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Organization Science
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Ambivalence in Organizat ions: A Mult ilevel Approach
Blake E. Ashf ort h, Krist ie M. Rogers, Michael G. Prat t , Camille Pradies
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Blake E. Ashf ort h, Krist ie M. Rogers, Michael G. Prat t , Camille Pradies (2014) Ambivalence in Organizat ions: A Mult ilevel
Approach. Organizat ion Science 25(5): 1453-1478. ht t p: / / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1287/ orsc. 2014. 0909
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Organization Science
Vol. 25, No. 5, September–October 2014, pp. 1453–1478
ISSN 1047-7039 (print) ISSN 1526-5455 (online)
http://dx.doi.org/10.1287/orsc.2014.0909
© 2014 INFORMS
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Ambivalence in Organizations: A Multilevel Approach
Blake E. Ashforth
Department of Management, W. P. Carey School of Business, Arizona State University, Tempe, Arizona 85287,
blake.ashforth@asu.edu
Kristie M. Rogers
Management Area, School of Business, University of Kansas, Lawrence, Kansas 66045,
kristie.rogers@ku.edu
Michael G. Pratt, Camille Pradies
Management and Organization Department, Carroll School of Management, Boston College, Chestnut Hill, Massachusetts 02467
{prattmg@bc.edu, pradies@bc.edu}
T
he experience of simultaneously positive and negative orientations toward a person, goal, task, idea, and such appears
to be quite common in organizations, but it is poorly understood. We develop a multilevel perspective on ambivalence in
organizations that demonstrates how this phenomenon is integral to certain cognitive and emotional processes and important
outcomes. Specifically, we discuss the organizational triggers of ambivalence and the cognitive and emotional mechanisms
through which ambivalence diffuses between the individual and collective levels of analysis. We offer an integrative framework
of major responses to highly intense ambivalence (avoidance, domination, compromise, and holism) that is applicable to actors
at the individual and collective levels. The positive and negative outcomes associated with each response, and the conditions
under which each is most effective, are explored. Although ambivalence is uncomfortable for actors, it has the potential to
foster growth in the actor as well as highly adaptive and effective behavior.
Keywords: ambivalence; hybrid identities; role conflicts; dualities; paradox; sensemaking; sensegiving; emotional contagion;
avoidance; domination; compromise; holism; defense mechanisms; coping mechanisms; wisdom; multilevel
History: Published online in Articles in Advance May 5, 2014.
Introduction
Consider the popular imagery of the leader in an organization. For some of the many below him in the hierarchy,
he is secure, knowing, decisive, powerful, dynamic, threatening, driving, and altogether remote, acting in clear or
obscure ways to affect the future of the organization he
leads. At eye level, he is more often seen as filled with
troubled doubts as he tries to deal with the ambivalences
and contradictions of his status. And if his feet are made
of a substance more solid than clay, it is because on his
climb to the top and with the aid of those who help hold
him there, he has learned to still the doubts, to live with
the ambivalences, and to cope with the contradictions of
his position. (Merton 1976, p. 73)
As this quotation from Robert Merton suggests, ambivalence appears to be fairly common in organizational
settings. Actors are buffeted by complex and dynamic
work environments; play multiple and, at times, contradictory roles; and confront multifaceted issues, goals,
and the like (Wang and Pratt 2008). However, as the
quote goes on to suggest, actors are often able to “live
with the ambivalence” and “cope with the contradictions.” The quote thus begs the question, how do actors
accomplish this difficult feat—how do they respond to
the vexing mixed feelings and thoughts that characterize
ambivalence and somehow move forward with a clear
focus and coherent action?
1453
Research in organizational studies is turning increasingly to this and related questions. Indeed, since the
turn of this century, organizational scholars have linked
ambivalence and ambivalent relationships with organizations to resistance to change (Piderit 2000), the propensity
to commit corporate crimes (Vadera and Pratt 2013),
and to an increase in escapist behaviors among service
personnel (Pratt and Doucet 2000). However, during this
same period, other research has linked cognitive and/or
emotional ambivalence to better chief executive offier
(CEO) decision making (Plambeck and Weber 2009),
heightened creativity (Fong 2006), increased receptivity
to alternatives resulting in improved judgment accuracy
(Rees et al. 2013), and stronger organizational commitment (Pratt and Rosa 2003). Unfortunately, such research
remains scattered, with few systematic attempts to either
link or systematize the dizzying number of reactions to
ambivalence in organizations.
Specifically, a review of extant research on this topic
suggests that we know much more about specific types
of responses (e.g., nonconscious responses; Horney
1945) than the conceptual relationship between responses.
Although we know at a general level that individuals
might embrace or deny their ambivalence (Pratt and
Pradies 2011)1 —and that specific responses range widely
from paralysis to vacillation to strong and concerted
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1454
action (see Pratt and Doucet 2000, Weigert and Franks
1989)—we know relatively little about how to compare
these various responses. As such, research may be overlooking key response types. As we explain in greater
detail below, we argue that some types of responses have
received a lot of attention (e.g., avoidance), whereas others
have been largely ignored (e.g., holism). In addition,
we know that various types of responses exist, but we
know relatively little about the effectiveness of these
responses. We define effectiveness as the degree to which
a response reduces the intensity of ambivalence—given
the situation—by dealing with the source directly and/or
the symptoms that result. Finally, efforts to organize
various responses to ambivalence have tended to focus
on a single level of analysis—namely, the individual
(cf. Pradies and Pratt 2010). In short, the field is lacking
a comprehensive typology for building more systematic
research on responses to ambivalence across levels of
analysis in organizational settings.
Prior to building a theoretical framework that provides
clarity to such responses, it is important to grasp where
ambivalence comes from—that is, the key triggers of
ambivalence in organizations—and how the experience of
ambivalence tends to diffuse across levels of analysis.
Organizational research suggests that ambivalence is
experienced and acted upon by both individuals (Fong
2006, Pratt 2000) and collectives (Peters et al. 2011,
Pradies and Pratt 2010, Weick 2004). What might trigger
ambivalence within the individual level, the collective
level, or across the levels, and through which social
psychological mechanisms might ambivalence diffuse
across levels? Establishing a model linking the upstream
processes that connect triggers of ambivalence to the
experience itself at both the individual and collective
levels of analysis will set the stage for examining what
actors then do with the ambivalence experienced.
In sum, our paper seeks to provide an organizing framework of responses to ambivalence: a framework that is
applicable to both the individual and collective levels
of analysis and that clarifies the conditions under which
each response is relatively more effective. To build a
foundation for these issues, we first discuss what ambivalence is. We then discuss the organizational triggers of
ambivalence and how ambivalence at one level of analysis
may diffuse to the other level. We then provide an indepth exploration of individual and collective responses to
ambivalence. The result is an integrative multilevel framework of ambivalence in organizations that indicates how
this phenomenon is central to certain cognitive/emotional
processes and important outcomes. We specifically suggest
that avoidance, domination, compromise, and holism are
the major, more or less distinct, responses to ambivalence.
We also discuss the conditions under which each response
is most effective and the positive and negative outcomes
of each response. We conclude by exploring implications
for future research.
Organization Science 25(5), pp. 1453–1478, © 2014 INFORMS
What Is Ambivalence?
Ambivalence literally refers to the experience of two
(ambi) opposing forces (valences) and is derived from
the Latin ambo, or “both,” and valere, which means
“to be strong” (Meyerson and Scully 1995). Although
there have been some differences in how ambivalence
has been defined (see Conner and Sparks 2002 for a
review), there remains a high degree of convergence
across definitions in psychological research. Specifically,
we define ambivalence as simultaneously positive and
negative orientations toward an object. “Orientation”
refers to the actor’s alignment or position with regard to
the object, where a positive orientation means attraction
or a pull toward it and a negative orientation means
repulsion or a push away from it. Ambivalence includes
cognition (“I think about X”) and/or emotion (“I feel
about X”); ambivalence occurs when cognitions clash,
emotions clash, or cognitions and emotions clash. Thus,
ambivalence is often described as having “mixed feelings,”
being “torn between conflicting impulses,” and being
“pulled in different directions.”
Four important points regarding our definition of
ambivalence should be clarified. First, following research
on the psychodynamic roots of ambivalence (Freud
1950/1920, Horney 1945, Sincoff 1990), individuals may
not be conscious of their ambivalence. However, even
if nonconscious, ambivalence may nonetheless affect
individuals (cf. Meyerson and Scully 1995). Second, we
follow the lead of others (e.g., Horney 1945) and focus
on substantive (or, as we describe later, high intensity)
rather than superficial (low intensity) ambivalence, as
the latter (1) is likely to be ignored, (2) has little impact
on behavior, and by extension (3) is of relatively little
concern to management. Third, although some conceptualizations of ambivalence also include a behavioral
component, we focus exclusively on ambivalence as a
cognitive-emotional construct.2 Ambivalence, as it was
originally coined by Bleuler in the early 1900s, focused
only on cognition and emotion (Sincoff 1990). In addition,
abundant research on the attitude–behavior relationship
(see Sheeran 2002 for a review) indicates that various
factors may dampen the link between the two, such as
situational constraints and impression management concerns. Thus, we regard behavioral tendencies and behavior
itself as probabilistic outcomes of ambivalence rather
than as part of its definition. Finally, with some notable
exceptions, the literature tends to view ambivalence as
more or less dysfunctional for individuals (e.g., Bowlby
1982, Horney 1945, Merton 1976). However, we will
argue that ambivalence can be functional, dysfunctional,
or perhaps—not ironically—both.
Table 1 contrasts our definition of ambivalence with
definitions of related constructs in the organizational
literature—cognitive dissonance, emotional dissonance,
hypocrisy, ambiguity, and equivocality. As the table
suggests, the seminal differences between ambivalence
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Table 1
Construct Definitions and Relationships to Ambivalence at the Individual Level
Construct
Ambivalence
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Cognitive dissonance
Emotional dissonance
Hypocrisy
Ambiguity
Equivocality
Definition
Simultaneously oppositional positive and negative orientations toward an object. Ambivalence includes cognition (“I
think about X”) and/or emotion (“I feel about X”).
“When a person has two beliefs or items of knowledge that are not consistent with each other” (Kantola et al. 1984,
p. 417). There is conceptual overlap between dissonance and ambivalence (Baek 2010), but this definition
suggests that dissonance arises when there is inconsistency between thoughts (e.g., I want to hire candidate A,
but I also want to hire candidate B), whereas ambivalence requires opposite orientations, which is a more extreme
contrast than inconsistency, toward a single object (e.g., I want to hire candidate A and I want to not hire
candidate A). Additionally, cognitive dissonance is exclusively cognitive, whereas ambivalence can be cognitive
and/or affective.
“The discrepancy between emotions felt and those required by the job role is commonly referred to as emotional
dissonance” (Diestel and Schmidt 2011, p. 643). As with the distinction above regarding cognitive dissonance,
ambivalence requires opposition and not simply discrepancy. Thus, a role may require one to smile when one
does not feel like it (emotional dissonance), but this is different than simultaneously feeling happy and not happy
(ambivalence). Moreover, the inconsistency in emotional dissonance is between a feeling and a behavior that one’s
role demands. Ambivalence is not necessarily emotional and does not include a behavior.
“Clear inconsistency between word and deed” (Fassin and Buelens 2011, p. 587). Hypocrisy is a contradiction
between a statement and action, which is generally perceived and labeled by an observer. Ambivalence involves
cognition and/or emotion rather than behavior, although ambivalence may cause an actor to behave in ways that
could be perceived by others as hypocritical. Thus, hypocrisy can be an outcome of ambivalence.
“The degree of uncertainty inherent in perceptions of the environmental state” (Carson et al. 2006, p. 1059).
Ambiguity is concerned with uncertainty or a lack of clarity, whereas ambivalence is the experience of two clear
but opposing thoughts and/or feelings toward an object.
“The multiplicity of meaning conveyed by information about organizational activities” (Daft and Macintosh 1981,
p. 211). Equivocality captures the potential for multiple meanings and interpretations of a message. If these
meanings are oppositional, there is potential for the equivocality to trigger ambivalence.
and these other constructs are that ambivalence involves
an individual’s oppositional orientations toward an object
rather than mere uncertainty or inconsistency, and it
involves cognition and/or emotion but not behavior.
