Report
TOWARDS FOOD SOVEREIGNTY
FOOD RIGHTS AND DISCRIMINATIONS
IN ASIA
Dr. Ramanath Nayak
Submitted to
Programme for Campaigns & Advocacy
ACTIONAID ASIA
New Delhi
TOWARDS FOOD SOVEREIGNTY
FOOD RIGHTS AND DISCRIMINATIONS
1. UNDERSTANDING DISCRIMINATION/EXCLUSION VIS-À-VIS
FOOD RIGHTS
Discrimination knows no boundary. Whites discriminate with Blacks,
Upper Castes with the Lowers and Dalits, men with women and both
discriminate with the children, particularly with the girl children.
Societies have been upholding, practicing and supporting this since time
immemorial and have resisted those who opposed this. It is practiced
differently in different cultures and could be based on gender, insideroutsider,
able-disable,
anything else.
rich-poor,
settled-migrant,
weak-strong,
or
Some of the bases of discrimination normally we talk
about are race, ethnicity, region, colour, sex, language, caste, creed,
political opinion, occupation and place of birth. But it is essentially
based on the principle of one being superior to other and hence this
feeling of superiority or the authority motivates, encourages, and
supports discrimination. It is essentially exclusivist in nature prohibiting
the discriminated from enjoying equal rights, equal dignity and equal
opportunity of fuller growth of human personality. Discrimination is not
practiced within the confines of family or few communities or cultures,
but it is pervading in Asia, Africa, Australia, Americas, Europe, and may
be in Antarctica, too. Existence of discrimination is a threat to the
advancement of human civilization and have potential of leaving a large
number of people suffering from poverty, and malnutrition unattended
and hence putting their physical, financial and food security unrealized.
Discrimination based on race, ethnicity, caste, creed, work, descent,
colour, sex, and place of birth are visible at home, work place, in the
socio-economic and political access of wages, wealth, rights and
1
obligations. Certain sections of the people world over like the Dalits in
South Asia, Burakumins of Japan, Bedouins of West Asia, Akhdams of
Yemen, Aborigines of Australia, Canada, and New Zealand, Blacks or
people of African origin in Americas and world over and many more
people in other parts of the world are discriminated by birth or no fault of
theirs. Haris, Dalits, Musalmeens in Pakistan, Kamayyas in Nepal,
Bandhua mazdoors (bonded labourers) in India, Quiloblolas in Latin
America, Soin-khoons in Africa are few more to add this list of
discriminated people of the world.
These discriminated people suffer
from a number of disabilities, which have historic roots, which world
community has tried to address through a scores of international
treaties, covenants, and commitments. Every country has taken steps to
overcome institutionalised discrimination through scores of legislation,
strategies and action-programmes. But it so encompassing and complex
that unless every aspect socio-economic rights is addressed keeping this
in view, it is unlikely that all human beings, particularly the
discriminated, would enjoy them fully. Food security and right to food
would be futile for discriminated people unless their socio-economic and
political abilities-inabilities are not central to these commitments.
Today there are more than 852 million people in the world without
access to sufficient food (Sanchez, et al. 2005:19). They are chronically or
acutely malnourished. Asia happened to be the home of largest number
of such people. One cannot deny the fact that out of the total poor people
majority are the minorities, indigenous, migrants, displaced, etc. The
poor and hungry people are often facing the social and political
exclusion. They are not in a position to demand their minimum rights to
lead a humanly life. They are also the people who are unable to access
education, health services and drinking water equally.
2
The right to food has been recognized as a valid and fundamental right of
the individual, without which the political and economic rights and
freedoms are meaningless. The hunger and malnutrition are painful
realities today and Global food supplies have for many years been more
than adequate to feed the world's population (Pinstrup-Andersen et al.).
The problem is not at the levels of production and conservation of food
but at the distribution end. The nation-states have miserably failed to
serve their populations. Neither they respect, protect, and fulfill the right
to food nor they are making any effort to meet minimum obligations ‘to
the maximum of available resources’. In such a gloomy situation the
non-state actors have huge responsibilities. Internationally, states and
international organizations have been making efforts to cooperate in
‘joint and separate action’ to achieve the full realization of the right to
food. They are putting enormous pressure on the governments to make
them more accountable and sensitive towards the well being of the
poorer sections. It is a general perception that the situation of the world
would be different if food right were made a legal right of every individual,
which have been the struggle of the international community for
decades.
“All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights”.
Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms without distinction of
any kind “such as race ... national or social origin, property, birth or
other status” (article 1&2 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights).
Like other forms of discrimination any distinction, exclusion, restriction
or preference based on work and descent which has the purpose or effect
of nullifying or impeding the recognition, enjoyment or exercise by all
persons, on an equal footing, of all rights and freedoms contravenes the
spirit and letter of international human rights law.
3
The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights recognizes that
all persons are entitled to the equal protection of the law “without any
discrimination”
(art.
26).
The
International
Convention
on
the
Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination specifically prohibits
discrimination based on “descent” which the Committee on the
Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD) has interpreted to mean not
solely race but tribal or caste distinctions as well (Goonesekere, 2001:3).
The International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights
recognizes the right of everyone “to gain his living by work which he
freely chooses or accepts” (article 6, para. 1).
Discrimination based on work and descent is a long-standing practice in
many societies throughout the world and affects a large portion of the
world’s population.
Discrimination based on descent manifests itself
most notably in caste- (or tribe-) based distinctions. These distinctions,
determined by birth, result in serious violations across the full spectrum
of civil, cultural, economic, political and social rights.
Likewise, the
nature of a person’s work or occupation is often the reason for, or a
result of, discrimination against the person. Persons who perform the
least
desirable
jobs
in
a
society
are
often
victims
of
double
discrimination, suffering first from the nature of the work they must
perform and suffering again by the denial of their rights because they
perform work that is unacceptable. In most cases, a person’s descent
determines or is intimately connected with the type of work they are
afforded in the society. Victims of discrimination based on descent are
singled out, not because of a difference in physical appearance or race,
but rather by their membership in an endogamous social group that has
been isolated socially and occupationally from other groups in the society
(Goonesekere, 2001:4).
4
1.1 Current Discourse on Discrimination and Food SecurityReview of Literature
The Universal Declaration of Human Rights of the United Nations (in its
Article 25) recognizes that "everyone has the right to a standard of living
adequate for the health and well-being of himself and his family,
including food … and the right to security in the event of unemployment,
sickness, disability, widowhood, old age or other lack of livelihood in
circumstances beyond his control" (Pinstrup-Andersen et al.: 1). The
Ontario Public Health Association defines Community food security (CFS)
as a strategy for ensuring secure access to adequate amounts of safe,
nutritious, culturally appropriate food for everyone, produced in an
environmentally sustainable way, and provided in a manner that
promotes human dignity (A position paper adopted by OPHA, November
2002:9). A basic principle of food security is defined as every individual’s
right to food to support life and the need for optimal nutrition to prevent
disease. The International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural
Rights further formalized the right to food as a basic human right. Article
11 of the covenant affirms “the State Parties to the present Covenant
recognize the right of everyone to an adequate standard of living for
himself and his family, including adequate food"(Pinstrup-Andersen et al.:
1).
The State Parties to the Covenant are needed
a) To improve methods of production, conservation and
distribution of food by making full use of technical and
scientific knowledge, by disseminating knowledge of the
principles of nutrition and by developing or reforming
agrarian systems in such a way as to achieve the most
efficient development and utilization of natural resources.
5
(b) Taking into account the problems of both food-importing
and
food-exporting
countries,
to
ensure
an
equitable
distribution of world food supplies in relation to need.
By the end of 1989, eighty-five states became the signatories of the
covenant.
A large number of international agencies have intervened through
research on the causes of hunger and corresponding action to eradicate
hunger and malnutrition. In 1974, the World Food Conference held by
the United Nations in Rome produced a Universal Declaration on the
Eradication of Hunger and Malnutrition that offered a vision of
eliminating hunger within a decade. The governments at the conference
described the causes of hunger as social inequalities, conflict, neocolonialism, and racial discrimination. They declared "that within a
decade no child will go to bed hungry, that no family will fear for its next
day's bread, and that no human being's future and capacities will be
stunted by malnutrition” (ibid: 1).
