Behind Closed Doors: An Exploration of Kinky Sexual Behaviors in Urban Lesbian and Bisexual Women

JOURNAL OF SEX RESEARCH, 46(5), 438–445, 2009 Copyright # The Society for the Scientific Study of Sexuality ISSN: 0022-4499 print=1559-8519 online DOI: 10.1080/00224490902754202 Behind Closed Doors: An Exploration of Kinky Sexual Behaviors in Urban Lesbian and Bisexual Women Julia C. Tomassilli Center for HIV/AIDS Educational Studies and Training, and Graduate Center of the City University of New York Sarit A. Golub Center for HIV/AIDS Educational Studies and Training; Graduate Center of the City University of New York; and Department of Psychology, Hunter College of the City University of New York David S. Bimbi LaGuardia Community College of the City University of New York Jeffrey T. Parsons Center for HIV/AIDS Educational Studies and Training; Graduate Center of the City University of New York; and Department of Psychology, Hunter College of the City University of New York This study of 347 urban, self-identified lesbian (n ¼ 289) and bisexual (n ¼ 58) women examined women’s engaging in 4 kinky sexual behaviors: bondage/domination, sadomasochism, photo/video exhibitionism, and asphyxiation/breath play. A cross-sectional, briefintercept survey was administered at 2 New York City gay, lesbian, and bisexual community events. Over 40% reported engaging in at least 1 of these behaviors, and 25% reported engaging in multiple behaviors. Bisexual women were more likely to have engaged in any kinky sexual behavior and photo/video exhibitionism. White women were more likely than women of color to have engaged in bondage/domination. Compared to older women, younger women were more likely to have engaged in photo/video exhibitionism and asphyxiation/breath play. Participants who were younger when they came out to others, and younger at their same-sex sexual debut, were more likely to have engaged in any and each of the behaviors compared to women who were older at those developmental events. Little empirical research has been reported on the sexual behaviors of lesbian and bisexual women in the realm of out-of-the-ordinary, unusual, or kinky sexual behaviors An earlier version of this article was presented at the 2005 World Congress of Sexology conference in Montréal, Canada (Bonét Bimbi, Tomassilli, & Parsons, 2005, July; abstract published in Journal of Sex Research, Special Issue: Scientific Abstracts, World Congress of Sexology 2005 [2006]). The Sex and Love v2.0 Project was supported by the Hunter College Center for HIV/AIDS Educational Studies and Training, under the direction of Jeffrey T. Parsons. We acknowledge the contributions of other members of the Sex and Love v2.0 Project research team: Gideon Feldstein, Catherine Holder, James Kelleher, Juline A. Koken, Joseph C. Punzalan, and Diane Tider. We thank Lorelei Bonét, Juline A. Koken, and José E. Nanı́n for their input and support. Correspondence should be addressed to Jeffrey T. Parsons, Department of Psychology, Hunter College of the City University of New York, 695 Park Ave., New York, NY 10065. E-mail: jeffrey. parsons@hunter.cuny.edu (e.g., Sandnabba, Santtila, & Nordling, 1999). The term kinky generally refers to the sexual behaviors of consenting adults that are viewed as ‘‘bizarre’’ or ‘‘unconventional’’ by most in society (e.g., Webster’s New World College Dictionary, 2006). Nichols (2006) defined kink more specifically as sexual activity involving one or more of the following characteristics: hierarchical power play involving domination and submission, role playing, pain or humiliation, bondage, sensory deprivation or confusion, use of non-sexual objects for sexual enhancement, and the fetishistic use of objects or practices. In the volume, Sexual Behavior in the Human Female (Kinsey, Pomeroy, Martin, & Gebhard, 1953=1966), the authors stated that 4% of women with masturbatory experience had fantasized about sadomasochistic activities during masturbation, and that 12% of women and 22% of men experienced arousal from sadomasochistic stories. Regarding other kinky sexual behaviors, KINKY SEXUAL BEHAVIORS the authors reported that object fetishism, voyeurism, and exhibitionism are almost solely male behaviors with few, if any, women receiving erotic stimulation from them. In a more recent nationwide survey of sexual attitudes and behaviors, Janus and Janus (1993) asked men and women about