Collective Ambivalence
Researchers such as Smith and Berg (1987), Weick (2004),
Pradies and Pratt (2010), and Peters et al. (2011) have
suggested the existence of ambivalence in collectives. For
example, in referring to a network of medical specialists
working to identify the West Nile Virus, Weick (2002,
p. s13, emphasis added) notes that “[a]mbivalence can be
a property of networks and distributed cognition, as well
as a property of individuals.” However, beyond indicating
the possibility that collective ambivalence can exist, little
work has been done to formally define and differentiate
collective-level ambivalence (cf. Pradies and Pratt 2010).3
Ambivalence at the collective level aligns with our
definition presented earlier: simultaneously positive and
negative orientations toward an object, whereby ambivalence includes cognition (“we think about X”) and/or
emotion (“we feel about X”) experienced by a collective.
Also, just as ambivalence at the individual level can be
said to be more or less intense and more or less conscious,
so too can ambivalence at the collective level. Finally,
mirroring what we did at the individual level, Table 2
contrasts this definition with related constructs at the
collective level—namely, duality, paradox, organizational
hypocrisy, dialectics, and organizational ambidexterity.
The major differences are that duality, paradox, and organizational hypocrisy refer to external conditions that when
internalized by a collective may give rise to ambivalence,
and that dialectics and organizational ambidexterity refer
to means of managing tensions rather than to the actual
experience of ambivalence.
Organizational Triggers and the
Diffusion of Ambivalence
What situational factors cue ambivalence at the individual
and collective levels of analysis, and how does ambivalence experienced at the individual level spread to the
collective level, and vice versa? Figure 1 summarizes
the arguments to follow. The multilevel dynamism of
the figure is modeled after the approach of Kozlowski
et al. (2009) to organizational learning across multiple
levels of analysis, along with research on specific socialpsychological mechanisms through which cognition and
emotion may spread in organizations.
Organizational Triggers of Ambivalence
Sociologists have tended to view norms and roles as
sources of ambivalence, whereas psychologists have
tended to view individual differences and relationships as
sources (Wang and Pratt 2008). Although psychological
sources of ambivalence are relatively well understood,
the contextual sources of ambivalence, particularly in
organizations, “have often been elusive or highly contingent” (Plambeck and Weber 2010, p. 705). Given our
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Organization Science 25(5), pp. 1453–1478, © 2014 INFORMS
Table 2
Construct Definitions and Relationships to Ambivalence at the Collective Level
Construct
Ambivalence
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Duality
Paradox
Organizational hypocrisy
Dialectics
Organizational ambidexterity
Definition
Simultaneously oppositional positive and negative orientations toward an object. Ambivalence includes
cognition (“we think about X”) and/or emotion (“we feel about X”).
“The twofold character of an object of study without separation 0 0 0 it retains the idea of two essential elements,
but it views them as interdependent [complementary and contradictory], rather than separate and opposed”
(Farjoun 2010, p. 203). Whereas ambivalence is internal to the actor, a duality exists external to the actor
perceiving the duality. A duality may trigger ambivalence if the two essential elements produce opposite
orientations.
“ ‘Paradox’ denotes contradictory yet interrelated elements—elements that seem logical in isolation but absurd
and irrational when appearing simultaneously” (Lewis 2000, p. 760). Paradox refers to situations that are
external to actors. A paradox may trigger ambivalence if the contradictory elements foster opposite
orientations to a particular object.
Brunsson (1993) refers to organizational hypocrisy to describe occasions when an organization acts in
contradiction to what it says. As with sociological ambivalence more generally, such a hypocritical “event”
may trigger collective-level ambivalence if it is experienced by multiple members of the organization.
However, organizational hypocrisy in and of itself does not denote how such hypocrisy is
experienced—either as a univalent response (e.g., disillusionment, disgust) or an ambivalent response.
Tracy (2004) explains how dialectics is a tension management technique that enables organizational actors to
not view tensions as tensions per se but, via reframing, as complementary. However, dialectics is more
about managing tensions or even contradictions than the experience of these tensions. As such, dialectics
is more akin to the response we labeled “holism” than to ambivalence.
“[F]irms are ambidextrous—aligned and efficient in their management of today’s business demands while
simultaneously adaptive to changes in the environment 0 0 0 0 To be ambidextrous, organizations have to
reconcile internal tensions and conflicting demands in their task environments” (Raisch and Birkinshaw
2008, p. 375). As with dialectics, organizational ambidexterity focuses on organizational actions to manage
tension and conflicting demands, rather than the experience of ambivalence.
interest in understanding how individuals and collectives
respond to ambivalence, we focus on the most common
potential organizational triggers of ambivalence. Each
of the four major types of triggers discussed below can
operate at the collective or individual level of analysis,
as our examples will illustrate. It should be noted that
these triggers, like any situational factor, are a matter of
perception and are more or less amenable to framing by
organizational leaders (Smircich and Morgan 1982).
The major contextual roots of ambivalence appear to
be complexity and dynamism in the environment and the
organization itself (cf. Weigert and Franks 1989). Organizations typically face complex and dynamic environments,
where the meaning of events is ambiguous or equivocal,
the future is fundamentally uncertain, and the numerous
and often conflicting demands of diverse stakeholders
must be addressed. Such environments frequently foster
the more proximal contextual root of oppositions, where
a demand for A is juxtaposed with a demand for “not-A.”
Oppositions appear to manifest in four major ways:
(1) hybrid identities, contradictory goals, and role conflicts;
(2) dualities; (3) multifaceted objects; and (4) temporal
factors.
Hybrid Identities, Contradictory Goals, and Role Conflicts. According to Merton and Barber (1976, p. 6),
“[I]ncompatible normative expectations of attitudes, beliefs,
and behaviors” are the essence of sociological ambivalence. Specifically, such oppositions may manifest in
hybrid identities, contradictory goals, and role conflicts
(Adler 2012, Albert and Whetten 1985, Brunsson 1989,
Katz and Kahn 1978, Pratt and Foreman 2000). To illustrate, at the collective level, Glynn (2000) shows how
the Atlantic Symphony Orchestra played out its competing “artistry” and “utility” identities during a musicians’
strike—with the former identity focusing on normative
claims of excellent music and the latter focusing on
economic concerns for profit. At the individual level,
Fong and Tiedens (2002) note the emotional ambivalence
experienced by women in high-status positions. On one
hand, attainment of professional goals produces positive
affect; on the other hand, pressure to conform to gender stereotypes (that contradict normative behaviors in
high-power roles) produces negative affect.
Organizational Dualities. Oppositional tendencies often
manifest in the form of organizational dualities and related
concepts such as paradoxes, dilemmas, double binds,
oxymorons, and ironies (Clegg 2002, Hatch 1997, Smith
and Lewis 2011, Tracy 2004). Dualities are particularly
likely to provoke ambivalence because of their simultaneous injunction to do A and to do the opposite of A.
Well-documented examples, particularly at the collective
level, include continuity versus change, a global versus
local focus, and competition versus cooperation. Although
ostensibly opposites on a continuum, where more of one
necessarily means less of the other, a dualities perspective
views them as facets of a natural wholeness (Graetz and
Smith 2008). That is, the dualistic facets are complementary even though each—as noted in Table 2 regarding
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Organization Science 25(5), pp. 1453–1478, © 2014 INFORMS
Organizational Ambivalence Across Levels
Organizational triggers of ambivalence
Experience of ambivalence
Responses to ambivalence
Oppositions: Demand for A and not-A
Social psychological diffusion mechanisms
(See Figure 2 for expanded treatment)
Collective level
• Hybrid identities, contradictory goals, role conflicts
• Dualities
• Multifaceted objects
• Temporal factors
Collective triggers
(e.g., hybrid organizational
identity, continuity vs. change)
1
Individual level
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Figure 1
Individual triggers
(e.g., role conflict, membership
dualities)
2
4
• Sensemaking
• Sensegiving
• Emotional contagion
• Emotions-as-social-information,
emotional comparison
Collective ambivalence
(i.e., simultaneously positive and
negative orientations toward an
object experienced by a collective)
5
3
• Avoidance
• Domination
• Compromise
• Holism
8
Individual ambivalence
(i.e., simultaneously positive and
negative orientations toward an
object experienced by an individual)
paradox—may “seem logical in isolation but absurd and
irrational when appearing simultaneously” (Lewis 2000,
p. 760). However, dualities and related concepts may
nonetheless trigger ambivalence toward a given action
by fostering seemingly oppositional imperatives (e.g.,
competition versus cooperation).
Perhaps the most common dualities faced by individuals
involve memberships in various collectives, including the
organization itself. Smith and Berg (1987) describe 12
membership dualities under the labels of “paradoxes of
belonging” (e.g., maintaining individuality and maintaining commonality within a group), “paradoxes of engaging”
(e.g., incorporating past experiences while breaking with
past experiences), and “paradoxes of speaking” (e.g.,
accepting dependence on group members in order to
act independently). Accordingly, even the most effective
collectives are laced with many, at least tacit, dualities
for the individual. Moreover, the more strongly that one
dualistic quality is emphasized, the greater the countervailing need for the other (Erikson 1976, Smelser 1998).
For instance, following Smith and Berg, a strong effort
to identify with a group may spawn a counter-desire to
establish one’s individuality.
Multifaceted Objects. Oppositions often manifest in
multifaceted objects, such as policies and cultures at the
collective level and jobs and relationships at the individual
level (Merton 1976, Pratt 2001). Although an individual’s
or collective’s stance toward particularly salient facets may
6
Collective responses
(i.e., conscious or nonconscious
effort to reduce intensity; may
involve cognition, affect, and/or
behavior)
9
7
Individual responses
(i.e., conscious or nonconscious
effort to reduce intensity; may
involve cognition, affect, and/or
behavior)
exert a positive or negative “halo” (e.g., Feeley 2002) over
other facets, it remains that the individual or collective is
unlikely to have a common stance toward every facet,
partly because positive and negative aspects tend to surface
over time (Wilson and Hodges 1992). Specifically, the
more familiar an actor is with an object, the richer the store
of information and the greater the probability of having
encountered the object’s multiple facets and imperfections.
In short, as Brooks and Highhouse (2006, p. 105) put it,
“Familiarity breeds ambivalence.” For example, research on
personal relationships indicates that ambivalence typically
characterizes even the most intimate of bonds; indeed,
Thompson and Holmes (1996, p. 502) conclude that
“a moderate level of ambivalence may actually indicate a
balanced, realistic assessment of a partner.” Moving to
organizational contexts, Oglensky (2008) concludes that
even robust mentor–protégé relationships are inherently
ambivalent, and Kreiner and Ashforth’s (2004, p. 20)
study suggested that ambivalent identification with the
organization was “not a rare existential experience” among
employees (see also Brief 1998, Ziegler et al. 2012).
Temporal Factors. Finally, oppositional tendencies are
often introduced by various temporal factors (HillcoatNallétamby and Phillips 2011, Pratt and Doucet 2000).
As noted, organizational contexts are typically dynamic;
indeed, Lewin (1951) argues that seemingly stable states
are really temporary equilibria held in place by opposing
forces. Dynamism may introduce change, inconsistencies,
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1458
ambiguities, and lags in objects at the individual and
collective levels of analysis such that, similar to multifaceted objects, they generate oppositions. An otherwise
supportive manager may act in a surprisingly unsupportive manner, and an organization that strongly espouses
integrity may succumb to temptation and act in a highly
unethical way. Furthermore, the use of developmental
feedback at the individual level and continuous improvement at the collective level necessitates that even under
conditions of success, actors need to acknowledge both
the pros and cons (e.g., “The project was a success, but we
can do better next time”). And research on counterfactual
thinking indicates that reflecting on “what could have
been” (Roese 1997, as cited in Fong 2006, p. 1017) may
introduce, for individuals and collectives alike, an oppositional stance into otherwise positive events (“it could
have been better”) and negative events (“it could have
been worse”). For example, Olympic silver medalists
were found to be less happy with their achievement than
bronze medalists because they “just missed the gold”
(Medvec et al. 1995).
It is evident, then, that the complexity and dynamism
of organizational life engender a number of potential
oppositions. Moreover, as indicated by the bidirectional
arrow 1 in Figure 1, oppositions at one level of analysis
may affect oppositions at the other. For example, prisons
are charged with the somewhat oppositional goals of
rehabilitating inmates and punishing inmates, which
have “trickled down” (Tracy 2004, p. 124) to foster
role conflict among individual correctional officers (e.g.,
“respect versus suspect”). Conversely, the individual-level
paradoxes of belonging noted above (e.g., maintaining
individuality, maintaining commonality within a group)
may foster a collective that is riven with oppositions
(e.g., we are one versus we are many; see Smith and
Berg 1987).