According to Katarina Tomasevski of the University of Utrecht, since
1920 more than 120 international declarations, conventions, and
resolutions have addressed various issues related to the right to food.
The 36 member states of the World Food Council met in Cairo in 1989 to
review global hunger 15 years after the World Food Conference, assess
effectiveness of current policies, and propose specific action in a
Programme of Cooperative Action. The same year 24 advocates, planners,
and scientists from 14 countries met in Bellagio (Italy) to set nutritional
goals that included halving world hunger by the year 2000. The United
Nations set similar goals at the World Summit for Children of 1990. The
UN International Conference on Nutrition in 1992 also set forth a World
Declaration and Plan of Action for Nutrition (ibid: 2). And in 2000, heads
of 190 countries became the signatory of the much-acclaimed UN
6
Millennium Development Goals (MDG) declarations, which aims at
halving the poverty by 2015. Besides poverty and hunger the MDGs
addresses the issues like malnutrition, universal education, gender
equality, maternal health and child mortality, diseases like HIV/AIDS,
environment, etc. Besides the food summits, 1992 Earth Summit set
targets for poverty reduction, health improvement, and improvement in
child nutrition, and the International Conference on Population and
Development in Cairo in 1994 named high child mortality, lack of health
and sanitation, and inadequate mother's health and nutrition as
essential components in a sustainable future.
Declaring the discrimination based on work and descent as a form of
discrimination prohibited by international human rights law, the SubCommission on the Promotion and Protection of Human Rights entrusted
Mr. Rajendra Kalidas Wimala Goonesekere with the task of preparing a
working paper on the topic of discrimination based on work and descent,
in order:
a.
To identify communities in which discrimination based on work
and descent continues to be experienced in practice;
b.
To examine existing constitutional, legislative and administrative
measures for the abolition of such discrimination; and
c.
To make any further concrete recommendations and proposals
for the effective elimination of such discrimination as may be
appropriate in the light of such examination.
The working paper submitted by Mr. Goonesekere noted that:
“The focus of this paper has been countries in Asia. At the time
the resolution was discussed in the Sub-Commission it was
mentioned that the problem was not limited to Asia alone and
that it existed in some parts of Africa and perhaps in South
America. The author has not been able to include in this paper
7
the situation in these other areas because of constraints of time
and lack of access to relevant material” (Commission on Human
Rights, 2004).
For a critical understanding of Global hunger, both in theory and
practice, academically as well as in policy-making, one has to
understand the social facts of it.
Amartya Sen’s proposition has
prominently made the case against a Malthusian etiology of population
growth and scarcity of food supply (Sen, 1981). The findings of his
empirical study of famines propose that the problem of hunger is not one
of food availability but a matter of unequal distribution (Thomas,
2001:575). The dismal reality that 36 million people die annually from
malnutrition while there is enough food to nourish every human being
has sparked a series of inquiries into the social, political and economic
structures that generate hunger at the domestic as well as global level
(<http://www.globalpolicy.org/socecon/hunger/2004/0330trade.htm>,
[14 Dec. 2004]). In the field of peace and conflict studies, the famous
concept of “structural violence” has been applied to describe a global
economic system in which “people are starving while this is objectively
avoidable” (Galtung, 1969:171). Within the study of international political
economy, dependency theories have turned to underdevelopment as a
product of world capitalism and a root cause of hunger, and in
international relations theory, world-system scholars have brought these
conditions into a relationship where, broadly speaking, “the relative
prosperity of the few is dependent on the destitution of the many”
(Germann: 4).
The
above
interpretations
are
a
challenge
to
the
conventional
interpretations of hunger as a naturally occurring and isolated
phenomenon and theorize what they perceive as a morally unbearable
human condition. Julian Germann turns to a human rights approach to
8
hunger, which emerged recently as a framework for policy-making, is
fundamentally based on the realization of the human right to food as it is
recognized
under
international
law
(<http://www.unhchr.ch/tbs/doc.nsf/(Symbol)/3d02758c707031d58025
677f003b73b9?Opendocument>). The problem of hunger has to be
defined in terms of a violation of a universal right, a human rights
perspective.
The ‘right to food’ discourse initiated by the 1996 World Food Summit
can be understood best as a process of norm development that is
centered on the definition and allocation of obligations. On the basis of
this
conceptualization,
Germann
seeks
to
analyze
the
different
interpretations given by social actors of the ‘right to food’ norm and to
provide an interpretation of the ideational structures underlying these
conflicting positions. According to the UN Special Rapporteur on the
Right to Food, the Intergovernmental Working Group (IGWG) of the Food
and Agricultural Organization (FAO) was the first time “Governments
have come together to debate fully the meanings and content of the right
to food” (UN Doc. A/59/385 (2004), Para. 32).
The right to food has been codified in international law, most
significantly in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948, and
the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights,
which entered into force in 1976. These documents, together with a
number of declarations, statements and programmes of action on
international food policy, form the backbone of the human right
approach to food, and are continuously referred to in the contemporary
‘right to food’ discourse. Despite their legally binding character, however,
the right to food was not further elaborated on in the human rights
system until the end of the 1970s and was only picked up by academic
writers in the mid-1980s (Germann: 10). In this sense, the right to food
9
shares the position frequently attributed to other supposedly secondary
economic,
social
and
cultural
rights
in
being
insufficiently
operationalized. FAO Council adopted the Voluntary Guidelines on 23
November 2004 when right to food became a policy issue.
1.2 Placing the Discriminated in the Centre of Discourse
While
explaining
the
basic
causes
of
poverty,
sociologists
have
increasingly focussed their attention on society as a whole and
particularly on the stratification system, rather than studying the poor in
isolation. “The description, analysis and explanation of poverty in any
country
must
proceed
within
the
context
of
general
theory
of
stratification”, Peter Townsend stated. From this perspective the poor
must be seen in terms of the stratification system as a whole. Questions
about the nature and functioning of stratification systems are directly
related to questions about poverty. Theories of stratification should
provide theories of poverty since the poor are part of stratification
systems-- the lower rung people (Haralambos & Heald, 1980:60-61).
The Dalits of South Asia not only suffer from the oppression of economic
exploitation but are also victims of social discrimination. These
resourceless people generally depend on agricultural labour, unclean and
unhygienic and other lowly paid professions. They continue to pursue
traditional occupation and are generally unable to avail themselves of the
new employment opportunities generated through various economic
development programmes. They are caught up in a vicious circle in
which they are dependent upon their exploiters for their sustenance and
are largely denied opportunities to develop the capability of attaining an
independent livelihood. The situation of other Socially Discriminated
communities like the Burakumins in Japan, Blacks of America and
Africa, Aboriginals, Bedouins of West Asia, Indigenous, Migrants,
10
Displaced, HIV/AIDS affected, and occupied are no way better than the
Dalits of South Asia so far their occupation and food security is
concerned.
There is a linkage between the food rights and discrimination. In South
Asia the socially vulnerable groups are economically vulnerable too.
These sections of people lack regular employment and income. They
mostly depend on the agriculture and agricultural labour. Due to the
globalization and WTO policy on Agriculture, these sections are again
discriminated. As they cannot secure regular employment for the entire
year they lack purchasing power. Among them a substantial number of
people are engaged in unclean and menial jobs. There is a relationship
between the unclean profession and food security. Food insecurity
compels them to opt for such profession. In this process they are not
been able to come out from the vicious circle for generations.
2. DISCRIMINATIONS AND FOOD RIGHTS
2.1 The Discrimination and Food Rights: Concepts and Definitions
Food security mainly relates with the production, distribution and
pricing of food grains and thus brings agriculture, Public Distribution
System (PDS) and the subsidy structure into focus. The right to food as a
legal right at the international or country level is still not available,
although it has since been asserted in many international documents.
