has developed a research-to-practice
model to identify, package, and disseminate evidence-based HIV risk reduction
interventions for all groups, including African American IDUs. First, evidencebased interventions (EBIs) are identified by the Prevention Research Synthesis
(PRS) project through systematic efficacy reviews of the intervention literature and
applying standards related to study design, study implementation, statistical analyses,
and strength of findings (CDC, 2010a; Lyles et al., 2006). By mid-2009, CDC had
identified 63 EBIs and 58 focus on individuals or small groups. After identification
by PRS, intervention developers have the opportunity to apply for funding to
package their intervention into user friendly materials through the Replicating
Effective Programs (REP) project (Eke et al., 2006). Finally, CDC provides
training and technical assistance through its Diffusion of Effective Behavioral
Interventions (DEBI) program for a number of HIV prevention interventions that
are implemented by health departments and community-based organizations (AED,
2009; Collins et al., 2006).
To date, CDC has identified 12 evidence-based behavioral interventions for
IDUs that have been shown to reduce either injection or sexual risk or reduce
STDs – one community-level intervention and the rest individual or small-group
interventions (CDC, 2010a). Some group-level interventions included only IDUs
and some included a combination of IDUs and non-IDUs. Similarly, many interventions focus on IDUs without regard to race, leading to most studies including
a racially mixed sample. We first focus on interventions that include a majority
IDUs and a majority African Americans. Then we discuss other interventions that
are relevant to African American IDUs and might be adapted if existing interventions do not meet local needs.
Female and Culturally Specific Negotiation Intervention
This intervention was tested with HIV-negative, heterosexual, African American
women who were either crack cocaine smokers or active IDUs (Sterk, Theall,
Elifson, & Kidder 2003). The goal of the intervention, which was developed after
extensive formative work with the target population, was to reduce sexual and
injection risk through four individual sessions focusing on the social context of the
women’s daily lives. Sessions included exploring gender dynamics, the meaning of
behaviors and social interactions, gender-specific norms and values, and power and
control. The intervention sessions also emphasized the extent of the local HIV
epidemic, sex and drug-related risk behaviors, HIV risk reduction strategies, correct
condom use, safer injection, communication and assertiveness skills, and the
importance of race and gender on HIV risk and protective behaviors.
This negotiation intervention was tested against a standard intervention and
against a motivation intervention that did not include skills building for negotiation.
Results at the 6-month follow-up showed that the negotiation intervention group
reported significantly greater reductions in the proportion of women who had a
paying sex partner (p < 0.05), the proportion of women who traded sex for money
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245
or drugs (p < 0.01), and the mean number of injections (p < 0.05) than women who
received the standard intervention. The women in the negotiation intervention
also reported significantly greater reductions in frequency of alcohol use during
sex (p < 0.001) than women receiving the motivation intervention at 6 months.
Unfortunately, frequency of use of male condoms did not differ between groups,
again indicating the challenge of changing sexual risk behavior among IDUs. This
outcome may have been a particular challenge in this study because women usually
do not control application of the male condom.
This intervention is a good choice for agencies that work with African American
female IDUs or crack users and who have the staffing that would allow for four
individual sessions per clients. Part of the success of the intervention may be due to
the formative research as well at the theoretical basis (social cognitive theory, theory
of reasoned action, theory of planned behavior, transtheoretical model of change,
and theory of gender and power). The authors also report that a key component of
this intervention is the focus on the social context of the women’s lives, which
allowed for the intervention to be sensitive to each woman’s needs (Sterk et al.,
2003). A CDC-supported package is not available for this intervention but materials
may be requested from the primary author, Dr. Claire Sterk.
Self-Help in Eliminating Life-Threatening Diseases
The second evidence-based intervention most relevant to African American IDUs is
the SHIELD intervention which was tested in Baltimore with IDUs who were
primarily African American (94%) and male (61%) (Latkin, Sherman, & Knowlton,
2003). This intervention, based on social identity theory and peer outreach, consisted
of ten small-group interactive sessions that relied on peer networks to reduce drug
and sex risk behaviors. The intervention included training and skills building
sessions that involved goal setting, role plays, demonstrations, and group discussions. In the groups, participants were asked to make a public commitment to
increase their health behaviors and to promote HIV prevention among their networks
and community contacts. In addition, one session occurred in the community and
provided a “street outreach” practice session. Overall, the sessions instructed on
techniques for personal risk reduction including injection drug and sexual risk, the
development of correct condom use and safer sex negotiation skills, and the avoidance of risky situations.
Positive results were found for the SHIELD intervention for both drug and sex
risks. At the 6-months follow-up, IDUs receiving the SHIELD intervention reported
significantly greater reductions in needle sharing (p < 0.05) and IDU frequency
(p < 0.05) and were more likely to stop injecting drugs (p < 0.05) than participants
in the control group. Among sexually active IDUs, those receiving the SHIELD
intervention reported significantly greater increases in condom use with casual sex
partners (p < 0.05), but no differences with main partners, than those in the control group. Latkin et al. (2003) noted that outreach to peers is a prosocial role that
fits with the historical experiences and communal values of African Americans.
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Developing such a role for African American IDUs in an HIV prevention
intervention may be meaningful as well because of its association with religious
outreach and with the advocacy for drug abstinence that is characteristic of 12-step
drug treatment programs. Finally, peer outreach may be especially effective for
African American inner-city IDUs because it provides one of few available
prosocial roles and is culturally familiar. SHIELD recently completed the REP
process, and a package will be available for dissemination through DEBI in late
2009 (Academy for Educational Development, 2009).
Other interventions, such as the Intervention for Seropositive Injectors: Research
and Evaluation (INSPIRE) study, used the same notion of promoting a prosocial, peer
mentoring role in a group setting, in this case with disenfranchised HIV-positive IDUs
(66% African American) (Purcell et al., 2004). While those in the 10-session intervention group reported decreased sexual and injection risk over time, so did participants
in the 8-session control group (Purcell et al., 2007). One finding coming from qualitative interviews of participants who attended at least four sessions of the intervention or
the comparison group was that HIV-positive IDUs in both conditions felt very positively about their time spent with other people like them. The findings from this study
are also consistent with conclusions from a meta-analysis described above – that IDUs
may benefit from any active intervention (Semaan et al., 2002). While this reduction
of reported risk behaviors in both conditions could be due to the effect of participating
in multiple assessments, or due to socially desirable responding, this finding also
would support the explanation that general attention and support can benefit marginalized populations such as African American IDS across various domains.
Peers Reaching Out and Modeling Intervention Strategies
(Community PROMISE)
Community PROMISE is a community-level intervention (CLI) that included a
majority African Americans (54%) and a majority who reported lifetime IDU (53%),
but it was designed to apply to a broad range of community members who were
underserved and at risk for HIV infection including IDUs and their female sex partners, sex workers, non-gay-identified MSM, high-risk youth, and residents of areas
with high rates of sexually transmitted diseases (The CDC AIDS Community
Demonstration Projects Research Group, 1999). In CLIs, the goal is to change
community norms among a substantial portion of the target population so that behavior
change can be observed among the population. By their very nature, these interventions
target a broad physical community, and thus do not target African Americans except
to the extent the population of the intervention community is made up of African
Americans. Community Promise begins with the development of role model stories
based on the real experiences of members of the target population who have made
positive HIV/STD behavior change. Peer advocates from the target populations then
are recruited and trained to distribute the role model stories and prevention materials
(condoms and bleach kits) within their social networks. The role model stories, using
true-to-life information, show fictional community members in different stages of
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change from the Transtheoretical model (Prochaska, DiClemente, & Norcross, 1992).
The intervention was conducted in ten communities and each community had a
comparison community that did not receive the intervention. Using an assessment of
stage-of-change scores for the community-level assessment, they found greater
movement toward consistent condom use with main (p < 0.05) and non-main partners
(p < 0.05), as well as increased condom carrying (p < 0.0001), in intervention than in
comparison communities (The CDC AIDS Community Demonstration Projects
Research Group, 1999). At the individual level, participants recently exposed to the
intervention were more likely to carry condoms and to have higher stage-of-change
scores for condom and bleach use. This intervention has some similarity to SHIELD
(Latkin et al., 2003) in its use of peers to disseminate important public health information
to close peers and community members. In this case, using a large number and type of
community volunteers to deliver the intervention led to a high level of community exposure and made it possible to reach many more persons than could have been reached
by paid staff. In addition, these volunteers reached community members who might
not have participated if they had to travel to an organization to attend a prevention
program. Furthermore, the presence of these volunteers served as an ongoing
reminder of the risk reduction messages disseminated by the project and provided ongoing
reinforcement of behavior change efforts (The CDC AIDS Community Demonstration
Projects Research Group). This intervention has been packaged into a communityfriendly format, and trainings can be provided through various CDC-supported
mechanisms (Academy for Educational Development, 2009)
Other Evidence-Based Interventions Relevant for African American IDUs
There are some group and individual interventions that were tested on substance
users in general that either excluded IDUs or include both IDU and non-IDUs.
These are relevant for potential adaptation for IDUs, particularly those interventions
that were successful at reducing sexual risk among substance users. Similarly, there
are some interventions tested among IDUs other than African Americans that
could potentially be adapted for African American IDUs. Adaptation is generally
best suited for situations when an EBI does not exist for a particular target
population or if the existing EBIs are not relevant for some contextual reasons.
One relevant adaptation model has been described by McKelroy et al. (2006).
Generally, adaptation of an EBI requires fidelity to the defined core elements of an
intervention while key characteristics can be changed to meet population needs
(Academy for Educational Development, 2009; CDC, 2010b).
The Women’s Co-Op intervention is an evidence-based intervention (CDC,
2010a) that was developed for and tested with crack-abusing African American
women (Wechsberg, Lam, Zule, & Bobashev, 2004). This woman-focused intervention
is grounded in women’s empowerment theory and consists of two individual sessions
focusing on a personal HIV risk assessment and skills building around HIV protective
behaviors and then two small group sessions to help women further develop
these skills with the support of peers. Wechsberg et al. (2004) argue interventions
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targeting African American women need to address power differentials in society
and partner influences in relationships that may affect a woman’s sexual behavior
and negotiation practices. This intervention is unique in its attention to the potential
role that women’s economic empowerment (e.g., employment) may play in
reducing their sexual risk behavior (Stratford, Mizuno, Williams, Courtenay-Quirk,
& O’Leary, 2008) Although the mechanism through which economic empowerment
is associated with sexual risk reduction was not clearly delineated in the study, the
study lends credence to an approach that moves beyond standard skill-building
interventions based in social cognitive theories. This intervention is not yet packaged
but information is available from the original researcher.
Modelo de Intervention Psicomedia (MIP) is an evidence-based intervention that
targeted Hispanic IDUs who were not currently in drug treatment and could be
adapted for African American IDUs. MIP is an intensive intervention including
standard HIV counseling and testing, six weekly one-on-one counseling sessions
by a registered nurse, and ongoing case management. The counseling sessions use
motivational interviewing strategies to engage and motivate clients for behavior
change. The sessions focus on developing a work plan and goal setting to facilitate
behavior change, encouraging the client to enter drug treatment, discussing relapse
prevention strategies, including how to refuse needle sharing, providing skills
building activities for safer sex negotiation and correct condom use, and improving
self-efficacy around reducing injection behaviors. The case manager helps the
client get through the intervention, provides access to drug treatment, health care
services, and other legal or social welfare services as needed. When compared to
the comparison group, this intervention found significant decline in participants
continuing injection drug use and in reporting needle sharing at a 3.5 months
follow-up after the intervention. The MIP intervention was packaged by the CDC’s
DEBI project (Academy for Educational Development, 2009).
Four other evidence-based interventions for substance users also have relevance
for IDUs. The Intensive AIDS Education Intervention was tested with predominantly
African American (66%) incarcerated drug using youth (Magura, Kang, & Shapiro,
1994). The intervention consisted of four small-group sessions that focused on
health issues relevant to male adolescent drug users, with emphasis on HIV/AIDS.
Intervention topics included HIV/AIDS knowledge, drug abuse, sexual behavior,
ways to reduce AIDS risk, and how to seek health and social services and drug
abuse treatment in the community. The discussions were facilitated using techniques
drawn from Problem-Solving Therapy. Information about this intervention is available from its developer (See CDC, 2010a) and adaptation for IDUs should be
feasible using general adaptation guidelines (McKelroy et al., 2006).
Safety Counts is an EBI that has been packaged by CDC’s DEBI program. The
intervention was designed for crack and injection drug users (injectors, crack smokers,
and smoking injectors) that included nearly a majority of African Americans (47%)
(Hershberger, Wood, & Fisher, 2003). This theory-based cognitive-behavioral intervention consisted of two group sessions, one individual counseling session, at least
two social events focused on HIV risk reduction, and at least two field-based follow-up
outreach contacts in addition to the two-session standard counseling and testing
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249
intervention developed by the National Institute on Drug Abuse (NIDA). Research
evaluating the Safety Counts intervention concluded that the intervention had limited
advantage over the NIDA standard intervention as participants in both conditions
significantly reduced their HIV risk behaviors. One of the few significant effects of the
Safety Count intervention was found on the percentage who had injected within the
last 30 days. Although Safety Counts participants who were injectors used their own
injection equipments more frequently, the sample of injectors consisted of relatively
fewer African Americans (14%). The limited intervention effects suggest that Safety
Counts did not reduce most risk behaviors more than the NIDA standard intervention
did. Hershberger et al. (2003) speculate that the NIDA intervention might have already
been strong, and they note that the study findings are consistent with conclusion of
meta-analysis by Semaan et al. (2002) that interventions effects are more likely to be
significant when a comparison group receives no intervention.
DUIT is an intervention that has recently been identified as EBI although the
RCT that tested this intervention included a minority African Americans (8%)
(Garfein et al., 2007). The intervention was designed for young (age 15–30 years
old) IDUs who were seronegative for HIV and Hepatitis C. This six-session, small
group intervention was based on social learning theory and the information, motivation, and behavioral skills models and taught young IDUs how to educate peers
about HIV and HCV risk reduction. The intervention had a significant effect on
overall injection risk (a 29% greater reduction among intervention participants
compared to the control participants at 6 months post intervention). Like INSPIRE,
however, participants reported declines in sexual risk behaviors in both study
arms. As mentioned earlier, the RCT did not include a sufficient number of African
Americans to fully assess the efficacy of this intervention for young African American
IDUs, partly due to the decreased number of young African American IDUs (Broz
& Ouellet, 2008). However, the use of a peer mentoring approach may be relevant
for this population to reduce injection risk (Latkin et al., 2003).
STRIVE is another intervention developed by the investigators of DUIT. It targets
HIV-negative IDUs who are seropositive for Hepatitis C [HCV] (Latka et al.,
2008). This intervention has also been identified as an EBI, however, only a minority of participants in the research were African Americans (7%). The format of
STRIVE is similar to that of DUIT; it is a six-session, small group intervention that
taught participants to educate peers about safer injection practices to reduce transmission of HCV. The intervention also included sessions aimed to help participants
manage their HCV health care. The intervention had a significant effect on overall
injection risk and also sharing of drug preparation equipment and might be considered for adaptation if relevant (CDC, 2010a; McKelroy et al., 2006).
Other Interventions to Consider for IDUs
Holistic Health Recovery Program (HHRP+) is an intervention that was tested in a
small study and has been packaged by the CDC’s DEBI program, although it did
not meet CDC criteria to be an EBI because of its small sample size (CDC, 2010a).
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The intervention was designed for HIV-positive IDUs entering methadone
maintenance treatment (MMT) and included nearly a majority African Americans
(49%) (Margolin, Avants, Warburton, Hawkins, & Shi, 2003). Participants were
assigned to either a control group (daily methadone + weekly individualized
substance abuse counseling and case management + a six-session HIV risk reduction
intervention) or the HIV Harm Reduction Program (HHRP+) (which added twice
weekly manual-guided group therapy to the control group activities). The content
of the HHRP + was comprehensive and addressed the medical, emotional, and
spiritual needs of HIV-positive persons. The intervention activities were specifically
designed to take into account potential problems that HIV-positive IDUs might
have with memory, self-regulation, and foresight and planning, which are required
to enact risk reduction. Because these capacities might be impaired in HIV-positive
IDUs because of chronic drug use or HIV disease, the intervention used cognitive
remediation strategies to facilitate learning and retention of theoretically important
elements of the intervention. Participants in the HHRP + intervention were
significantly less likely to have engaged in either unprotected sex or needle sharing
during the post-treatment follow-up than participants in the comparison condition.
HHRP + participants also reported a significantly greater decrease in illicit opiate
use, greater reduction in addiction severity, and better adherence to HIV medications
(Margolin et al., 2003). HHRP + may be relevant for HIV-positive African American
IDUs who are entering MMT.
Conclusions
Although fewer young African Americans appear to be injecting heroin and the
proportion of injection drug users (IDUs) among HIV-positive persons has
decreased over time, IDU is still the second leading transmission risk category
among African Americans (CDC, 2009), and sexual transmission appears to be an
increasing factor for infection. But for IDUs in general, and for African American
IDUs, an examination of existing EBIs indicates that challenges remain in reducing
the sexual risk behaviors among IDUs in a meaningful and long-lasting manner.
Clearly, finding effective ways to reduce sexual risk behaviors must continue to be
the focus of intervention developers who are targeting IDUs. Evidence suggests
that individual, group, and community interventions that have a peer support
element have been effective in changing the risk behaviors of African American
IDUs. Thus, this appears to be an important component for future interventions
to consider. Another important issue to address is the myriad of psychosocial
issues that IDUs struggle with that can make HIV prevention a lower priority.
Addressing structural issues of housing, mental health, addiction, parenting concerns
(including regaining custody), incarceration, and poverty may be necessary to
support behavioral interventions for African American IDUs (Kotranski et al., 1998;
Mizuno et al., 2003).
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In addition to existing EBIs for African American IDUs, there are IDU interventions
that could be successfully adapted if caution is taken regarding intervention selection.
But adaptation should not be undertaken lightly – it is not necessarily easy and the
science of adaptation is still in its infancy. In thinking about how to adapt an EBI
that was not developed for African Americans or tested with majority African
Americans, the issue of whether and how to add cultural specificity is likely to arise.
This issue may be particularly important when a given EBI does not address African
American cultural elements because a recent meta-analysis found that cultural
specificity is associated with intervention efficacy for African American women
(Crepaz et al., 2009). The good news is that we do have existing EBIs for African
American IDUs, and these interventions along with carefully tailored adaptation
should be provided to the community while the search for stronger and more durable
interventions continues.
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Chapter 14
Structural Interventions with an Emphasis
on Poverty and Racism
Renata Arrington Sanders and Jonathan M. Ellen
HIV/AIDS continues to disproportionately affect African Americans. While African
Americans represent 13% of the U.S. population, they account for nearly 50%
of new HIV/AIDS infections (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC),
2008; McKinnon, 2003). Disproportionate rates are seen most among African
American men who have sex with men (MSM) and women. Many African
Americans at risk for acquiring HIV or other STIs disproportionately live in poverty
and are plagued by communities with high rates of homelessness, unemployment,
incarceration and substance abuse/dependence (Adimora & Schoenbach, 2005).