Because these oppositions are so commonplace in
organizations, we suspect that ambivalence is a very
common experience in organizations. Not surprisingly,
as indicated by arrows 2 and 3 in Figure 1, oppositions
at the collective or individual level of analysis tend
to trigger the experience of ambivalence at the same
level. For instance, Das and Teng (2000) report that
strategic alliances involve certain dialectical tensions
(e.g., cooperation versus competition, rigidity versus
flexibility, short-term versus long-term orientation), which
are likely to provoke ambivalence among top management
teams (e.g., we should cooperate and not cooperate). And
Ashforth et al. (2013) find that role conflict experienced
by telemarketers is associated with ambivalence toward
their occupation. Furthermore, following the theorizing of
Kozlowski et al. (2009), cross-level effects from collective
triggers to individuals’ experience of ambivalence are
likely common (see arrow 4 in Figure 1). For instance,
Piderit (2000) argues that the most prevalent reaction to
organizational change—a temporal factor in our model—is
Organization Science 25(5), pp. 1453–1478, © 2014 INFORMS
employee ambivalence, as individuals simultaneously
support and resist change efforts. Conversely, crosslevel effects from individual-level triggers to collective
ambivalence are likely to be more indirect. We argue
in the following section that such cross-level effects
are largely mediated by collective sensemaking and
emotional processes (hence, we do not depict a cross-level
arrow in Figure 1 from individual triggers to collective
ambivalence).
Diffusion of Ambivalence
Whereas the previous section established the organizational triggers of ambivalence and their role in fostering
individual and collective ambivalence (arrows 1–4 in
Figure 1), this section focuses on the social-psychological
mechanisms through which ambivalence at the individual
level may spread to the collective level (i.e., bottomup emergent effects; arrow 5) and ambivalence at the
collective level may spread to the individual level (i.e.,
top-down cascade effects; also arrow 5). The upshot is a
recursive loop where expressed ambivalence is likely to
have a “ripple effect” (Barsade 2002, p. 644) such that
“I think/feel” becomes “we think/feel,” and vice versa.
Bottom-Up Emergent Effects. Morgeson and Hofmann
(1999, p. 257) note that “the investigation of constructs at
the collective level could begin with an understanding
of the interaction of organizational members.” To that
end, Kozlowski and Klein (2000, p. 55) observe that
“[a] phenomenon is emergent when it originates in the
cognition, affect, behaviors, or other characteristics of
individuals, is amplified by their interactions, and manifests as a higher-level, collective phenomenon.” Research
on collective-level cognitions and emotions provides
examples of collective cognitive phenomena such as
team mental models (Klimoski and Mohammed 1994,
Lim and Klein 2006), collective interpretations (Isabella
1990), and intersubjectivity (Ashforth et al. 2011, Wiley
1988) and collective emotional phenomena such as group
affective tone (George 1996), emotional culture (Ashforth
and Saks 2002), and group emotion (Barsade and Gibson
1998). These collective-level constructs are instructive
for understanding the collective-level nature of ambivalence and provide several pathways whereby ambivalence
may emerge via individual interactions (Pradies and
Pratt 2010).
The sensemaking perspective (Gioia and Chittipeddi
1991, Maitlis 2005, Weick 1995, Weick et al. 2005) is a
useful mechanism for articulating the cognitive nature of
the vertical links between individual and collective experiences of ambivalence (arrow 5 in the upward direction
in Figure 1). According to Stigliani and Ravasi’s (2012,
p. 1241) process model of collective sensemaking, individual sensemaking and cognitions become shared by
the collective through “the interplay between conversational and material practices.” Stigliani and Ravasi
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Organization Science 25(5), pp. 1453–1478, © 2014 INFORMS
found that design consultants alternated between working
on their own and holding group meetings where they
shared their ideas. Specifically, individuals noticed and
bracketed information on their own, they articulated it
to the group, and the group elaborated on it through
explicit conversations (e.g., “storybuilding”), cognitive
subprocesses (e.g., “building on each other’s ideas”), and
material artifacts (e.g., “sketches”), which resulted in
shared cognition among the collective. As an illustration
regarding ambivalence, Gutierrez et al. (2010, p. 673)
describe how revelations that the Catholic Church had
covered up the sexual abuse of minors by priests fostered
ambivalence toward the church among some individuals:
“A few dozen grieving laity began gathering to discuss
their reactions in a suburban church basement. Within
five months, the group grew into a 20,000-member organization” called Voice of the Faithful; its motto is “Keep
the faith, change the church.”
Regarding the emotional processes through which
ambivalence may emerge from the individual level
(arrow 5 in the upward direction in Figure 1), one major
pathway is via emotional contagion, defined as “a process
in which a person or group influences the emotions or
behavior of another person or group through the conscious
or unconscious induction of emotion states and behavioral attitudes” (Schoenewolf 1990, as cited in Barsade
2002, p. 646). With contagion, emotions can spread to a
collective via nonconscious and conscious interactions
such as synchronization (Neumann and Strack 2000)
and the social sharing of emotions (Peters and Kashima
2007). A second major pathway is suggested by Van
Kleef’s (2008) emotions-as-social-information model,
where emotional cues are “read” more indirectly via
cognitive processing (“why does she feel that way?”).
Similarly, individuals may engage in “emotional comparison” (Ashforth and Saks 2002, p. 350) with others
to assess the meaning and appropriateness of their own
arousal (“why do I feel this way?”; see, e.g., Bartel and
Saavedra 2000). Rothman and Wiesenfeld (2007) confirm
that ambivalent emotions can be read by others and thus
may be suitable for contagion and social information
effects.
The upshot of collective sensemaking and the above
emotional conduits is that individual ambivalence may
foster collective ambivalence (arrow 5 in the upward
direction in Figure 1). In the multilevel terminology
of Kozlowski and Klein (2000, p. 16), these “forms of
emergence” result in “composition” effects, that is, a
convergence in the perspectives/experiences of individuals
and the collective such that the ambivalence becomes
shared.4
Top-Down Cascade Effects. In organizations, collective ambivalence is likely to spread from the collective
to individuals, and particularly from leaders to followers, through both cognitive and emotional mechanisms.
1459
Because senior managers act on behalf of subunits and
organizations, their experience of ambivalence implicates
entire collectives (cf. Staw and Sutton 1993). Sensegiving enables managers to shape the way that individuals
interpret and think about the context, which is perhaps
the most important role that leaders play in times of
change (Gioia and Chittipeddi 1991, Maitlis and Lawrence
2007). Sensegiving is generally thought to be a deliberate
and even strategic process of communicating meaning
downward (e.g., framing, decoupling; see Fiss and Zajac
2006). There are two mechanisms through which managers may sow ambivalence downward: intentional and
unintentional. First, following the notion of “strategic
ambiguity,” managers may intentionally convey mixed or
at least equivocal messages as a means of stimulating
change by implicitly challenging the status quo in a relatively nonthreatening manner (Eisenberg 1984, Gioia et al.
2012). This literature argues that equivocality enables
actors to perceive “the” message they personally favor,
thereby producing ideographic rather than holographic
ambivalence across actors with different preferences (see
endnote 3 and, e.g., Sonenshein 2010). However, we will
argue later in our discussion section that managers might
intentionally sow ambivalence to provoke actors into
thinking more dialectically and acting more wisely. Second, managers may sow ambivalence by unintentionally
conveying mixed or at least equivocal messages. Even
where managers attempt to buffer followers from the
managers’ own experience of ambivalence by delivering
clear and unequivocal messages (Smircich and Morgan
1982, Smith et al. 2010), managers’ ambivalence may
nonetheless “leak out” through various verbal and/or
nonverbal cues. For instance, Larson and Tompkins (2005)
found that senior managers of an aerospace company
sent mixed messages about the desirability of a shift in
corporate values from technical excellence to efficiency.
Specifically, the managers continued to reward employees
for technical excellence while propounding the overriding
need for efficiency (at the expense of technical excellence),
thereby sowing their ambivalence throughout the company
and implicitly encouraging employee resistance to change.
Collectives and, again, particularly leaders, may also
spread ambivalence through emotional processes. Research
clearly indicates that, whether intentionally or not, leaders
serve to “model emotions” (Pescosolido 2002, p. 593),
such that their expressed affect influences the affective experience of followers (e.g., Ashakanasy [sic] and
Humphrey 2011, Erez et al. 2008). As with bottom-up
emergence, the modeling may occur directly via emotional
contagion or more indirectly through social information
processing and comparison of emotional cues. In the
above example of the aerospace company, Larson and
Tompkins (2005, p. 13) note how management’s expressions of “collective pride” in the company’s technical
excellence helped fuel employees’ ambivalence regarding
the change from technical excellence to efficiency.
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In sum, as arrows 1–5 in Figure 1 indicate, there are
four major organizational triggers of ambivalence affecting
both the individual and collective levels of analysis. In turn,
the individual’s experience of ambivalence may spread
to the collective level via sensemaking and emotional
processes (arrow 5 in the upward direction), and the
collective’s experience of ambivalence may spread to the
individual level via sensegiving and emotional processes
(arrow 5 in the downward direction). Accordingly, the
experience of ambivalence at one level is likely to be
positively correlated with the experience of ambivalence
at the other level.
How Do Individuals and Collectives Respond
to Ambivalence?
Consistency theories such as cognitive dissonance theory
(Festinger 1957) and balance theory (Heider 1958) indicate
that ambivalence tends to be aversive—that is, that the
sense of being simultaneously attracted to and repulsed by
an object is typically discomforting. Thus, Harrist (2006)
finds the experience of ambivalence to be characterized by
“disorientation,” described as a sense of disequilibrium,
confusion, apprehension, and loss of control, where it feels
wrong to have more than one orientation toward an object.
We define a response as a conscious or nonconscious
effort to reduce the intensity of ambivalence experienced,
whether through addressing the underlying causes or the
symptoms. A given response may involve cognition, affect,
and/or behavior. Although our model of responses can be
applied to cases of low- or high-intensity ambivalence,
our discussion—as noted—focuses on the latter precisely
because they are more problematic for the actor. Intensity
refers to the extent to which the actor experiences opposing
orientations as strong. Intensity is associated with issues
that matter to the actor. The more intense ambivalence
becomes, the more the actor will be motivated to take
action to reduce the discomfort.
Generally speaking, intense ambivalence is salient
to the actor, where salience is the extent to which the
actor is consciously aware of the opposing orientations.
Intensity tends to trigger salience (the discomfort provokes
awareness), and to a lesser extent, salience may reinforce
intensity (awareness of a contradiction is itself disturbing).
Most ambivalence research in psychology—and the goal
in lab studies—focuses on at least moderately intense
and highly salient ambivalence. However, it is possible to
experience ambivalence that is intense yet not be aware
of it. This is the primary focus of Freudian theories of
defense mechanisms, where actors struggle nonconsciously
to keep intense but socially undesirable thoughts and
feelings from breaking into consciousness (Baumeister
et al. 1998, Cramer 2006).
Organization Science 25(5), pp. 1453–1478, © 2014 INFORMS
Horney 1945, Katz and Glass 1979, Tracy 2004; see Pratt
and Doucet 2000 for a review). However, what is sorely
lacking is a clear conceptual framework for organizing
these disparate responses to ambivalence and applying
them systematically to organizational contexts. Such a
framework will clarify how various responses are (or are
not) related and will identify gaps in what has been studied
and, accordingly, opportunities for future research. In this
section, we offer an integrative framework to explain
when and why certain responses are most likely to occur
in organizations (see Figure 2). Prior work that was most
instrumental to our framework includes Horney’s (1945)
very basic typology of moving toward/away from/against
the object of ambivalence (see also Pratt and Doucet 2000)
and research on interpersonal conflict-handling styles
(Blake and Mouton 1964, Rahim 1985, Thomas 1992).
Figure 2 decomposes the response to ambivalence into
a focus on the positive orientation (i.e., attraction) toward
the object and a focus on the negative (i.e., repulsion)
orientation, as reflected by the two axes. The axes are
partitioned into “low” and “high” for pedagogical purposes, suggesting four more or less distinct responses to
ambivalence. First, avoidance, similar to “moving away,”
involves a low focus—that is, little emphasis—on each
orientation. Second, compromise involves a moderate
focus on each orientation. Third, domination, similar to
“moving toward” and “moving against,” involves a high
focus—that is, much emphasis—on one orientation and a
low focus on the other; thus domination appears twice in
the figure. Fourth, holism involves a high focus on each.