The quest for food security the avoidance of hunger and famine is as old
as civil society itself. Adequate nutrition and food security are important
outcomes of development: conversely, they are vital contributors to the
development process. However, food security as a concept was initially
seen in the 1970s mainly as a `food problem', particularly that of (a)
ensuring production of adequate food supplies, and (b) maximizing
11
stability in their flow (Overseas Development Institute, 1997:2). That view
led to a focus on international measures to reduce price variability and
finance additional costs of exceptional imports, and to self-sufficiency
strategies at a national level. In 1983, FAO expanded its concept to
include a third prong, securing access by vulnerable people to available
supplies, drawing a balance between the demand and supply side of the
food security equation. The world food problem is not synonymous with
the world hunger and food insecurity problem. Achieving longer-term
food security is inextricably linked to overcoming other world crises of
population, unemployment, debt, energy, environment and political
security all problems with a significant national and local component
that breed negatively on each other. The broader concept of food security
is reflected in the World Food Summit definition: ‘food security, at the
individual, household, national, regional and global levels [is achieved]
when all people, at all times, have physical and economic access to
sufficient, safe and nutritious food to meet their dietary needs and food
preferences for an active and healthy life'. It recognized that poverty is ‘a
major cause of food insecurity and [that] sustainable progress in poverty
eradication is critical to improving access to food', but noted that
‘conflict, terrorism, corruption and environmental degradation also
contribute
significantly
to
food
insecurity.'
From
the
relatively
straightforward concept of ‘food self-sufficiency’, a counter-intuitive view
of development has thus emerged, based on the premise that those who
are short of food will only be able to obtain it in the longer run if they can
pay for it, leading to the concept of ‘food self-reliance’. This view has
highlighted the importance of employment and markets; it also
underscores the need for safety nets and market protection for the
unemployed and other vulnerable groups. However, some forms of
protection
such
as
general
consumer
subsidies
have
sometimes
disrupted the functioning of markets and undermined comparative
12
advantage, leading to the call for market liberalization. The complex
chain of causality goes on, leading back to food insecurity.
2.2 What Is the Right to Food?
A secure food system is to come from a stable, technology-enhanced
food industry, lowering of farm risks, high production levels, support for
value-added food products, open markets, and increased global free
trade with strong trade rules and global cooperation. Low food prices and
food
banks
make
most
citizens
food
secure.
The
international
declarations asserting the right to food do not imply that states shall be
responsible for directly fulfilling individuals' need for and right to food.
Rather, the state is obligated to facilitate individual efforts to meet food
needs by creating an economic, political, and social environment that will
allow its entire people to achieve food security. Hunger and malnutrition
are caused not just by a lack of economic activity, but also by poverty,
income disparities, and lack of access to health care, education, clean
water, and sanitary living conditions. It is the obligation of the state to
redress these problems. Only when individuals do not have the capacity
to meet their food needs for reasons beyond their control, such as age,
handicap, economic downturn, famine, disaster, or discrimination, does
the right to food imply that the state must physically provide food
(Pinstrup-Andersen et al.: 1).
Since the first declarations, the world has made significant progress in
reducing the incidence of malnutrition and increasing global food
security. Energy, protein, and micronutrient deficiencies have declined
significantly. Early warning systems and well-managed humanitarian
assistance have averted deaths from famine due to natural disaster. East
Asia cut its number of food-insecure people by 50 percent in two
decades. The factors that contribute to food security are today much
13
better understood, and it is now possible to define concrete goals along
the way to achieving nutritional security or freedom from hunger at the
country level. Freeing the world from hunger, however, is still very much
an unrealised dream (ibid: 1).
2.3 Determinants of Poverty/Hunger2.3.1 HOW DISCRIMINATION AGGRAVATES FOOD
INSECURITY?
Hunger is one piece of a complex of interrelated social ills. It is linked
intricately to global economic, political, and social power structures;
modes of development and consumption; population dynamics, and
social biases based on race, ethnicity, gender, and age. The major factors
of poverty/hunger are as follows (Cohen and Reeves, 1995:4):
(1) Poverty and Powerlessness- One of the main causes of hunger is
poverty--lack of purchasing power and access to resources. Worldwide,
1.3 billion people live on less than US$1 per day. Nearly one-third of the
people in developing countries are poor; the figure rises to 70 to 80
percent of the population in Sub-Saharan Africa. Poverty is linked not
only with poor national economic performance but also with an unequal
distribution of income and a political structure that renders poor people
powerless, whether in a democracy or a dictatorship.
(2) Population, Consumption, and the Environment- The world's
population is growing very fast, which is expected to about 8 billion by
2020 from its current 5.5 billion. More than 93 percent of this increase
will occur in lower-income countries. Debate is ongoing over whether the
earth can support its growing population without severe ecological
damage. Even if the world's population stabilizes by the mid-21st
century, food production will have to double. Pessimists see this
requirement as beyond the planet's "carrying capacity." But optimists
14
expect continued innovations, such as the recent breakthrough in rice
breeding, to meet this demand.
Globally, incomes and consumption differ starkly. Twenty percent of the
world's population--mostly in industrial countries--receives 85 percent of
the world's income and accounts for 80 percent of consumption,
producing two-thirds of all greenhouse gases and 90 percent of ozonedepleting
chlorofluorocarbons.
This
level
of
consumption
is
not
sustainable at the global level. If the current global population lived as
the richest 20 percent do, consumption of energy would increase 10
times and minerals 200 times.
Fresh water, land, forests, and fisheries are today being used at or
beyond capacity. In the competition for resources, poor and hungry
people, lacking economic and political clout, become even more
marginalized. Especially in countries where landholdings are inequitable,
poor families are forced to move onto fragile land and often to
overcrowded cities.
(3) Violence and Militarism- New and continuing civil strife are the
source of severe human disasters in Afghanistan, Burma, Mozambique,
Nagorno-Karabakh, Rwanda, Somalia, Sri Lanka, Sudan, the former
Yugoslavia, Iraq, and elsewhere. Most victims of these conflicts are
innocent civilians, not combatants. A study by Frances Stewart found
that in 14 of 16 developing countries at war since 1970, per capita food
consumption dropped, by more than 15 percent in 6 of them. War slows
or stops food production and marketing. Food supplies are plundered
and used as instruments of war, crop cycles are interrupted, seeds and
breeding livestock are consumed in desperation, and children suffer
permanent damage as a result of insufficient food.
15
Even if fighting never occurs, heavy military spending drains resources
away from food production, education, and health care. Global military
spending declined from its peak of $1 trillion in 1987 to an estimated
$767 billion (still more than the total income of the poorest 45 percent of
the world's population) in 1994. Some of the savings have shifted to
national
social
programs,
but
none
have
gone
to
international
development assistance. Developing countries spend $125 billion per
year on military forces. One-quarter of this would provide primary health
care for all their citizens, reduce adult literacy by half, and provide family
planning to all willing couples.
(4) Caste, Racism and Ethnocentrism- Racial discrimination and
competition between ethnic groups have caused hunger, malnutrition,
and resource deprivation for black populations in South Africa and the
Americas, Indians in Latin America, Dalits in India, Kurds in Iraq, and
Tamils in Sri Lanka, to name just a few. In Sudan, discrimination
against the black Christian and animist south by the predominantly
Arab Muslim north has locked the country in civil war for decades. Both
sides use food as a weapon, and malnutrition rates are the highest ever
documented--80 percent in some areas. In recent years, 1.3 million
people have died from famine and disease. In 1994, the United Nations
estimated that 2.5 million Sudanese required food aid. Between 1980
and 1991, per capita food production in the south declined by 29
percent.
While the problems are immense and complicated, some countries have
triumphed over racial differences. Zimbabwe has achieved social
integration without substantial racial strife, offering a model for
achieving multiracial democracy and reduced hunger in nearby South
Africa.
16
(5) Gender Discrimination- Because women bear and nourish children,
they have special nutritional needs. Yet women of every age have
disproportionately higher rates of malnutrition than men and are over
represented among poor, illiterate, and displaced people. Malnutrition
among mothers also has a negative effect on the growth of children.
Almost universally women work longer hours than men and carry
primary responsibility for household chores even when working outside
the home. Women's wage rates are nearly universally lower than those
for men (on average, 30 to 40 percent lower), even for equivalent work.
Women's needs and rights are receiving greater weight in development
efforts, but there is still a long way to go before women and men around
the world have equal economic, social, and political opportunities.