How such factors increase the probability of exposure is very complex.
Epidemiologic risk associated with HIV results from the probability that an
individual is exposed to the virus and the efficiency of transmission once exposed.
Factors associated with increased probability of exposure may result from individual, population and structural level determinants. Structural factors that affect an
individual’s HIV risk may include physical, social, cultural, political, community
and economic forces that may impede or facilitate ones likelihood to avoid HIV
infection.
In this chapter, we focus on the structural factors or determinants that may facilitate transmission of HIV and present structural interventions that either historically
have been associated with reducing HIV transmission or might impact the HIV
epidemic.
Definition of Structural Factors
What defines structural factors? Structural factors have been broadly defined as
features of the environment outside an individual’s control that may serve as a
barrier to, or facilitator of, an individual’s ability to prevent acquisition of HIV
R.A. Sanders (*)
Division of General Pediatrics & Adolescent Medicine,
Johns Hopkins School of Medicine, 200 North Wolfe Street, Baltimore, MD 21287, USA
e-mail: rarring3@jhmi.edu
D.H. McCree et al. (eds.), African Americans and HIV/AIDS,
DOI 10.1007/978-0-387-78321-5_14, © Springer Science + Business Media, LLC 2010
255
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R.A. Sanders and J.M. Ellen
(Gupta, Parkhurst, Ogden, Aggleton, & Mahal, 2008; Sumartojo, Doll, Holtgrave,
Gayle, & Merson, 2000). These factors are “built” into an individual’s surroundings, creating the structure for which people operate. Imbedded in the complex
system of structure, policies, practices and norms, are tangible features of the
environment that make excellent targets for change. These include the availability
of resources, physical structures in the environment, organizational structures and
laws and policies. These structural features mediate the impact of large social
forces associated with HIV such as poverty, gender inequality, racism, mobility
and stigma by affecting the distribution of STIs, behavior, networks and risk of
exposure to infection.
Structural Factors and HIV
Poverty
It is estimated that approximately one-quarter (24.3%) of all African-Americans
in 2006, live in poverty (US Census Bureau, 2003). Poverty, socioeconomic
factors and income are important co-factors in HIV and STI transmission
(Sumartojo, 2000). Residential instability, which can result from poverty, was
identified as a key contributor to rising HIV rates in African Americans
(Nicholas et al., 2005). Recent research by Krieger, Chen, Waterman, Rehkopf,
and Subramanian (2005) found that 50% of the cases of STIs and HIV would
not have occurred if the population poverty rates had equaled those of the
persons residing in the least impoverished census tracks. Additionally, recent
work has demonstrated that social capital, poverty and income inequality influence sexual risk and protective behaviors, prevalence of STIs and AIDS case
rates (Cohen et al., 2000; Crosby, Holtgrave, DiClemente, Wingwood, & Gayle,
2003). One theory is that social environmental factors, such as housing quality,
abandoned cars, graffiti, trash and public school deterioration may reflect
deteriorating communities and foster sexual risk behavior that would not be as
common in intact communities (Cohen et al. 2000).
Poverty also contributes to the high rates of HIV in certain populations by
creating low sex ratios and destabilizing long term relationships in black communities. High rates of morbidity, mortality, unemployment and incarceration rates
among young black adults can create a low ratio of men to women that supports
partner concurrency (sexual relationships that overlap in time) and rapid spread of
infection in a community (Adimora & Schoenbach, 2002). Multiple concurrent
sexual relationships have been shown to contribute to the spread of STIs (Koumans
et al., 2001; Potterat et al., 1999) and found to be a risk factor for heterosexual HIV
transmission among African Americans who were otherwise low risk (Adimora
et al., 2006).
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High incarceration rates among African American males contribute to a system of
poverty in the black community. In 2007, black persons were almost three times more
likely than Hispanics and five times more likely than whites to be in jail (815 per
100,000 U.S. residents for non-Hispanic Blacks versus, 170 for non-Hispanic whites
and 276 for Hispanics) (U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs,
Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2009). Incarceration results in high unemployment rates
in poor minority communities which may predispose individuals to pursue alternative
employment prospects that are illegal and socially disruptive (Adimora, & Schoenbach,
2005). By directly disrupting partner relationships and contributing to the low male
to female sexual ratio, incarceration may have indirect effects on social (and sexual)
networks by predisposing the partner left behind to concurrent relationships
(Gorbach, Ryan, Saphonn, & Detels, 2002) and the incarcerated partner to a group
of individuals where the prevalence of HIV infection, high risk behavior and STIs
are high (Heimberger et al., 1993; Hellard & Aitken, 2004; Khan et al., 2008; Wolfe
et al., 2001). Furthermore, as a result of racism and segregation, socioeconomic
status, poverty, and geography often parallel racial disparities in health (Baicker,
Chandra, & Skinner, 2005).
Racial Disparities
Despite advancements made with the civil rights movement and diversity initiatives, racial gaps exist in educational institutions, many occupations, health care
services, income, housing and government services. In fact, for many African
Americans, racism and discrimination predict access to political power, neighborhoods, and most life resources. One example of this is residential segregation.
Residential segregation persists in many urban areas. It results from individual
actions but also by a long-standing historical mechanism of discrimination in mortgage
rates and by realtors (Massey & Denton, 1993). Neighborhood segregation by
socioeconomic group concentrates poverty and its social influence. This predisposes
individuals to the deleterious effects of social and economic isolation, such as
violence, poverty, drugs and high teenage pregnancy rates which increases the
risk of socioeconomic failure of the segregated group (Massey & Denton, 1993).
And because, people choose partners from the neighborhoods they live, and
residence determines the school district one attends, residence can strongly contribute
to the social (and sexual) networks in individuals (Zenilman, Ellish, Fresia, &
Glass, 1999).
Differential access to high quality care contributes to co-morbidities associated
with many chronic illnesses. Racial disparities contribute to unequal distribution
of care among African Americans when compared to Whites. African Americans
are more uninsured than whites and as a group and encounter greater barriers
to obtaining health insurance, and access to care even when insured (Doty
& Holmgren, 2006). Krieger (2005) describes five pathways that discrimination
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R.A. Sanders and J.M. Ellen
can harm health – economic and social deprivation, residential segregation,
targeted marketing of legal and illegal psychoactive substances and inadequate
health care. Delay in care for STIs and HIV can lead to higher rates of transmission, potentially poorer immune restoration (Kaufmann et al., 2000) and can
inhibit linking HIV infected persons to care. Limited accessibility, acceptability
and poor quality of care may serve as important social determinants in who is able
to receive early STI-related care. As Baicker et al. (2005) and colleagues demonstrated because geographic disparities result in African Americans being concentrated in areas or seeking care in regions in which health-care quality is low for all
patients, insuring equal access to care on the local level without implementing
national policies designed to improve quality of care to all patients, will not reduce
such disparities.
Structural Interventions in Practice
Structural interventions are approaches that target the physical, environmental,
sociocultural, economic, political and organizational factors that affect individual
risk and vulnerability to HIV. Effective policy interventions include reducing perinatal HIV transmission by providing HIV medications to HIV positive pregnant
mothers (Mofenson & Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, U.S. Public
Health Service Task Force, 2002), screening the blood supply for HIV (Dodd,
2004) and needle and syringe exchange programs. Needle/syringe exchange and
methadone programs are interventions that have worked because of policy shifts
away from prohibition to harm minimization (Des Jarlais, 2000; Drucker, Lurie,
Wodak, & Alcabes, 1998). Successful national or country level policies that promote HIV prevention have been the ABC (abstinence, be faithful, condom) policy
in Uganda; (Parkhurst, 2001; Stoneburner & Low-Beer, 2004; Watson, 1988) and
Australia’s success of managing epidemics of HIV among men who have sex with
men and injection drug users by collective involvement of affected communities,
supportive policy and research (Bernard, Kippax, & Baxter, 2008; Kippax & Race,
2003).
Two commonly referenced structural approaches that target the cultural, political
and organizational factors that help to reduce the risk and vulnerability of sex workers are the condom use policies implemented in Thailand and the Dominican
Republic. In each approach both brothel or bar managers and police had a key role
in promoting condom use (Gupta et al., 2008; Kerrigan et al., 2006). Other programs
have worked at the community level. The Sonagachi project in Calcutta, India
worked at the community level to mobilize sex workers to design and implement
activities and enable participants to make their own decisions, including those that
protected them from HIV infection (Basu et al., 2004; Cohen 2004; Jana, Basu,
Rotheram-Borus, & Newman, 2004). An effective environmental level intervention
in bathhouses has been to have condoms, lubricant, HIV testing and screening on
site at gay bathhouses (Woods, 2003).
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Some interventions have attempted to target the issues of poverty and racism.
In Table 12.1, we present interventions implemented that impact features of
poverty and racism and articles that suggest areas that can be targeted in the
United States.
Table 14.1 Structural Interventions that impact poverty and racism
Structural intervention
Reference
Housing
Kidder, Wolitski,
RCT designed to evaluate the effects of providing
and Royal et al. (2007)
rental housing assistance to homeless and
unstably housed PLWHA
Aidala, Cross, Stall, Harre,
Reductions in rates of sex and drug risk behaviors
and Sumartojo (2005)
among homeless or unstably housed PLWHA
whose housing status improved compared to
those whose housing did not change
Housing is a cost-saving strategy whereby HIV
Holtgrave et al. (2007)
transmissions can be averted
Latkin, Williams, Wang,
Neighborhood revitalization as a structural
and Curry (2005)
intervention to target drug injection
behavior and high risk sexual partners
Latkin, Curry, Hua, and Davey (2007)
Economic Independence
Micro-credit loan programs for poor women
Pilot among drug using and sex trading women
in Baltimore, Maryland, pre/post test design
taught HIV prevention and risk reduction
combined with making, marketing and selling
of jewelry in six two-hour sessions
AIDS prevention and care for STIs at work sites
for migrant laborers and mentoring programs
at migrant work sites to facilitate social
integration of new arrivals
Access
Co-located substance use treatment and HIV
prevention and primary care services, New York
State, 1990–2002: a model for effective
service delivery to a high-risk population
Hired community members who worked with the
AIDS Office of the California Department of
Health and Human Services to link HIV positive
persons of color to IDUs to needed services for
HIV care and treatment
Improved access to care for HIV and AIDS in a
statewide Medicaid managed care system
Modeled Expansion of the Medicaid eligibility
would increase access to antiretroviral
therapy and have substantial health benefits
at affordable costs
Schuler and Hashemi (1994), Pronyk
et al. (2008), Ashburn, Kerrigan,
and Sweat et al. (2008)
Sherman, German, Cheng, Marks,
and Bailey-Kloche (2006)
Sweat and Denison (1995)
Rothman et al. (2007)
Molitor et al. (2005)
Bailey, Van Brunt, Raffanti, Long,
and Jenkins (2003)
Kahn, Haile, Kates,
and Chang (2001)
(continued)
260
Table 14.1 (continued)
Structural intervention
Free access to condoms
Program improved access to preventive services
(i.e., HIV testing) for adolescents
Improved access to clean needles and needle
exchange sites; Increasing safe syringe
collection sites
Interventions to prevent HIV-related stigma
and discrimination: findings and recommendations
for public health practice
Criminal Justice & Policy Changes
Interagency collaboration to provide a continuum
of care for New York State prison inmates
(including HIV education/VCT, outreach
to inmates, peer training, condom distribution
for family visits, HIV primary care, referrals,
support groups for HIV positive inmates and
case management for HIV infected inmates
upon release)
Condom availability to inmates in Washington, D.C.
prisons
Therapeutic community programs in the context
of imprisonment
Screening and treatment of women in jails
for chlamydial and gonococcal infection
Health Link intervention assisted drug-using
incarcerated women to reintegrate into their
communities, decrease STIs and avoid re-arrest
Massachusetts’ policy initiatives to facilitate the
integration of HIV and AIDS services with
alcoholism and drug abuse treatment
and prevention programs
Nevada law required condom use in legal brothels
Name-based reporting improved testing
rates in six states
Partner contact and tracing
Anonymous testing improved testing
in 25 Oregon counties
R.A. Sanders and J.M. Ellen
Reference
Cohen (1999)
Harvey (1994)
Klein et al. (2003)
Neaigus et al. (2008),
Groseclose et al. (1995)
Klein et al. (2008)
Klein, Karachner,
and O’Connell (2002)
Klein, O’Connell, Devore, Wright,
and Birkhead et al. (2002)
May and Williams (2002)
Martin, Butzin, and Inciardi (1995)
Mertz et al. (2002)
Richie, Freudenberg,
and Page (2001)
McCarty, LaPrade,
and Botticelli (1996)
Albert et al. (1998)
Nakashima et al. (1998)
Rutherford et al. (1991)
Fehrs et al. (1988)
Proposed Structural Interventions
In order to change the structural factors that impact risk of HIV and other STIs, a
multifaceted approach must occur that will affect national and local policies to
improve access to housing, microenterprise, HIV prevention strategies and to health
care services for African Americans. Structural programs that improve access to
housing have demonstrated that access to housing helps to avert HIV transmission,
promotes medication adherence and health outcomes among persons living with
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261
HIV and AIDS (PLWHA) (Wolitski, Kidder, & Fenton, 2007). Work done by
Aidala et al. (2005) demonstrated that stable housing has been associated with
reduced rates of sex and drug risk behaviors among homeless or unstably housed
PLWHA whose housing status improved compared to those whose housing did not
change. Other work has demonstrated that stable housing is associated with better
health as indicated by CD4 counts and viral load (Kidder, Wolitski, Campsmith, &
Nakamura, 2007; Knowlton et al., 2006). Stable housing also has the potential to be
cost-effective and cost-saving in the long run (Holtgrave et al., 2007). The National
Minority AIDS Council recommended in the 2006 Fullilove Report that the nation
as a whole “support the strengthening of stable black communities by addressing the
need for more affordable housing.” (Fullilove & National Minority AIDS Council,
2006) Programs that focus on improving housing resources for marginalized communities have high retention rates and create sustainable community-level change.
(Dasinger & Speiglman, 2007; Kidder et al. 2007).
Microenterprise, another intervention that has been used effectively to target individual risk and vulnerability to HIV, provides financial and social welfare support to
at-risk or vulnerable populations. As a result, individuals are more likely to choose
positive alternatives to high risk behaviors. In Baltimore, a pilot study for women who
used drugs and traded sex for drugs, combined HIV prevention and risk reduction with
making, marketing and selling jewelry (Sherman et al., 2006). In follow up, after six
2-hour sessions, women reported fewer sex trade partners; receiving less drugs or
money for sex; less daily drug use; and less daily crack use and money spent on drugs.
The study demonstrated the efficacy of economic empowerment and HIV prevention
programs in lowering risk for acquisition of HIV. Economic empowerment can be
expanded by using programs like the Job Corps to create job training programs and
jobs for commercial sex workers, adolescents, and former and active drug users. In
addition to developing trades and skills in individuals, programs could provide integrative services that include drug treatment, HIV prevention, and General Educational
Development (or GED) services. Alternatively, Job Corps programs could be introduced as part of drug treatment, incarceration, dropout or rehabilitation programs.
Expansion of condoms and HIV testing programs in hard to reach vulnerable communities is also needed. Low cost or free access to condoms has been shown to
increase utilization of condoms (Cohen, 1999). Venue-based HIV testing is an effective strategy that reaches undiagnosed HIV positive men who have sex with men and
high-risk heterosexuals (CDC, 2005; Towe et al. 2010). Condoms and HIV testing
need to be accessible in settings such as bars, bathhouses, restaurants and hotels,
where sexual contact between strangers is likely to occur. HIV prevention programs
that help private enterprises, such as hotels, beauty/barbershops and bathhouses provide low-cost HIV testing and condoms to clients is needed.
There are data that show comprehensive sex and HIV education programs can
be effective in delaying or decreasing high risk sexual behaviors and increasing
condom or contraceptive use (Kirby 1999; Kirby, Laris, & Rolleri, 2007). Ageappropriate comprehensive sexuality education and condom availability needs to
be expanded in state and local school districts. Currently, 35 states and the
District of Columbia require the provision of STI/HIV education, but many states
place requirements on how abstinence and contraception are treated (Guttmacher
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R.A. Sanders and J.M. Ellen
Institute, 2009). For example, 26 states require that abstinence be stressed when
taught as part of STD/HIV education, while 11 require that it be covered.
Seventeen states require that STI/HIV programs cover contraception but no state
requires that it be stressed. Most curricula are heavily weighted toward stressing
abstinence; in contrast, while many states allow or require that contraception be
covered, none require that it be stressed. Additionally, parental consent requirements or “opt-out” clauses, which allow parents to remove students from instruction, further affect whether students receive adequate instruction on sex or STI/
HIV prevention. Federal funding to expand sexual education programs in the
school and to evaluate the success of comprehensive sex and HIV education programs are needed. Programs in African American communities will need to be
within a cultural and religious context. Collaboration with foundations and private organizations, such as the Kaiser Family Foundation, SIECUS (Sexuality
Information and Education Council of the U.S.), and the Guttmacher Institute, is
needed to develop, research and promote sexuality and HIV/STD education in the
schools.
Condom distribution and STI testing programs should also be expanded. Low
cost or free access to condoms has been shown to increase utilization of condoms
(Cohen, 1999) Condoms should be accessible in settings such as bars, bathhouses,
restaurants and hotels, where sexual contact between strangers is likely to occur.
Condom distribution programs should partner with private enterprises, such as
hotel and bathhouse owners to purchase condoms at low costs directly from the
manufacturer and actively distribute them to clients, where condoms are provided
as part of check-in to hotels or visible in bars.
HIV prevention and education programs, including expansion of condom distribution and universal screening for STIs, including HIV, in jails and drug treatment programs is necessary to change the epidemic in African American
communities. The period of incarceration and subsequent parole provides a
unique opportunity to implement HIV prevention and risk reduction programs in
prisons and link newly released inmates to community services and assist in the
process of community reintegration. Braithwaite and Arriola (2003), in their
review of city and state projects funded by the Centers for Disease Control and
Prevention (CDC) and Health Resources and Services Administration (HRSA)
Corrections Demonstration Project to provide HIV prevention programs in correctional settings, recommend the following risk reduction policy initiatives:
adoption of mandatory HIV testing, reinforcement of continuity of care for HIVinfected inmates returning to the community, and improvement of access to
incarcerated populations for community-based organizations and AIDS Services
Organizations (ASOs) for delivery of HIV prevention and education programs.
The correctional system creates an environment for high rates of concurrency in
the African-American community by removing a high percentage of AfricanAmerican men, but such programs that collaborate with CBOs to reintegrate
inmates into the community after release and promote health in jails and prisons
can have a positive effect on health in urban African American populations where
many individuals live.
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Although state-level laws on STD screening, name-based reporting of STDs/
HIV, and partner notification have been used to target prevention and treatment of
HIV and STDs, laws can sometimes act as pathways for social determinants that
impact HIV risk. Drucker et al., (1998) suggests that drug use control policies act
as a barrier to medical and social services which can foster behavior such as sharing equipment and commercial sex work, both of which increase transmission of
HIV. Additionally, drug control laws that result in longer sentences and higher
rates of incarceration for minorities can theoretically translate into increased HIV
risk in prison by creating a system whereby simultaneous inadequate drug treatment and disrupted social and sexual networks results in high risk behavior.