Not surprisingly, collective-level ambivalence tends to
motivate collective responses and individual-level ambivalence tends to motivate individual responses (see arrows 6
and 7 in Figure 1). That is, responses are generally
more likely to arise at the level where the ambivalence
occurs, and such responses are generally more effective because they address the commensurate triggers.
Figure 2
Negative orientation toward X
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1460
High
Actor Responses to Ambivalence
Holism
Domination
Compromise
Low
Avoidance
Domination
Low
High
Positive orientation toward X
A Framework of Responses to Ambivalence
Research in psychology and, to a lesser extent, sociology
offers many responses to ambivalence (e.g., Coser 1966,
Note. The axes reflect the focus or emphasis that the actor places on
the orientations in responding to ambivalence (e.g., in avoidance,
the actor places little emphasis on either axis).
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Organization Science 25(5), pp. 1453–1478, © 2014 INFORMS
However, collective ambivalence may also motivate the
cross-level effect of individual responses (arrow 8 in
Figure 1) if (1) collective responses are absent or ineffective, or (2) individuals prefer an idiosyncratic approach
(e.g., engaging in avoidance while one’s peers engage in
holism). Conversely, individual ambivalence on its own
is unlikely to motivate a collective response precisely
because the ambivalence is confined to the individual
level. As noted, collective responses will be most likely
to occur if individual ambivalence becomes diffused to
the collective level. Finally, collective and individual
responses likely interact as collective responses provide
a context for any subsequent individual responses (e.g.,
an individual experiencing residual ambivalence may
enact an additional response), and individual responses
to collective ambivalence may facilitate, through social
learning processes (Bandura 1977), a more collective
response (bidirectional arrow 9 in Figure 1).
Each of the four responses—avoidance, dominance,
compromise, and holism—is considered below. It should
be noted that the authors of the studies we cite did not
use our terminology; we are inferring the existence of
specific responses, as well as, at times, ambivalence
itself, from the descriptions the authors provide. Our
treatment of holism will be more detailed because it is
less well understood and more complex. We consider the
nature of each response to ambivalence and likely positive
and negative outcomes for the individual and collective
experiencing ambivalence. Additionally, we consider how
other actors may view any behaviors that accompany the
response. At first blush, it would appear that holism is
the optimal response as it seems to signify a “win–win”
approach in the sense that both orientations become
fully integrated. However, in addition to arguing that
there are both positive and negative outcomes associated
with each response, we argue that each response is
more effective under certain circumstances (cf. Rahim
1985). Furthermore, because conscious and nonconscious
processes tend to be intertwined, it should be noted that
the responses may be enacted consciously, nonconsciously,
or both.
To embed the discussion in organizational contexts, we
focus on cases where the ambivalence is attributable to
the organizational triggers discussed earlier. We assume
that the triggers lack a ready pragmatic solution or that
the actor opts out of such a solution (e.g., quits the job).
Given the triggers, many issues are inherently difficult to
resolve (e.g., awareness of an object’s multiple facets).
We also assume, in view of the proximal contextual root of
opposition that underlies the triggers discussed above and
based on our reading of diverse examples of ambivalence
in organizations, that a given trigger is amenable to
a variety of responses. That is, specific triggers (e.g.,
dualities, multifaceted jobs) do not necessitate specific
responses. That said, we will return to these assumptions
in our discussion section.
Avoidance
Nature of the Response. If intense ambivalence is by
definition strong, how is it possible that an individual or
collective can maintain a low focus on both the positive
and negative orientations to the object? The answer, we
contend, is through the use of defense mechanisms and
coping mechanisms. Following Cramer (1998, p. 920;
2006), defense and coping mechanisms are means by
which actors protect themselves from the “emotional
consequences of adversity.” Defense mechanisms are
nonconscious (in terms of awareness and effort) and
unintentional, whereas coping mechanisms are conscious
and intentional.5 Coping mechanisms focus on resolving
the problem (what Lazarus and Folkman 1984 refer to
as “problem-focused coping”) and/or alleviating tension
(“emotion-focused coping”). Because defense mechanisms
and the emotion-focused coping mechanisms utilized in
this cell of Figure 2 enable the actor to avoid directly dealing with the ambivalence and perhaps even acknowledging
it, this cell is labeled “avoidance.” As such, avoidance is
typically reactive rather than proactive.
Perhaps the most commonly used avoidance defense
mechanisms for warding off ambivalence are denial and
splitting. Denial protects the actor from threat by actively
but nonconsciously rejecting, reinterpreting, forgetting, or
minimizing disagreeable information (Baumeister et al.
1998, Sincoff 1992). Argyris (1990, p. 30) asserts that
most organizational cultures actually facilitate and reward
defensiveness because norms favor care for people within
the organization over facing tough issues that could upset
or offend them, such that “defense routines are protected
and reinforced by the very people who prefer that they do
not exist.” In splitting, the actor nonconsciously separates
the positive and negative orientations so that opposition is
not perceived. For example, Rowe et al. (2005) note that
poor team performance may induce sports teams and their
fans to be ambivalent about the team (“I love my team
but I hate them for doing so poorly”). This ambivalence
is often avoided by splitting the admired qualities of the
team from the poor performance and attributing the latter
to other causes, often the coach (cf. scapegoating; see
Wexler 1993). The Boston Red Sox collapse at the end of
the 2011 season, and the subsequent dismantling of the
general management team, provides a good illustration of
such dynamics (Brown 2011).
Perhaps the most commonly used coping mechanisms in
organizations for shielding the actor against the discomfort
associated with marked ambivalence are suppression,
escape or distraction, and emotional release. Because these
mechanisms are commonly associated with all manner
of stressors, our discussion will be brief. Suppression
involves a conscious effort to dismiss anxiety-provoking
thoughts about the issue in question. A manager facing
ambivalence about his work role because of work–home
conflicts (be at work versus be at home) may willfully
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1462
disattend to the conflicts. Escape or distraction involves
diverting one’s attention from the problematic issue.
Finally, emotional release involves venting the aversive
feelings arising from ambivalence. For example, Rosen
(1988) describes how the members of an advertising
agency vented the negative emotions associated with
their ambivalence toward the firm by performing skits at
the firm’s Christmas party; the skits lampooned senior
management and the firm.
Positive and Negative Outcomes. Avoidance may appear
to be a dysfunctional response to ambivalence in organizations. Because avoidance reduces the immediate tension
associated with ambivalence, it may prevent the actor
from even recognizing the ambivalence, thereby inhibiting
learning and problem solving (Argyris 1993). Also, avoidance may prove futile in any event because unwelcome
thoughts are not easily denied or suppressed (Wegner
1989), and focusing on unwelcome emotions through
emotional release may only render them more salient (e.g.,
Brown et al. 2005). Thus, the defense mechanisms of
denial and splitting have been labeled “immature” defenses
(e.g., Andrews et al. 1993, p. 252), and emotion-focused
coping mechanisms have been found to predominate when
an actor believes that a stressor must be endured rather
than constructively managed (Folkman and Lazarus 1980).
However, there appears to be a functional side to
avoidance in organizations. Although avoidance does
not address the root cause of the ambivalence, it may
nonetheless be effective under two conditions. The first is
where the actor has low discretion or agency and thus
cannot forge a more integrative response, if warranted,
as in compromise and holism. The second condition is
where immediate action is not required or the opposing
orientations are not actively in conflict. Keeping tensions
at bay through avoidance may be all that is truly needed.
For example, nurses who smoked were ambivalent about
their responsibility for advising patients against smoking.
When a patient’s need for such advice appeared low (e.g.,
the malady was unrelated to smoking), some nurses tended
to avoid advising patients against smoking (Radsma and
Bottorff 2009). Defense and coping mechanisms help
reduce tension to a more tolerable level, enabling an
actor to persevere more effectively. Indeed, it appears
that most actors continue to perform effectively even
though ambivalence is more the norm than the exception
in various domains of life, presumably including organizations (Smelser 1998). Furthermore, defense and coping
mechanisms may facilitate subsequent compromise and
holism by reducing debilitating tension while preserving
the ambivalent qualities. For instance, Schneider (2003,
p. 33) argues that splitting, by preventing “premature
closure,” creates a “generative space” where actors have
an opportunity to confront and work through the tension.
Finally, because avoidance is largely signified by the
absence of overt behaviors, other actors who are unaware
Organization Science 25(5), pp. 1453–1478, © 2014 INFORMS
of the issue prompting the ambivalence will have little
reason to make attributions about the focal actor. When
other actors are aware of the issue and regard it as
important, avoidance—as the absence of action in the
face of threat—is likely to prompt negative attributions
(e.g., “that group is in denial”).
Domination
Nature of the Response. Domination is a defense
mechanism (i.e., a nonconscious process) and/or coping
mechanism (i.e., a conscious process) through which
actors bolster one orientation so that it overwhelms the
other. Domination is thus characterized by a high focus on
one orientation and a low focus on the other, and therefore
it appears in two quadrants of Figure 2. Domination does
not mean that all of the conflicting thoughts and feelings
necessarily dissipate, only that the actor is able to choose
one orientation—positive or negative thoughts/feelings—
over the other (Harrist 2006). Similar to avoidance, given
the apparent emphasis on defense mechanisms over coping
mechanisms, domination is typically reactive rather than
proactive.
Response amplification (cf. reaction formation) is the
primary nonconscious form of domination, where one
essentially exaggerates either the positive or negative
orientation to the object so as to override or “dominate”
the other orientation and thereby relieve ambivalence
(Baumeister et al. 1998, Bell and Esses 2002, Katz and
Glass 1979). For example, ombudspersons handle the
organizational ambivalence of (1) advocating for the
best interests of employees who file complaints while
(2) maintaining the status quo of organizational operations.
Ombudspersons studied by Kolb (1987) tended to embrace
one set of norms or the other, resolving the ambivalence by
being either a “helping” ombudsperson or a “fact-finding”
ombudsperson. It is important to note that domination
via response amplification does not necessarily mean
that the actor has permanently erased the opposite pole;
rather, it may persist nonconsciously (Kets de Vries and
Miller 1984).
Response amplification may also be part of a nonconscious macro-oscillation that occurs over time, representing a shift from one domination cell in Figure 2 to the
opposite domination cell, such that one experiences an
entire paradigm shift. Kets de Vries and Miller (1984) provide an example. An artistic director and an administrative
director of an opera company seemed to be inseparable,
never differed in opinions, and consistently presented a
united front in board meetings. This zealous relationship
persisted for two years, until the administrative director
violated the authority of the artistic director. Despite
the interdependence of their roles, the two men quit
interacting, and the artistic director vilified his colleague
until the board fired him. The authors suggest that the
relationship between the executives was not perfect prior
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to the falling out, implying some ambivalence toward
the relationship. However, the negative feelings were
forcefully held in abeyance, eventually gaining enough
momentum to shift the ostensibly positive relationship
to its opposite. The change from extremely positive to
extremely negative represents a paradigm shift around
the fulcrum of ambivalence. As the saying goes, there is
often a thin line between love and hate.
Intense ambivalence may also lead to conscious domination processes—that is, to coping mechanisms. Having
acknowledged both orientations prior to making a decision,
conscious domination appears to be a way of ignoring
the importance of one orientation rather than ignoring
its existence. Conscious domination can be as simple as
actively deciding to commit to one extreme and dismiss
the other, if only for the sake of relieving discomfort. For
instance, Bridge and Baxter (1992) note the oppositional
norms involved when one is both a supervisor and a
friend toward the same individual, including impartiality versus favoritism, evaluation versus acceptance, and
confidentiality versus openness. A supervisor may cope
with the resulting ambivalence by privileging one role
over the other. A supervisor interviewed by Zorn (1995,
p. 136) stated, “What Sally and I would always do is
I’d say ‘All right, I’m talking to you Sally-friend not
Sally-supervisor.’ ” An example at the collective level of
analysis is provided by Tracy’s (2004, p. 125) study of a
correctional facility, where the norms “create ongoing
ambivalence—between kindness and control, flexibility
and rigidity, solidarity and autonomy.” As a result, the
facility’s leaders encouraged officers to manage their
ambivalence by downplaying some dimensions (e.g.,
kindness) and emphasizing others (e.g., control).
Research indicates that ambivalence may prompt information processing that is biased toward whatever orientation is initially stronger or more salient (Clark et al. 2008,
van Harreveld et al. 2009a). Thus, although domination is
expedient, it may short-circuit detailed consideration of
the foregone orientation. Indeed, research suggests that
ambivalent attitudes are more susceptible than nonambivalent attitudes to a variety of (often specious) primes,
including mood, recent cues about the object, and consensus information (i.e., what others think) (Bell and Esses
1997, Hass et al. 1991, Hodson et al. 2001). It is as if
the actor is looking for a way out, however specious the
reasoning.