(6) Vulnerability of Children and Elderly People - The effects of
childhood malnutrition last a lifetime, and even into succeeding
generations. Malnutrition is a factor in one-third of the 13 million annual
deaths of children under five years old. The number of malnourished
children under five in the developing world rose from 168 million in 1975
to 184 million in 1990, but fell as a share of all developing-country
children from 42 to 34 percent. Vitamin and mineral deficiencies are less
easily noticed, but they can severely retard the growth and mental
development of children. The 1990 World Summit for Children pledged to
halve malnutrition among children under five by the year 2000. Progress
is uneven, but generally encouraging.
Elderly
people
are
disproportionately
vulnerable
to
hunger
and
malnutrition in both industrial and developing countries. Elderly
populations are growing everywhere as people live longer, and with
changing lifestyles and family structures, the elderly in many countries
are receiving less care from the family. Strategies to care for the
increasing number of aged over the next 25 years need to be developed.
17
2.3.2 Socio-Economic & Political Discrimination and Food Security
Various socio-economic factors and the functioning of markets determine
access to food and nutrition. It is believed that the biggest challenge
throughout the developing world is to reduce the differences in access to
food across geographical areas and social strata. If the poor find it
difficult to produce or purchase enough food, the lack of functioning
markets makes it doubly difficult. Access to food is also limited by
inefficient markets that are unable to supply sufficient quantities of
seasonal food in response to demand throughout the year. These market
failures exacerbate fluctuations in the price of food and affordability of
food for the poor (Sanchez, 2005:23).
Socio-political conditions affect malnutrition through inequality and
exclusionary practices that dis-empower groups such as women, children
(particularly girls), and ethnic minorities in many countries. Social
exclusion results in deprivation not just in food but also in a wide range
of basic services, including education and health. Box below presents the
classic case of Inequality and Hunger in Guatemala (Box 1.1).
Various factors, as mentioned in Guatemala, have led to a vicious circle
of poverty, deforestation, land degradation, and malnutrition. Rural
families have had to develop coping strategies, which in many cases have
allowed them to overcome food insecurity. But environmental, economic,
and other forces are undermining these strategies, particularly in areas
susceptible to drought, foods, and, recently, armed conflict. In South
Asian countries the slum-dwellers and the socially low people are the
victims of the caste and communal riots, which again push them to
economic vulnerability.
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Box 1.1
INEQUALITY AND HUNGER IN GUATEMALA
Guatemala has one of the highest rates of under-nourishment and underweight
children in Latin America. The high level of inequality found within the country
is directly related to food insecurity. Conditions affecting Guatemala include:
Of Guatemala’s population, 20 percent is rich and 80 percent is poor.
Less than 3 percent of the population owns 65 percent of the land.
The indigenous population accounts for about 60 percent of the total.
The rural population represents 60 percent of the total.
The agricultural sector accounts for 25 percent of GDP.
International commodity price fluctuations and the shift in commodities
produced have mainly affected poor peasants employed as day laborers.
Mechanized techniques used in sugarcane harvesting have reduced the need
for workers.
Nearly all the land redistributed under land tenure reform has been
returned to its former owners, the large landholders.
• Small-scale farmers tend to grow crops that deplete the natural resource
base with few resources to fertilize the land.
The diet of the rural population lacks variety and micronutrients, and
consists mainly of staple grains.
Women in the high plateau regions expend 700 calories each day, or a third
of their total calorie intake, fetching water and performing other household
chores.
Source: Gallardo 2001, quoted in ibid: 24.
At the intra-household level, data from South Asia demonstrates that
when there is discrimination in food intake between boys and girls, it is
largely in favour of boys. The inequalities in food intake for infants in
South Asia reflect cultural values and the different wages commanded by
male and female adults in the labour market. This type of gender-specific
exclusion from food consumption does not occur as frequently in SubSaharan Africa, in part because women are household heads in a larger
proportion of households. But different forms of social and political
exclusion in the region can have similarly negative impacts on food
security and nutritional status (Haddad et al., 1996).
19
There is a close relationship between malnutrition and the spread of
HIV/AIDS. Good nutrition is seen as an essential complement to the use
of antiretroviral drugs to slow the progression of HIV into full-blown AIDS
(Kadiyala and Gillespie 2003). Undernourished people infected with
HIV/AIDS develop the full symptoms of the disease more quickly than
people who are well fed. People suffering from the disease need good
nutrition to fight it off. Yet one of the earliest effects of AIDS is reduced
consumption of food in affected households (Drimie and Mullins, 2005).
HIV/AIDS
has
an
especially
devastating
effect
on
smallholder
agriculture, which remains the engine of economic development for the
poor in many developing countries. A study in Zambia found that 67
percent of extension workers interviewed had lost at least one coworker
to AIDS over a three-year period (Alleyne, Kapungwe, and Kamona 2001).
HIV/AIDS interacts with famines in a catastrophic fashion. In the past,
mortality from famines tended to be highest among the elderly, the very
young, the sick, and the weak. AIDS-related famines increasingly affect
young adults and more able-bodied members of society. This trend is
directly affecting to those left behindthe children and the elderly. The full
impact of such social disasters is still to be felt, but some societies are
already showing signs of collapse and inability to cope.
The political, social and economic instabilities cause major food
insecurity among the poorest among the poor. Since the lower rung
people are not even able to ensure the next meal in the normal situation,
they are the vulnerable groups in case of such instabilities. The other
causes of the major food insecurities are the natural calamities and
disasters. It was found that whenever any kind of calamity takes place
the poor and the marginal sections are the worst victims. And the
treatment shown to the Tsunami affected Dalits in South India was the
20
true picturisation of the so-called Secular India. The report of The Indian
Express (New Delhi, dated 7th January 2005) exposed the act of relief
work carried out by the voluntary agencies and government. Despite the
direct involvement of government, civil societies and international bodies
like UNICEF in the relief work the Dalits are denied the facilities. Dalits
are thrown out of relief camps, denied food, water and toilet facilities and
the government/public institutions were also closed for them to take
shelter. Even after more than five decades of India’s independence and
about fifty years of declaration of Universal Human Rights, certain
sections of the society are not treated as human beings. And the
government and other human rights groups have always hidden the fact
of caste/tribe discrimination in the country.
In the light of media reports about incidents of denial of relief to Dalits in
the wake of the tsunami disaster, it is realized that they have been
doubly hit by the disaster. Such caste-/community-based discrimination
in disbursing the relief materials during the Super Cyclone, Orissa and
Earth-quake of Gujarat exposed the authorities involved in this act.
2.3.3 The Social and Economic Costs of Hunger- Malnutrition
and Poor Nutrition
The children are the first and the worst victims of acute malnutrition
caused by extreme shocks such as natural calamities, communal riots,
famines and war. Acute malnutrition affects roughly 1 in 10 of the
hungry worldwide. Generally, most of the hungry suffer from chronic
malnutrition. It is estimated that chronic malnutritionranging from
severe, through moderate, to mildis linked to 54 percent of child deaths
worldwide, while acute malnutrition on its own accounts for roughly 10
percent (Pelletier and others 1995; UN SCN 2004). Most child deaths
21
linked to malnutrition are thus associated with its less visually dramatic
manifestations.
Malnutrition and hunger are the number one risk factor for illness
worldwide (WHO 2003b). For both children and adults, malnutrition
reduces the bodys natural defenses against most diseases. It is thus a
critical factor predisposing people to infection and disease progression.
Inadequate food consumption and malnutrition account for 7 of the 13
leading risk factors associated with the global burden of disease (WHO
2003b). Nutrition thus provides a broad platform for launching efforts to
reduce infection and chronic disease throughout the world.
Undernourishment in childhood is also associated with poor cognitive
development in children (Grantham-McGregor, Fernald, and Sethuraman
1999:53-99). It has been shown that reduced cognitive development,
especially in the first two years of life, results in lower productivity and
lifetime earnings potential (FAO 2003). Hunger carries both direct and
indirect economic costs. Its negative impact is dramatic in forgone GDP
per capita. For labor productivity alone, the annual losses are at least 6–
10 percent. Gains in productivity of this magnitude would be headline
news in any country—but they would be especially good news in
developing countries seeking to compete in the global economy. Iron
deficiency alone accounts for between 2 percent and 7 percent of forgone
GDP in the 10 developing countries with good estimates (Horton and
Ross, 2003:51-75).
The impacts of hunger on an individual’s labor productivity are
determined early in life. Malnourished infants tend to enter primary
school later and to drop out earlier. When in school, they tend to be less
able
to
learn
than
better-nourished
22
children.