A review of needle exchange programs have found evidence of efficacy without
associated adverse events (Huo & Outellet, 2007, 2009; Huo, Bailey, Hershow,
& Ouellet, 1998; Vlahov & Junge, 1998). Efforts are needed to educate law
enforcement, policy makers and legislators of the benefit of destigmitizing drug
users. For example, the presence of clean needles should not indicate possession
of drugs or result in police harassment or jail time. Drug control laws that encourage alternatives to incarceration for non-violent drug users will help to destigmatize drug users and will impact the racially disparate rates of minority arrests and
incarcerations.
Laws can also serve to weaken the social capital and cohesion of communities
by limiting access to housing (mandatory residency requirements), federal student
loans (ineligible if convicted of drug offense), and voting rights in certain states
(Cason et al., 2002). Additional programs are needed that provide drug treatment,
housing and job placement in order to decrease risk of transmission of HIV by
addressing the primary condition and also improving the social capital of families
and communities.
HIV disproportionately affects African American adolescents. School-based
HIV education and testing is one reasonable strategy to promote HIV prevention in
this group. There are data that show comprehensive sex and HIV education programs can be effective in delaying or decreasing high-risk sexual behaviors and
increasing condom or contraceptive use. (Kirby 1999; Kirby et al., 2007) Ageappropriate comprehensive sexuality education and condom availability needs to be
expanded in state and local school districts. Currently, 35 states and the District of
Columbia require the provision of STI/HIV education, but many states place
requirements on how abstinence and contraception are treated. (Guttmacher
Institute, 2009) For example, 26 states require that abstinence be stressed when
taught as part of STD/HIV education, while 11 require that it be covered. Seventeen
states require that STI/HIV programs cover contraception but no state requires that
it be stressed. Most curricula are heavily weighted toward stressing abstinence; in
contrast, while many states allow or require that contraception be covered, none
require that it be stressed. Additionally, parental consent requirements or “opt-out”
clauses, which allow parents to remove students from instruction, further affect
whether students receive adequate instruction on sex or STI/HIV prevention.
Federal funding to expand sexual education programs in the school and to evaluate
the success of comprehensive sex and HIV education programs are needed.
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Programs in African American communities will need to be within a culturally and
developmentally appropriate media in order to be effective. Collaboration with
foundations and private organizations, such as the Kaiser Family Foundation,
SIECUS (Sexuality Information and Education Council of the U.S.), and the
Guttmacher Institute, is needed to develop, research and promote sexuality and
HIV/STD education in the schools.
Sexually active African American adolescents have low rates of HIV testing
despite being disproportionately affected by the disease. (Swenson et al. 2009) HIV
testing still occurs primarily as part of risk-based STI and pregnancy-related
screening, thus limiting the cases of HIV detected in health-care settings (ArringtonSanders, Ellen, Trent 2008; Arrington-Sanders, Ellen 2009; Swenson et al. 2009).
Moreover, Swenson (2009) demonstrated that African American adolescents in
high-risk urban communities continue to report low rates of HIV testing. This finding
suggests that HIV testing needs to reach non-care seeking adolescents tested in
venues where HIV rates are high. (Barnes et al. 2010) Structural interventions that
increase the availability of free or low-cost HIV testing in settings that are youthfriendly and convenient, such as school-based health centers and malls, may help
to reduce barriers to testing and improve testing rates in sexually active minority
adolescents.
On the national level, differential access to high-quality health care must be
eliminated. Baicker et al., (2005) demonstrated that African American and white
patients are treated differently within provider groups and health systems and that
African Americans tend to live in areas with low health care quality. When timeliness of diagnosis and treatment are important in limiting the spread and transmission of infectious diseases, improving access is crucial to eliminating disparities of
care that contribute to HIV. In order to simultaneously assure equal access to and
high-quality of care, programs that expand health insurance and create clinical
benchmarks that insure high-quality care will need to be created. One way to eliminate disparities is for funding agencies such as the CDC and National Institutes of
Health (NIH) to collaborate with African American community coalitions,
churches, historically black colleges and universities to build culturally sensitive,
community focused research and programs that mobilize African American communities. Another structural change is to promote prevention research and the
development of African American researchers and community based organizations
to expand culturally relevant research that develops such programs. These programs
or interventions should target social networks, individuals, couples and families
while addressing the socio-cultural and economic concerns most relevant to African
Americans such as limited health care access, social/economic isolation and partner
availability (Aral, Adimora, & Fenton, 2008). Research is also needed that understands and describes African-American sexuality which develops mostly during
adolescence. Currently, paradigms to explain adolescent African American
sexuality use a pathology-based paradigm that can promote stigma as it relates to
the acceptance of sexual diversity within African American communities and can
limit HIV prevention efforts (Giordano, Manning, & Longmore, 2005; McLoyd
& Steinberg, 1998). Programming will need to work to promote anti-discrimination
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265
by partnering with gay-straight alliances, hiring sexual minority, and funding
programs/research that focuses on reducing stigma of sexual minorities.
Additional efforts need to expand name-based reporting, universal testing,
highly active antiretroviral therapy (HAART), and promote the use of evidencebased medicine in underserved neighborhoods. Resources need to be distributed to
communities that have the greatest need. One approach is to improve collaboration
across federal agencies in order to build a consensus and develop a plan around the
social determinants of the HIV epidemic in African Americans. Aral et al. (2008)
provides one example of how the public-health system could strengthen collaboration with the Departments of Justice and Education. In this example, by strengthening such collaboration and coordination, the public health system works with the
Department of Justice to reduce the adverse health effects of incarceration and
works with the Department of Education to increase high school graduation rates
among African Americans.
Closing Paragraph
The sustained racial/ethnic and socioeconomic disparities in STIs including HIV
point to the profound effect of racism and poverty on shaping risk for STIs. While
racism and poverty need to be addressed within society, we have proposed that it
may be more expeditious to focus on structural features of the environment that
affect risk and mediate the impact of racism and poverty. Many of structural features of the environment originate and are maintained by policies, programs and
practice patterns that at times are obvious and at times hidden. Fortunately, the
growing emphasis on “upstream” causes of STIs including HIV has shed new light
on important structures and efforts to address them. The intent of this review was
to describe structural interventions designed to decrease STIs and review their
effectiveness. In summary, the body of science focused on structural intervention is
not extensive but, nonetheless suggest that there is reason to be optimistic that a
structural approach to STI/HIV prevention will reduce incidence and prevalence of
STIs including HIV.
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Chapter 15
HIV Behavioral Interventions for
Incarcerated Populations in the
United States: A Critical Review*
David Wyatt Seal, Robin J. MacGowan, Gloria D. Eldridge,
Mahnaz R. Charania, and Andrew D. Margolis
Background
Over 2.3 million adults were incarcerated in the United States (U.S.) at mid-year 2008,
the majority of whom were male and a racial or ethnic minority (West & Sabol, 2009).
African Americans and Latinos were more than six times and twice as likely,
respectively, as whites to be incarcerated (West & Sabol). HIV prevalence and
confirmed AIDS cases are higher among incarcerated populations than among the
general U.S. population, with the highest rates observed among Latinos and African
Americans and among women (Maruschak, 2008). Elevated rates of hepatitis and
other STIs also have been documented among both adolescent (Kelly, Bair,
Baillargeon, & Gerrman, 2000; Oh et al., 1998) and adult (Baillargeon, Black,
Pulvino, & Dunn, 2000; Mertz et al., 2002) correctional populations.
Both adolescents and adults who are or have been incarcerated in the U.S. report
frequent behaviors in the community that place them and their partners at considerable risk for HIV, hepatitis, and other STIs, including unprotected sex with multiple
and high-risk sex partners, sex and substance use co-occurrence, and injection drug
use with needle sharing. These risk behaviors have been documented both in the
period immediately prior to incarceration (Hogben, St. Lawrence, & Eldridge, 2001;
Margolis et al., 2006; Morris et al., 1995; Morris, Baker, Valentine, & Pennisi,
1998; Teplin, Mericle, McClelland, & Abram, 2003), and in the period immediately
following release from a correctional facility (Belenko, Langley, Crimmins, &
Chaple, 2004; Grinstead et al., 2005; MacGowan et al., 2003; Morrow et al., 2007).
* The findings and conclusions in this chapter are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent
the views of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.
D.W. Seal (*)
Center for AIDS Intervention Research, Medical College of Wisconsin,
2071 N. Summit Avenue, Milwaukee, WI USA
e-mail: dseal@mcw.edu
D.H. McCree et al. (eds.), African Americans and HIV/AIDS,
DOI 10.1007/978-0-387-78321-5_15,
Chapter 15 was authored by employees of the U.S. government and is therefore not subject
to U.S. copyright protection.
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Other studies have documented the occurrence of HIV risk behavior among
adults during incarceration, including injection and other drug use (Clarke, Stein,
Hanna, Sobota, & Rich, 2001; Seal et al., 2004, Seal et al., 2008) and coercive and
non-coercive sexual behavior (Beck & Harrison, 2006; Moseley & Tewksbury, 2006;
Seal et al., 2004, Seal et al., 2008; Struckman-Johnson & Struckman-Johnson,
2006). These studies also found that HIV prevention methods available in the community are rarely utilized in correctional settings. Further, infectious disease transmission within U.S. correctional facilities has been documented (e.g., CDC, 2001;
Taussig et al., 2006; Wolfe et al., 2001).
Collectively, these data highlight an urgent need to develop effective and feasible
risk reduction interventions specifically designed to meet the unique needs of incarcerated populations. Yet, few rigorously designed and evaluated intervention studies
with correctional populations have appeared in the scientific literature. In this chapter,
we critically review behavioral HIV risk reduction interventions and programs that
have been published to date, summarize key findings, and offer programmatic and
scientific recommendations.
Methods
The review was limited to indexed and non-indexed publications from 1983 through
2008 identified through the following databases: AIDSLine, CINAHL, Criminal
Justice Abstracts, Medline (indexed and non-indexed), National Criminal Justice
Resource Service, OVID (books and journals), and PsycInfo. Combinations of the
following search terms were used: [HIV or AIDS] AND [prevention or intervention
or program or adherence or testing] AND [corrections or correctional or jails or prison
or detention or penal or penitentiary or incarcerated or prisoner or inmate or offender
or detainee or probation or parole or juvenile or delinquency or delinquent]. Our
review excluded published reports of preventive HIV counseling and testing, medical
care or treatment services, which were beyond the scope of this chapter. We also
excluded from our analyses studies which were conducted outside the U.S., although
we draw upon these studies in our discussion. We located and summarized 48 articles
describing 44 studies in the U.S. that were conducted with a correctional population.
Our review is organized around three primary subgroups: adolescents, adult drug
users, and other adult populations (see Table 15.1 for complete summary). We further
sorted the studies into intervention descriptions that reported (a) HIV risk reduction
behavioral outcomes (n = 22), (b) non-behavioral outcomes only (such as increased
knowledge, self-esteem, perceived self-efficacy) (n = 15), and (c) descriptive reports
without an evaluation (n = 7). None reported biological outcomes. For brevity, we
discuss primarily the articles that provided behavioral outcome data. Finally, we note
that although this book is focused on prevention of AIDS among African Americans,
none of the identified studies specifically targeted this population. Nonetheless,
given the disproportionate rate of incarceration among African Americans in the
U.S., a review of interventions with correctional populations is warranted.
15
HIV Behavioral Interventions for Incarcerated Populations in the United States
Table 15.1 Summary of published HIV prevention interventions for people under correctional jurisdiction in the United States, 1983–2008
Study author and
Significant intervention effects
journal citation
Evaluation design
Sample description
Intervention description
(p £ 0.05)
Adolescents (N = 16)
Behavioral (n = 6)
• Nosignificantbehavioraloutcomes
Level: Individual or Group
N: 228
Design: Non-biased weekly
Gillmore et al.
reported
Duration: Group (8 h delivered in
Pop: Youth who
block assignment
(1997). AIDS
1–4 sessions: four 2-h modules); • Increasedcomfortamonggroup
completed
Education and Comparison: Test of 3
participants in talking with casual
Individual (<1 h)
intervention
interventions
Prevention,
(3m) and steady (6m) partners
Site: Detention center Content: All 3 interventions provided
Follow-up: Immediate post,
9 (Suppl. A),
factual information and skills for
3- and 6-month postrelease Male: 54% African
22–43
communicating and negotiating
American: 52%
Retention: Intervention
condom use; varied in degree of
completion (228/282 youth (Study also included
instruction, modeling,
168 youth recruited
who completed baseline:
role-play, and rehearsal
from public health
81%)
STD clinics or other (1) 1-page comic book with condom
FU among youth who
negotiation vignettes
similar clinics)
completed intervention:
(2) 27-min videotape with peer
3m (161/228: 71%), 6m
actors couples negotiating
(174/228: 76%)
condom use
(3) Small group delivered by peer
tutors with active
role-play and rehearsal
(continued)
273
Intervention description
N: 157
Pop: First 99 waitcontrol and first 58
intervention youth
who were released
Site: Detention center
Male: 100%
African American:
65%
Intervention participants reported
Level: Group
• Increasedcondomusefrequency
Duration: Four 1-h sessions
for vaginal, oral, and anal sex
over 2 weeks
• Greateracceptabilityofcondoms
Content: Health education
issues relevant to male drug users,
with emphasis on HIV/AIDS
(delivered by male counselor)
N: 1,410
Pop: General (adult
women = 704;
adolescent
males = 706)
Site: Jail
Adolescents:
Male: 100%
African American: NR
Level: Individual
Duration: Adolescents averaged
9.5 h of contact during
1-year postrelease period
Content: All participants received
standard discharge planning
(individual counseling + voluntary
empowerment group meetings).
Enhanced intervention also
included community case
management to help people
successfully reintegrate and avoid
problem behavior (in-jail services
provided by jail caseworkers;
community services provided by
CBO case managers).
Adolescent males:
• Nosignificantbehavioral
outcomes
Adult women:
See Adult Behavioral section below
D.W. Seal et al.
Design: Non-biased weekly
Magura et al.
block assignment
(1994). Journal
Comparison: Wait-control
of Adolescent
youth released prior to
Health, 15,
intervention receipt
457–463
Follow-up: 5-month
postrelease
Retention: (157/411 who
completed baseline: 38%)
(58/110 who received
intervention: 53%)
(Overall FU: 66%)
Design: Random
Needels et al.
assignment based on
(2005).
who was willing to meet
Journal of
conditions of enhanced
Urban Health:
intervention
Bulletin of
Comparison: Standard
the New York
discharge planning services
Academy of
Follow-up: 15-month
Medicine, 82,
postrelease
420–433
Retention: Adolescents
(537/706: 76%)
(Intervention: 60% had any
postrelease contact, 42%
retained at 6 months, 29%
for full year)
Significant intervention effects
(p £ 0.05)
Sample description
274
Table 15.1 (continued)
Study author and
journal citation
Evaluation design
Study author and
journal citation
Evaluation design
Sample description
Intervention description
Rosengard et al.
(2008). Journal
of HIV/AIDS
Prevention in
Children and
Youth, 8, 45–64
Design: Random assignment
Comparison: Test of two
interventions
Follow-up: 3-month postrelease
Retention: Adolescents
(114/117: 97%)
N: 117
Pop: Youth confined
to the facility
Site: Detention center
Male: 90%
African American:
34%
At 3-month post-release follow-up
Level: Individual
(97% retention), the strongest
Duration: Both interventions were
predictor of sexual risk was
2-sessions (length unspecified)
increased sexual risk prior to
– one session was post-baseline
incarcerationAmong participants
shortly after being admitted to the
who reported lower levels of
facility; the other session was a
depression at baseline, those in the
booster session conducted shortly
ME condition, compared to those
prior to release
in the RT condition, reported:
Content: All participants
• Lesscondomnon-use
received standard substance
• Lesscondomnon-usein
abuse treatment and other
conjunction with the use of
supplementary services offered
marijuana
to all residents in the facility. The
Relaxation Training focused on
progressive-muscle relaxation
and visualizing a pleasant scene
combined with generalized advice
about abstinence from criminal,
risky, and substance use activities.
The Motivational Enhancement
(ME) intervention centered on
developing an individual plan
to reduce substance use and
associated risk behaviors (e.g.,
sexual activity, illegal behavior).
Significant intervention effects
(p £ 0.05)
15
HIV Behavioral Interventions for Incarcerated Populations in the United States
(continued)
275
276
Table 15.1 (continued)
Study author and
journal citation
Evaluation design
Slonim-Nevo
and Auslander
(1996).
Adolescence,
31, 409–421
Design: Random assignment
Comparison: Discussion-only
or wait-control group
Follow-up: Immediate post
and 9–12 month postrelease
Retention: (Post-test: 268/358
of youth who completed
pre-test: 75%)
(9–12m FU: 218/268 who
completed post-test: 81%)
Sample description
Intervention description
Level: Group
N: 218
Duration: Both groups consisted
Pop: Youth affected
of nine 1.5–2 h sessions over 3
by juvenile
weeks
delinquency, child
Content: Intensive AIDS prevention
abuse or neglect,
program using interactive
or mental health
learning techniques; compared to
problems
attention-control discussion-only
Site: Residential center
group focused on same topics
Male: 56%
and to a wait-control intervention
African American:
(co-delivered by people who
46%
received at least 40 h of AIDS
prevention training)
Significant intervention effects
(p £ 0.05)
Compared to control, both group
conditions showed
• IncreasedAIDSknowledgeand
coping with AIDS-risk situations
at immediate post-test (not
sustained at 9–12 month FU)
• Nosignificantbehavioraloutcomes
reported at either FU
D.W. Seal et al.
Study author and
journal citation
Design: Random assignment
Comparison: Attentioncontrol anger management
intervention
Follow-up: Immediate post
and 6-month postrelease
Retention: Intervention
completion (361/430 youth
who completed baseline:
84%)
FU among youth who
completed intervention:
Post-test (349/361: 97%), 6m
postrelease (312/361: 86%)
N: 361
Pop: Youth who
completed
intervention
Site: State reformatory
Male: 54% African
American: 52%
No significant between-group
Level: Group
differences in behavioral outcomes
Duration: Six sessions over 3-week
reported at 6m FU:
period lasting 1 h each
• Youthinbothgroupsreporteda
Content: Informational and skills
lower number of sex partners and
building HIV prevention
a lower frequency of oral sex acts
curriculum, including peer
and unprotected vaginal and anal
modeling videos and dyadic rolesex acts
play; comparison intervention was
• Youthinbothgroupsreported
similarly structured, but focused
fewer casual sex encounters,
on anger management skills
coercions into unwanted sexual
(co-facilitated by trained male and
activity, and occasions of
trained female)
exchanging drugs for sex
• Youthinbothgroupsreported
decreased alcohol and marijuana
use
• Youthinbothgroupshadshowed
less reliance on conflict in
interpersonal interactions, fewer
court appearances, and spent less
days incarcerated
• Youthinbothgroupsincreased
their perceived risk for HIV/STI
infection, with a larger increase in
the HIV condition
• YouthinHIVinterventionhad
increased AIDS knowledge,
more favorable attitudes toward
condoms, enhanced self-efficacy
for safer sex, and increased
condom-use skills
(continued)
277
Intervention description
HIV Behavioral Interventions for Incarcerated Populations in the United States
Sample description
15
St. Lawrence
et al. (1999).