Furthermore, it seems likely that conscious domination
is very prone to rationalization because the actor may need
a reassuring justification to bolster the choice (cf. neutralization theory; see Sykes and Matza 1957)—particularly if
the actor is accountable to others (Tetlock 1985). Through
rationalization, actors can convince themselves that one
orientation is superior to the other or trivialize an orientation until the favored one can be enacted with greater
ease (van Harreveld et al. 2009b). We acknowledge that
domination is not the only process in Figure 2 where
1463
there may be a felt need to rationalize, but the need
here appears particularly acute. In a study of “necessary
evils” (i.e., tasks that cause harm to others to serve a
greater purpose), Margolis and Molinsky (2008) observed
the behaviors of ambivalent employees, such as police
officers tasked with evicting tenants from their homes.
Faced with the tension between what they considered
as irreconcilable opposites—the obligation to do their
job and the aversion toward causing hardship for those
who could not pay their bills—some officers disengaged
from the tenants, rationalizing the need for evictions (e.g.,
“Well, they [the evictees] put themselves in this situation.
And what about the landlord 0 0 0?”; p. 856).
Positive and Negative Outcomes. We argue that, in
general, domination is most effective under one or more of
the following conditions. The first is when the core of both
the positive and negative orientations does not need to be
preserved (e.g., having two equally desirable but mutually
exclusive potential locations for a new plant, which creates
ambivalence toward each alternative). In this case, decisive
action is appropriate as it enables actors to relieve the
intense ambivalence and align their thoughts and feelings
with their behavior. The second condition is when the
actor must choose between mutually exclusive orientations
(e.g., hiring or not hiring a candidate for which there are
mixed feelings)—and that is precisely when ambivalence
becomes particularly intense (van Harreveld et al. 2009b).
The third condition is when one orientation is actually
counterproductive. For example, intense ambivalence
could be caused by a need to complete a work-related
project coupled with a fear of failure. Focusing on task
completion while neutralizing the fear would provide
an effective response to the ambivalence. That said, the
rejected orientation may rear its head in unexpected ways
(even when chased out of conscious awareness); as Lewis
(2000, p. 763) notes, rejecting “one side of a polarity
intensifies pressure from the other.” The final condition is
when, as with avoidance, the actor has low discretion or
agency and is thus less able to forge a more integrative
response, if desired.
Conversely, domination can be very dysfunctional in
situations that require maintenance of both orientations.
For instance, tension in the mission of a natural food
cooperative required the simultaneous enactment of pragmatic business values and idealistic values that set the
co-op apart from other grocers (Ashforth and Reingen
2014). To stay afloat, neither the pragmatic nor idealistic
values could dominate over time. Domination would be a
dysfunctional response that either destroys the co-op’s
mission (if pragmatic values prevail) or bankrupts the coop (if idealistic values prevail). Additionally, domination
may be dysfunctional when the decision is biased toward
whatever orientation is initially stronger or salient, as
noted above, or the decision is based solely on relieving
discomfort. Gray (1999) suggests that choices made under
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1464
negative emotional states are often biased toward the
alternative that will cause the least discomfort at the time.
Taking the path of least resistance may seem desirable in
the moment but has negative long-term consequences,
particularly if the relative benefits of the chosen response
are artificially exaggerated through response amplification.
Because domination tends to be signified by decisive
action (choosing one orientation over the other), other
actors who are unaware of the issue prompting the
ambivalence are likely to draw positive conclusions
(e.g., “she provides clear direction”). However, where
other actors are aware of the issue and see merit in
both orientations, this positive conclusion is likely to be
tempered and perhaps even reversed by concerns over the
focal actor’s judgment (e.g., “she’s overly simplistic in her
thinking”). This tempering or reversal is very significant
because it suggests that what appears quite positive to
the uninformed appears quite the opposite to those who
better understand the situation.
Compromise
Nature of the Response. Compromise is associated with
a moderate focus on both the positive and negative orientations (see Figure 2). Compromise involves reciprocal
concessions between the opposing orientations such that
they are mutually accommodated. It can be characterized
as a coping mechanism in that it is typically a conscious
and intentional process, whereby one acknowledges the
simultaneous existence of the orientations and recognizes
the desirability of partially honoring each. In this way,
compromise—especially the form we refer to below as
“black and white”—is more akin to “problem-focused coping” than “emotion-focused” as the focus is on responding
to ambivalence by dealing with the cause rather than
regulating the associated tension (Lazarus and Folkman
1984). Thus, although compromise can be either proactive
or reactive, it tends to be more proactive than avoidance
or domination.
As a discrete action, compromise can take one of two
forms. First, actors can “average” or combine the black
and white into gray such that a middle ground is found
that is not really true to either black or white. Such “gray
compromises” are common and diverse in organizations;
two examples will suffice. For one, individuals experiencing ambivalence about a task may self-handicap
when they want to succeed but doubt their capability.
Self-handicapping enables one to externalize failure by
deliberately acting in ways that inhibit performance
(Berglas and Jones 1978). An employee preparing for a
presentation may procrastinate, making it impossible to
prepare thoroughly. By telling coworkers that she prepared
the slides just minutes before the meeting, she has an
excuse if the presentation does not go well. Ambivalence
was thus reduced by neither completing the task as well
as possible (black) nor delegating the task to a coworker
Organization Science 25(5), pp. 1453–1478, © 2014 INFORMS
(white). As another example, Weick (1979) explains a fire
captain’s choices in responding to a call from an area
noted for false alarms. If the captain compromises by
sending all the firefighters, but at a slower speed than
usual, the response is inappropriate whether there is a fire
or not. If there is a fire, the firefighters will not arrive
soon enough; if there is not a fire, all the resources have
been needlessly sent to the false alarm. As these examples
illustrate, gray compromises tend to be problematic when
at least the core of each orientation needs to be preserved.
A second type of compromise is where neither orientation is sacrificed, nor are the orientations wholly honored
to the point where they are incompatible. This can be
termed a “black and white compromise.” To illustrate, the
fire captain can act as if there is a fire and as if there is
not by very promptly sending only some crew members. If
there is a fire, the crew has arrived as quickly as possible;
if there is not a fire, all of the resources were not wasted
(Weick 1979). As this example illustrates, the actor simultaneously respects the core of each orientation, albeit in a
give-and-take form. Black and white compromise may
also occur sequentially in the form of vacillation, where
the actor alternates orientations based on the situation
(Pratt and Doucet 2000, Tracy 2004). These short-term
fluctuations differ from the macro-oscillation discussed
under “domination,” where one experiences an entire
paradigm shift. The short-term fluctuations, considered as
a set, respect both orientations, even if each alternation
seems to abandon one orientation for the other. Pratt
and Dutton (2000, p. 117) found that librarians were
ambivalent about homeless people in their library, feeling
“compassion, sympathy, and empathy as well as anger,
fear, and disgust.” The library’s director gave money to
homeless patrons at times and asked them to leave at
other times; one librarian would sometimes call social
services to request help for the homeless and sometimes
call the police to remove them from the library. As an
example at the collective level, Wells (1988) notes that
the staff at a Girl Scout camp experienced ambivalence
because they identified with the organization but were put
off by the wholesomeness of the Girl Scout identity. As a
result, when working in public they strove to display a
professional image, but behind closed doors they distanced
themselves from that identity by resorting to humor and
derision about the Girl Scout symbols. We posit that it is
precisely because the librarians and Girl Scout staff opted
for a negative orientation at one point that they were able
to opt for a positive orientation at a later point, and vice
versa (Ashforth and Mael 1998; see also Kosmala and
Herrbach 2006, Kunda 1992). In this case, long-term
compromise was attained via short-term vacillation.
Positive and Negative Outcomes. As suggested above,
compromise is generally most effective when neither
the positive nor negative orientation alone is sufficient
(gray or black and white compromise) or the core of each
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orientation needs to be preserved (black and white compromise). However, opposites often do not lend themselves
readily to negotiation; thus the process of compromise
may prove difficult and actual resolutions may be hard to
discern and enact. Compromise is therefore also more
effective when the actor has at least moderate discretion or agency. For example, some Benedictine sisters
identified with the Catholic Church but felt excluded
by its male-dominated rituals, creating tension between
feelings of belonging and exclusion. In response to the
resulting ambivalence toward the church, the sisters chose
to modify their practice of certain church-mandated rituals
so that they were more inclusive of women (Hoffman and
Medlock-Klyukovski 2004).
As further noted, black and white compromise can also
occur over time by vacillating between two orientations.
However, as Merton (1976, p. 105) puts it, “This delicate
process of alternating phases is a little like walking a
tightrope, with all its attendant risks and successes.” If
the core of black and/or white matter and are lost, the
compromise becomes dysfunctional.
To recognize a compromise, other actors must be aware
of the issue that prompted the ambivalence. Thus, actors
who are unaware of the issue will have little reason
to draw inferences about the focal actor. Where other
actors are aware of the issue, we posit that compromise
is sufficiently normative in organizational settings that
they are likely to draw positive inferences (e.g., “the
team is realistic”). However, given organizational norms
for consistency (Staw 1980), the vacillating form of
compromise may induce others to view the actor as
inconsistent, indecisive, and perhaps even deliberately
hypocritical, particularly if the vacillation is prompted
by nonconscious—and therefore difficult to justify—
impulses (cf. Rothman and Wiesenfeld 2007). Rothman
and Wiesenfeld (2007) add that such inferences may elicit
frustration in others and inhibit liking and trust.
Holism
Nature of the Response. Unlike compromise, where the
actor negates (gray) or diminishes (black and white) the
integrity of each orientation, or domination, where only
one orientation is given expression, holism involves the
complete, simultaneous, and typically conscious acceptance of both opposing orientations.6 As such, holism can
usually be characterized as a coping mechanism. Holism
is in the same spirit as black and white compromise
but represents less of a win–lose trade-off between the
orientations and more of a win–win embracing of both
orientations. Accordingly, holism tends to be proactive
and generally more proactive than compromise.
The notion of holism raises the question: Given intense
ambivalence, how can an actor consciously retain it
and thus “tolerate” it? The answer, we contend, is
through the exercise of wisdom (Kessler and Bailey 2007).
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Weick (1998, 2004) writes of an “attitude of wisdom”
where actors balance confidence with doubt, ready to
act as if they know and yet as if they do not know.
Cast in the terminology of ambivalence, “knowing” and
“doubting” are opposite orientations held simultaneously.
For example, an attitude of wisdom may involve treating
“past experience as a guide as well as a trap” (Weick
2004, p. 662). More generally, we view wisdom as the
capacity, in part, to simultaneously acknowledge and
embrace opposing orientations, and thereby strive for
a course of action that honors both (cf. Clayton 1982,
Martin 2009, Weick 1998). This suggests that holding
onto the whole of ambivalence may actually be functional.
This view of wisdom shows the promise of ambivalence,
but it sheds little light on how wisdom facilitates a holistic
response to ambivalence.
As with the other responses to ambivalence, we argue
that holism can be enacted at both the individual and
collective level. However, because wisdom as a holistic
response has received the least attention in the literature
relative to other responses, we address separately the
individual responses of “wise actors” and the collective
responses of “wise systems.” Once delineated, we then
show how the two levels of responses may interact
(bidirectional arrow 9 in Figure 1).
Individual responses of wise actors: How, specifically,
do wise actors facilitate a holistic approach to ambivalence? Building on our reading of the literature, we
suggest three related ways: (1) mindfulness, (2) “both/and”
thinking, and (3) informed choice. Dane (2011, p. 1000;
cf. Shapiro and Carlson 2009) defines mindfulness as
“a state of consciousness in which attention is focused on
present-moment phenomena occurring both externally and
internally.” Fiol et al. (2009, p. 44) add that “[m]indfulness
results from a reluctance to simplify”—a willingness to
embrace complexity. Most important for our purposes,
Fiol et al. (2009, p. 44) further note that “[m]indfulness
has three key characteristics: (1) the creation of new
categories of meaning, (2) openness to new information,
and (3) an implicit awareness of multiple perspectives.”