The
Copenhagen
Consensus,
a
project
of
the
Danish
Institute
of
Environmental
Assessment, identified investment in supplying micronutrients as the
second most cost-effective of all the potential development interventions
included in its study, behind only a successful effort to tackle HIV/AIDS
(Copenhagen Consensus 2004). Addressing child malnutrition also came
in the top 10 “winners” in cost-benefit ratios. In the first “challenge
paper” to emerge from the work of the Copenhagen Consensus, the
preliminary results show that the economic benefits of reducing hunger
consistently outweigh the costs.
In a study for the FAO, Arcand (2001) demonstrated that, if developing
countries had raised nutritional standards to adequate levels in the last
half of the twentieth century, they would have improved human welfare
and raised the rate of economic growth. They suggest that it may be
possible, especially in low-income countries, to induce increases in GDP
growth rates by giving priority to investments reducing hunger (Sanchez,
2005:31-2).
Economic growth is usually necessary for sustained reductions in
hunger; it is not enough to eliminate hunger. Some developing countries,
such as India, have achieved high economic growth rates without
commensurate reductions in the incidence of hunger. Others have cut
hunger even when their growth has been sluggish, such as Cuba. A
study by Anand and Ravallion (1993)—cited by Smith and Haddad
(2000)—concluded that average income matters, but only insofar as it
reduces poverty and finances key social services (ibid: 32).
3. MAPPING OUT THE AREAS OF DISCRIMINATION AND
GEOGRAPHY OF HUNGER
3.1 Who are the Hungry?
23
The incidence of poverty in Asia, especially South Asian countries, is
high and apparently growing in relative, as well as absolute, terms. These
are the countries where the discrimination based on caste and ethnicity
is also rampant. So there is a close relationship between the areas of
discrimination and geography of hunger. The 2001 Human Development
Report ranked Nepal as 13th from the bottom of a list of 90 developing
countries, and almost 38% of the population falls below the ‘dollar a day‘
poverty threshold (UNDP 2001). Participatory poverty assessments among
rural communities across the developing world tend to identify poverty as
the most basic cause of food insecurity. In a relatively large-scale study
in Nepal, the three most-cited indicators of food security were access to
land (taking land quality into account), livestock ownership and having
skilled labour (Adhikari and Bohle 1999; quoted by Gill. References are
available
at
http://www.odi.org.uk/publications/working_papers/wp231/wp231_refe
rences.pdf). Government’s assessment is that the principal groups of
poor people are subsistence farmers, those of ‘occupational’ (i.e. the
lowest) castes, Dalits (oppressed groups), tribal communities and femaleheaded households (Gill: 7). The WFP has established that the following
variables ‘explain’ the poverty and food security status of households: (i)
literacy of the household head, (ii) proportion of household members who
are able-bodied, (iii) land ownership, (iv) access to irrigation, (v) tenancy
status, (vi) ownership of draught animals, (vii) ownership of other
animals, (viii) bonded labour households, and (ix) access to improved
drinking water. The same study established the caste differentiation
among communities; members of occupational and disadvantaged castes
were commonly included among the most food insecure. When remote
areas were compared with accessible ones, the former were regarded as
the more food insecure (Gill: pp.3-4).
24
Those who are susceptible to nutritional insecurity are the women,
particularly pregnant and lactating women. The women who look after
the kitchen are very commonly food-insecure, because they eat at the
end and sometimes the leftovers. They do not receive enough food to
cover their additional nutritional needs. The situation is critical during
the lean or hungry seasons. Iron Deficiency Anaemia (IDA) is by far the
most common nutritional problem in developing countries and the
women and girls are particularly susceptible to it. In 1998, the overall
prevalence of anaemia in Nepal among women of reproductive age was
68%, and the rates among pregnant women even higher (UNICEF 2003).
Gender inequality is one of main areas and sources of discrimination.
Women of all age groups have disproportionately higher rates of
malnutrition than men and are over represented among poor, illiterate,
and displaced people. Malnutrition among mothers has a direct negative
effect on the growth of children. Though women work longer hours than
men and carry primary responsibility for household chores, the wage
they get are 30 to 40 percent lower than those for men.
Children and elderly people are the most vulnerable groups affected by
poverty, hunger and malnutrition. The number of malnourished children
under five in the developing world rose from 168 million in 1975 to 184
million in 1990. Elderly people are disproportionately vulnerable to
hunger and malnutrition in both industrial and developing countries.
Elderly populations are growing everywhere as the life expectancy of
people have gone high, and with changing lifestyles and family
structures, the elderly in many countries are receiving less care from the
family.
HIV/AIDS is posing a major threat to the developing countries. They are
discriminated
everywhere.
HIV/AIDS
25
infection
severely
limits
the
capacity of people to work, with long-lasting damage to rural societies.
When the infection is passed from mother to child, it can leave a new
generation weak and without parental care. When children are orphaned,
the normal flow of practical farming knowledge from one generation to
another is inhibited. The labour available for agriculture and other
means of earning a living is dramatically reduced, leading to a decline in
production. Women, who often assume the major burden of care for the
sick and perform agricultural and other tasks, are severely affected and
disadvantaged. Women who have lost their husbands due to AIDS may
be unable to inherit land and other assets.
Casteism, Racism and Ethnocentrism have caused hunger, malnutrition,
and resource deprivation for the discriminated populations in worldwide.
In many countries, discrimination against one section by another has
locked the countries in civil war for decades. Both sides use food as a
weapon, and malnutrition rates are the highest ever documented in some
areas. In recent years million people have died from famine and disease.
In 1994, the United Nations estimated that 2.5 million Sudanese
required food aid.
3.2 The Geography of Hunger
Asia,
particularly
the
South
Asian
countries,
is
the
hub
of
discrimination. Poverty and hunger too is synonymous with these
regions.
Caste and ethnic problem supposed to be one of the major
reasons of underdevelopment and food insecurity. Nepal afflicted by the
caste issue and political turmoil, faces acute food insecurity, where the
children are major victims of it. More than a third of Nepalese children
are born with low birth-weight, i.e. below 2.5 kg, primarily a result of the
mother’s poor health and nutritional status, with most pregnant women
being malnourished and anaemic. Half of all young children in Nepal are
26
chronically malnourished, suffering from both low food intake and lack of
essential micronutrients in the diet. The number of undernourished
people in developing countries fell from 942 million in 1970 to 786
million in 1990 and from 36 percent to 20 percent of the population
(Figure
1).
The
disproportionately
poorest
in
and
Africa.
most
The
food-insecure
largest
number
of
people
are
chronically
undernourished people lives in the Asia-Pacific region, although the
number dropped from 762 million in 1970 to 540 million in 1990 (from
40 to 20 percent of the population). However, hunger remains especially
severe in South Asia. In Sub-Saharan Africa, the number of hungry
people rose from 94 million in 1970 to 175 million in 1990. Growing
poverty, debt, economic decline, poor terms of trade, rapid population
growth,
unfavorable
weather,
war,
unequal
distribution
and
governmental collapse have all contributed to the continent's food
problems. In the United States, there is relatively high prevalence of
hunger and food insecurity in certain states, where the Black population
is high.
But hunger in wealthy nations is neither as severe nor as
widespread as in developing countries (Cohen and Reeves, 1995: 4).
In India there is a close relationship between the caste and class. The
lower caste people belong to lower class. They are very much
discriminated in terms of accessing the power and position. These
discriminated
groups
geographically isolated.
are
not
only
isolated
socially
but
also
About 79 percent of the total poor people in
India are from 5 states- Orissa, West Bengal, Bihar, Uttar Pradesh and
Madhya Pradesh. The Dalits or the SCs and the STs constitute majority
in these states. Though there are no studies to substantiate the fact that
the poor people are the discriminated or lower caste. But it is a fact. The
Planning Commission has constituted a special cell for the KalahandiBalangir-Koraput (KBK) districts of Orissa, where the Dalits constitute
more than 50 percent.
27
The persistence of hunger in a world of plenty is the most profound
moral contradiction of our age. Nearly 800 million people in the
developing world (20 percent of the total population) are chronically
undernourished. At least 2 billion suffer from vitamin and mineral
deficiencies. Yet since the mid-1970s the world has produced enough
food to provide everyone with a minimally adequate diet.