Journal of Sex
Education and
Therapy, 24,
9–17
Significant intervention effects
(p £ 0.05)
Evaluation design
Significant intervention effects
(p £ 0.05)
Sample description
Intervention description
N: 99
Pop: General
Site: Detention Center
Male: 65%
African American:
65%
Level: Group
Duration: 24 h over 4-day period
Content: Curriculum designed to
prevent HIV, STI, and pregnancy
risk behavior (delivered by youth
experts)
Kelly et al. (2004). Design: Non-biased block
assignment by incarceration
Journal of
period
Correctional
Comparison: Attention-control
Health Care,
delivery of same content
11, 45–58
delivered via video and
lecture
Follow-up: Immediate post
Retention: (54/54: 100%)
N: 54
Pop: General
Site: Detention Center
Male: 0%
African American:
15%
Design: Non-biased assignment
by incarceration setting
Comparison: No-intervention
control
Follow-up: Several weeks
post-intervention
FU Response Rate: (363/415
youth who completed
intervention: 87%) (no preintervention baseline)
N: 363
Pop: Youth who
completed FU
survey
Site: Delinquency
center
Male: NR
African American: NR
Level: Group
Duration: 8 h over a weekend
Content: Girls Talk-2 used socialcognitive theory to focus
on precursors of behavior
change, including selfefficacy, communication skills
demonstration, positive condom
attitudes, and knowledge of local
resources (delivered by trained
18–22 year-old college students of
similar ethnicity/race)
Intervention participants reported
Level: Group
• IncreasedknowledgeaboutAIDS
Duration: 2 sites – 1 h per day for
• Increasedperceivedimportanceof
5 days; 1 site – 1 h per day for
the AIDS epidemic
3 days
Content: State required AIDS
education curriculum, including
discussion and handouts about
at-risk populations, transmission
modes, medical terminology,
and promotion of abstinence
(facilitators not specified)
Non-behavioral (n = 8)
Design: 1-Group
Clark et al.
(2000). Journal Comparison: NA
Follow-up: Immediate post,
of Criminal
6-week postrelease (NR)
Justice, 28,
Retention: (99/99: 100%)
415–433
Immediate post-test:
• Increasedself-esteem
• Increasedefficacyfor
communication and listening skills
• IncreasedHIV/AIDS-related
knowledge
• Increasedperceivedsusceptibility
to HIV/AIDS
Intervention participants reported
• Increasedself-efficacyonascale
of HIV/STI risk knowledge,
attitudes, and practices
D.W. Seal et al.
Lanier and
McCarthy
(1989).
Criminal
Justice and
Behavior, 16,
395–411
278
Table 15.1 (continued)
Study author and
journal citation
Evaluation design
Study author and
journal citation
Intervention description
Schlapman and
Cass (2000).
Community
Health Nursing,
17, 151–158
Design: 1 Group
Comparison: NA
Follow-up: Immediate post
Retention: (69/146: 47%)
N: 146
Pop: Youth who
completed pre-test
Site: Juvenile Center
Male: 0%
African American: NR
Shelton (2001).
Issues in
Mental Health
Nursing, 22,
159–172
Design: 1 Group
Comparison: NA
Follow-up: Immediate post
Retention: (36/36: 100%)
N: 36
Pop: General
Site: 90-day
community-based
juvenile justice
substance abuse
treatment program
Male: 100%
African American:
100%
Level: Group
Duration: 4 sessions were offered
over a 7-month period on a
rotating basis (session length not
specified); 91 sessions in all were
held
Content: Interactive HIV education
intervention aimed at reducing
high-risk sexual behavior
(delivered by a public health
nurse)
Level: Group
Duration: 16 sessions provided
weekly (session length not
specified); post-intervention
reinforcement provided in
substance use treatment groups
Content: Aimed at reducing drug
use and high-risk sexual behavior;
drew upon peer counseling and
cross-cultural sensitivity training
models (facilitators not specified)
Significant intervention effects
(p £ 0.05)
Immediate post-test:
• Increasedpercentofpeople
answered 4 specific items correctly
(out of 40) on an HIV/AIDS
knowledge test
Immediate post-test:
• Increasedknowledgeabout
appropriate use of condoms, safer
sex practices, and AIDS/HIV
(continued)
HIV Behavioral Interventions for Incarcerated Populations in the United States
Sample description
15
Evaluation design
279
280
Table 15.1 (continued)
Study author and
journal citation
Evaluation design
Significant intervention effects
(p £ 0.05)
Intervention description
• Nooutcomeswerereported
Level: HIV prevention program
separately for detention center
within context of a Therapeutic
participants; nor were between-site
Community
analyses conducted
Duration: 4 sessions over a 4-week
period lasting 2 h each
Content: HIV prevention program
included modeling, media
presentations, discussion group
topics, and role-play to provide
educational information, skills
building, realization of substance
use-HIV risk relationship, and
development of realistic individual
risk reduction plan (delivered by
part-time peer educators and fulltime health educators)
Level: HIV prevention program within Immediate post-test:
context of a Therapeutic Community • Authorsreportsomeincreasesin
HIV/AIDS knowledge and some
Duration: 4 h per day for 5 days in a
decrease in perceived AIDS risk
1-week period; participants attend
among program participants;
an advanced phase of the same
however, statistical analyses not
duration at a later time
presented
Content: Prevention program
designed to reduce HIV
transmission risk, reduce drug
abuse incidence, develop positive
lifestyle alternatives to violence
and crime (delivered by a male
or female facilitator, 2 of whom
were in recovery)
Ward and Waters
(1999). Journal
of HIV/AIDS
Prevention and
Education for
Adolescents
and Children,
3, 51–77
Design: 1 Group
Comparison: NA
Follow-up: Immediate post
Retention: NR
(Study also included youth
recruited from a welfare
program for teen mothers,
county welfare offices, and
county welfare hotels; total
study sample size: 3,460)
N: 514
Pop: General
Site: Detention Center
Male: 96%
African American: NR
Waters et al.
(1996). Crisis
Intervention, 3,
85–96
Design: 1 Group
Comparison: NA
Follow-up: Immediate post
Retention: (189/556: 34%)
N: 556
Pop: Analyses limited
to Black males who
completed pre- and
post-tests
Site: Detention Center
Male: 100%
African American:
86%
D.W. Seal et al.
Sample description
Study author and
journal citation
Evaluation design
Sample description
Witte and Morrison
(1995). Journal
of Applied
Communication
Research, 23,
128–142
Design: Random assignment
Comparison: High- versus
low-threat HIV prevention
message
Follow-up: Immediate post
Retention: (31/31: 100%)
• Lowsensationseekerspersuaded
Level: Group
N: 31
to adopt safer sex behaviors
Duration: One 30-min session
Pop: General
regardless of message threat; high
Site: Detention Center Content: Participants received a live,
sensation seekers unaffected by
peer-facilitated health educator
Male: 65%
either message
presentation with visual aids that
African American: 52%
• Abovefindingdidnotinteract
was either high-threat or low(Study also included 92
with recruitment setting (detention
threat (delivered by trained peer
high school teens)
center versus high school)
educators)
Descriptive (n = 2)
Setzer et al. (1991).
Journal of
Prison and Jail
Health, 10,
91–115
Design: NA
Comparison: NA
Follow-up: NA
Retention: NA
Zibalese-Crawford
(1997). Social
Work in Health
Care, 25, 73–88
Design: NA
Comparison: NA
Follow-up: NA
Retention: NA
• Noformalevaluationsreported
Level: Systemic Intervention
N: NR
Duration: NR
Pop: General
Site: Juvenile probation Content: Describes a prevention model
that integrates HIV risk assessment
department
and reduction planning with
Male: NR
provision of medical and substance
African American: NR
use treatment services
• Noformalevaluationsreported
Level: Group
N: NR
Duration: NR
Pop: General
Content: Describes an empowermentSite: Youth housed in
oriented approach to HIV/AIDS
alternative settings:
prevention
both detention
and non-detention
facilities
Male: NR
African American: NR
(continued)
Intervention description
Significant intervention effects
(p £ 0.05)
15
HIV Behavioral Interventions for Incarcerated Populations in the United States
281
282
Table 15.1 (continued)
Study author and
journal citation
Evaluation design
Intervention description
Level: Group
N: 134 at 6m FU
Duration: 8-h delivered in 5 modules
Pop: People who
over 2-week period
injected drugs in the
Content: HIV/AIDS information,
prior 6 months
personal risk sensitization,
Site: Jail
promotion of sexual and needle
Male: 30% African
risk reduction behavior (facilitator
American: 11%
not specified)
Level: Group
N: 145
Pop: Women who used Duration: 16 two-hours sessions,
twice weekly in prison; six
cocaine, heroin, or
booster sessions, monthly in
crack 3+ times/week
community
prior to arrest
Content: HIV/AIDS risk behaviors,
Site: Jail
safe sex practices, self efficacy,
Male: 0%
problem solving, coping skills,
African American:
social and support networks,
69%
injection related risks (delivered
by women of similar ethnicity
and substance use experience who
received intensive 3-day training)
Significant intervention effects
(p £ 0.05)
3m FU (data not shown):
• Authorreportedminimalchanges
in knowledge, attitudes, or
behavior for either group
6m FU:
• Educationgrouphadahigherrisk
behavior score for needle sharing
Control group had a higher risk
behavior score for number of IDU
sexual partners
• Nosignificantbehavioral
outcomes reportedRegardless of
condition:
• Increasedcopingskills
(among those with less prior
incarcerations)
• Increasedperceptionofemotional
support (among those with greater
prior incarcerations)
D.W. Seal et al.
Adult drug users (N = 7)
Behavioral (n = 7)
Design: Random assignment
Baxter (1991).
Comparison: No-intervention
Crime and
control
Delinquency,
Follow-up: 3-, 6-, 12-month
37, 48–63
post-intervention
Retention: Can’t calculate –
baseline sample size not
reported (3m FU: n = 200;
6m FU: n = 134; 12m FU:
NR)
Design: Random assignment
El-Bassel et al.
(1995). Social Comparison: AIDS
information session
Work Research,
Follow-up: 1-month
19, 131–141
postrelease
Retention: Intervention
completion (145/159
women who completed pretest: 91%)
FU among women who
completed intervention:
(101/145: 70%)
Sample description
Study author and
journal citation
Intervention description
Design: Longitudinal program
evaluation
Comparison: In prison TC vs.
work release TC vs. both
TCs vs. Control
Follow-up: 6- and 18-month
postrelease
Retention: 6m postrelease
(832/1,079: 77%); 18m
postrelease (666/1,079:
62%)
Design: Secondary data
analysis
Comparison: Individuals who
reported receipt of HIVprevention services during
correctional substance
treatment vs. individuals
who reported not receiving
HIV-prevention services
during correctional
substance treatment
Follow-up: 12-month
postrelease
Retention: (1,223/1,625: 74%)
N: 1,079
Pop: People with a
history of drug use
Site: Prison
Male: 80%
African American:
79%
Level: Individual and group
Therapeutic Community (TC)
Duration: NR
Content: Risk assessment;
TC involvement; assuming
responsibility in TC; preparing for
employment and reentry; outside
employment; role modeling
in TC, and weekend visits
(facilitators not specified)
6m FU:
• Controlshadhigherratesof
trading sex for drugs
• TCgroupshadhigherratesof
consistent condom use
18m FU:
• ControlshadhigherratesofIDU
and trading sex for drugs
N: 1,223
Pop: People in
correctional
substance abuse
treatment
Site: Prison
Male: 91% African
American: 45%
Level: NR
Duration: NR
Content: NR
Individuals out of custody at FU:
• Blacks,olderpeople,andpeople
in long-term residential treatment
more likely to receive HIVprevention
• DecreasedHIVdrugandsexual
risk for those who received HIVprevention
Individuals in custody during FU:
• Males,olderpeople,andpeople
in short-term residential treatment
more likely to receive HIVprevention
(continued)
HIV Behavioral Interventions for Incarcerated Populations in the United States
Lubelczyk et al.
(2002). AIDS
Education and
Prevention, 14,
117–125
Sample description
15
Harrison et al.
(1998). Prison
Journal, 78,
232–243
Significant intervention effects
(p £ 0.05)
Evaluation design
283
284
Table 15.1 (continued)
Study author and
journal citation
Evaluation design
Magura et al.
(1995).
International
Journal of the
Addictions, 30,
259–273
Design: Non-randomized
design
Comparison: Women who
were released prior to
intervention receipt
Follow-up: 7-month postrelease
Retention: (101/134: 75%)
(based on number of
women contacted for FU)
Intervention description
N: 101
Pop: Drug users
(analyses limited to
first 53 intervention
and first 48 control
participants who
completed FU)
Site: Jail
Male: 0%
African American:
65%
N: 706
Pop: Drug-involved
people on probation
Site: Community
Male: 72%
African American:
70%
Level: Group
Duration: Four alternate-day 1-h
sessions
Content: Drug use, sexual behavior,
and HIV/AIDS; guided by
Problem-Solving Therapy
approach, including role-play and
rehearsal (delivered by White
female counselor with a MA in
psychology)
• Nosignificantbehavioraloutcomes
between groups
• Womenindrugdependency
treatment at FU, regardless of
condition, reported decreased
heroin use, crack use, drug dealing,
and criminal activity
Level: Individual
Duration: 3 sessions over 3-months
(initial session, 2-week posttest results receipt and postcounseling; brief 3-month
booster)
Content: ESI (HIV-testing; pre- and
post-test counseling; information;
demonstration and rehearsal of
condom use, needle-cleaning;
distribution of prevention
materials)
Content: PFI intervention added
personal action plans and thoughtmapping techniques to ESI
(delivered by program staff)
At 6m FU:
• Decreasedheroinuse,cocaineuse,
and IDU among both groups
• Decreasedmultiplesexpartners,
unprotected sex acts, and pay in
exchange for sex among both
groups
• Decreasedsexinexchangefor
money among PFI group
• Decreased%ofwomenhad
unprotected sex in ESI group
D.W. Seal et al.
Design: Random assignment
Martin et al.
(2003). Journal Comparison: ESI (enhanced
NIDA standard
of Psychoactive
intervention) vs. PFI
Drugs, 35,
(probation-focused
435–443
intervention)
Follow-up: 3- and 6-month
postrelease
Retention: Preliminary
analysis before study
complete, 6m postrelease
(426/706: 60%)
Significant intervention effects
(p £ 0.05)
Sample description
Study author and
journal citation
Intervention description
Design: Non-random
assignment
Comparison: ARRIVE
intervention completers
vs. eligible parolees who
completed baseline but did
not receive intervention
Follow-up: 12-month
postrelease
Retention: (237/317: 75%)
N: 317
Pop: People on parole
with a history of
drug injection
Site: Community
Male: 81% African
American: 57%
Level: Group
Duration: Three 60–90 min sessions
per week for 8 weeks
Content: AIDS transmission, testing,
and treatment information;
AIDS risk reduction; depression
and addiction; employment
counseling; job interview roleplay and resume preparation;
relapse prevention; presentation
skills (delivered by 2 clinical
staff in recovery with criminal
histories)
Non-behavioral (n = 0)
No identified studies
Descriptive (n = 0)
No identified studies
Adults (N = 20)
Behavioral (n = 9)
Design: 1-group
Arriola et al
(2007). Journal Comparison: NA
Follow-up: 6-months postof Health
release
Care for the
Retention: (226/647: 35%)
Poor and
Underserved,
18, 665–
674Also see
Arriola et al.
(2002)
Significant intervention effects
(p £ 0.05)
Intervention participants reported
• LesssteadyIVdruguse,
recreational drug use, and
association with injectors
• More“always”condomuse;
greater condom acceptability
• Lesshighrisksexpartners
• Lessre-arrestandre-incarceration
• Moreemployment,educational
training, and vocational training
• Moreparticipationindrug
treatment
6m FU:
Level: Individual and Group
N: 647
• Increasedlikelihoodofnot
Duration: 1 visit per week for first
Pop: Soon-to-be
engaging in sex exchange during
month post release; 2 visits per
release HIV infected
subsequent 6 months
month post release by fifth month
inmates
• Increaselikelihoodofparticipating
Content: Post-release services
Site: County Jail or
in drug or alcohol treatment
include individual or group HIV
Prison
prevention education, individual
Male: 100% African
counseling, disease management
American: 18%
education, and discharge planning
(making appointments or
referrals)
285
(continued)
HIV Behavioral Interventions for Incarcerated Populations in the United States
Sample description
15
Wexler et al.
(1994). The
International
Journal of the
Addictions, 29,
361–386
Evaluation design
Design: Random assignment
Braithwaite
Comparison: Of 4 modes of
et al. (2005).
delivering videos on health
Journal of
promotion and disease
Health Care for
prevention
the Poor and
Follow-up: 3-month
Underserved,
postrelease
16, 130–139
Retention: NR (Number of
men recruited not reported)
Grinstead et al.
(1999).
Criminal
Justice and
Behavior, 26,
468–480
Sample description
Intervention description
N: 116
Pop: People who
completed 3-month
assessment
Site: Prison
Male: 100% African
American: 69%
Level: Group
Duration: 12 sessions over 6 weeks
(length not specified)
Content: All four intervention
conditions had same content (health
education, HIV/AIDS, substance
abuse), but each group used a
different mode of facilitation:
– Passive facilitation
– Didactic facilitation by health
educator
– Didactic facilitation by an HIV−
peer
– Didactic facilitation by an HIV+
peer
Level: Individual
Duration: One 30-min session
Content: Risk assessment and risk
reduction plan on acquiring or
transmitting HIV, HIV knowledge,
and risk behavior (delivered by an
incarcerated peer educator)
Level: Group
Duration: Eight 2–2.5 h sessions in
1 week
Content: HIV information and
treatment, substance use,
sexuality, inspirational speaker,
nutrition, community service
referrals (delivered by community
service providers)
N: 414
Pop: General
Site: Prison
Male: 100% African
American: 51%
N: 144
Pop: HIV+
Site: Prison
Male: 100%
African American:
55%
Significant intervention effects
(p £ 0.05)
Didactic groups reported
• Reductioninsubstanceuse
• Reductioninriskysexualbehavior
• Reductioninmarijuanause(health
educator and HIV− peer groups
only)
• Increasedcondomselfefficacy
Passive facilitation group reported
• Reductioninsexualself
expectations (versus health
educator and HIV+ peer groups
only)
Intervention participants reported
• Increasedcondomuseduringoral,
vaginal, or anal sex first time after
release from prison
• Nosignificantbehavioraloutcomes
reported
• Positiveandnegativeintervention
outcomes, primarily with small
effect sizes
D.W. Seal et al.