We noted that holism tends to be the most proactive of
the responses to ambivalence. A mindful actor is more
likely to be actively aware of the external and/or internal
stimuli that have fostered or made salient opposing orientations along with the experience of the ambivalence
itself. For example, through a series of experiments, Rees
et al. (2013, p. 367) found that emotional ambivalence
increased accuracy in various judgments by increasing
participants’ receptivity to others’ perspectives, concluding
that emotional ambivalence can produce a “wise mind.”
Mindfulness facilitates both/and thinking, described in
detail below, by making the issue conscious or at least
attuning actors to what may otherwise remain nonconscious (Dane 2011) and by inhibiting the often reflexive
narrowing of attention (Fiol and O’Connor 2003, Weick
and Putnam 2006) that is the hallmark of domination.
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In addition, mindfulness may facilitate actions that address
the negatively viewed aspects of the object in question so
that the opposing orientations are better able to be meshed.
Meyerson (2001) describes a senior vice president of a
financial firm who was ambivalent about the privileges
of office, enjoying her own but perceiving that the distribution of the privileges was unfair to other women
and minorities. Unlike other, presumably less mindful,
executives, she responded to the entreaties of working
parents by offering more flexible work arrangements
to accommodate their family obligations, and the firm
eventually institutionalized such arrangements. Consistent
with the awareness enabled by mindfulness, Meyerson
describes various behaviors through which actors may
approach ambivalence holistically, from “turning personal
threats into opportunities” to “leveraging small wins” to
“organizing collective action” (p. 8).
The second way that wisdom facilitates a holistic
approach to ambivalence is through both/and rather than
either/or thinking. Either/or thinking refers to a tendency
to separate the orientations, creating a dichotomy (e.g.,
a selection committee glorifies a job candidate for the
high depth of her industry experience or demonizes the
candidate for the low breadth of her experience across
industries), whereas both/and thinking refers to a tendency
to juxtapose the orientations, potentially resulting in
perceived complementarity and even synergy (e.g., the
committee recognizes that the low breadth made the high
depth possible; see, e.g., Cameron et al. 2006, Chen
2002, Jubas and Butterwick 2008). Both/and thinking
involves developing a more comprehensive understanding
of the opposition at the heart of ambivalence—a synthesis
of sorts of the “thesis/antithesis” that the opposition
represents, a transcendence of the particulars. However, in
holism the thesis and antithesis do not disappear; holism
thus enables the actor to appreciate that the aspects of the
object that engender the opposing orientations are integral
to the object and perhaps even desirable (cf. Lewis 2000;
cf. Janusian thinking, Rothenberg 1979). For example, the
literature on organizational ambidexterity suggests that
when actors embrace the apparent contradiction between
the need for exploration and the need for exploitation—
and the resulting ambivalence toward each—more nuanced
and jointly optimizing actions can result (e.g., Raisch and
Birkinshaw 2008, Smith and Tushman 2005). As F. Scott
Fitzgerald (1945, p. 69) famously stated,
The test of a first-rate intelligence is the ability to hold
two opposed ideas in the mind at the same time, and still
retain the ability to function. One should, for example, be
able to see that things are hopeless and yet be determined
to make them otherwise.
Research suggests that ambivalence motivates heightened information processing (Jonas et al. 1997, Maio et al.
2001). Through both/and thinking, the actor recognizes
the integrity underlying the aspects of the object that give
Organization Science 25(5), pp. 1453–1478, © 2014 INFORMS
rise to ambivalence. That is, the actor may respond to
the whole object, not just to its favored aspects (as in
domination). Furthermore, the actor does so in a manner
that honors that integrity, rather than betrays animus
toward its constituent parts. Plambeck and Weber (2010,
p. 694) find that CEOs who were the most ambivalent
about the enlargement of the European Union engaged in
“strategic ambidexterity,” where the orientation of their
firms was simultaneously offensive and defensive, increasing the spectrum of information considered in strategic
actions (see also Tang et al. 2010). Similarly, Lüscher
and Lewis (2008) describe an intervention for production
managers at Lego Company in the wake of a major
restructuring from a traditional hierarchy to self-managing
teams. Rather than be paralyzed by the resulting dilemmas
that invited ambivalence (e.g., empowering teams versus
controlling them), managers were encouraged to embrace
the dilemmas and forgo simplistic either/or thinking in
favor of both/and thinking. Lüscher and Lewis conclude,
“Such awareness was empowering, reducing tendencies
to blame executives [for sending mixed messages] and
shifting responsibility to the managers to find means of
living with tensions” (p. 234).
As these examples suggest, both/and thinking in the
context of holism does not mean that the negative orientation is necessarily converted into a positive orientation,
only that the actor is able to make sense of the object
in such a way that the totality of the object and the
ambivalence it spawns is accepted and perhaps even
prized. This also does not mean that the discomfort that
attends ambivalence is necessarily reduced, given that the
opposing orientations are actively sustained. Rather, it
speaks to the actor coming to terms with the experience
of ambivalence. To illustrate, Wright (2009) describes
the ambivalent organizational identification of internal
organizational consultants. The consultants simultaneously felt both attached as employees of the organization
and detached as objective evaluators of the organization.
Some came to regard their unique position of being
“outsiders within” as a “positive source of strength and
distinctiveness” (p. 319).
The third way that wisdom facilitates holism is through
informed choice. Research on commitment (Brickman
1987, Pratt and Rosa 2003) and trust (Pratt and Dirks
2006) illustrates holism as a choice made by wise
actors. Brickman (1987) suggests that commitment is the
“antidote” to ambivalence. How he views commitment,
however, is much different from behavioral/escalation
approaches (Salancik 1977) or attitudinal approaches to
commitment (see Pratt and Rosa 2003). In Brickman’s
view, actors must first know the positive and negative
“elements” (p. 7) associated with forming an attachment to
a person, idea, or other object. These positive and negative
elements are not divisible from the object. Pratt and Rosa
(2003, p. 395), for instance, describe how network marketing firms “harvest” work–family conflict to transform
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individuals’ emotional ambivalence about the firm into
commitment. They deliberately recruit individuals who
are at risk for work–family conflict and encourage them to
frame work in terms of helping their family (e.g., “you’re
doing this for your children”), to recruit their own family
and friends to help with bookkeeping and distribution, and
to avoid those who would “steal their dreams” (p. 411).
For Brickman, commitment involves the binding of the
positive (helping one’s family) and negative (sacrifice)
elements through choosing a course of action. Indeed,
Pratt and Rosa report that newcomers experiencing little
emotional ambivalence ultimately had weak commitment
to the organization. Pratt and Dirks (2006) make a similar
argument about ambivalence and choice when discussing
the concept of trust in organizations. Trust involves being
vulnerable so as to achieve something positive in a relationship in the future (Rousseau et al. 1998). They suggest
that trust involves choosing both a positive (future reward)
and negative (vulnerability) element simultaneously.
To be sure, sometimes the negative elements will be
more salient (similar to “being committed” to an asylum)
while at other times the positive elements will be more
salient. But at its core, both positive and negative elements
always remain. Thus, commitment as a holistic action
differs from compromise or domination where one orientation is diluted or discarded. Furthermore, by choosing to
accept the opposition, the actor transforms what may have
been outside his or her control—such as opposing norms—
into something that is experienced as more controllable
(Harrist 2006, Meyerson 2001). In short, an actor may
not choose to be exposed to ambivalence but can choose
how to respond to it—to accept that ambivalence as an
essential element for commitment or trust. For instance,
Ashcraft (2001) describes the “organized dissonance” of a
feminist bureaucracy that assisted victims of domestic
violence. Faced with ambivalence about relying on a traditional hierarchy (hierarchy both facilitates and impedes
the mission), members opted to embrace the ambivalence
and utilize a hierarchy in a nontraditional manner with
informal, egalitarian practices (e.g., consensual decision
making, eschewing heavy-handed supervision).
Collective responses via wise systems: A wise system is
a set of practices, as embodied in informal (e.g., culture)
and formal structure, for actively embracing and honoring positive and negative orientations toward an object.
Wise systems keep ambivalence in play. Under both/and
thinking, we quoted Lüscher and Lewis (2008, p. 234)
that wise actors “find means of living with tensions.”
Similarly, a wise system connects opposing orientations
in a more or less ongoing manner to keep alive “creative tension” (Cameron 1986, p. 549) and thus the
potential to honor the orientations in adaptive and novel
ways as emerging circumstances warrant. Research on
organized dissonance (Ashcraft 2001), organizational
ambidexterity (Raisch and Birkinshaw 2008), organizational dualities (Ashforth and Reingen 2014), and
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organizational mindfulness (Farjoun 2010) provide examples of how organizations may eschew one-time responses
to ambivalence in favor of an ongoing juxtaposition of the
orientations fueling ambivalence. For example, Ashcraft
(2001, p. 1315) writes of the need for periodic “group
reflection as a safety valve that keeps contradiction alive.”
Culture refers to a set of values, beliefs, norms,
and assumptions that typify an organization or subunit
(cf. Schein 2010). A culture conducive to holism is one
that privileges certain values (e.g., openness, inquiry),
beliefs (e.g., progress results from a full airing of both
sides of an issue, the complexity of the decision making process should reflect the complexity of the issue),
norms (e.g., encourage wide participation, have secondchance meetings to reconsider decisions), and assumptions
(e.g., ambivalence is normal, reasonable group members
can disagree). For instance, we mentioned Ashforth and
Reingen’s (2014) study of a natural food cooperative,
where ambivalence over business values and idealistic
values was kept simmering. Numerous meetings were
held to allow discussions of ambivalence-provoking issues,
and certain rituals (e.g., appeals to collective interest,
apologies for rudeness) helped regulate the resulting conflicts. Members described their decision-making process
as decidedly “messy,” a term that we speculate generally
describes wise systems.
Structure refers to the design of the organization or
subunit. Wise systems appear to facilitate holism through
either differentiation (complemented with integration;
cf. Lawrence and Lorsch 1967) or nondifferentiation.
We noted earlier that organizations frequently embody
hybrid identities and pursue contradictory goals, prompting
ambivalence toward any one identity or goal. In differentiation, these identities and goals are assigned to
(or emerge within) separate actors. For example, Raisch
and Birkinshaw’s (2008) review of the literature on
organizational ambidexterity suggests that one way organizations address the efficiency–innovation trade-off, and
the ambivalence it triggers toward each, is by assigning
each to separate subunits. Differentiation thus allows each
subunit to pursue a particular goal, devoid of ambivalence.
Similarly, a group may designate a specific member
to play the role of devil’s advocate and represent the
misgivings of other group members, thereby releasing the
other members from the burden of mixed feelings (Smith
and Berg 1987). As Lawrence and Lorsch (1967) argue,
differentiation creates a need for integration to then reknit
the actors together so that the collective can move forward as a more or less unitary body. Thus, differentiated
organizations tend to create integration mechanisms, such
as having senior management provide strategic integration
of the efficiency- and innovation-oriented subunits (Raisch
and Birkinshaw 2008) or having a matrix structure that
intentionally juxtaposes a functional focus with a product
focus (Galbraith 2009). In terms of ambivalence, then,
differentiation and integration facilitate a holistic approach
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by fostering an ongoing creative tension between the
identities/goals. In these examples, the underlying cause
of ambivalence at one level is “resolved” by activities at
another level; indeed, what appears to be domination at
the lower level (e.g., within a given subunit) may help
foster holism at the higher level.
In nondifferentiation, the identities/goals are jointly
allocated to subunits or individuals so that actors must each
struggle with the oppositions and hence the ambivalence
toward any given identity or goal. As such, structures
predicated on nondifferentiation tend to be less complex
than those predicated on differentiation and integration.
An example is for-profit hospitals where the medical staff
is expected to jointly weigh the sometimes oppositional
goals of patient service and cost considerations (Shore
1998). Note, however, that the structure per se does
not actually facilitate actors’ responses to ambivalence;
it simply makes ambivalence that much more intense
and salient. Thus, to qualify as a holistic approach,
nondifferentiation must be complemented with the other
aspects of a wise system.
Wise actors ←→ wise systems: The notions of wise
actors at the individual level and wise systems at the
collective level raise the question of how wisdom may
play out across levels of analysis. What wise actors do
may ultimately become institutionalized in the culture and
structure of the wider organization. Wise actors, in short,
can give rise to wise systems (arrow 9 in the upward
direction in Figure 1; see Bierly and Kolodinsky 2007,
Bierly et al. 2000). Martin (2009) describes how a sharp
increase in research and development spending at Procter
& Gamble (P&G) led to disappointing results and thus
to ambivalence about the desirability of such spending
(is it a good investment or a bad investment?). Helping to
fuel the negative orientation to research and development
spending was a belief among some senior executives that
P&G was primarily a marketing company. CEO A. G.