Serious hunger persists in Sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia, where
the prevalence of human malnutrition remains high: 34 percent in Africa
and 23 percent in South Asia. In Sub-Saharan Africa, the total number
of hungry people climbs each year. Improved global governance is not an
efficient answer to the distinctive problems of these two regions, in part
because of their relatively weak connections to the international markets
28
and private investment flows that define modern globalization. Food
markets within South Asia are significantly disconnected from global
food markets, often as a matter of national policy. In pursuit of “selfsufficiency” the South Asian nations have restricted trade so much that
imports now satisfy only about 2
percent of their
total grain
consumption. Flows of foreign direct investment (FDI) into South Asia
have traditionally been restricted as well, so in 1998 they were still only
5 percent as large as FDI flows into Latin America and the Caribbean.
The modern forces of globalization remain surprisingly weak. Stronger
international governance of global markets and investments is therefore
unlikely to have a great impact on hunger in these regions. Global
governance in the area of international agricultural research is also quite
well developed, through the Consultative Group on International
Agricultural Research (CGIAR). The research centers of the CGIAR have
been operating for several decades now to generate scientific and
technical innovations usable by poor farmers in developing countries. At
the international level, this system has a strong record of performance;
unfortunately, the national agricultural research systems (NARS) of
many poor countries have not been supported or funded adequately by
their own governments to function as capable partners of the CGIAR
centres (Paarlberg, 2002:1).
4. COMMITMENTS AND INTERVENTIONS
4.1 Role of State, Civil Societies and International Bodies to Deal
with Discrimination and Food Insecurity
The Intergovernmental Working Group IGWG, composed of UN and Food
and
Agricultural
Organization
(FAO)
member
states
and
other
stakeholders including non-governmental and civil society organizations,
29
as a subsidiary body of the Committee on World Food Security (CFS) was
entrusted with the task to “elaborate a set of voluntary guidelines to
support the progressive realization of the right to adequate food in the
context
of
national
food
security”
(<http://www.fao.org/news
room/en/news/2004/51653/index.html>, [8 December 2004]) However,
even after three sessions (ended on 10 July 2004) it could not reach to a
consensus on the Voluntary Guidelines. The Voluntary Guidelines were
adopted
by
the
FAO
Council
on
23
November
2004
(<http://www.fian.org/fian/index.php?option=content&task=view&id=82
>, [4 December 2004]), the deliberations have been commented by the
participating
NGO/CSOs
as
“no
masterpiece
of
political
will”
(<http://www.foodgrainsbank.ca/downloads/no_materpiece_of_political_
will.pdf>, [8 December 2004]) and met with disappointment by the UN
Special Rapporteur on the Right to Food in his recent report to the
General Assembly (UN Doc. A/59/385 (2004), para 27).
From the beginning the Voluntary Guidelines was fraught with
controversy over “responsibilities related to international trade and
assistance” (UN Doc. A/59/385 (2004), para 29). A final agreement could
only be reached through the inclusion of a section on the “international
dimension
of
the
right
to
food”
(<http://www.ichrdd.ca/english/commdoc/publications/globalization/Fo
od/foodRightReportOct2003. html#oblig>, [4 December 2004]). In this
regard USA issued a statement, which states that, in its view, “the
attainment of any ‘right to adequate food’ or ‘fundamental freedom to be
free from hunger’ is a goal or aspiration […] that does not give rise to any
international obligations […]” (“Statement by the United States”, 23
September 2004, FAO Doc. CL 127/10-Sup.1, annex 2).
30
4.2 A Partnership Role for NGOs
When national governments—or donors—fail to provide basic public
goods, is it possible for NGOs to step in to do the job? In the area of rural
poverty reduction and food security, NGOs work best when they are
partnering with governments, rather than trying to replace them. If
governments are willing to invest in rural infrastructure, can NGOs
provide essential help mobilizing local participation in both the planning
and construction phases of rural road, water, or power projects? Local
participation is, usually, key to ensuring affordable maintenance and
successful management of public goods, through a greater sense of local
ownership. NGO participation can also help governments target their
public investments more effectively toward the poor. But in most cases
both the financial resources and the authority to act will have to come
from the public sector. NGOs are good at many things, but they have not
yet demonstrated an ability to keep or restore peace in divided societies,
and they have not been able, on their own, to establish the rule of law or
make significant investments in infrastructure and research. It was
national governments and donors, not NGOs that provided most of the
essential public goods that are now making rapid hunger reduction
possible in East Asia (Paarlber, 2002:2).
All the rights and freedom of individual become meaningless if the right
to food is not recognized as a fundamental right. It is a fact that the
hunger and malnutrition are painful realities today. But Global food
supplies have for many years been more than adequate to feed the
world's population. The problem can be sorted out if distribution of food
is given equal importance like the production and conservation of food.
The Governments of the countries world over failed to serve their citizens.
The right to food are unprotected and unfulfilled and there is no effort to
meet minimum obligations ‘to the maximum of available resources’. The
31
non-state
actors
can
very
well
fill
the
vacuum.
International
organizations are required to put constant pressure on the governments
to make them more accountable and sensitive towards the well being of
the poorer sections. Efforts should be made to make the food right a legal
right for every individual. The international community has for decades
struggled over creating a right to food for the individual, and over
defining it in legally enforceable terms.
More
than
hundred
international
declarations,
conventions,
and
resolutions since the beginning of the early twentieth century have been
addressing various issues relating to right to food. The World Food
Council met at Cairo in 1989 to assess effectiveness of current policies,
and propose specific action in a Programme of Cooperative Action,
besides reviewing global hunger after the World Food Conference of 1974.
The experts from various background met in Bellagio (Italy) to set
nutritional goals that included halving world hunger by the year 2000.
The United Nations set similar goals at the World Summit for Children of
1990. The UN International Conference on Nutrition in 1992 also set
forth a World Declaration and Plan of Action for Nutrition. And the
current international commitment is to achieve the 8 goals, popularly
known as UN Millennium Development Goals, by the year 2015.
Most major global conventions, even when not directly addressing food
and nutrition, have touched on this right. The 1992 Earth Summit set
targets for poverty reduction, health improvement, and improvement in
child nutrition as essential components in a sustainable future. The
International Conference on Population and Development in Cairo in
1994 named high child mortality, lack of health and sanitation, and
inadequate mother's health and nutrition as major problems in the
population debate.
32
The food insecurity has direct link with the employment and occupation.
The International Labour Organization Discrimination (Employment and
Occupation) Convention, 1958 (No. 111) calls on States to “eliminate
discrimination based on race ... national extraction or social origin”, in
the matter of employment or occupation.
The United Nations
Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization Convention against
Discrimination in Education of 1960 asserts the principle of nondiscrimination in education based on “race … national or social origin,
economic condition or birth”.
World society is striving to reduce the incidence of malnutrition and
increasing
global
food
insecurity.
Development
of
advanced
communication system and well-managed humanitarian assistance has
averted deaths due to natural disasters. The food security is better
understood today. It is no more a hard task to achieve nutritional
security or freedom from hunger at the country level. Freeing the world
from hunger, however, is still very much an unrealised dream. Of late,
the international community has set more modest, specific targets on
nutrition. These targets focus on (1) reducing vitamin and mineral
deficiencies, (2) reducing malnutrition among women and children, (3)
diminishing hunger in the poorest households, and (4) eliminating
deaths from famine. These new goals, such as halving world hunger by
the year 2000, are still unlikely to be attained. And each convention or
declaration is extending the year of achieving the target, by the time the
underlying determinants are also getting powerful.