Grinstead et al.
(2001). AIDS
Education and
Prevention, 13,
109–119Also
see Zack et al.
(2004)
Design: Non-biased block
assignment
Comparison: Access to HIV
educational materials and
informal consults with staff
Follow-up: 2-week postrelease
Retention: (176/414: 43%)
Design: Non-randomized design
Comparison: Those who
enrolled in the intervention
but were unable to attend
Follow-up: 8-month
postrelease (average)
Retention: (81/144: 56%)
286
Table 15.1 (continued)
Study author and
journal citation
Evaluation design
Study author and
journal citation
Evaluation design
Myers et al.
(2005).
American
Journal of
Public Health,
95, 1682–1684
Design: Random assignment
Comparison: Diet and exercise
strategies
Follow-up: 1-month
postrelease
Retention: (50/99: 51%)
Design: 1-Group
Comparison: NA
Follow-up: 2.5 months
postrelease (immediate
post; some still receiving
PCM in community)
Retention: (51/127: 40%)
N: 246
Pop: General
Site: Prison
Male: 0%
African American:
67%
Level: Group
Duration: One 20 h course during
confinement
Content: Didactic health and HIV
education course including
information sharing, discussion,
participant exercises, role playing,
and hands on practice sessions on
the female condom
N: 99
Pop: People on
probation
Site: Community
Male: 90% African
American: 86%
N: 127
Pop: General
Site: Prison
Male: 55% African
American: 48%
Level: Individual and Group
Duration: One session (length not
specified)
Content: Condom use skills,
needle cleaning skills, HIV CT
information
Level: Individual
Duration: 2 months of PCM prior to
release and up to 3 months in the
community
Context: Prevention case
management, referrals to
community resources, HIV
risk reduction education and
counseling (delivered by CBO
case managers)
Significant intervention effects
(p £ 0.05)
• 0%ofparticipantsreported
using the female condom prior to
confinement
• 62%reportedusingthefemale
condom within 2 months postrelease
• Mostusedthefemalecondomwith
their boyfriend/spouse
Overall, 23% reported consistent
female condom use and 27%
consistent male condom use during
all vaginal sex acts 2-months postrelease
Participants in two HIV education
groups reported
• Increasedcondomuse
• IncreasedHIVknowledge
At FU:
• Increasedratesofabstinenceor
condom use
• Reducedratesofdruguseduring
sex
HIV Behavioral Interventions for Incarcerated Populations in the United States
Lurigio et al.
(1992). AIDS
Education and
Prevention, 4,
205–218
Intervention description
15
Design: 1-Group (pre/post)
Harrison et al.
Comparison: NA
(2001). Culture,
Follow-up: 2 months postHealth &
release
Sexuality, 3(1),
Retention: (163/246: 66%)
101–118
Sample description
(continued)
287
288
Table 15.1 (continued)
Study author and
journal citation
Significant intervention effects
(p £ 0.05)
Evaluation design
Sample description
Intervention description
Needels et al.
(2005).
Journal of
Urban Health:
Bulletin of
the New York
Academy of
Medicine, 82,
420–433
Design: Random assignment
based on who was willing
to meet conditions of
enhanced intervention
Comparison: Standard
discharge planning
services
Follow-up: 15-month
postrelease
Retention: Adults
(511/704: 73%)
(Intervention: 60% had any
postrelease contact,
51% retained at 6 months,
36% for full year)
N: 1,410
Pop: General (adult
women = 704;
adolescent
males = 706)
Site: Jail
Adults:
Male: 0%
African American: NR
Wolitski et al.
(2006).
American
Journal of
Public Health,
96, 1854–1861
Design: Non-biased block
assignment (intent-to-treat)
Comparison: 1 session HIV
risk reduction program
Follow-up: 6-month
postrelease
Retention: (432/522: 83%)
N: 522
Pop: General
Site: Prison
Male: 100% African
American: 52%
Adolescent males:See Adolescent
Behavioral section above
Adult women at FU:
• Decreasedarrestforseriouscharge
during 1-year postrelease FU
period
• Higherpercentparticipatedin
1+ postrelease program or 1+
postrelease detox program
• Increased#ofactsofunprotected
vaginal or anal sex
• Lowermean#oftimesuseddrugs
or alcohol during sex
• Fewertimeshadsexformoneyor
drugs
Increased percent had sex with an
HIV serostatus unknown partner
At 6m FU:
Level: Individual
• Reductioninratesofunprotected
Duration: Two 60–90 min sessions
vaginal or anal sex at last
prior to release and four
intercourse
30–60 min sessions at 1, 3, 6, and
• Reductioninratesofunprotected
12 weeks post release
vaginal or anal sex with main
Content: HIV risk reduction, skills
partner
training, referrals, community
re-entry needs, problem solving
(delivered by lay staff who
attended 3-day intensive cross-site
training)
Level: Individual
Duration: Adults averaged 6.5 h of
contact during 1-year postrelease
period
Content: All participants received
standard discharge planning
(individual counseling + voluntary
empowerment group meetings).
Enhanced intervention also
included community case
management to help people
successfully reintegrate and avoid
problem behavior (in-jail services
provided by jail caseworkers;
community services provided by
CBO case managers).
D.W. Seal et al.
Study author and
journal citation
Evaluation design
Design: 1-Group
Comparison: NA
Follow-up: Immediate post
Retention: NR
Design: Non-biased
Grinstead et al.
assignment
(1997). Journal
Comparison: HIV
of Health
presentation
Education, 28,
Follow-up: Immediate post
31–37
Retention: NR
N: 2,610
Pop: General
Site: Prison and jail
Male: 50% African
American: 64%
Level: Individual and group
Duration: 4 required and 3 optional
sessions (median: 11 h total)
Content: Prevention case
management, HIV education,
skill building, case management,
HIV risk reduction, condom use,
substance abuse, transitioning
back to the community, service
referrals (delivered by health
department case managers)
Level: Group
Duration: One 90-min session per
week for 6 weeks
Content: HIV prevention,
knowledge, fears, perceptions,
peer educator training (trained and
experienced male and female HIV
prevention educators)
Significant intervention effects
(p £ 0.05)
N: 196
Pop: General
Site: Prison
Male: 90% African
American: 40%
N: 2,295
Pop: General
Site: Prison
Male: 100% African
American: 38%
Level: Group
Duration: one 60–90 min session
Content: HIV transmission routes,
testing, substance use/abuse,
correct condom use, needle
cleaning (Group 1 led by
professional HIV educator; Group
2 led by incarcerated HIV+ peer)
Immediate post:
• Increasedpositiveattitudesand
self efficacy towards condoms
• Increasedselfefficacytoreduce
risk involving IDU and other
substances
• Increasedsafersexintentions
• Increasedperceivedfutureriskof
having HIV/AIDS
Immediate post:
• IncreasedAIDS-relatedknowledge
• Increasedpositiveattitudestowards
condoms, condom self efficacy,
and condom intentions
• Increasedselfefficacyfornot
sharing needles
Increased peer education self efficacy,
intentions, behaviors
Intervention participants reported
• IncreasedHIVknowledge
• Increasedcondomuseintentions
• IncreasedHIVtestingintentions
HIV Behavioral Interventions for Incarcerated Populations in the United States
Bryan et al.
(2006). Health
Education and
Behavior, 33,
154–177
Intervention description
15
Non-behavioral (n = 7)
Design: 1-Group
Bauserman et al.
Comparison: NA
(2003). AIDS
Education and Follow-up: Immediate post
Prevention, 15, Retention: (745/2,610: 29%)
465–480
Sample description
(continued)
289
290
Table 15.1 (continued)
Study author and
journal citation
Evaluation design
Intervention description
Level: Group
Duration: Two 90-min sessions per
week for 5 weeks
Content: Overview of HIV/AIDS,
opportunistic infections, medication
issues, safer sex, nutritional needs,
women and children with HIV,
financial issues, future planning,
trust, self esteem, depression,
anxiety, unhealthy relationships,
communication skills, parenting
issues, coping skills, empowerment,
goal setting (co-delivered by
experienced MSW and second-year
social work students)
Level: Group
Duration: Two 90-min sessions per
week for 5 weeks
Content: Same as Pomeroy (1999)
above
Level: Group
Duration: Six sessions lasting about
2 h each
Content: HIV/AIDS education
and risk reduction skills within
cultural context (delivered by
incarcerated women and men
who received 40 h intensive peer
educator training)
Pomeroy et al.
(1999).
Research on
Social Work
Practice, 9,
171–187
Quasi-experimental
Comparison: Standard of care
Follow-up: Immediate post
Retention: (139/160: 87%)
N: 160
Pop: General
Site: Jail
Male: 0%
African American:
55%
Pomeroy et al.
(2000). Social
Work Research,
24, 156–166
Design: Quasi-experimental
Comparison: Standard of care
Follow-up: Immediate post
Retention: (53/72: 74%)
Ross et al.
(2006). AIDS
Education and
Prevention, 18,
504–517see
Scott et al.
(2004). Journal
of Correctional
Health Care,
10, 151–173
Design: 1-Group
Comparison: NA
Follow-up: 9-month postbaseline (peer educators);
Immediate post (students)
Retention: Peer educators
(257/590: 44%)
N: 72
Pop: General
Site: Jail
Male: 100% African
American: 46%
Ross et al:
N: 590 peer educators;
2,506 students
Pop: General
Site: Prison
Male:
84% (educators)
86% (students)
African American:
38% (educators)
38% (students)
Significant intervention effects
(p £ 0.05)
Intervention participants reported
• Reductionindepression,anxiety,
and trauma symptomology
• IncreaseinAIDSknowledge
Intervention participants reported
• Reductionindepression,anxiety,
and trauma symptomology
• IncreasedAIDSknowledge
Immediate post
• IncreasedHIVknowledgeamong
students
At 9-m FU
• IncreasedHIVknowledgeamong
peer educators
• Increasedproportionofpeer
educators had obtained an HIV test
D.W. Seal et al.
Sample description
Study author and
journal citation
Evaluation design
N: 90
Pop: General
Site: Prison
Male: 0% African
American: 81%
Level: Group
Duration: One 90-min session per
week for 6 weeks
Content: Skills training in correct
condom use; partner negotiation,
information provision skills; drug
use and HIV risk, correct needle
cleaning and drug refusal skills
(delivered by experienced samegender facilitators)
SCT intervention participants reported
• Increasedcondomapplication
skills (using model)
Both groups reported
• Increasedselfefficacy,self-esteem,
attitudes towards prevention,
AIDS knowledge, frequency of
AIDS-related communication,
and comfort with AIDS-related
communication (no significant
between-group differences)
N: NR
Pop: HIV+
Site: Prison
Male: 0%
African American: NR
Level: Individual and Group
Duration: 3 h sessions daily for 3
weeks
Content: Peer support program,
adherence, HIV transmission,
compassionate care standards,
medical diaries, buddy system,
skits and transitional issues
(delivered by peers)
No formal evaluations reported
(continued)
HIV Behavioral Interventions for Incarcerated Populations in the United States
Intervention description
15
St. Lawrence et al. Design: Random assignment
(1997). Journal Comparison: Demonstration
project to compare an
of Consulting
intervention based on
and Clinical
social cognitive theory
Psychology, 65,
(SCT) against a comparison
504–509
condition based on the
theory of gender and power
(GP)
Follow-up: 6 months (Did
not specify if Follow-up
occurred pre- or postrelease)
Retention: NR
Descriptive (n = 4)
Design: NA
Boudin et al.
Comparison: NA
(1999).
Follow-up: NA
Journal of the
Retention: NA
Association
of Nurses in
Health Care,
10, 90–98
Significant intervention effects
(p £ 0.05)
Sample description
291
Clark et al. (2006).
Maternal and
Child Health
Journal, 10,
367–373
Design: NA
Comparison: NA
Follow-up: NA
Retention: NA
El-Bassel et al.
(1997).
Criminal
Justice and
Behavior, 24,
205–223
Design: NA
Comparison: NA
Follow-up: NA
Retention: NA
292
Table 15.1 (continued)
Study author and
journal citation
Evaluation design
Sample description
Intervention description
Authors anecdotally reported that the
intervention (no statistical analyses
reported):
• Increasedprenatalcare
• Increasedprenataltestingrates
• ReductioninprenatalHIV
transmission
No formal evaluations reported
D.W. Seal et al.
Level: Not reported
Duration: Not reported
Content: Pregnancy and HIV testing,
link to medical and supportive
services, education about
HIV/AIDS prevention, STDs,
substance abuse, and domestic
violence (delivered by outreach
workers from local STD program)
Level: Group
N: 30 (pilot);
Duration: Eight 1.5 h weekly
intervention trial
sessions, twice weekly in prison;
currently being
eight community-based booster
conducted with 400
sessions within 2 months of release
women
Pop: Women who used Content: Groups: HIV/AIDS
risk behavior, knowledge, and
cocaine, heroin, or
perceived risk; safer sex and
crack 3+ times/week
needle use practices; positive
prior to arrest
condom attitudes; social support
Site: Prison
and help-seeking skills; role-play
Male: 0%
and rehearsal. Boosters: Focus on
African American: NR
transfer and application of skills
to real-world situations (group
sessions delivered by experienced
social worker and a trained group
leader; community booster sessions
delivered by trained community
counselors with a history of
incarceration and who had work
experience in substance abuse).
N: 515
Pop: General
Site: Jail
Male: 0%
African American: NR
Significant intervention effects
(p £ 0.05)
Sample description
Intervention description
Design: 1-Group
Comparison: NA
Follow-up: NR
Retention: NR
N: 50
Pop: General
Site: INS detainment
center
Male: 50%
African American: 0%
Level: Group
Duration: One 1-h session
Content: HIV knowledge, risk
behaviors, condom use skills,
self efficacy, video on HIV
transmission, culturally
appropriate for Mexicans and
Puerto Ricans (delivered by P.I.)
No formal evaluations reported
N: NR
Pop: General
Site: System-wide
Male: NR
African American:
NR
Level: Systemic Intervention
Duration: NR
Content: Two articles report on
a mandate to increase HIV
prevention services within the
New York State Correctional
System
Article 1 describes the
development of a collaborative
network to provide prevention
services throughout the state
correctional system.
Article 2 reports on a survey
HIV prevention services
provided following initiation
of the state plan
Following intervention initiation,
compared to earlier surveys:
• AbroaderrangeofHIVprevention
interventions were available and
accessible in state correctional
facilities
• Spanish-languageserviceswere
more salient
HIV Behavioral Interventions for Incarcerated Populations in the United States
Loue et al. (2001).
Journal of
Immigrant
Health, 3,
157–163
Significant intervention effects
(p £ 0.05)
Evaluation design
15
Study author and
journal citation
System-wide (N = 1)
Descriptive (n = 1)
Design: NA
Klein et al.
Comparison: NA
(2002a).
Follow-up: NA
AIDS
Retention: NA
Education
and
Prevention,
14 (Suppl. B),
114–123Klein
et al. (2002).
The Prison
Journal, 82,
69–83
FU follow-up; NA not applicable; NR not reported
293
294
D.W. Seal et al.
Results
Behavioral Outcome Studies
We identified 24 published HIV prevention intervention articles that described
22 studies with behavioral outcome data. Of these, six were conducted with adolescents, seven with adult drug users, and nine with other adult populations.
Studies with Adolescents
Five of the adolescent studies utilized some form of a comparison trial that included
a small-group intervention condition delivered prior to release, while one study
compared two individual interventions. All six studies included a postrelease follow-up.
The three most rigorous of the small group studies failed to demonstrate intervention
effects. St. Lawrence, Crosby, Belcher, Yazdani, and Brasfield (1999) randomly
assigned 361 predominantly African American (70%) juvenile males entering a
state reformatory to either a 6-session sexual risk reduction skills training or an
attention-controlled anger management cognitive-behavioral small-group intervention.
At 6-month follow-up, there were no significant differences between groups for any
outcome. However, it is noted that regardless of condition, participants at 6-month
postrelease follow-up (89% retention) relative to baseline reported a smaller number
of sexual partners and a lower frequency of oral sex, unprotected anal and vaginal
sex, coercive or unwanted sexual activity, and exchange of drugs for sex. Both
groups also reported less reliance on conflict in interpersonal interactions, and a
lower frequency of alcohol and marijuana use, court appearances, and days in jail.
In another study, using a weekly block assignment, 282 heterosexually active
youth (42% male, 46% African American) incarcerated in a juvenile detention
center were enrolled into a comparison trial of three sexual risk reduction interventions:
a 2-session group skills training curriculum with peer modeling and role-playing,
a 27-min videotape presenting factual information and modeling vignettes, and a
16-page informational comic book (Gillmore et al., 1997). All three interventions
provided factual information and emphasized skills development for communicating
and negotiating condom use with partners. Intervention completion was high (81%)
and about 60% were retained at 3- and 6-month follow-up. There were no differences between groups at either follow-up for number of sexual partners, condom
use, or a range of non-behavioral outcomes. One exception was that group participants reported more comfort talking with sexual partners about condoms.
A study by Slonim-Nevo and Auslander (1996) enrolled 358 adolescents (56%
male, 46% African American) who had been admitted to a residential center due to
juvenile delinquency, child abuse, neglect, or mental health problems. Adolescents
were assigned to a 9-session skills-building intervention, an attention-controlled
HIV prevention intervention involving factual information and discussion only,
15
HIV Behavioral Interventions for Incarcerated Populations in the United States
295
or a no-intervention wait-list control (75% of group participants completed all nine
sessions). There were no significant between-group differences for any of the sexual risk behavior outcomes at 9–12 month follow-up (81% retention).
The small group HIV prevention intervention that resulted in positive intervention
outcomes involved a sample of predominantly African American (66%) and Latino
(33%) adolescent male drug users who were incarcerated (Magura, Kang, & Shapiro,
1994). At 5-month postrelease follow-up, intervention participants compared to wait-list
controls reported increased frequency of condom use for vaginal, oral, and anal sex and
greater condom acceptability. However, the validity of these findings was limited by the
decision to restrict follow-up to the first 58 intervention participants and the first 99 waitlist controls released prior to intervention receipt (38% of full baseline sample).
In a study that included both adolescent males (n = 706) and adult women
(n = 704), individuals willing to meet program requirements were self-selected into
a program of intensive discharge planning services combined with communitybased case management services (Needles, James-Burdumy, & Burghardt, 2005).
Other participants received a less intensive discharge planning service with no
community-based follow-up. Both discharge planning programs included voluntary
participation in a personal empowerment group supplemented with individual
counseling. Among adolescent males, there were no significant differences between
groups at 15-month postrelease follow-up (76% retention) for a range of HIV sexual
risk, drug use, and recidivism outcomes. The efficacy of the intensive intervention
may have been limited by a lack of postrelease contact. Only 29% maintained contact
with their case manager for the full year and the average participant received less
than 10 total hours of case management services.