Lafley facilitated an effective approach dubbed “Connect
& Develop,” which derived synergies from the positive
and negative orientations, thereby “reconciling the irreconcilable” (p. 58). Specifically, Lafley set a goal that 50%
of P&G’s innovations come from outside the firm, with
P&G leveraging those innovations through its marketing
and distribution muscle, thereby institutionalizing his own
wisdom.
By the same token, wise systems can promote and
reinforce the wisdom of individuals. In short, wise systems
can give rise to wise actors (arrow 9 in the downward
direction in Figure 1). Following Sternberg (1998; cf.
Bigelow 1992), wisdom is acquired by gaining tacit knowledge over time and is best developed through dialectical
processes; clearly, the more ambivalent experiences actors
have, the more opportunities they have to wrestle with
such processes (in the form of oppositional tendencies).
This suggests that a wise system, where ambivalence is
actively kept alive, may provide the seedbed for actors
Organization Science 25(5), pp. 1453–1478, © 2014 INFORMS
to become wise(r). For instance, Plambeck and Weber
(2010) found that organizational characteristics that supply
and facilitate diverse perspectives on a given issue, such
as ambidextrous strategies and the functional diversity
of the top management team, were more likely to have
CEOs who reported ambivalence toward strategic issues.
Although it is not clear what is cause and what is effect
here, wise actors and wise systems can reinforce each
other.
Even though wisdom appears far more likely to result
from a combination of wise actors in wise systems,
our interpretation of examples of ambivalence in the
literature suggests that it is possible for wisdom to result
from wise actors working within an “unwise” system
or from “unwise” actors working within a wise system.
In short, the wisdom of the actors or of the system can
compensate for its absence in the other. Whereas the
popular press has many stories of heroic and often wise
innovators, whistleblowers, and leaders salvaging faulty
organizations, the notion of unwise actors in a wise
system is less obvious. In Ashforth and Reingen’s (2014)
study of a natural food co-op, advocates of the business
values and advocates of the idealistic values tended to
stubbornly deny and resist the views of their opponents.
The authors liken the dynamics to the oppositional politics
of Democrats and Republicans in the American political
system (cf. Maybury-Lewis and Almagor 1989). In the
co-op, wisdom was not a function of the actors but of
the system that forcibly juxtaposed their views. Thus, as
Bierly et al. (2000, p. 597) note, “[O]rganizations can
act wisely even though it may not be possible to ascribe
wisdom to any individual actor within the organization.”
Can unwise actors in unwise systems nonetheless enact
holism in response to ambivalence? It seems very unlikely.
Given that wisdom is in part the capacity to simultaneously
acknowledge and embrace oppositional orientations, it
is difficult to see how an unwise actor in an unwise
system would have the wherewithal to truly engage such
orientations. That said, unwise actors in an unwise system
may nonetheless be induced to attempt the processes that
typify wisdom, as when external consultants try to restore
an organization’s health (e.g., Lüscher and Lewis 2008),
or may, through trial and error, discover such processes.
Thus, unwise actors in an unwise system need not be
a permanent condition. In sum, wise actors and wise
systems are mutually reinforcing, as a holistic approach
to ambivalence reinforces and further develops wisdom.
Positive and Negative Outcomes. The discussion above
suggests that holism is generally most effective when the
full integrity of both orientations needs to be preserved,
coupled with an actor who has sufficient discretion or
agency—or a system with sufficient resources—to enact
both the demanding process and the (typically) complex
“resolution” of the underlying causes of the ambivalence.
But how can individuals or collectives know when the full
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integrity of opposing orientations needs to be preserved?
They may have to engage in holistic processes to even
discern whether there is indeed an integrity that should and
can be honored; therefore holism represents something of
a leap of faith. That said, the desirability of full integrity
is likely to be signaled before the fact by (1) the issue’s
apparent significance (e.g., an issue that deeply affects
an actor’s goals and functions, a persistent or recurring
issue, an issue with key stakeholders aligned with each
orientation) and (2) potential synergies that may be
realized from simultaneously holding or even integrating
the orientations (e.g., perceiving an opportunity to learn
and innovate, recognizing that the positive orientation
needs to be tempered by the concerns fueling the negative
orientation) (cf. Martin 2009, Thomas 1992).
Our discussion above also suggests the following
positive outcomes of holism: (1) neither orientation is
diminished; (2) growth in the actor’s understanding and
appreciation of the object, fostering commitment to and
trust in the object; (3) adaptability, that is, retaining the
capacity to act in multiple and seemingly inconsistent
ways, depending on the situation; and (4) acting as a
change agent, that is, mindfully nudging the object (or system) in positive ways even while expressing the actor’s
belief in the integrity of the object. However, a problematic feature of holism is that the requisite wisdom is very
difficult to cultivate and sustain, and it is often unclear
what specific behaviors should flow from wisdom in any
event. Not surprisingly, then, Weick (1998) acknowledges
that the pursuit of an attitude of wisdom—ambivalence
that tempers knowing with doubting—can undermine
confidence and impair action (see also Pratt and Pradies
2011). Furthermore, by actively keeping both orientations
alive, holism may not relieve the discomfort that attends
ambivalence.
Finally, as with compromise, to recognize a holistic
response, other actors must be aware of the issue that
prompted the ambivalence. As noted, observers expect
consistency and decisiveness from actors rather than
expressions of ambivalence (Rothman and Wiesenfeld
2007). Thus, as with the vacillating form of black and
white compromise, holism may result in behaviors that
appear to others to be inconsistent in the short term—
even if, when considered as a series over time, they
are actually quite nuanced and respect the totality of
the object. In short, because the effectiveness of holism
is often only revealed over time, holism may lead to
the actor being perceived as indecisive, inconsistent, or
hypocritical, at least in the short term. For example, Cha
and Edmondson (2006) studied a company whose CEO
espoused employees’ best interests and being a family
as key values. When the company more than doubled
in size over three years, employees made hypocritical
attributions about the CEO’s actions, viewing this growth
as threatening their best interests (e.g., loss of camaraderie). However, in an interview with the authors, the
CEO said he actually viewed growth, in part, as a vehicle
for employee development and wage growth. This cautionary tale implies that the negative attributions arising
from seemingly inconsistent actions can be mitigated and
even reversed if the actor is able to clearly articulate a
compelling need for holism.
To summarize, Figure 2 depicts a conceptual framework for organizing actors’ responses to ambivalence in
organizational settings and underscores that each response
is associated with certain trade-offs that may make it,
depending on the situation, functional or dysfunctional.
The main arguments are summarized in Table 3.
Discussion
Ambivalence is defined as simultaneously positive and
negative orientations toward an object. We developed a
multilevel perspective on ambivalence in organizations
that demonstrates how this phenomenon is integral to
cognitive/emotional processes and important outcomes.
Specifically, we argued that ambivalence results from
oppositions (a demand for A and not-A) manifested in
organizational contexts as hybrid identities, contradictory
goals, role conflicts; dualities; multifaceted objects; and
temporal factors. As displayed in Figure 1, these oppositions can trigger ambivalence at the individual level
or collective level of analysis, which may diffuse to the
other level through cognitive (sensemaking, sensegiving)
and emotional (emotional contagion, emotions-as-socialinformation/emotional comparison) processes and prompt
responses at each level (i.e., avoidance, domination, compromise, holism).
Although previous research has identified various
defense and coping mechanisms for responding to ambivalence, it focused on a limited set of the potential responses
and lacked a conceptual framework for organizing these
responses. Crossing two dimensions—a focus on the
positive orientation toward the object in question and a
focus on the negative orientation—enabled us to organize
the better-known responses under the labels of avoidance
(the focus on each is low), compromise (each is moderate),
and domination (one is low and one is high) and to
identify an intriguing but little-known response that we
dubbed holism (each orientation is high). We argued
that each response is applicable at the individual and
collective levels of analysis and provided examples from
the literature, although the original authors, of course,
had not employed our framework. As summarized in
Table 3, each response has positive and negative outcomes
and is most effective under certain conditions. However,
holism tends to be the most difficult to attain as it requires
embracing both orientations simultaneously, suggesting
the need for wise actors and/or wise systems. An image
of the ambivalent and wise actor starkly contrasts with
the popular image of an ambivalent actor as confused and
indecisive (i.e., weak; see Rothman and Wiesenfeld 2007).
Ashforth et al.: Ambivalence in Organizations: A Multilevel Approach
1470
Table 3
Organization Science 25(5), pp. 1453–1478, © 2014 INFORMS
Actor Responses to Ambivalence: Description, Examples, Outcomes, and Conditions
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Avoidance
Domination
Compromise
Holism
Description
• The nonconscious and/or • The nonconscious and/or
conscious evasion of the
conscious bolstering of
ambivalence caused by
one orientation so that it
the opposing
overwhelms the other.
orientations.
• Typically reactive rather
• Typically reactive rather
than proactive.
than proactive.
Examples
• Arribas-Ayllon et al. (2009) • Librarians felt humanistic • Internal organizational
• Nurses who smoked
consultants felt ambivalent
discuss the ambivalence
concern toward
were ambivalent about
because they
felt among professionals
homeless individuals
their responsibility for
involved in genetic
who occupied their
advising patients against
simultaneously felt attached
library but also felt
smoking. When a need
counseling who could see
as insiders of the
responsible for
for such advice
organization and detached
the benefits but also
appeared low, some
as objective evaluators.
eliminating disruptions to
sensed moral danger in
nurses tended to avoid
Wright (2009, p. 319) found
patrons. In response to
the practice. In response
that some consultants
the resulting
advising patients against
to parents seeking a
ambivalence, librarians
smoking (Radsma and
viewed their unique position
genetic test for their child
Bottorff 2009).
vacillated in their
of being both “insiders”
without considering the
• Tracy (2004) found that
behavior (e.g., at times
(employees) and “outsiders”
ethical implications, the
calling police to remove
correctional facilities
(roving consultants) as a
professionals alleviated
propounded
“positive source of strength
their ambivalence by citing
the homeless, at other
times calling social
contradictory
“extreme case scenarios”
and distinctiveness.”
agencies to provide
(p. 183) that painted the
• A natural food cooperative
organizational norms
help) (Pratt and Dutton
regarding the behavior of
parents as unreasonable.
experienced tension
2000).
officers toward inmates • Bowles (1991), interpreting
between its idealistic values
(e.g., nurture versus
Kriegler (1980), describes • Strategic alliances
(which supported the
discipline). However, the
the ambivalence that a
involve certain dialectical
organization’s mission) and
group of shipyard
its business values (which
facilities’ cultures made
tensions (e.g.,
managers felt from
kept the organization
cooperation–
the complex tensions
inflicting terrible work
financially sound).
competition) that are
seem straightforward
The organization kept the
likely to provoke
conditions on workers with
and strongly
resulting ambivalence in
whom they empathized. To
ambivalence (e.g., we
discouraged officers
reconcile the demeaning
play by meetings that tacitly
should cooperate and
from asking questions,
work they demanded of
surfaced the tension,
not cooperate).
thereby promoting
complemented with certain
good people, the
Accordingly, strategic
avoidance of the
rituals that helped regulate
managers demeaned the
alliances may opt for
resulting ambivalence.
the resulting conflicts (e.g.,
workers, allowing the
“balancing” the opposing
appeals to collective
managers to see both the
tensions (Das and Teng
interest, apologies for
work and workers
2000, p. 84).
rudeness) (Ashforth and
negatively.
Reingen 2014).
• The simultaneous and
• A typically conscious
typically conscious
give-and-take between
the opposing orientations
acceptance of both
opposing orientations.
— Gray compromise
• Typically proactive rather
— Black and white
than reactive.
compromise.
• Proactive or reactive.
•
Outcomes: Positive • Reduces tension to a
• Maintains each
• Alleviates tension, aligns
more tolerable level,
orientation.
thoughts and feelings with
enabling performance
• May lead to positive
behavior.
(e.g., realistic, practical)
and the other responses • May lead to positive (e.g.,
attributions by other
to ambivalence.
decisive, clear) attributions
actors who are aware of
by other actors who are
the issue prompting
unaware of the issue
ambivalence.
prompting ambivalence.
•
•
Causes both orientations to
be fully embraced,
facilitating growth in
understanding and
appreciation of the object as
well as commitment to the
object.
Facilitates adaptability.
Enables acting as a change
agent.
• Reinforces wisdom.