their personal experience with a number of kinky sexual behaviors. The most prevalent, sadomasochism (SM), was endorsed by 14% of men and 11% of women and was followed by dominance=bondage (11% for both), verbal humiliation (5% of men, 7% of women), and sexual play with urine (6% and 4%, respectively). Most empirical research on kinky sexual behaviors has examined people within the SM or BDSM (Bondage= Discipline=Domination=Submission=Sadomasochism) subcultures. In terms of demographics, these studies have found that sadomasochists are well-educated, have a higher income than the general population, and first began engaging in SM in their late teens or young adulthood (e.g., Moser & Levitt, 1987; Sandnabba et al., 1999). In addition, sadomasochists have been found to be satisfied with their engaging in SM, frequently engage in non-sadomasochistic sex, and are psychologically and socially well-adjusted (e.g., Connolly, 2006; Sandnabba et al., 1999). Researchers have written theoretically about women who engage in kinky sexual behaviors (Moser, 1988; Queen, 1996) and have recruited female samples for studies of SM or BDSM (e.g., Connolly, 2006; Matthews, 2006). These studies have found that women engage in SM and BDSM, became aware of their interests at a young age, are satisfied with their involvement in these behaviors, and report feelings of empowerment due to their engaging in them (e.g., Connolly, 2006; Matthews, 2006). Compared to the general population, women who engage in SM and BDSM are better educated, less likely to be married, and demonstrate no differences on measures of psychopathology (comparisons on psychopathology measures made with both published test norms and the 4th edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders–Text Revision [American Psychiatric Association, 2000] estimates for the general population; e.g., Connolly, 2006; Levitt, Moser, & Jamison, 1994). One limitation to this research is the fact that the samples are composed of those who identify as sadomasochists and who participate actively in the subculture (often engaging in semi-public behavior). Thus, the results are not generalizable to people who engage in sadomasochistic behaviors without a subcultural identity and affiliation (e.g., the leather scene, Weinberg, Williams, & Moser, 1984; sexual spanking, Plante, 2006), nor are they helpful in comparing women who engage in kinky sexual behaviors with those who do not. The majority of published studies are also limited by small sample sizes (possibly due to sampling bias) and have primarily investigated heterosexually identified women, which also limits generalizability, especially to sexual minority women. A few studies of lesbian and bisexual women’s sexuality and sexual health have tapped into the prevalence of SM in sexual minority female samples (e.g., Bailey, Farquhar, Owen, & Whittaker, 2003; Califia, 1979). Califia (1979) found that 12% of that sample wanted to try SM, 6% had tried it but did not like it, and 9% had tried it and considered it a good experience. Bailey et al. asked lesbian and bisexual women how often and with which gender of partner they had engaged in SM. They found 19% of women had occasionally engaged in such behaviors with women and 6% occasionally with men, whereas 5% and 2% engaged in it ‘‘often’’ with women and men, respectively. These studies demonstrate that some sexual minority women engage in SM, enjoy it, and engage in it with other women. However, available studies do not compare the women who engaged and those who did not on any psychosocial or sexual development variables, nor do they explore other facets of these women’s engaging in SM or potential relations with demographic or health variables. This study was designed to explore the prevalence of self-reported kinky sexual behaviors among a community-based sample of lesbian and bisexual women. Specifically, we asked participants if they had ever engaged in each of the following: . Bondage or domination: one partner being physi- cally restrained and controlled by another, often with little or no pain (when present, pain usually results from being bound), or a partner psychologically controlling the other (i.e., fantasy role-play centered on power dynamics) as sexual stimuli. . SM: physical or psychological suffering (i.e., humiliation) inflicted by one partner on another as sexual stimuli. . Photo or video exhibitionism: exposing oneself or performing a sexual act in front of a camera, as a sexual stimulus, alone or with a partner or partners. . Asphyxiation or breath play: the limiting, restricting, or controlling of an individual’s air supply for the purpose of sexual arousal or to enhance orgasm. Although bondage=domination is often better known separately as ‘‘bondage=discipline’’ and ‘‘dominance and submission,’’ we collapsed these terms due to space constraints, subsuming ‘‘discipline’’ and ‘‘submission’’ under ‘‘dominance.’’ Photo=video exhibitionism was included as recent technological developments, such as the Internet and low-cost digital cameras, have made engaging in this behavior readily accessible to many people. Asphyxiation=breath play was added as it has recently gained mass media attention in the news (with autoerotic asphyxiation deaths such as Michael 439 TOMASSILLI, GOLUB, BIMBI, AND PARSONS Hutchence, lead singer of INXS, in 1997), in television programs, and in movies. The challenge with researching SM is that any behavior (including the 3 others examined here) can be sadomasochistic if practiced within a self-defined sadomasochistic context, but individuals’ personal definitions of SM widely vary (Moser & Kleinplatz, 2006; Nordling, Sandnabba, Santilla, & Alison, 2006). For example, within the SM subculture, bondage is often considered a sadomasochistic behavior; therefore, a participant could have categorized a single act as both bondage=domination and SM and endorse both categories in our survey. In contrast, women unfamiliar with the SM subculture might associate SM with more dangerous or unusual behaviors and not categorize their engaging in bondage as sadomasochistic. In this study, we were interested in women’s subjective understanding of whether they had engaged in SM, regardless of the specific behaviors in which they had engaged. Women who engaged in SM would likely endorse bondage= domination, but women could endorse bondage= domination and not SM. The structure of questions in this way allows us to examine the other three behaviors without imposing a priori assumptions about them. In contrast to the majority of existing research, our sample allowed us to compare women who did and did not engage in kinky behavior on a host of demographics factors, including sexual identity and race or ethnicity. In addition, we explored differences in two developmental variables: age at which the woman came out to others and had her first same-sex experience. Method Participants and Procedures Data were collected through the Sex and Love v2.0 Project. Sex and Love utilizes a cross-sectional, briefintercept survey method (Miller, Wilder, Stillman, & Becker, 1997). This survey was administered to 400 women at two major gay, lesbian, and bisexual community events in New York City (NYC) in the Fall of 2003 and the Spring of 2004 (Frost, Parsons, & Nanin, 2007; Grov, Bimbi, Nanin & Parsons, 2006a, 2006b). For this analysis, 4 participants were excluded because they identified as heterosexual, and 3 participants were excluded because they were not biologically female (i.e., transgender, male-to-female [MTF]). Participants who did not answer questions about their engaging in the four kinky sexual behaviors were also excluded (n ¼ 46), resulting in a sample of 347 lesbian (n ¼ 289) and bisexual women (n ¼ 58). Sexual identity and gender were assessed with the following items: ‘‘Sexual identity (please check one): Lesbian=Gay, Bisexual, Heterosexual=Straight’’ and ‘‘Gender (please check one): Female, Trans–MTF, Trans–FTM [female-to-male].’’ For these analyses, 440 Latinas, African Americans, Asian or Pacific Islanders, and multiracial women were collapsed into one group labeled ‘‘women of color’’; however, the racial and ethnic breakdown of the sample is available in Table 1. At each of the 2 day-long events, the research team hosted a booth and approached every person who passed. The overall response rate was high, with 82% of those approached consenting to participate. Participants were given a clipboard and pen and counseled to step away from others and complete the questionnaire in relative privacy. Each survey took approximately 20 min to complete and, as an incentive, participants who completed the questionnaire were given a free movie ticket voucher. Measures To assess their engaging in kinky sexual behaviors, participants were asked to