The world’s political leaders have repeatedly committed to ending
hunger, but so far have fallen short of achieving this goal. As a
quantitative, time-bound goal—first adopted by the World Food Summit
(1996), reiterated at the Millennium Summit (2000), and reaffirmed at
the World Food Summit five years later (2002) and the World Summit on
33
Sustainable Development (2002)—the hunger Goal enjoys unprecedented
global political endorsement. The World Food Summit of 1996 outlined a
comprehensive Plan of Action to halve hunger by 2015 and established a
system for monitoring progress by the FAO Committee on World Food
Security. In addition, the Monterrey Consensus of 2002 promised
increased. Financing for development by both donor countries and
developing country governments. In 2003 the FAO’s Anti-Hunger
Programme identified priority actions to reach the hunger Goal through
investments in agriculture and rural development to enhance direct and
immediate access to food for the most seriously undernourished (FAO
2002a). Focusing on small farmers, the Anti-Hunger Programme aims to
create more opportunities for rural people, representing 70 percent of the
poor, to improve their livelihoods on a sustainable basis. This was
followed by the 2003 Maputo Declaration on Agriculture and Food
Security in Africa, which recommitted participants to increase their
investments in agriculture and rural development and called for
expanded official development assistance and debt relief (African Union
Assembly 2003).
4.3 International Trade in Food and Agriculture and Food
Security
Though there are efforts from the international agencies to make the
world a hunger free world. But they are succumbing to the pressure of
the developed countries and the international trade organizations like
WTO. The poor and helpless are given the hope in one hand and
snatched in another hand. The fate of the poor and developing countries
are in the hands of the developed countries. In the name of global
society/village the powerful few rule world market and take the decision
in their own interests. And the majorities even do not have their right to
34
shape their own future. WTO is dictating the developing countries to
scrap the subsidy in the agriculture and social sector.
At the 5th Ministerial Meeting of the World Trade Organisation in Cancun
the G-20 and -33 countries succeeded in impacting the negotiating
process by taking strong positions against the EU and the US. The post
Cancun developments, particularly the emergence of the Five Interested
Parties (FIPs) and the so-called consensus text of the July Framework
have been a huge setback. The presence of the Brazil and India in a
closed group like the FIPs that took decisions for the rest of the world
was unacceptable. But the very fact that G-20 has continued to exist
despite external pressures from the trade majors, on the one hand, and
internal diverging tendencies, on the other, was a positive development.
The G-20 and G-33 groups Meeting in March 2005 in New Delhi was an
important milestone in the run-up to the 6th Ministerial Meeting of the
World Trade Organisation (WTO) in Hong Kong (December 13-18,2005).
Decisions taken at this Ministerial meeting of key developing countries
have the potential to impact billions of people in the third world who
depend on agriculture for their livelihood. The process of integrating the
third world agriculture with the world agriculture market is proving
disastrous for poor and vulnerable peasantry. Thousands of farmers,
many of them among the world’s poorest people, have lost their
livelihoods as a result .The WTO’s Agreement on Agriculture (AoA) is
biased in favour of temperate-zone, large-scale, capital-intensive, exportoriented,
agribusiness-centered,
peasant-insensitive
and
mass-
livelihood-threatening agriculture. The working of the AoA over the last
few years has demonstrated this amply. The G-20 required to take a
clear position questioning this paradigm of AoA. Unless this is done, the
negotiating process will only result in minor and sectional gains at the
cost of the very survival of the overwhelming peasantry of the third
35
world. It is therefore crucial that negotiating positions must be fully
geared to the protection of the livelihoods of the masses of peasantry and
safeguarding peoples’ food sovereignty.
The Ministerial meeting of the G-20 and G-33 in New Delhi offers an
important opportunity for representatives of the agrarian communities,
social movements and other civil society groups in India to deliberate and
explore the possibility of putting forward a set of concrete proposals to
the G-20 and G-33 in the context of the process leading to the Hong
Kong Ministerial meeting.
Despite impressive gains in food production in recent decades, India is
the home of a large number of chronically undernourished children,
women, and men. A recent analysis of the reasons for food insecurity in
rural and urban India identified inadequate purchasing power as the
primary cause of under and malnutrition. This can be attributed to
inadequate employment and livelihood opportunities arising from high
population pressures on land and the slow growth rates of nonfarm
employment opportunities.
Despite the social support programs like Employment Guarantee
Scheme, the incidence of both endemic and hidden hunger remains high.
To meet the national goal of significantly reducing hunger by August 15,
2007, a National Food Security Summit, held in New Delhi in February
2004, proposed the following seven-point action plan (Swaminathan,
2004):
• Develop integrated life-cycle nutrition programs and increase programs
targeting adolescent girls, pregnant women, and children from ages 0–2.
• Expand the use of community grain banks based on local grains
(millets, pulses, and so on) to improve food security at the local level.
36
• Establish a food guarantee program combining the principles of
employment guarantee and food-for-work programs. Engender the foodfor-work program to expand women’s employment opportunities.
• Sustain, strengthen, and spread self-help groups by ensuring backward
linkages with technology and credit and forward linkages with markets.
• Enhance the productivity of cropping and farming systems through
packages of technology, services, and public policies.
• Promote a food-based approach to nutrition security through
widespread cultivation and consumption of vegetables, fruits, millets,
legumes, and tubers and by strengthening integrated production systems
of crops, livestock, and fish.
• Ensure access to clean drinking water, environmental hygiene, primary
health care, and elementary education.
5. TOWARDS FOOD SOVEREIGNTY
The world community has adequate knowledge and resources to
eliminate hunger. Putting these tools to work requires us to ground our
choices- small and large, individual and collective, political and
economic- in ethical values, including empowerment and justice,
stewardship of common resources for the common good, and affirmation
of diversity.
The world community has made significant progress in reducing the
incidence of malnutrition and increasing global food security. Energy,
protein, and micronutrient deficiencies have declined significantly. Early
warning systems and well-managed humanitarian assistance have
averted deaths from famine due to natural disaster. East Asia cut its
number of food-insecure people by 50 percent in two decades. The
factors that contribute to food security are today much better
understood, and it is now possible to define concrete goals along the way
37
to achieving nutritional security or freedom from hunger at the country
level. Freeing the world from hunger, however, is still very much an
unrealised dream. The UN Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), such
as halving world hunger by the year 2015, are still unlikely to be attained
if the discrimination on the ground of social strata, gender, ethnicity,
race, etc. is not taken into account in the distribution of food.
There is the need of strong political will to make policies that fight
hunger and favour a more equitable distribution of income a top
government priority. Popular movements and government policies in
Brazil, Zimbabwe, and Kerala (India) was successful to end hunger to
certain extent. In South Korea the government enacted public policies
that fostered economic growth accompanied by decreasing income
inequality.
To achieve the food security its social or environmental factors should be
taken into account and food should not be perceived only as a
commodity, or a source of nutrients for the body, or only a means of
alleviating hunger. A more localized food system is more environmentally
sustainable, helps build communities and enhances the local economy.
Thinking globally and acting locally has its limits in case of food security.
Despite globalization, most hunger today is still highly localized and
locally generated. Local problems such as poor rural infrastructure, little
access to health services or education, gender or ethnic or caste
discrimination, landlessness, governmental weakness or corruption, and
violent internal conflict, are problems difficult to address at the global
level. Most of these local problems must be corrected through improved
governmental performance at the national level, one state at a time. So
for the purpose of improving food security today, our first governance
motto should be “think locally, then act nationally.”
38
Despite the commitment of the world’s political leaders to ending hunger,
the hunger Goal enjoys unprecedented global political endorsement. The
challenge now is to translate widespread political support into concrete
action in the policy, institutional, and budgetary arenas. To bridge the
gap between commitment and results, the global community must
translate its promises into greater resource mobilization, heightened
public awareness, more participation in planning by the poor and
hungry, and greater policy coherence in areas that affect food security
and development.
The Task Force on Hunger puts forward the following positive
interventions to move from political commitment to action:
1. Advocate political action to meet intergovernmental agreements to
end hunger.
2. Strengthen the contribution of donor countries and national
governments to activities that combat hunger.
3. Improve global public awareness of hunger issues and strengthen
advocacy organizations.
4. Strengthen developing-country advocacy organizations that deal
with poverty reduction and hunger alleviation.
5. Strengthen data gathering and monitoring and evaluation.
To back up their commitments, countries at all stages of economic
development must address the structural issues (political, economic, and
social) that hamper progress toward eliminating hunger. Moving from
political commitment to long-term global action is critical to achieving
the hunger Goal. The world has made some progress in reducing hunger.
But achieving the hunger Goal will require a significant acceleration and
expansion of hunger reduction efforts, coupled with vigorous processes of
policy and institutional reform. Some developing countries—notably
India, China, Brazil, Ethiopia, and Sierra Leone—have already begun to
39
back up their commitments by refocusing their efforts to overcome
hunger.