The final study involved a randomized trial (N = 114) to compare the effectiveness
of a 2-session individualized Relaxation Training (RT) to a 2-session individualized
Motivational Enhancement (ME) intervention (Rosengard et al., 2008). At 3-month
post-release follow-up (97% retention), the strongest predictor of sexual risk was
increased sexual risk prior to incarceration. However, among participants who
reported lower levels of depression at baseline, those in the ME condition, compared
to those in the RT condition, reported less condom non-use and less condom nonuse in conjunction with the use of marijuana.
Studies with Adult Drug Users
There are seven studies that specifically targeted adult drug users. One study
evaluated the impact of a therapeutic community (TC) in prison and after release
on drug use and HIV risk behavior. Incarcerated people with a history of drug use
who were eligible for parole or work release were assigned to primary drug treatment in prison (KEY), primary treatment in prison plus treatment in residential
work-release (KEY-CREST), primary treatment in work-release alone (CREST),
or an HIV-prevention education control condition (Harrison, Butzin, Inciardi, &
Martin, 1998). In a longitudinal evaluation, the TCs (KEY; CREST; KEY-CREST)
296
D.W. Seal et al.
were compared to a control condition. Participants (n = 1,079; 80% male, 70%
African American) were followed for 18 months (62% retention). No significant
differences were found among the three TC conditions. However, control participants reported higher rates of injection drug use and trading sex for drugs and TC
groups had higher rates of condom use.
Six interventions focused directly on HIV-risk reduction with drug users, rather
than addressing HIV-risk reduction as a by-product of reductions in injection drug
use. In one innovative study, an Enhanced Standard Intervention (ESI) developed
for the NIDA Cooperative Agreement for AIDS Community-Based Research
Initiative was compared to a Probationer-focused Intervention (PFI) (Martin,
O’Connell, Inciardi, Beard, & Surratt, 2003). The ESI included community outreach, risk assessment, risk reduction counseling, optional HIV-testing, and crisis
intervention if required; the PFI added personalized strategies for risk reduction and
thought-mapping techniques to the ESI. In preliminary data analyses, with 426 of
the projected 800 participants having completed the 3- and 6-month follow-up
assessments, participants in both interventions showed marked reductions in drug
use (cocaine and heroin), injection drug use, and sexual risk for HIV (multiple sex
partners and unprotected sex acts). Only minor differences between groups were
detected, notably a reduction in selling sex for PFI participants. Interestingly, the
percentage who reported any unprotected sex decreased for all participants, except
for women in the PFI, where the percentage remained unchanged at 77% from
baseline assessment to 6-month follow-up.
ARRIVE, an AIDS education/relapse prevention model for recently released
parolees with a history of IDU, was based on developing self-help and individual
responsibility, adherence to therapeutic community principles, a social learning
approach to prevention, and job readiness training (Wexler, Magura, Beardsley, &
Josepher, 1994). The 24-session, 8-week structured group program was designed to
train formerly incarcerated individuals to provide HIV-risk reduction services in the
community. The training included information on AIDS transmission, testing, and
treatment; AIDS risk reduction; the relationship between depression and addiction;
employment counseling; job interview skills; relapse prevention and self-presentation
skills. Three hundred and ninety-four individuals were recruited, 153 completed the
baseline assessment but did not enroll in the training program (control group) and
164 completed the training program (intervention group). At 12-month follow-up for
the 317 individuals in the intervention and control groups (81% male; 57% AfricanAmerican), retention was 86% for individuals in the intervention group and 63% for
individuals in the control group. Individuals in the intervention group were less
likely to report steady injection drug use, using drugs as a recreational activity, associating with friends who injected drugs, or having sexual contact with high-risk
persons. Program participants also were more likely to report always using a condom
for vaginal, anal, and oral sex, greater condom acceptability, and fewer perceived
barriers to HIV risk reduction behavior change; however, the study design leaves
open the possibility that the effects were due to self-selection bias.
An RCT design was used to test two HIV prevention interventions for women
who were incarcerated in jail and who used cocaine, crack, or heroin at least three
15
HIV Behavioral Interventions for Incarcerated Populations in the United States
297
times weekly prior to arrest (El-Bassel et al., 1995). In this study, 145 women
(65% African American) were assigned to either a 3-session HIV/AIDS education
small group intervention or a 16-session, multi-theory small group intervention
consisting of HIV/AIDS education, skills building, and social support development.
At 1-month postrelease (retention: 70%), there were no significant differences in
HIV risk behavior between the two groups.
In a study involving people who were incarcerated in jail and who had injected
drugs in the prior 6 months, participants were randomly assigned to an 8-h HIV/
AIDS education program or a no-intervention control group (Baxter, 1991).
Analysis of 3-month follow-up data from the first 200 participants showed minimal
changes in HIV/AIDS knowledge, attitudes, or risk behavior. At 6-month follow-up,
data collected from 134 participants (30% male, 11% African American) indicated
that people in the experimental compared to the control condition reported fewer
female sex partners who were IDUs, but increased sharing of needles, cookers/
cleaners, and/or rinse water. There were no significant between-group differences
in frequency of injection drug use, using new works, types of sexual behavior practiced, condom use, or number of sex partners.
In another jail-based AIDS education intervention for female IDUs, women
(65% African American) who were expected to be incarcerated for at least 2 weeks
were invited to participate in the 4-h small group intervention (Magura, Kang,
Shapiro, & O’Day, 1995). A no-intervention control group was comprised of
women who were expected to be incarcerated for less than 2 weeks and women
who were released before participating in the intervention. Fifty-three women in
the experimental condition and 48 in the control condition were interviewed about
7 months after release. No significant between-group differences were evident for
any injection drug use or sexual behavior outcomes.
Secondary analyses were conducted on 12-month follow-up data (74%
retention) collected from 1,223 incarcerated adults (91% male, 45% African
American) who had been enrolled in one of nine correctional substance abuse
treatment programs (Lubelczyk, Friedman, Lemon, Stein, & Gerstein, 2002).
The analyses were stratified by custody status: individuals who were released
from custody during the 12 month follow-up period (out of custody group) vs.
individuals who remained in custody throughout the entire follow-up period (in
custody group). Outcomes of interest were (a) the individual’s report of receiving any in-custody HIV-prevention services during the follow-up period; and (b)
HIV risk behavior during the follow-up period. There was no documentation of
the content or nature of HIV-prevention services that people reported receiving.
For individuals who were released from custody during the follow-up period,
receipt of HIV-prevention services differed significantly by race/ethnicity, age,
and the type of treatment program. For individuals who remained in custody for
the entire follow-up period, receipt of HIV-prevention services differed significantly by gender, age, current alcohol treatment, and type of treatment program.
However, report of lower HIV risk behavior during the follow-up period was
associated with receipt of in-custody HIV-prevention services only for individuals who were released from custody during the follow-up period (out-of-custody
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group) and not for individuals who remained in custody through the follow-up
period (in-custody group).
Studies with Other Adults
The nine studies that specifically targeted HIV risk behavior among adult
correctional populations, but were not focused on HIV testing or limited to drug
users, were provided either one-on-one or in small groups. Five programs were for
men only, three were for both men and women, and one was for women only. In
terms of evaluation designs, five studies were randomized control trials (RCTs) or
used a non-biased block assignment, three studies used a 1-group design, and one
study used a non-randomized design.
Among the five studies that used a RCT or non-biased block assignment, only
one used an intent-to-treat design and had adequate retention at follow-up (Wolitski
& the Project START Writing Group, for the Project START Study Group, 2006).
In this intervention, 522 men (52% African American), ages 18–29, were systematically assigned to either a 1-session pre-release risk reduction intervention or a
6-session pre- and postrelease enhanced intervention. Both interventions addressed
HIV, STI, and hepatitis risk behavior, including risk assessment, development of a
risk-reduction plan, facilitated referrals for services, and postrelease condom provision.
At the 24-week postrelease follow-up assessment (83% retention), men in the
enhanced condition were significantly less likely to report unprotected vaginal or
anal sex compared to men in the 1-session comparison condition. This finding was
primarily due to reductions in sexual risk behavior with main partners. There were
no differences between groups in sexual behavior with non-main partners or in patterns of substance use. Project START, the only HIV prevention intervention for
incarcerated populations that meets the requirements for inclusion in the
“Compendium of HIV Prevention Interventions with Evidence of Effectiveness”
(http://www.cdc.gov/hiv/topics/research/prs/best-evidence-intervention.htm), is
available for dissemination through CDC’s DEBI (Diffusing Evidence-Based
Interventions) program.
The four other studies that used a RCT or a non-biased block assignment had
low retention rates or did not report retention, and three of them reported intervention
efficacy with the sample that was retained. Lurigio, Petraitis, and Johnson (1992)
evaluated the efficacy of an HIV education intervention for 99 people (90% male,
86% African American) on probation versus an attention-controlled heart disease
education intervention. Both interventions were delivered in individual and group
formats. People who received the HIV education intervention reported a significantly higher rate of condom use at 1-month post-intervention (51% retention) than
those who received the control intervention. No between-group differences were
observed for HIV testing behavior, communication about condom use or needle
cleaning, or needle sharing behavior.
Grinstead, Zack, Faigeles, Grossman, and Blea (1999) evaluated the efficacy of
a 30-min pre-release intervention delivered by an HIV-positive peer that included
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299
HIV risk assessment and development of an HIV risk-reduction plan compared to a
no-intervention control. Referrals for services were provided based on each individual
participant’s county of release. Data were collected from 414 men (51% African American)
who had been assigned to one of the two conditions: interventions were offered on
alternating weeks. At the 2-week postrelease follow-up (43% retention), a higher
proportion of men in the intervention than in the control group reported condom use
at first sex after release. The two groups did not differ significantly on their frequency
of any drug use, injection drug use, or needle sharing.
Braithwaite, Stephens, Treadwell, Braithwaite, and Conerly (2005) randomized
incarcerated men to one of four 12-session group interventions delivered prior to
release: (1) a traditional, facility-based control that included a video on health promotion and disease prevention with limited facilitation, (2) an HIV and substance abuse
curriculum with didactic presentations and video delivered by a facilitator, (3) an HIV
and substance abuse curriculum with didactic presentations and video delivered by a
HIV-negative peer educator; and (4) an HIV and substance abuse curriculum with
didactic presentations and video delivered by an HIV-positive peer educator. All four
interventions promoted HIV risk reduction behavior after release from prison. Based
on data from 116 men (69% African American) who completed the 3-month postrelease follow-up, all four interventions showed reductions in overall substance use and
sexual risk-taking, and increases in health and condom self-efficacy.
As described earlier, a study by Needels, James-Burdumy, and Burghardt (2005)
for adult women (n = 704) willing to meet program requirements, provided a program
of intensive discharge planning services combined with community-based case
management services. Other participants received a less intensive program. Among
the participants at 15-month postrelease follow-up (73% retention), women in the
intensive case-management group reported more unprotected anal or vaginal sex,
more sex while using drugs or alcohol, and more sex in exchange for sex or drugs.
Women in the less intensive condition were more likely to report sex with partners
whose HIV serostatus was unknown. No between-group differences were observed
for the total number of sex partners or for the percent of participants who had multiple
sex partners, exchanged sex for money or drugs, had sex with a partner whose HIV
status was unknown, or injected drugs. It is noted that only 36% of women in the
intensive condition maintained contact with their case manager for the full year.
The other four studies did not use a RCT or a non-biased block assignment. The
study conducted by Arriola and her colleagues (Arriola, Braithwaite, Holmes, &
Fortenberry, 2007; Arriola et al., 2002) evaluated a post-release intervention for
soon-to-be released HIV positive inmates in county jails or prisons. The 1-group
study provided services such as HIV prevention education, individual counseling,
disease management, and discharge planning to 647 participants (100% male, 18%
African American). The participants who completed the 6 month follow up (35%)
reported a greater likelihood of not engaging in sex exchange as well as a greater
likelihood of participating in drug or alcohol treatment. The second study reported
on a 5-month prevention case management (PCM) program provided to 127 participants (55% male, 48% African American) who reported HIV risk behaviors (Myers
et al., 2005). PCM activities were provided for 2 months before release and for 3
months after release from prison. Although a mean of 39 h per person of PCM was
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D.W. Seal et al.
provided, only 51% completed the full program. Among those participants who
received PCM services and who completed both the baseline and the 10-week
postrelease assessments (40% retention), there was a significant increase in the
percent of people who reported abstinence from sexual activity or 100% condom
use during sex, and a decrease in the percent of people who reported drug use during sex.
Although participants also reported fewer sex partners and less frequent use of
alcohol during sex, these reductions were not significant.
Harrison, Bachman, Freeman, and Inciardi (2001) conducted a single group pre/
post evaluation of a 20 h course for adult women during confinement that focused
on HIV risks and the importance of using condoms post-release. The course was
conducted in a small classroom within the correctional setting, and included generally
ten or fewer women. The course included information sharing, discussion groups,
participant exercises, role playing, and hands on practice sessions for the female
condom. Data were collected from 246 women (67% African American). No participants reported prior use of the female condom at baseline. At the 2-month postrelease follow-up (163/246, 66% retention), 62% of participants reported using the
female condom, with most using the female condom with their boyfriend/spouse.
Overall, 23% reported consistent female condom use, and 27% consistent male
condom use during vaginal sex at 2-months post-release. One study evaluated an
intervention which was aimed to assist HIV-positive participants (55% African
American) to successfully access HIV-related services following release from
custody (Grinstead, Zack, & Faigeles, 2001; Zack, Grinstead, & Faigeles, 2004).
In this study (N = 144 eligible men), HIV education and referral services were
provided to men who were within 6 months of their release. The intervention group
consisted of 94 men who received the intervention, and the comparison group
(n = 29) consisted of men who were unable to attend the intervention. An additional
21 men enrolled into the study and declined to participate in post-release follow-up
assessments. A follow-up assessment conducted about 8 months after release
(n = 81, 56% retention) revealed that men in the HIV-education intervention were
less likely than the control group to have had sex since release and more likely to
have used a condom the first time they had sex after release. They also were less
likely to have used drugs or alcohol, injected drugs, or shared needles since release.
The intervention group reported higher rates of first sex with a casual partner, marijuana and crack cocaine use than the comparison group. However, the findings were
primarily associated with small effect sizes.
Non-behavioral Outcome Studies
We identified 15 HIV prevention interventions studies (16 published articles) that
included non-behavioral outcome data (see Table 15.1 for summary details). Eight
interventions were conducted with adolescents, seven interventions (eight articles) with
adult populations, and none targeted drug users. Most of these intervention studies
(n = 12) involved a small-group intervention ranging in duration from 3 to 40 h. Of the
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301
remaining three studies, two involved HIV prevention embedded within a therapeutic
community approach and one evaluated the impact of low- versus high-fear messages.
Seven studies used comparison-group designs (two random assignments, three
non-biased assignments, and two quasi-experimental), one study used a no-intervention
control comparison, and eight studies used a single-group pre-post design.
Follow-up in 13 studies was limited to a single immediate post-intervention assessment conducted prior to release, while two studies had follow-up times ranging
from several weeks to 6 months post-intervention. Across studies, these interventions generally increased AIDS knowledge, self-efficacy for risk reduction and
condom negotiation, favorable personal and normative beliefs about condoms, and
self-esteem. Positive intervention effects were inconsistently observed for condom
use intentions and AIDS risk perception. One study also found that a larger proportion of people who were trained to be HIV peer educators had been tested for HIV
at 9-month follow-up compared to baseline (Ross, Harzke, Scott, McCann, &
Kelley, 2006; Scott, Harzke, Mizwa, Pugh, & Ross, 2004). HIV testing rates within
intervention prisons, compared to non-intervention facilities, were nearly twice has
high at 12 and 18 months following intervention implementation.
Descriptive Studies
We identified eight published articles that described seven HIV prevention programs,
but which did not provide any outcome data (see Table 15.1 for summary details).
Of these studies, two were conducted with adolescents, four with adult populations,
and one with correctional systems or staff. Although some of these programs were
highly innovative, the lack of outcome data precludes evaluation of their efficacy.
One article described an empowerment model that actively integrated incarcerated adolescents into the intervention development process. Another adolescent
program integrated HIV risk assessment and reduction activities with the provision
of medical and substance abuse treatment services in a short-term detention center.
Among adults, one article described a peer education program, two described small
group interventions, and one described and compared three innovative methods for
preventing perinatal HIV transmission in jails. The remaining two articles described
a systemic approach to HIV prevention by increasing HIV prevention services
within a state correctional system. This program is unique in that it attempts to alter
the structure of prevention program availability and delivery within an entire
correctional system.
Additionally, most correctional systems provide HIV education or prevention
programming and all federal and state prison systems provide HIV testing
(Maruschak, 2008). One in three prison systems provide HIV testing on entry, and
most systems offer HIV testing upon request, when there are clinical indications
suggesting HIV infection, when there has been possible exposure to HIV, or when
a court order requires a test to be administered. Less HIV testing is provided in
jails, primarily because of the greater numbers of people who are processed through
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the facilities and the shorter duration of their incarceration. Although the availability
of the rapid HIV test makes it more feasible to conduct HIV testing in jails
(MacGowan et al., 2007), and in 2007, the Centers for Disease Control and
Prevention funded health departments to collaborate with jails to implement HIV
testing (PS07-768).
Discussion
Research has documented elevated rates of HIV, STIs, and hepatitis among
correctional populations. These infections were often associated with injection
drug use, sexual risk behavior in the community, and infectious disease co-morbidity.
These findings highlight an urgent public health need for comprehensive HIV risk
reduction programs that address not only disease prevention but also the factors
enabling disease transmission (Seal, 2005). Despite this urgent need, few rigorously
designed and evaluated HIV prevention interventions for incarcerated populations
have been reported in the literature to date, and we identified few non-U.S. studies
in our literature search. Within the U.S., the most common HIV prevention
programs were system-delivered standard-of-care HIV counseling and testing (CT)
services or HIV educational programs. Unfortunately, there has been little rigorous
evaluation of these programs and services to assess their efficacy in helping recipients
reduce their HIV risk behavior during or after incarceration.
The vast majority of published evaluations of HIV prevention interventions with
adolescents and non-injection drug using adults in correctional settings have
reported on variations of educational or skills-based small group, individual risk
reduction, or prevention case management intervention formats. HIV prevention
interventions for IDUs in custody have centered on both drug treatment and sexual
risk behavior. Regardless of format, most of the published studies had design limitations that affected the evaluation of efficacy for these interventions. These limitations included self-selection into programs, small sample size, lack of control or
comparison groups, low retention rates, and no post-intervention behavioral outcome
assessment.
Nonetheless, data from these studies suggests HIV prevention interventions can
lead to short-term increases in HIV/AIDS knowledge, positive attitudes toward condom use, and self-efficacy for condom use communication and negotiation. Studies
which reported behavioral outcomes further suggest that skills-based prevention
programs at both the individual and small group level can help adults reduce HIV
risk behavior following release from prison. This may be particularly true for interventions that prepare people for community reintegration or include a transitional
intervention component. However, less positive effects were observed for adolescents. The only adolescent intervention study that resulted in behavioral risk reduction had a very low retention rate, undermining the validity of these findings.
Our review suggests that there are four major areas that represent significant
missed opportunities for HIV-prevention interventions with correctional populations.