indicate whether they had ever engaged in any of the following in this order: bondage=domination, SM, photo=video exhibitionism, and asphyxiation=breath play. We did not provide definitions or distinctions between the different kinky behaviors due to space constraints. In the following analyses, a fifth dichotomous variable was created from participants’ answers to summarize whether participants had engaged in any of the four kinky sexual behaviors. Participants were asked for demographic information including age, sexual identity (lesbian, bisexual), relationship status (single—not dating, single—casually dating, partnered—not monogamous, and partnered— monogamous), income, education, and race and ethnicity. Race and relationship status were each condensed to two categories for the purposes of this analysis (White women and women of color; single and partnered). Participants were also asked to indicate at which age they first ‘‘told another person you were lesbian=bi’’ (age out to others) and ‘‘had a same-sex experience’’ (age at same-sex sexual debut). Results Demographics The 347 participants who comprise the sample for this analysis were self-identified lesbian and bisexual women, with demographics listed in Table 1. Compared to NYC’s general population, the women in this sample were similar in race or ethnicity (52% White in this sample vs. 48% in NYC), income (66% $30,000 or greater in this sample vs. 54% $35,000 or more in NYC), and more highly educated (63% with at least a bachelor of arts degree in this sample vs. 27% aged 25 years and older in NYC; U.S. Census Bureau, 2000). In comparison to other samples of lesbian and bisexual women in the United States, these women are generally more racially KINKY SEXUAL BEHAVIORS Table 1. Demographics Variable Sexual identity Lesbian Bisexual Race and ethnicity White Latina African American Other or mixed Asian or Pacific Islander Income $30,000 or less $30,001 to $70,000 $70,001 or more Not reported Education Less than a bachelor of arts Bachelor’s degree More then a bachelor of arts Not reported Relationship status Single Partnered Age Age out to others Age at same-sex sexual debut n % 289 58 83.3 16.7 182 66 59 31 9 52.4 19.0 17.0 8.9 2.6 110 173 55 9 31.7 49.9 15.9 2.6 127 112 107 1 36.6 32.3 30.8 0.3 140 270 40.3 59.7 M SD 33.60 21.12 19.78 9.93 6.57 6.48 and ethnically diverse but were similar in terms of other demographics (Kerker, Mostashari, & Thorpe, 2006; Matthews, Hughes, Osterman, & Kodl, 2005; Meyer, Rossano, Ellis, & Bradford, 2002; Roberts, Sorensen, Patsdaughter, & Grindel, 2000; Tracey & Junginger, 2007). Bisexually identified women (M ¼ 30.25, SD ¼ 9.19) were significantly younger than lesbian identified women (M ¼ 34.25, SD ¼ 9.95), t(343) ¼ 2.78, p < .01. Women of color reported being significantly younger when they came out to others (M ¼ 20.02, SD ¼ 5.46) and at their same-sex sexual debut (M ¼ 18.30, SD ¼ 5.39) compared to White women (M ¼ 22.09, SD ¼ 7.29 and M ¼ 21.05, SD ¼ 7.05, respectively), t(313.42) ¼
2.91, p < .01 and t(323) ¼
3.89, p < .001, respectively. Participants with greater incomes were older, F(2, 334) ¼ 35.07, p < .001; older when they came out to Table 2. Total Sample (%) Any kink Bondage=domination Photo=video exhibitionism Sadomasochism Asphyxiation=breath play p < .05.  Prevalence of Kinky Sex Behaviors and Differences by Demographics Prevalence rates of engaging in each and any kinky behaviors are presented in Table 2. Nearly one half of women had engaged in any kinky sexual behavior (n ¼ 152; 44%). Differences in prevalence of any and each behavior were assessed for all demographic variables. Bisexually identified women were 2.4 times more likely than lesbian identified women to have ever engaged in any kinky sexual behavior, v2(1, 347) ¼ 9.44, p < .01 (95% confidence interval [CI] ¼ 1.37–4.36); and were 2.9 times more likely than lesbian women to have ever engaged in photo=video exhibitionism, v2(1, 347) ¼ 12.30, p < .001 (95% CI ¼ 1.56–5.22; Table 2). When we controlled for photo=video exhibitionism, the difference in engaging in any kinky sexual behavior remained marginally significant, with bisexuals being 1.8 times more likely than lesbians to engage in any kink, v2(1, 347) ¼ 3.88, p < .05 (95% CI ¼ 1.00–3.11). White women were 1.6 times more likely than women of color to have engaged in bondage=domination, v2(1, 347) ¼ 3.93, p < .05 (95% CI ¼ 