Stronger political action to end hunger will require bold leadership,
energetic and well organized political advocacy, and clearly articulated
public demand. A combination of these elements is essential to mobilize
systematic planning, assure the long-term commitment of adequate
financial resources, improve institutions and policies, and develop
innovative
programming.
The
spread
of
democracy,
the
growing
recognition of food as a human right, and the increasing support for
antihunger advocacy groups and political leaders are helping to build the
momentum to achieve the hunger Goal. For example, hunger-affected
communities and local groups are doing more in hunger reduction
campaigns and calling for political action to raise the profile of hunger
and malnutrition on the political agenda.
40
6. REFERENCES:
Cohen, Marc J. and Don Reeves, "A 2020 Vision for Food, Agriculture,
and the Environment”, 2020 Vision Brief 19, May 1995.
Commission on Human Rights, Sub-Commission on the Promotion and
Protection of Human Rights, Fifty-Sixth Session, Item 5 of the
Provisional Agenda, 5 July 2004.
Drimie, Scott, and Dan Mullins, “Mainstreaming HIV and AIDS into
Livelihoods and Food Security Programmes: An Analysis of CARE
Malawi Programmes”, February 2005.
FAO Council, “Establishment of an Intergovernmental Working Group for
the Elaboration of a Set of Voluntary Guidelines to Support the
Progressive Realization of the Right to Adequate Food in the
Context of National Food Security”, FAO Doc. CL 123/22 (2002), at
<http://www.fao.org/docrep/meeting/005/y7576e.htm>,
[4
December 2004].
FAO Doc., “Statement by the United States”, 23 September 2004, CL
127/10-Sup.1, annexes 2.
Food First International Action Network, “Break-through for the Right to
Food
at
the
FAO”,
23
November
2004,
at
<http://www.fian.org/fian/index.php?option=content&task=view&
id=82>, [4 December 2004].
FAO Council, “Right to Food Guidelines”, 24 November 2004, at
<http://www.fao.org/news
room/en/news/2004/51653/index.html>, [8 December 2004].
“Establishment of an Intergovernmental Working Group”, FAO
Doc.
CL
123/22
(2002),
at
<http://www.fao.org/docrep/meeting/005/y7576e.htm>,
[4
December 2004].
Galtung, J., “Violence, Peace, and Peace Research”, Journal of Peace
Research, 6, no. 3 (1969).
Germann, Julian, International Norm Development and the ‘Right to
Food’ Discourse.
Gill, Gerard J.,
www.odi.org.uk/publications/working_papers/wp231/wp231_refe
rences.pdf
Goonesekere, Rajendra Kalidas Wimala, Working paper on Prevention of
Discrimination and Protection of Indigenous People and minorities,
UN Economic and Social Council, 14 June 2001.
Haddad, L., M. D. Westbrook, D. Driscoll, E. Payongayong, J. Rozen, and
M. Weeks. 1995. Strengthening Policy Analysis: Econometric Tests
Using Microcomputer Software. Microcomputers in Policy Research
2. Washington, D.C.: International Food Policy Research Institute.
Haddad, Lawrence, Christine Peña, Chizuru Nishida, Agnes Quisumbing,
and Alison Slack, Food Security and Nutrition Implications of
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Intrahousehold Bias: A Review of Literature Food Consumption
and Nutrition Division International Food Policy Research
Institute, Washington, D.C., 1996.
www.odi.org.uk/publications/working_papers/wp231/wp231_references
.pdf
IGWG NGO Caucus, “Final Evaluation: No Masterpiece of Political Will”,
10
July
2004,
available
at
<http://www.foodgrainsbank.ca/downloads/no_materpiece_of_poli
tical_will.pdf>
Paarlberg, Robert, Governance and Food Security in an Age of
Globalization, 2020 Brief 72 A 2020 Vision for Food, Agriculture,
and the Environment FEBRUARY 2002, International Food Policy
Research Institute, Washington, D.C., WEB: www.ifpri.org.
Sen, A., Poverty and Famines, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1981.
Swaminathan, M.S., Swaminathan, M.S. 2004. Personal communication
with UNESCO Chair of Ecotechnology and President of the M.S.
Swaminathan Research Foundation, 2004.
The Ontario Public Health Association (OPHA), a position paper,
November 2002.
Thomas, A., “Poverty, Development, and Hunger”, in J. Baylis and S.
Smith (eds), The Globalization of World Politics: An Introduction to
International Relations, 2nd ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press,
2001), p. 575.
UN Doc. A/59/385 (2004), para 27.
UN Doc., Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, “General
Comment 12: The Right to Adequate Food”, E/C.12/1999/5
(1999), para. 1, available at
<http://www.unhchr.ch/tbs/doc.nsf/(Symbol)/3d02758c707031d5
8025677f003b73b9?Opendocument>, [13 December 2004].
UN News Service, “Progress on Reducing Hunger Has Stopped, UN
Expert on Right to Food Says”, 30 March 2004, available at
<http://www.globalpolicy.org/socecon/hunger/2004/0330trade.h
tm>, [14 December 2004].
World Resources Institute “Population, Health and Human Well-being:
Nutrition: Calorie Supply Per Capita”, at
http://earthtrends.wri.org/searchable_db/index.cfm?action=select
_variable&theme=4 [14December 2004].
xxxxxx
42
Annexure- I
(Consultancy)
Contractual Agreement of Consultancy Services
This Agreement is made in duplication on 25 June 2005
Between
ActionAid Asia and Dr. Ramanath Nayak
Background and Objective: Food Rights is one of the key programmes of the ActionAid
Asia. The Food Rights have to be seen from the perspectives of poor and marginal,
especially from the perspective of discriminated, dalits and other excluded sections of
our society. The Asia region is trying to articulate the voices of discriminated and
excluded on the issues of food rights in the run up to the WTO Hong Kong Ministerial.
Thhe AAI in Asia is planning to have a regional consultation on this issue.
The Consultant will work on a perspective paper on ‘Discriminated, Dalits and Food
Security in Asia’
Task Duration: From 1 July 2005 to 31 July 2005.
Task Implementation Plan: The Consultant will first prepare a synopsis on this issue. The
consultant will prepare the first draft of the prespective paper and after getting the
comments, will finalise the paper.
Expected outcomes: 15-page perspective paper (footnotes, tables and references
excluding). This paper will be the basis for the regional consultation on this issue in
October 2005
Fees: Rs 22,000.
All fees related to this consultancy services will be transferred to the following
account:
Account Title: Ramanath Nayak
Account Number: 01190055997
Name Of the Bank: STATE BANK OF INDIA, J.N.U.
BRANCH, NEW DELHI- 110067
SWIFT Code Number: SBININBB548
The fees will be paid to the consultant in the following manner:
a) Rs 10,000 as advance on 1st July b) Rs 12,000 after the submission of the
paper on 7th July
43
Reporting: The consultant will report to Mukul Sharma, Asia Campaigns & Advocacy
Coordinator.
Copyrights Authority: ActionAid Asia will have the copyrights of any document,
publication, study and research.
Revision/Amendment: Any changes, revision, amendment to this agreement including
implementation plan, deliverables and time frame will have to be agreed by both parties
in writing (in the form of a letter) before making such changes/revision/amendments.
Travelling expenses: If consultant is required to travel outside of the duty station
specifically for the purpose of this task in that case ActionAid will bear the travelling
expenses of modest mode of transportation and also provide per diem to the consultant
as per ActionAid policies and procedures.
Tax: Settlement of any tax liability arising from this agreement will remain the
responsibility of the consultant.
Discontinuation of the Agreement: In the following cases ActionAid Asia will have the
right to discontinue this agreement:
Failure to implement the task (and in the absence of reasonable justification of
such failure) as agreed under this agreement.
Failure to deliver the agreed deliverables and failure to meet the timeframe as
agreed under this agreement
If such discontinuation happens, ActionAid Asia will have the right to stop paying
further fees.
This agreement has been read, understood and signed by:
Mukul Sharma
Name of the Regional Coordinator
Regional Coordinator-Campaigns & Advocacy
ActionAid Asia
Copy: Regional Finance Coordinator, ActionAid Asia
44
Dr. Ramanath Nayak
Name of the Consultant