• May lead to positive (e.g.,
prudent) attributions by
other actors if the actor
articulates a compelling
need for holism.
Ashforth et al.: Ambivalence in Organizations: A Multilevel Approach
1471
Organization Science 25(5), pp. 1453–1478, © 2014 INFORMS
Table 3
(cont’d)
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Avoidance
Domination
Outcomes: Negative • May prevent recognition • Sacrifices integrity of both
orientations.
of ambivalence,
• May be biased toward
inhibiting learning and
whatever orientation is
problem solving.
initially stronger or more
• May prove futile; may
salient, or is the least
backfire and render
uncomfortable, rather than
ambivalence more
the most effective.
salient.
• May lead to negative (e.g.,
• May lead to negative
simplistic, reckless)
attributions by other
attribtuions by other actors
actors if the issue is
who are aware of the issue
regarded as important.
and see merit in both
orientations.
Conditions under
which it is most
effective
• Immediate action is not
required.
• The actor has low
discretion or agency.
Compromise
Holism
• May be difficult to
• May be difficult to
implement the process,
cultivate and sustain an
and the outcomes may
attitude of wisdom.
be elusive.
• Is often unclear what
• May lead to negative
behaviors should result.
(e.g., inconsistent,
• May not relieve
hypocritical) attributions
discomfort.
about vacillation by other • May lead to negative
(e.g., inconsistent,
actors, absent
hypocritical) attributions
awareness of the issue
by other actors, absent
prompting ambivalence.
an articulated need.
• The core of both orientations • Neither orientation alone • The full integrity of both
is sufficient (gray or
does not need to be
orientations needs to be
black and white
preserved.
preserved.
compromise), or the core • The actor has high
• The actor must choose
of both orientations
between mutually exclusive
discretion or agency (or,
needs to be preserved
orientations.
in the case of wise
systems, the system has
(black and white
• One orientation is actually
sufficient resources).
compromise).
counterproductive.
• The actor has low discretion • The actor has at least
or agency.
moderate discretion or
agency.
Implications for Future Research
Our analysis suggests numerous possibilities for future
research. We see the following five as particularly important. First, we argued that the specific organizational
triggers of ambivalence are amenable to various responses,
subject to the contingencies in Table 3 (see the “Conditions under which it is most effective” row). Future
research should explore this argument. For example, perhaps certain triggers are more controllable by actors (e.g.,
hybrid identities versus a multifaceted job), encouraging
more proactive and substantive responses. Or perhaps
stakeholders hold normative expectations regarding the
appropriate ways of addressing specific triggers, thereby
limiting actors’ response repertoire. For instance, investors
with a long-term stake in a corporation may have little
tolerance for the use of avoidance in the face of the
change–continuity, global–local, or quality–efficiency
dualities.
Second, our discussion of the four responses did not
distinguish between the individual and collective levels
of analysis. Indeed, each response has analogs at both
levels of analysis, with the exception of specific tactics
such as structural differentiation and integration, which
cannot be enacted at the individual level. Importantly,
though, it appears that ambivalence is easier to respond to
(albeit not necessarily more effectively) at the collective
level than at the individual level because members of the
collective can help socially construct and sustain a reality
that objective observers would disavow (e.g., Choo 1996,
Hardin and Higgins 1996). Prime examples include the
avoidance responses of denial and splitting (e.g., Smith
and Berg 1987, Wexler 1993). Indeed, responses may
become institutionalized—even if they are not particularly effective—such that they become taken-for-granted
aspects of organizational life. Argyris (1985, 1990), for
instance, writes of the reflexive defense mechanisms in
organizations that routinely block desirable change. Future
research should determine the applicability and boundary conditions of the various techniques for managing
ambivalence at each level of analysis.
Third, we identified holism as an intriguing but littleresearched phenomenon. Future research should focus
on assessing and fleshing out our description of holism.
In particular, we argued that wise actors embrace opposing
orientations toward an object via mindfulness, both/and
thinking, and informed choice. What synergies exist
among these processes? What contextual factors are most
conducive and least conducive to each practice? Are there
additional processes through which wisdom is enacted?
To what extent are holistic responses to ambivalence
trainable and what specific practices might help cultivate
wisdom? For instance, we noted that wise systems may
help foster wise actors by actively keeping ambivalence
alive and stimulating dialectical thinking. We described a
wise system as a set of practices embodied in culture and
structure for embracing opposing orientations. Are there
particular sets of values, beliefs, norms, and assumptions
that are necessary for a wise system, or is wisdom more
of a “fuzzy set” of cultural properties? Differentiation
and nondifferentiation suggest diametrically different
Ashforth et al.: Ambivalence in Organizations: A Multilevel Approach
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1472
structural approaches for institutionalizing wisdom; under
what conditions is each approach preferable? For example,
because differentiation essentially removes the burden
of ambivalence from single actors (by distributing the
opposing orientations across actors), it is likely more
accommodating of unwise actors than is nondifferentiation. Finally, we discussed how wise actors and wise
systems are mutually reinforcing. Future research might
also explore means of fostering and sustaining the wisdom of both actors and systems, such as through the
institutionalization of external reviews, devil’s advocates,
and training in counterfactual thinking (cf. remedies for
groupthink and escalation of commitment; see, e.g., Ku
2008). Might it be possible to create reinforcing systems
that create virtuous cycles of wisdom?
Fourth, whereas we have treated the responses to
ambivalence separately, future research should examine
how they relate to one another. For instance, we mentioned that avoidance may reduce debilitating tension
and thereby facilitate compromise and holism. Similarly, compromise may serve as a fallback if holism
fails. Although the responses appear to generally serve
as substitutes (e.g., domination may obviate the need
for holism), a given response may prove inadequate at
rendering the ambivalence less intense, thus provoking
another response. In particular, one general response trajectory may be to move “up the ladder” toward typically
more conscious, proactive, and effortful responses in the
search for a resolution of the intense ambivalence; that is,
avoidance → domination → gray compromise → black
and white compromise → holism. For example, Gilbert
(2006) discusses how a newspaper organization initially
framed the emergence of the Internet as an opportunity
but, in the face of setbacks, it responded to the presumable
ambivalence by reframing it as a major threat (domination).
However, with continued experience, the organization
came to see the Internet as both an opportunity (for its
online division) and a threat (for its print division), with
the corporate level providing the strategic integration
(holism). Conversely, an actor may be overwhelmed by
the tension caused by a failed response; may dismiss
more conscious, proactive, and effortful responses as
untenable; or may not even consider the possibility of
such responses. In such cases, the actor may move “down
the ladder.” Future research exploring such trajectories
will add a welcome dynamic element to the model.
Finally, the integrative framework of responses to
ambivalence may help shed new light on a variety of
organizational studies’ topics across levels of analysis,
from decision making to motivation, groupthink to group
conflict, and organizational learning to organizational
design. A prime example is leadership. We noted earlier that leaders may express and thereby sow their
ambivalence in the organization. Although the literature
typically regards this as quite dysfunctional (e.g., Larson
and Tompkins 2005, Rothman and Wiesenfeld 2007),
Organization Science 25(5), pp. 1453–1478, © 2014 INFORMS
our analysis suggests that there are times when leaders
should actively sow ambivalence as a means of fostering
personal growth, nuanced decision making, adaptation,
and creativity. Thus, perspectives on transformational
leadership, spiritual leadership, and servant leadership
may be enriched by considering the potential role of
ambivalence in fomenting actor change. Furthermore,
given that each of the four responses to ambivalence is
most effective under certain conditions, and that there
are various ways that a given response can be enacted,
leaders can serve as potent role models for when and
how to enact the responses. Finally, leaders likely act
as important conduits for institutionalizing responses to
ambivalence in the culture and structure of organizations.
Our larger point, then, is that the model of responses
to ambivalence has the potential to inform a variety of
traditional organizational topics in novel ways.
Conclusion
Far from indicating a rare and negative experience, ambivalence appears to be ubiquitous in organizational settings
and—although uncomfortable—ambivalence has the potential to help foster growth and richly nuanced behavior.
The discussion helps inform our understanding of how
organizational triggers foster ambivalence at the collective
and individual levels of analysis, how ambivalence diffuses across levels, and how actors are likely to respond to
ambivalence and with what positive and negative effects.
Acknowledgments
The authors thank David Sluss, Lu Wang, senior editor Stuart
Bunderson and three anonymous reviewers, along with audience
members at presentations at Australian National University,
Boston College, Chinese University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong
Polytechnic University, Hong Kong University of Science and
Technology, London Business School, Rice University, University of Alberta, University of California at Berkeley, University
of Melbourne, University of Southern California, University of
Texas at Austin, University of Western Australia, and Virginia
Commonwealth University for their very helpful comments
on earlier drafts of the paper. An earlier version of the paper
was also presented at the 2010 meeting of the Academy of
Management in Montreal.
Endnotes
1
Pratt and Pradies (2011), who are primarily interested in
“positive” responses to ambivalence, suggest that responses may
vary in terms of their likelihood of leading to narrowed or
expanded avenues for future action. This shifts the basis of
comparison to response potentials. Because of our interest in
understanding how responses relate to each other in terms of
their orientations toward the same target (rather than in the
future responses they might engender), we arrive at a very
different way to organize responses.
2
Given that cognition and emotion are typically intertwined
(Elfenbein 2007)—particularly in cases of intense ambivalence—
we will not explore differences between cognitive ambivalence
and emotional ambivalence (see Lavine et al. 1998 for a
Ashforth et al.: Ambivalence in Organizations: A Multilevel Approach
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Organization Science 25(5), pp. 1453–1478, © 2014 INFORMS
treatment of affective–cognitive ambivalence; Conner and
Armitage 2008 for attitudinal ambivalence, which combines
cognition and affect; and Rothman and Wiesenfeld 2007 for
emotional ambivalence).
3
Building off work by Smith and Berg (1987) at the group
level and Weick (2002) at a broader network level, Pradies and
Pratt (2010) argue that collectives can be conceptualized as
ambivalent when they are composed of actors who (1) are each
ambivalent (holographic ambivalence) or (2) are not ambivalent
themselves but who hold thoughts or feelings that directly
oppose those of other actors such that the collective can be said
to be ambivalent (ideographic ambivalence). Because of our
interest in a multilevel model, and because there is not a direct
individual-level correlate with ideographic ambivalence (which
requires multiple actors), we will focus mainly on holographic
ambivalence.
4
Kozlowski and Klein (2000, p. 16) contrast composition effects
with “compilation” effects—that is, when members of the
collective have divergent perspectives/experiences but, when
juxtaposed like pieces of a jigsaw puzzle, form a meaningful
pattern. Compilation effects are more relevant to arrow 2 in
Figure 1, as members of a collective socially construct a mutual
understanding of a given organizational trigger.
5
We recognize that for a given example of defense mechanisms
and coping mechanisms it is often impossible to know the
degree to which the response was indeed nonconscious or
conscious. In the examples below, we are inferring the level of
consciousness from the authors’ descriptions.
6
We say only “typically conscious” because holistic approaches
may be the product of “unwise” actors in a “wise” system (as
explained below) or may, through repeated enactment, become
at least somewhat automatic.
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Blake E. Ashforth is the Horace Steele Arizona Heritage
Chair at the W. P. Carey School of Business, Arizona State
University. He received his Ph.D. from the University of Toronto.
His research concerns the ongoing dance between individuals
and organizations, including identity and identification, socialization and newcomer adjustment, and the links among individual-,
group-, and organization-level phenomena.
Kristie M. Rogers is an assistant professor of organizational
behavior at the University of Kansas School of Business.
She received her Ph.D. from Arizona State University. Her
research interests include social interactions, relationships, and
the cognitive processes that shape perceptions of oneself and
Ashforth et al.: Ambivalence in Organizations: A Multilevel Approach
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1478
one’s organization. She is particularly interested in the topics of
respect, identity, and identification.
Michael G. Pratt is the O’Connor Family Professor in the
Management and Organization Department at Boston College.
He earned his Ph.D. from the University of Michigan. His
research interests include how individuals connect with the
work that they do, as well as with the organizations, professions,
and occupations in which they find themselves. Theoretically,
Organization Science 25(5), pp. 1453–1478, © 2014 INFORMS
his research draws heavily from theories of identity and identification, meaning, emotion (e.g., ambivalence), intuition, and
culture (e.g., artifacts).
Camille Pradies is a doctoral student in the Management and
Organization Department of the Carroll School of Management
at Boston College. Her current research focuses on ambivalence
and identity—and on organizational and institutional conditions
that influence them.