1.004–2.47; Table 2). There were no differences in kinky sexual behaviors by income, education, or relationship status. Clustering of Kinky Sex Behaviors Data on the clustering (i.e., co-occurrence) of sexual behaviors are presented in Table 3. Beyond simply examining the prevalence rates of engaging in multiple kinky sexual behaviors, we were interested in examining women’s subjective understanding of whether they had engaged in SM when they had engaged in the other behaviors examined. Over one half of the women who had Prevalence of Engaging in Kinky Sexual Behaviors Behavior  others, F(2, 312) ¼ 6.52, p < .01; and older when they had their same-sex sexual debut, F(2, 314) ¼ 9.14, p < .001. Those who obtained an education greater than a bachelor’s degree were older, F(2, 341) ¼ 5.01, p < .01; older when they came out to others, F(2, 320) ¼ 8.42, p < .001; and older at their same-sex sexual debut, F(2, 322) ¼ 8.66, p < .001, than those with less education. There were no significant differences by relationship status among the age variables. p < .01.  43.8 33.1 22.2 19.9 5.2 (n ¼ 152) (n ¼ 115) (n ¼ 77) (n ¼ 69) (n ¼ 18) Lesbians Versus Bisexuals (%) 40.1 31.5 18.7 18.7 5.2 (n ¼ 116) (n ¼ 91) (n ¼ 54) (n ¼ 54) (n ¼ 15) 62.1 (n ¼ 36) 41.4 (n ¼ 24) 39.7  (n ¼ 23) 25.9 (n ¼ 15) 5.2 (n ¼ 3) White Women Versus Women of Color (%) 43.4 (n ¼ 79) 37.9 (n ¼ 69) 18.7 (n ¼ 34) 21.4 (n ¼ 39) 3.8 (n ¼ 7) 44.2 27.9 26.1 18.2 6.7 (n ¼ 73) (n ¼ 46) (n ¼ 43) (n ¼ 30) (n ¼ 11) p < .001. 441 TOMASSILLI, GOLUB, BIMBI, AND PARSONS Table 3. Prevalence of Kinky Sexual Behavior Combinations Behavior n Entire Sample (%) Women Who Engaged in Any Kink (%) Women Who Engaged in That Kink (%) Only one Any combination Bondage=domination Only In combination Photo=video exhibitionism Only In combination Sadomasochism Only In combination Asphyxiation=breath play Only In combination 64 88 18.4 25.4 42.1 57.9 — — 35 80 10.1 23.1 23.0 52.6 30.4 69.6 24 53 6.9 15.3 15.8 34.9 31.2 68.8 4 65 1.2 18.7 2.6 42.8 5.8 94.2 1 17 0.3 4.9 0.7 11.2 5.6 94.4 others, age at same-sex sexual debut) are presented in Table 4. Women who engaged in any kinky sexual behavior were significantly younger than those who had not, t(343) ¼ 2.55, p ¼ .01; as were women who engaged in photo=video exhibitionism and asphyxiation=breath play, t(343) ¼ 3.21, p ¼ .001 and t(343) ¼ 2.00, p ¼ .05, respectively. Engaging in photo=video exhibitionism appears to be driving the significant difference by age for engaging in any kinky sexual behavior; controlling for photo=video exhibitionism, the difference in engaging in any kinky sexual behavior by age becomes nonsignificant, t(343) ¼ 1.25, p ¼ .21. Because both age and sexual identity were related to engaging in photo=video video exhibitionism, and these variables were also related to each other, we ran logistic regression analyses to examine their differential impact on behavior. Controlling for the other, both sexual identity and age independently contributed to engaging in photo=video engaged in any of the kinky sexual behaviors reported never engaging in SM (n ¼ 83; 55%). Breaking it down by behaviors reveals that 58% (n ¼ 45) of the women who engaged in photo=video exhibitionism, one half of the women who engaged in bondage=domination (n ¼ 56; 49%), and one third of the women who engaged in asphyxiation=breath play (n ¼ 6; 33%) reported never engaging in SM. Of the women who reported engaging in SM (n ¼ 69), 10 (15%) had never engaged in bondage=domination, 37 (54%) had never engaged in photo=video exhibitionism, and 57 (83%) had never engaged in asphyxiation=breath play. Differences in Kinky Sex by Age, Age Came Out to Others, and Age at Same-Sex Sexual Debut Differences in engaging in kinky sexual behaviors by each of the three age variables (current age, age out to Table 4. Age Variables by Engaging in Kinky Sexual Behavior Age Behavior Any kink Yes No Bondage=domination Yes No Photo=video exhibitionism Yes No Sadomasochism Yes No Asphyxiation=breath play Yes No  p  .05. 442  p  .01.  