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303
First, we identified only six intervention studies for adolescents that included
behavioral outcomes. The three most rigorous of these interventions failed to have an
effect. The strong co-occurrence of delinquency, substance use, and sexual risk
behavior among adolescents has been well documented (Perrino, Gonzalez-Soldevilla,
Pantin, & Szapocznik, 2000), and highlights an urgent need to develop risk reduction
interventions for youth at highest risk for HIV infection (Donenberg, Emerson,
Bryant, Wilson, & Weber-Shifrin, 2001; Ozechowski & Liddle, 2000). Such interventions may need to occur with at-risk adolescents prior to involvement with the legal
system or with social systems that can underlie delinquent behavior (e.g., family
dysfunction; Hanlon et al., 2005; Ozechowski & Liddle).
Second, despite significantly disproportionate rates of incarceration and HIV
infection among African Americans and Latinos in the U.S., we did not identify a
single U.S. study that specifically targeted or was specifically tailored for racial and
ethnic minorities. Interventions targeted for specific racial or ethnic groups may be
difficult in correctional settings due to the potential costs and complications of
delivering targeted interventions and concerns about singling out particular groups
for intervention. Nonetheless, incarceration is a societal phenomenon that is
predominantly and disproportionately experienced by racial and ethnic minorities.
Thus, any intervention with incarcerated people must include race and ethnicity as
an underlying core context of a culturally sensitive and culturally competent intervention. Indeed, racially, ethnically, and culturally targeted interventions are
possible and may enhance efficacy. The description by Peres et al. (2002) of their
nationally-acclaimed intervention for incarcerated adolescents in Brazil illustrated
ways that program participants can be empowered to tailor prevention messages
and formats to their particular life circumstances. In this program, participants
generated their own HIV prevention messages which were delivered through a
range of modalities, including music, hip-hop arts, graffiti murals, and interactive
workshops focused on issues relevant to their everyday lives (e.g., violence, drugs,
paternity, sexuality, racism).
Disparities in access to and use of health care and other prevention services
among racial and ethnic minorities exist in the U.S. Correctional settings can offer
a unique opportunity to reduce these disparities by providing HIV prevention interventions to a substantial proportion of African Americans who have engaged in
high-risk behaviors. Providing such interventions to African Americans before they
are released is likely to offer protective benefits not only for them but also for their
sexual partners upon return to the community.
Third, given high rates of recidivism (Glaze & Bonczar, 2009), HIV prevention
activities focused on risk behavior in prison cannot be disassociated from risk
behavior occurring in the community either prior to or after release from prison. As
has been asserted elsewhere (Seal, 2005; Seal et al., 2007; Wolitski et al., 2006),
there is an urgency to implement and evaluate HIV risk reduction interventions for
incarcerated people focused on the period of community re-entry as people re-establish
sexual or injection drug use relationships. Re-entry interventions to improve transitional health care, medication adherence, and behavioral risk reduction among
HIV-positive individuals also are urgently needed.
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Fourth, 70% of adults under U.S. correctional supervision are on probation or
parole. However, we identified only three articles that specifically targeted people
on probation or parole (excluding transitional interventions). People under
community correctional supervision have greater opportunity to engage in HIV risk
behavior than individuals who are incarcerated, and most incarcerated people who
are HIV-positive were infected in the community. Thus, there is a critical need to
develop HIV prevention interventions for people under community correctional
supervision. Indeed, in two studies that we have conducted, we found that about
one-fourth of 18- to 29-year old men were positive for hepatitis or another STI
when tested 6 months after their release from prison (MacGowan et al., 2004;
Sosman et al., 2005).
Finally, research and activism are needed to address structural factors impeding
HIV prevention efforts for correctional populations. It is ironic that the punishment
for illicit drug use in most countries is incarceration in a setting in which substance
use is widespread and treatment and prevention opportunities are illegal or unavailable (Seal et al., 2004). The scarcity of substance use treatment and needle exchange
programs (NEPs) for incarcerated people illuminates a systemic failure to address
the very behavior underlying imprisonment, thus increasing the probability that
individuals will become entrapped in a cycle of release, relapse to substance use,
re-incarceration, and risk for HIV and other infectious diseases.
Nonetheless, evidence from evaluation of NEPs in European prisons suggests
that such preventive efforts can be successfully and safely implemented (Jacob &
Stöver, 2000; Menoyo, Zulaica, & Parras, 2000; Nelles, Bernasconi, DoblerMikola, & Kaufmann, 1997; Stark, Herrmann, Ehrhardt, & Bienzle, 2005). Despite
evidence of continued in-prison injection drug use in these studies, the overall frequency of drug use did not increase, needle sharing was reduced or eliminated, the
number of drug users in treatment increased, and no needle attacks or other adverse
events were reported. Two of these studies further indicated that there were no new
cases of HIV, hepatitis B, or hepatitis C during the evaluation period (Nelles et al.;
Stark et al.).
Similarly, although methadone maintenance treatment (MMT) has been shown
to reduce heroin use, HIV-risk behavior, and imprisonment, it is rarely available in
correctional settings (see Dolan et al., 2005). One study conducted in an Australian
prison found that MMT participants, compared to MMT non-participants, reported
greater reductions in heroin injection, frequency of syringe sharing, and frequency
of heroin injection (Dolan et al., 2003). Analysis of hair samples confirmed that
heroin use was twice as prevalent in the control group (53%) as in the treatment
group (27%). In another study, following an outbreak of eight cases of acute clinical
hepatitis B and two cases of HIV-seroconversion among IDUs in a Scottish prison,
a range of harm reduction measures were initiated, including the availability of
hepatitis B vaccine, bleach tablets to clean injection equipment, a methadone
detoxification program, increased training for prison officers, and improved access
to drug and harm minimization counseling for people who were incarcerated
(Goldberg et al., 1998). Follow-up investigations revealed no new HIV infections
during the 12 months after these harm reduction measures were initiated.
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305
Similar conclusions also were drawn in an evaluation of a free condom
distribution program in another Australian prison (Dolan, Lowe, & Shearer,
2004). This study found that men reported substantial access and use of the
condoms during incarceration. No adverse consequences related to condom distribution were reported by incarcerated men or correctional personnel. In the U.S.,
two state prison systems (Vermont and Mississippi) and five local jails (Los
Angeles, New York, Philadelphia, San Francisco, and Washington DC) currently
provide condoms to people who are incarcerated. Similar to the findings of Dolan
et al., a survey of prison guards and people incarcerated in the Washington D.C.
jail found that both groups generally supported the condom distribution program
(May & Williams, 2002). No major infractions resulting from this program have
been reported.
In sum, despite disproportionate rates of HIV, STIs, and hepatitis among
correctional populations in the U.S., there is a dearth of effective prevention interventions specifically tailored for this population and for the ethnic and racial
minorities who are disproportionately affected by both incarceration and HIV. Our
review highlights the need to develop and rigorously evaluate HIV, STI, and hepatitis risk-reduction interventions for correctional populations. Risk-reduction programs
for correctional populations should address both individual (e.g., substance abuse)
and structural factors (e.g., substance abuse treatment, needle and condom distribution).
Programs should also address risk behavior that occurs both within and outside the
correctional facility. In accordance with World Health Organization (1992) recommendations for incarcerated populations, risk-reduction programs should focus on
reducing HIV risks rather than punishment. The effectiveness of such programs
may be enhanced through collaboration between agencies such as correctional
departments, public health entities, researchers, and community-based organizations. Programs may be further enhanced through the use of trained peer educators
within the correctional setting and through sustained support as people transition
from prison to the community. The provision of HIV prevention programs to incarcerated populations will help to decrease the rates of HIV, STI, and hepatitis risk
behavior and disease transmission among people who are incarcerated or under
community correctional supervision.
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Chapter 16
The HIV/AIDS Epidemic in the African
American Community: Where Do We Go
from Here?*
Ann O’Leary, Kenneth Terrill Jones, and Donna Hubbard McCree
Introduction
The chapters in this book review several contextual factors affecting the HIV/AIDS
epidemic in the African American community. These chapters also present reviews
of interventions designed to reduce behavioral risk among subpopulations most at
risk for HIV acquisition and transmission. With some notable exceptions (male-tofemale transgender persons, American Indians, and monolingual Asians), behavioral
interventions for the most at-risk groups are available through the Diffusion of
Effective Behavioral Interventions (DEBI) (Lyles, Crepaz, Herbst, & Kay, 2006).
Further, a process for adapting these interventions for different populations has also
been developed (McKleroy et al., 2006). Among structural interventions (see
Chap. 14), only the distribution of sterile injection equipment to reduce HIV transmission among intravenous drug users has come into widespread use (see Chap. 13).
While many of the contextual chapters describe important social determinants of
health (SDH), the available literature shows that there is a paucity of interventions to
address them. In the absence of appropriate data, it is impossible to estimate the relative effectiveness of a particular structural intervention targeting a SDH against that
of an HIV-specific behavioral intervention. However, it is likely that some structural
interventions – microenterprise, for example (Stratford, Mizuno, Williams, CourtenayQuirk, & O’Leary, 2008) – may be considerably more efficacious than interventions
targeting individual behaviors (Adimora & Schoenback, 2005; Aral, Adimora,
& Fenton, 2008; Hallfors, Iritani, Miller, & Bauer, 2007; Hogben & Leichliter, 2008).
* The contents of this article are solely the responsibility of the authors and do not necessarily
represent the views of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention
A. O’Leary (*)
Prevention Research Branch Division of HIV/AIDS Prevention, National Center for HIV/AIDS,
Viral Hepatitis, STD and TB Prevention, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention,
1600 Clifton Road, MS E-37, Atlanta, GA 30333, USA
e-mail: aoleary@cdc.gov
D.H. McCree et al. (eds.), African Americans and HIV/AIDS,
DOI 10.1007/978-0-387-78321-5_16,
Chapter 16 was authored by employees of the U.S. government and is therefore not subject
to U.S. copyright protection.
311
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Specifically, these interventions might further reduce the risk of multiple health
outcomes and disparities by reducing stress, sex exchange, and poor lifestyle habits
and increasing access to health promotion and care.
In October 2007, the CDC convened a research consultation to explore new,
un- or under-utilized, research issues and innovative intervention strategies for
HIV/AIDS prevention among African Americans. Articles authored by several
consultation participants were published in a theme issue of the American Journal
of Public Health (June, 2009), and several were published in a later issue including
a commentary highlighting key recommendations from the meeting (Purcell
& McCree, 2009). We now use this forum to give additional voice to the consultation participants, as well as to provide our own views.
Summary of the Consultation
Some criticism was made of the CDC and other funding agencies and researchers’
use of the “scientific method,” to develop HIV/AIDS prevention strategies for
African Americans. It was suggested that this method does not address the historical
oppression of black people. Participants voiced that this historical oppression was
associated with how HIV/AIDS and other health disparities within the African
American community are understood and subsequently addressed.
Additionally, some participants felt it important that the field identify novel study
designs for testing the efficacy of intervention strategies. Criticism was specifically
directed toward the use of randomized controlled trials (RCT) for community-level
interventions because of the difficulty in identifying well-matched communities for
these trials, the enormous costs, and the difficulty in assessing relative effectiveness.
Also voiced was the opinion that the scientific criteria used to classify (i.e., as
best and promising evidence) and determine the efficacy of behavioral interventions (i.e., criteria used to make decisions about which interventions should be
disseminated) were not developed with input from affected communities. Further,
some consultants mentioned that scientists of color who possessed expertise and
training in behavioral interventions and were also members of affected communities were not included in discussions about the criteria cutoffs used to determine
strength of efficacy. Additionally, a specific concern was that most of the interventions identified as efficacious were individual level with outcomes focused on
increasing condom use and decreasing numbers of sex partners. Additionally, the
behavioral risk group (BRG) framework (i.e., categorizing individuals based on
their sexual behavior, e.g., men who have sex with men or heterosexually active
men), while useful and understandable, was thought to be limiting. Some consultants felt that continuing research focused on behavior alone is not sufficient to
end the epidemic because this type of research excludes social determinants of
health (as discussed in this volume) that often influence and may be more important than behavior.
Barriers to prevention science and translation were also discussed. Some
participants expressed concerns that proposals submitted to federal funders and
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papers submitted to peer-reviewed journals describing interventions that attempt
to address contextual factors such as oppression, power, racism, and the media are
unsuccessful in the review process, in obtaining sufficient funding or dissemination as originally intended. Further, there were also concerns that communitybased organizations (CBOs) charged with delivering evidence-based interventions
(EBIs), are grossly underfunded and lack capacity for these activities. The suggestion was made to provide research funding directly to CBOs as opposed to
research-based agencies that often partner with these organizations. Additionally,
participants pointed out that scientific collaboration with CBOs can be made difficult by power imbalances in the research process and negative feelings against
funders sometimes held by CBO staff. It was further stated that potential participants may distrust research and some researchers, given historical factors like the
Tuskegee Syphilis study.
Regarding decisions about identifying and funding efficacious interventions for
African American communities, the participants noted that CDC is perceived by
some in the community as engaging in top-down decision-making rather than
involving affected communities from the beginning. Factors influencing behaviors
like condom use are complex and may involve the “drive toward extinction.”
Interventions would be more effective if they succeeded in “lifting them up.” In
other words, building on strengths rather than reducing deficits may be precluded
by current intervention efforts.
Issues raised in break-out groups (ironically, organized by BRG, i.e., heterosexual transmission, MSM and men who have sex with men and women, and
youth) pointed out further inadequacies in existing intervention approaches. One
issue discussed was sexuality and a lack of understanding of HIV transmission and
acquisition among some groups in the African American community, particularly
MSM (see Chap. 10). There remains a paucity of research on black sexuality generally. Black male sexuality has often been considered to be artificially dichotomized into “homosexual” and “heterosexual”. As such, participants echoed the
need for a baseline study of black sexuality in the US and prospective and sexual
network studies.
Ethical concern was also expressed about the biomedical interventions circumcision and pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP – providing antiviral medications to
individuals who are at risk for HIV). Regarding the former, some participants
offered that African American men are sensitive about their genitalia for political,
cultural and historical reasons. Regarding the latter, participants offered that many
HIV-positive individuals do not receive antiretroviral medication; therefore it seems
inappropriate to provide medication for uninfected individuals. The participants
also noted that it will be important to bring the community to the table for discussions before mounting such efforts. Moreover, participants were concerned about
the relative allocation of funds for biomedical versus behavioral interventions.
Finally, participants noted, importantly, that in order for structural interventions
to be mounted, collaboration between federal and other agencies including the
Departments of Justice, Labor, and Education, will be necessary. Beyond this,
participants offered that it may be important to change policies and procedures of
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institutions themselves (e.g., reorganizing HHS so that it does not consist of
disease-specific silos).
Our Views
Eliminating scientific rigor from decisions regarding which interventions work may
not be appropriate. While it is true that many of the EBIs were designed to favor
internal validity over external validity (although note that it is possible to maximize
both, Warner et al., 2008), and involving the community is certainly desirable,
needed and quite appropriate, scientists should take a lead on scientific decisions
with appropriate community input. Further, participatory methods that engage
affected communities in these scientific decisions must be considered. The fact that
science alone has not cured all social ills implies that activism and political activity
will be necessary to reduce the SDH without which the HIV epidemic and many
related ones – drug addiction, poverty, violence, and so on – will not be eliminated.
But we need not pit individual behavior change interventions against political
activism. The interventions that are being disseminated have worked in studies.
Effectiveness research will be necessary to determine if they continue to work when
delivered in the field and by CBO staff.
With respect to individual interventions and their characteristics, some of the
issues raised during the consultation are amenable to empirical study. These include
aspects of the male-female relationship, acceptability, uptake, and adherence to
circumcision and PrEP, and whether strength-models produce more behavior
change than deficit models.
We do agree wholeheartedly that further progress against the epidemic will not
be possible until structural interventions targeting social determinants of health are
mounted. Poverty, racism, homophobia, drug distribution systems, and policies
producing disproportionate rates of incarceration of African Americans, especially
men, all exert substantial effects on the spread of HIV among African Americans.
The great irony is that health disparities and injustices are greatest for the same
people across health outcomes. Most health problems are located geographically in
the same places: inner cities and the rural south. Moreover, the sorts of structural
interventions that could address HIV could also reduce other health disparities.
Public health efforts are hampered severely from being used this way by “siloization,” or the fragmentation of funding along disease lines. This prevents “bundling”
of preventive and health care services and militates strongly against collaborative
efforts such as microenterprise or mass media interventions. These collaborations,
if feasible, might be a very cost-effective method for influencing multiple facets of
health. Even beyond collaboration among health service entities, we agree with the
consultation participants that collaborations with the Departments of Housing and
Urban Development, Labor Justice, and Education are necessary.
At present, however, those of us whose responsibility it is to produce solutions
for a single health issue – in our case, HIV/AIDS – but knowing that addressing
16 The HIV/AIDS Epidemic in the African American Community
315
structural issues such as poverty is likely to be the most potent public health
response possible, are in a nearly untenable position. We are often in a position
neither to fund nor to administer structural interventions and other povertyreduction programs without the collaborations of other entities, which are very
difficult to forge. A single federal agency could foster and support such interventions only through extensive collaborations with other federal agencies.
As we face the likely future of “combination prevention” (Coates, Richter, & Caceres,
2008; Merson et al., 2008), deploying an array of behavioral and biomedical approaches
to reduce the HIV epidemic in this country, a number of questions will need to be
answered. Allocation of resources to different strategies will indeed be complex and
difficult, and will need to be based on cost-effectiveness models for which necessary data
will be incomplete for some time. For example, most of the PrEP trials are occurring
overseas, leaving unanswered the levels of adherence that will be seen in the U.S.
Among the other issues that will need to be addressed is how dual- messages,
especially inconsistent ones, will be understood. For example, efforts to persuade
individuals to adhere to PrEP and also to use condoms are likely to be confusing: if
one works, why is the other being recommended? Indeed, in a recent randomized trial
of diaphragm and gel in which both groups were encouraged to use male condoms,
null effects were obtained (Padian et al., 2008). However, participants in the control
group not using diaphragms reported more condom use than those in the intervention
group, rendering interpretation of the findings impossible. Identifying the optimal
mix of intervention strategies for individuals with particular characteristics will be
very difficult: some are able to change behavior after a single, brief risk reduction
intervention; some will be unable to adhere to antiretroviral medication, etc.
It is now 30 years since we in the U.S. first learned of AIDS. We have watched it
uncannily affect the most discriminated-against and stigmatized groups: illegal drug
users, men who have sex with men, the poor, and increasingly, African Americans
in all transmission risk groups, including heterosexually active people. Unfortunately,
efforts to direct public health attention to blacks have the potential to further stigmatize the population. To avoid this, it will be important to contextualize epidemiologic
or clinical information we are providing to the public. African Americans do not
engage in more risk behavior than whites (Espinoza, Hall, Hardnett, Seik, Ling, &
Lee, 2007; Hallfors et al., 2007; Millett, Peterson, Wolitski, & Stall, 2006; Tillerson,
2008) – rather, delayed prevention efforts combined with assortative mating (the
tendency to have sex with members of one’s own racial/ethnic group) plus higher
HIV/STI morbidity prevalence are responsible – and this is part of the context within
which racial disparities in sexual health should be reported.
Unfortunately, HIV/AIDS is but one of a myriad of health conditions disproportionately impacting African Americans. As is true with HIV, these health disparities
(e.g., cancer, cardiovascular diseases) are driven largely by the contextual and
structural factors presented in this volume and less by individual risk behavior.
Hence, the need, as previously stated, to focus efforts on contextual and structural
factors for a positive solution to the disparities. Tackling these factors will require
a coordinated, focused, sustained, collaborative effort from federal, state, local and
community-based agencies; academicians; advocates and providers and dedicated
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sources of funding. Time is of the essence given the toll of health disparities,
specifically HIV/AIDS, on our society. And yes, we believe that the problem lies
not with affected communities alone, but rather with society as a whole. We offer
that the time to begin this focus is now.
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Index
A
Adolescent risk and protective factors
CDC projects, 177 – 178
experimentation behavior, 177
hip-hop culture, 177
individual, 155
age range, 174
drug and alcohol use, 175
male-to-male sexual contact, 174 – 175
self-esteem and skills, 175
interpersonal and environmental, 155
church community, 176
living environment, 176 – 177
making condoms, 176
parental monitoring, 175 – 176
mass media messages, 156
music, 156 – 157
poverty, 156
social capital, 156
African American-centered behavioral change
model, 39
Afrocentric theory, 39 – 40
AIDS Drug Assistance Program, 76
AIDS education/relapse
prevention model, 298
American Journal of Public Health, 314
American Medical Association, 114
Antiretrovirals (ARVS). See Highly active
antiretroviral therapies
B
Behavioral interventions, heterosexual men
CDC, 183
cultural competence, 184
vs. cultural sensitivity, 186
definition, 186
domains, 186 – 187
culturally competent facilitators
gender-facilitator matching, 203 – 204
participant-facilitator matching, 206
training, 206
cultural norms, 185 – 186
culture-and gender-specific materials, 203,
205 – 206
health care services, 184 – 185
incarceration rate, 185
intervention methods
behavioral, 189 – 201
culturally competent staff, 202
cultural sensitivity domain, 202
heterosexuality selection, 187 – 188
inclusion/exclusion criteria, 188
recruitment settings, 202
limitations, 204
recommendations
CLAS report, 207 – 208
elevated risk, 206 – 207
social marketing campaigns, 207
subgroups, 207
recruitment venues, 203, 205
sample composition, 202 – 203
heterogeneous group, 205
race/sex proportion, 204 – 205
STI prevalence, 185
Behavioral interventions, incarcerated US
populations
behavioral outcome studies with
adolescents, 275 – 283, 296 – 297
adult drug users, 284 – 295, 297 – 300
randomized control trials (RCTs),
300 – 302
descriptive studies, 303 – 304
disproportionate incarceration rate, 305
high rates of recidivism, 305
MMT, 306
317
318
Behavioral interventions, incarcerated US
populations (cont.)
non-behavioral outcome studies,
302 – 303
research and activism, 306
Behavioral risk context
contextual factors, 8 – 9
pychosocial constructs
behavioral self-efficacy, 7
psychosocial variables, 6
self-esteem and depression, 6 – 7
social cognitive intervention, 7
social factors, 8
Behavioral risk group (BRG), 314
Black Church role
barriers to involvement, 59 – 60
community resource, 54
epidemiology of religion, 53
faith-based and religious organizations,
62 – 63
faith-based prevention program, 57 – 58
historical role, 56 – 57
homophobia, 61
limited resources, 61 – 62
organized religion and public health, 55
Pacific A.M.E., 59
public health partnership, 63 – 64
role of religion, 54 – 55
stigma and discrimination, 60 – 61
Universal Church, 58 – 59
Broken window index, 36
C
CBPR. See Community-based participatory
research
Center for Addiction and Substance Abuse
(CASA), 71
Center for Epidemiological StudiesDepression (CES-D), 96
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention
(CDC), 4, 85, 157
black community church, 54
DEBI project, 177 – 178
EBI to community based organizations and
health facilities, 143
EBI, youth, 153
Georgia state prison system, 73
heterosexual men behavioral
interventions, 183
HIV testing guidelines, 76
IDU prevention, 241
MSM, 225 – 226
non-hispanic blacks, 15
REP project, 177
Index
Child sexual abuse (CSA)
attitudes, beliefs, and emotional
consequences, 134 – 135
biological impact
brain imaging techniques, 138
brain structure change, 137
initial threat response, 137 – 138
community based organizations
collaboration, 142 – 143
contextual and social factors, 139
CSA-HIV risk, 132
cultural context
externalized body control, 140
lack of trust, 140
mimic effect, 139
poor personal boundaries, 140
definition, 131
funding agencies conflicting messages,
141 – 142
gender and race, 141
intimate relationships, revictimization and
high-risk behavior, 135 – 137
sexual health, 132 – 133
socio-cultural factors and high-risk
behavior, 134
WSHQ-R, 133
Chlamydia, 4
Community-based organizations (CBOs), 315
Community-based participatory research
(CBPR), 40 – 41
Community PROMISE. See Peers reaching out
and modeling intervention strategies
Concurrent partnership, 215
Conspiracy theory, 35
Contextual risk factors, 8 – 9
CSA. See Child sexual abuse
Cultural competence, 184
vs. cultural sensitivity, 186
definition, 186
domains, 186 – 187
Culturally congruent model
cultural socialization, 228
racial socialization, 227 – 228
sexual socialization, 228 – 229
Cultural socialization, 228
D
DEBI. See Diffusion of effective behavioral
interventions; Diffusion of evidencebased intervention program
Depression
definition, 94
depression measuring instruments, 96
and HIV risk, 96 – 97
Index
prevalence in US, 94 – 95
sociodemographic characteristics, 94
unique stressors
homophobia, 95 – 96
racial or ethnic discrimination, 95
Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental
disorders (DSM), 93
Diffusion of effective behavioral interventions
(DEBI), 177 – 178, 313
Diffusion of evidence-based intervention
(DEBI) program, 220, 300
Disproportionate drug imprisonment
African Americans incarceration, 70 – 71
African American women, 71
crisis in District of Columbia, 77 – 78
differential incarceration effects, 74 – 75
direct and indirect incarceration effects, 72
felony drug conviction, 78 – 79
HIV prisoners care, 75 – 76
HIV risk behavior, prison
consensual sexual behavior, 73 – 74
HIV sero-conversions, 73
incarceration and sexually transmitted
infections (STIs), 72
public health response, drug abusers, 78
Rhode Island’s prison system, 78
U.S. criminal justice system, 78
U.S. incarceration rates, 70
Drug law enforcement, 69
Drug treatment programs, 264
DUIT intervention, 251
E
Ecological theory, 39
Ecosocial model, 8
Emotional regulation, 232
Enhanced Standard Intervention (ESI), 298
Epidemiology and surveillance,
non-hispanic blacks
AIDS diagnoses
in black children, 26
in black men, 24
in black women, 25 – 26
estimated number and percentage,
21 – 22
death, 27
Hispanics/Latinos, 20
HIV/AIDS epidemic
in black men, 23 – 24
in black women, 25
estimated number and percentage,
18 – 19
infection reporting types, 16
limitations of data, 27 – 28
319
public health surveillance, 15
transmission category, 17
Evidence-based behavioral interventions
(EBI), 315
adolescent risk and protective factors
(see also Adolescent risk and
protective factors)
individual, 155, 174 – 175
interpersonal and environmental,
155, 175 – 177
mass media messages, 156
music, 156 – 157
poverty, 156
social capital, 156, 177 – 178
cultural sensitivity, 173
deliverers characteristics, 173
evidence-based prevention, 157 – 158
gender sex behaviors, 154
Hispanic students, 153 – 154
intervention characteristics, 162 – 170
community-based organizations,
171 – 172
gender and age matching, 171
social cognitive theory/social learning
theory, 160
intervention effects, 172 – 173
intervention methods
efficacy criteria, 159
eligibility, 158
qualitative data coding, 158
search strategy, 158
population characteristics, 160, 161
sexually transmitted rate, 153
systematic review, 159 – 160
Youth Risk Behavior Survey (YRBS),
153 – 154
F
Felony drug conviction, 78 – 79
Female and culturally specific negotiation
intervention, 246 – 247
G
Gender and power theory, 215 – 217
Georgia state prison system, 73
Gonorrhea, 4
H
HAART. See Highly active antiretroviral
therapies
Heterosexual African-American women
DEBI program, 220
320
Heterosexual African-American women
(cont.)
epidemiology, 213 – 214
future aspects, 221
gender and power theory
gender-based exposures and risk
factors, 217
sexual division of labor,
216 – 217
sexual division of power, 217
social structural model, 215
societal and institutional level
structure, 216
structure of cathexis, 217
intervention suite, 220 – 221
prevention intervention
condom use, 218 – 219
crack cocaine use, 218
gender-specific group, 217 – 218
out-of-drug treatment, 219
risky sexual reduction, 220
unprotected sex reduction, 219 – 220
risk correlates
concurrent partnership, 215
HIV male partners, 214 – 215
poverty, 214
SiSTA, 220
HHRP+. See Holistic Health Recovery
Program
Highly active antiretroviral therapies
(HAART), 16
HIV treatment, 75 – 76
therapy usage and duration, 76
HIV/AIDS Reporting System (HARS), 15
HIV/STIs co-occurring problem
community-level factor, 120 – 121
drug abuse
drug dependency, 120
multiple direct pathway, 119 – 120
implications for HIV/STI prevention
community level components, 124
empowerment-based approach, 123
interpersonal/micro components, 124
intrapersonal components, 123 – 124
macro components, 124
pilot RCT study, 123 – 125
social cognitive principle, 123
interpersonal contexts linking IPV and
HIV risks
disclosure of HIV/STIs and IPV, 117
IPV and risky, multiple sexual
partners, 118
negotiation of safe sex, 116
Index
sexual coercion, fear of violence and
HIV/STIs, 115 – 116
trauma, PTSD, HIV/STIs and drug
abuse, 118 – 119
IPV (see also Intimate partner violence)
American Medical Association,
definition, 114
interpersonal contexts linking HIV,
115 – 118
multifaceted, bi-directional
relation, 115
macro and structural level factors
draconian drug law, 121 – 122
internalized oppression and
stigmatization, 122
IPV problems, 121
sex ratio imbalance, 121 – 122
women inferior status, 121
Holistic Health Recovery Program (HHRP+),
251 – 252
I
IDU. See Injection drug users
IDU prevention intervention
behavioral intervention, 244 – 245
CDC report, 241
effects, 241 – 242
evidence-based intervention
community PROMISE, 248 – 249
DUIT, 251
female and culturally specific
negotiation, 246 – 247
HHRP+, 251 – 252
intensive AIDS education
intervention, 250
MIP, 250
research-to-practice model, 245 – 246
safety count, 250 – 251
SHIELD, 247 – 248
STRIVE, 251
Women Co-Op intervention, 249 – 250
heroin injectors, 242
HIV epidemic response
NADR, 243
prevalence rate, 244
SEP, 243 – 244
intravenous injection, 242
Implications for HIV/STI prevention
empowerment-based approach, 123
HIV/STI prevention risk factor
community level components, 124
interpersonal/micro components, 124
Index
intrapersonal components, 123 – 124
macro components, 124
pilot RCT study, 123 – 125
social cognitive principle, 123
Injection drug users (IDU), 17, 91
imprisonment, 70
needle sharing, 73
prevention interventions for African
American (see IDU prevention
intervention)
INSPIRE. See Intervention for Seropositive
Injectors: Research and Evaluation
Intensive AIDS education intervention, 250
Interpersonal behavioral theory, 39
Intervention for seropositive injectors:
research and evaluation
(INSPIRE), 248
Intimate partner violence (IPV), 8, 88
American Medical Association,
definition, 114
associated outcomes, 89
interpersonal contexts linking HIV/STI
disclosure of, 117
IPV and multiple, risky sex
partners, 118
negotiation fo safe sex, 116
sexual coercion, fear of violence,
115 – 116
trauma, PTSD, HIV/STIs and drug
abuse, 118 – 119
lifetime prevalence level, 89 – 90
multifaceted bi-directional relation,
HIV/STI, 115
racial, ethnic disparities, 90
risk factors, 89
Intravenous injection, 242
IPV. See Intimate partner violence
M
Many men, many voices, 234
Meaning-based technique, 231
Mental health disorder
depression
definition, 94
and HIV risk, 96 – 97
homophobia, 95 – 96
prevalence in US, 94 – 95
racial or ethnic discrimination, 95
sociodemographic characteristics, 94
PTSD
African American’s risk, 92 – 93
lifetime prevalence rate, 92
meta-analysis, 92
321
PTSD and HIV, 93 – 94
symptoms, 92
substance use disorder
alcohol, 98
drug injection, 98 – 99
drug noninjection, 99
HIV risk probability, 99 – 100
Mental health service utilization
availability and access, 101 – 102
distrust, fear of treatment, 100 – 101
mental disorder stigma, 101
Men who have sex with men (MSM), 17
behavioral risk correlates, 226
CDC, 225 – 226
culturally congruent model
cultural socialization, 228
racial socialization, 227 – 228
sexual socialization, 228 – 229
psychological and social stress effects,
226 – 227
seroprevalence rate, 225 – 226
SMS (see Stress and severity model of
minority social stress)
Methadone maintenance treatment (MMT),
306
Modelo de Intervention Psicomedia (MIP),
250
Motivational enhancement (ME)
intervention, 297
MSM. See Men who have sex with men
Multi-phased search method, 187
3MV. See Many men, many voices
N
National AIDS Demonstration Research
(NADR), 243
National Comorbidity Study (NCS), 86
National Crime Victimization Survey, 114
National HIV Behavioral Surveillance System
Study, 77
National Institute of Health, 142
National Institute on Drug Abuse (NIDA),
78, 298
National Survey of Family Growth, 8, 74
Needle exchange programs (NEPs), 306
NIDA Cooperative Agreement, 298
Non-Hispanic blacks, epidemiology
and surveillance
AIDS diagnoses
in children, 26
estimated number and percentage of,
21 – 22
in men, 24
322
Non-Hispanic blacks, epidemiology
and surveillance (cont.)
in women, 25 – 26
death of blacks, 27
HIV/AIDS epidemic
estimated number and percentage,
18 – 19
in men, 23 – 24
transmission category, 17 – 19
in women, 25
limitations of data, 27 – 28
P
Pacific African Methodist Episcopal
Church, 59
Peers reaching out and modeling intervention
strategies (PROMISE), 248 – 249
Post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD),
118 – 119
African American’s risk, 92 – 93
lifetime prevalence rate, 92
meta-analysis, 92
PTSD and HIV, 93 – 94
symptoms, 92
Pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP), 315
Primary drug treatment in prison (KEY), 297
Primary treatment in prison plus treatment in
residential work-release (KEYCREST), 297
Primary treatment in work-release alone
(CREST), 297
Probationer-focused Intervention (PFI), 298
PROMISE. See Peers reaching out and
modeling intervention strategies
Psychosocial constructs
behavioral self-efficacy, 7
psychosocial variables, 6
self-esteem and depression, 6 – 7
social cognitive intervention, 7
Public health surveillance, 15
R
Racial socialization, 227 – 228
Racism and poverty
definition, 32
dual effects
broken window index, 36
conspiracy theory, 35
incarceration rate, 37
prevention and care, 38
racially segregated neighborhood, 36
substance use and abuse, 37
Index
Tuskegee Syphilis study, 35
health consequences
adverse psychological health
outcomes, 33
family structure, 34
healthcare, 34 – 35
socioeconomic status, SES, 34
methodological recommendation
collaborative partnership, 44
intervention levels, 43 – 44
measure, 41 – 42
mixed method modality, 40
strengths perspective, 42 – 43
structural interventions (see Structural
intervention factors)
theoretical recommendation
Afrocentric theory, 39 – 40
ecological theory, 39
interpersonal behavioral theory, 39
intervention strategy and program, 38
protective factor development, 40
social cognitive theory, 39
Relaxation training (RT), 297
Replicating Effective Programs (REP), 177
Revictimization, 87, 135 – 137
Rhode Island’s prison system, 78
Ryan White funded HIV clinics, 143
S
Safety count intervention, 250 – 251
Self-help in eliminating life-threatening
diseases (SHIELD), 247 – 248.
See also Peers reaching out and
modeling intervention strategies
(PROMISE)
SEP. See Syringe exchange programs
Sero-converters, 73
SES. See Socio-economic status
Sexual education programs, 263 – 264
Sexual health program, 142
Sexual socialization, 228 – 229
SHIELD. See Self-help in eliminating
life-threatening diseases
SiSTA, 220
Social cognitive theory/social learning theory,
15, 160
Social determinants of health (SDH), 313
Social risk factors, 8
Socio-economic status (SES), 7
Stress and severity model of minority social
stress (SMS)
black cultural transmission, 233
emotional regulation, 232
Index
future aspects
3MV, 234
serial cross-sectional community
survey, 234
social support system, 235
three-session condition, 233
unprotected anal intercourse (UAI),
234
healthful behaviors, 231
locus of support, 230
meaning-based technique, 231
problem management, 231 – 232
race and egalitarian, 233
racial mistrust, 232 – 233
re-establishment, 232
social stressors, 229 – 230
stress severity, 230 – 231
STRIVE, 251
Structural intervention factors
approaches, 260
definition, 257 – 258
proverty and racism
access, 261 – 262
condom testing programs, 263, 264
criminal justice and policy changes, 262
drug treatment programs, 264
economic empowerment, 263
economic independence, 261
health care, 266 – 267
HIV/STI prevalence rate, 258
incarceration rate, 259
microenterprise, 263
quality care, 259 – 260
residential segregation, 259
school-based HIV education, 265 – 266
sexual education programs, 263 – 264
stable housing, 261 – 263
state-level laws, 265
Structured Clinical Interview for DSM
Disorders (SCID interview), 96
Symptom Checklist-90 Revised (SCL-90R), 96
Syphilis, 4
Syringe exchange programs (SEP), 243 – 244
323
T
The ARK of Refuge, 58
The Balm in Gilead Inc., 58
Therapeutic community impact (TC), 297
Traumatic event exposure
community violence exposure
multivariate analysis, 88
neighborhood characteristic and
discrimination, 87
racial or ethnic disparities, 88
definition, 86
emotional and behavioral symptoms, 86
immediate and long-term outcomes, 87
IPV exposure (see Intimate partner
violence)
violence and HIV risk
childhood abuse, 91
violence and woman’s risk, 90 – 91
Tuberculosis (TB), 3
Tuskegee Syphilis study, 35
U
UCLA AIDS Institute, 142
United States criminal justice system, 121
Universal Church, 58
U.S. criminal justice system, 78
U.S. Department of Justice (USDOJ), 88
V
Vera Institute, 71
W
Women Co-Op intervention, 249 – 250
Wyatt Sex History Questionnaire
(WSHQ-R), 133
Y
Youth Risk Behavior Survey (YRBS),
153 – 154