p  .001. Age Out to Others M SD Age at Same-Sex Sexual Debut M SD M SD 32.07 34.80 9.12 10.39 19.38 22.51 5.55 6.99 18.20 21.07 5.22 7.11 33.03 33.88 9.30 10.24 19.28 22.07 5.59 6.84 18.37 20.52 5.02 7.02 30.44 34.50 8.96 10.03 19.34 21.64 6.33 6.56 17.20 20.54 5.17 6.64 34.49 33.49 9.59 10.03 19.56 21.51 5.91 6.68 18.22 20.17 4.48 6.84 29.06 33.85 8.89 9.94 17.75 21.30 4.70 6.61 16.25 19.96 4.60 6.51 KINKY SEXUAL BEHAVIORS exhibitionism, with each variable accounting for approximately 4% of variance: full model, v2(1,345) ¼ 19.90, p < .001. The age at which women had come out to others was significant for each and any of the kinky sexual behaviors (Table 4). Those who engaged in any kinky sexual behavior came out to others at a younger age compared to those who had not, t(321) ¼ 4.48, p < .001, as did those who engaged in bondage=domination, t(262.11) ¼ 3.93, p < .001; photo=video exhibitionism, t(321) ¼ 2.65, p < .01; SM, t(321) ¼ 2.13, p < .05; and asphyxiation=breath play, t(321) ¼ 2.12, p < .05. Women’s age at their same-sex sexual debut was also significant for each and any of the kinky sexual behaviors (Table 4). Women who engaged in any kinky behavior were significantly younger at their same-sex sexual debut than those who had not, t(319.60) ¼ 4.19, p < .001, as were the women who had engaged in bondage=domination, t(294.06) ¼ 3.19, p < .01; photo= video exhibitionism, t(323) ¼ 3.98, p < .001; SM, t(147.70) ¼ 2.79, p < .01; and asphyxiation=breath play, t(323) ¼ 2.25, p < .05. For all of the kinky sexual behaviors, we calculated years of same-sex sexual experience (age minus age at same-sex sexual debut), and post hoc t tests revealed only one significant difference; those who engaged in SM had been same-sex sexually active for more years than those who had not, t(321) ¼
2.10, p < .05 (M ¼ 15.71, SD ¼ 10.09 and M ¼ 12.96, SD ¼ 9.23, respectively), suggesting that years of same-sex sexual activity may be responsible for the association between age at same-sex sexual debut and SM. Discussion This study represents one of the first descriptive accounts of the prevalence of kinky sexual behaviors among a community-based sample of lesbian and bisexual women. This is especially true for our examination of the relations between engaging in kinky sexual behaviors and demographic or developmental factors. Because we measured the prevalence of these behaviors in a community-based sample, as opposed to a subculture sample, we were able to compare those who did and did not report engaging in kinky behaviors. As noted earlier, most studies examine specific kinky behavior-oriented samples and, therefore, cannot look at differences between engagers and non-engagers or differences between types of kinky sexual behaviors. Understanding the various sexual behaviors in which women engage—especially with other women—is important in understanding lesbians’ and bisexual women’s sexual health and development. In this study, more than 40% of women reported engaging in at least one kinky sexual behavior, and most of them had engaged in more than one, demonstrating that kinky sexual behaviors are not unusual for some lesbian and bisexual women. The women in this study did report engaging in bondage=domination, photo=video exhibitionism, and asphyxiation=breath play without also reporting engaging in SM. This is an especially important finding in regards to bondage=domination, and possibly asphyxiation=breath play, which are often considered sadomasochistic. With one half of the women who had engaged in bondage=domination, and one third of the women who had engaged in asphyxiation=breath play reporting not engaging in SM, our data suggest that women consider these behaviors as both separate from and part of SM. Our study revealed some notable differences in engaging in kinky sexual behaviors by sexual identity and race. Bisexual women were more likely than lesbians to have engaged in any of the kinky sexual behaviors and to have engaged in photo=video exhibitionism specifically. This difference could be attributed to a greater likelihood of engaging in kinky behaviors with male (compared to female) partners, or may simply reflect a preference for variety in bisexual women’s sexuality. This difference emphasizes the need to further examine what sexual behaviors women are engaging in and with whom. For example, do women engage in different behaviors with male and female partners? What roles do women take on when engaging in these behaviors (active vs. receptive; e.g., tying up a partner vs. being bound), and does that role differ with partner gender? With regard to race, White women were more likely to engage in bondage=domination compared to women of color, but there were no other differences by race. It is possible that by collapsing many different racial and ethnic differences into one group, we may have masked any potential differences that may exist for other behaviors. In addition, we found some interesting relations between engaging in kinky sexual behaviors and age, age women came out to others, and age of their samesex sexual debut. Aside from SM, these data suggest that age and age at same-sex sexual debut are related to kinky sexual behaviors, and that years of same-sex sexual experience may be a function of these two variables, but is not responsible for these associations. Women who engaged in any kinky sexual behavior, photo= video exhibitionism, and asphyxiation=breath play were significantly younger than those who had not. Historically, it has been the stance of some feminists and lesbians that many kinky sexual behaviors are a patriarchal practice of male domination, and female practitioners of such behaviors are unwanted in those political and social circles (e.g., Califia, 2000). However, with the increased visibility and acceptance of groups, such as the Lesbian Sex Mafia and the Exiles, some younger lesbian and bisexual women in the United 443 TOMASSILLI, GOLUB, BIMBI, AND PARSONS States may be more likely to explore their interest in kinky sexual behaviors than their older counterparts. Because recent technological developments, such as the Internet and digital cameras, have made photo=video exhibitionism readily accessible to people, younger women may have greater comfort with or knowledge of this technology. Regarding asphyxiation=breath play, recent mass media attention may make this behavior better known and less taboo among younger women. Women who were younger when they first came out or younger when they had their same-sex sexual debut were more likely to report engaging in kinky behaviors. One explanation of the significant same-sex sexual debut findings is that years of sexual experience predicts kinky sexual behavior, as the more years an individual has been sexually active, the more opportunities they have had to engage in kinky sex. However, this hypothesis is only relevant when age and age at same-sex sexual debut are significant in opposite directions (e.g., older women with younger ages of same-sex sexual debut). Because this pattern was not found, it seems unlikely that sexual experience is the true determinant of kinky sexual behaviors. Several limitations of this study bear mention. This study presents descriptive, cross-sectional data, which limits our interpretation of results. In addition, the generalizability of our findings is limited by our recruitment procedures; this sample was also limited to those individuals who could afford admission (or could acquire free or discount tickets) for, and felt comfortable attending, lesbian-, gay- or bisexual-identified events. The data were self-reported and the survey completed in public areas on clipboards, which could increase likelihood of socially desirable responses and result in underreporting of kinky behaviors. Another potential limitation to the study is that we did not ask women about the entire range of specific behaviors that might be considered kinky (e.g., fisting, gagging, fetishes). Perhaps most important, our survey did not explicitly define the kinky behaviors, which can lead to underreporting and other biases. Further, these behaviors are not mutually exclusive; we understand that SM is a subjective label for a range of practices (rather than specific behaviors). Some of the overlap in our cluster findings may be due to participants who engaged in the other behaviors examined and considered these behaviors as SM, whereas other participants did not. Given the design of this study, we are unable to tease apart these effects. Future research might address the roles of age for the first experience of each kinky sexual behavior, directionality of behavior (i.e., active vs. receptive; e.g., tying up a partner vs. being bound), partners’ gender, and age of first sexual experience with men. Future research should explore a greater range of specific, kinky sexual behaviors. An examination of which safety philosophies or techniques lesbian and bisexual women follow, if any, and for which behaviors, would greatly increase understanding 444 of these behaviors (e.g., ‘‘Safe, Sane, Consensual’’; Brame, Brame, & Jacobs, 1993; Matthews, 2006). 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